Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Capstone Transparency C1
Capstone Transparency C1
Capstone Transparency C1
Aaron Tyler
University of Wisconsin-Oshkosh
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 2
Abstract
Transparency and trust have been the subjects of countless studies. Too little transparency results
in decreased trust. Too much transparency can also lead to decreased trust. It is then clear that
the construct of transparency, and its relationship to trust, is incredibly complex. An emerging
avenue of study in this complex relationship is what role information and communication
technology (ICT) play in promoting transparency. Government websites, a form of ICTs, have
content analysis of 49 Wisconsin city websites, this paper will examine how transparent these
cities in Wisconsin are. This assessment will be based upon literature supported dimensions
Implications for city or other government officials will be discussed with an eye towards
improving the transparency of the website while also noting areas of strength and weakness.
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 3
government among other essential functions (Bertot, Jaeger, & Grimes, 2012; Borry, 2012; Song
& Lee, 2016; Tolbert & Mossberger, 2006). Of these essential elements, this paper is primarily
concerned with transparency’s potential to increase trust in government. Trust in government has
been a concern in the field of public administration for decades. Trust in government is critical
for numerous reasons. Declining trust is associated with declining public participation.
Ultimately, trust lends legitimacy to the political system and promotes compliance with
Yet the construct of transparency, and its relationship to trust in government, is incredibly
complex. Grimmelikhuijsen (2012) notes that transparency is, generally, thought to be a key
component to the trust in government conundrum, but argues expectations should be tempered
regarding what transparency can actually accomplish. Similarly, Kettl (2017) describes the
complexity of transparency and asserts that “full” transparency can actually undermine trust (p.
62). While transparency is no “silver bullet” to the problem of declining trust in government, the
link between transparency and trust is inescapable. New areas of the transparency-trust dynamic
offer a compelling avenue of study which this paper will seek to contribute to.
and their constituents have changed drastically (Armstrong, 2011; Hong, 2013; Pollitt, 2016).
transparency can be strengthened. In turn, this may increase trust in government. Tolbert and
Mossberger (2006) found that the more information that appears on government websites, trust
in government leaders generally increases. Building upon the work of Armstrong (2011), Harder
and Jordan (2013) and Huang (2006), this paper extends the ICT-transparency literature to an
understudied area: local government websites. The aforementioned studies have indeed focused
websites remains sparse. This is despite local government having the most intimate and
influential relationship with citizens. Simply stated, the purpose of this paper is to gauge how
transparent Wisconsin city websites are. The results of this paper and subsequent discussion will
have substantial implications for Wisconsin’s city leaders or other government officials.
This paper contains a literature review examining the complex construct of transparency
and its role in government with an emphasis on the role of ICTs. The literature review also
provides the foundation for the paper’s transparency scorecard. To assess the transparency of the
city websites, the study utilizes a content analysis focusing on literature supported transparency
scorecard will be provided for each city. Lastly, this paper contains a discussion of the relevancy
and importance of the topic area, in addition to future recommendations for research.
Literature Review
Transparency and its potential to improve governance has been a hot topic for academics
and practitioners in recent years. That is to say, literature is not lacking on the construct of
transparency. A present focus in the literature is what role government employed ICTs can play
Government use of ICTs is now widespread, but there are uncertainties as to ICTs relationship
with transparency and their potential benefits. Government websites have been thought of as a
means to bolster transparency and by extension trust in government (Tolbert & Mossberger,
2006). As such, what constitutes a transparent government website must be explored. The
purpose of this literature review is three-fold. The first purpose is to broadly examine and
provide understanding on the construct of transparency and its role in government. Second, to
explore the relationship between transparency and ICTs. Lastly, to identify and discuss the
Methodology
Methodology utilized by this literature review contains three elements. The inclusion of
works is based on three distinct criteria. The search methods employed were limited to Google
Scholar and databases provided by the Polk Library of the University of Wisconsin-Oshkosh.
The results of these searches are then discussed. Lastly, the supplemental sources are examined.
The works selected for inclusion in this literature review are based upon the following
criteria (1) written in English, (2) peer reviewed, (3) the subject matter of the work pertains to
A literature search was undertaken in March 2019 using Google Scholar and the
ABI/INFORM Collection database provided by the Polk Library of the University of Wisconsin-
Oshkosh. The search used the terms, or combination of terms, “transparency in government
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websites”, “government website content analysis”. These results were assessed and reduced
based on their relevancy and content. The selected works were the ones that best encompassed
Supplemental Searches
to provide contextual clarity and background. Notably, works by Guy and Ely (in press), Kettl
Understanding Transparency
The construct of transparency and the ways transparency promotes good governance are
complex. Even defining transparency is no simple task. Part of the issue in defining transparency
is the malleability of the concept. To put another way, transparency can mean all things to all
people (Fox, 2007). As such, multiple concepts and definitions of transparency as it pertains to
government have been proposed. For the purposes of this paper, the definition of transparency
organization or actor which allows external actors to monitor the internal workings or
Transparency has been the focus of several prominent legislative initiatives. The first of
these initiatives was the Administrative Procedure Act of 1946 (APA) (Borry, 2012; Harder &
Jordan, 2013; Piotrowski & Van Ryzin, 2007). The APA requires government agencies to
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 7
provide public notice of proposed rule changes to allow for comments from the general public
(Borry, 2012; Harder & Jordan, 2013). Perhaps the most famous of transparency related
legislation is the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) of 1966. The FOIA was implemented
partly due to the APA allowing agencies too much discretion in withholding information from
the public (Harder & Jordan, 2013). The FOIA requires federal level agencies and departments to
release public documents upon being requested (Borry, 2012). Another prominent piece of
transparency legislation was the Government in the Sunshine Act of 1976 (GSA). The GSA
requires federal agencies to hold meetings publicly (Borry, 2012). Borry (2012) notes that every
Updates to FOIA or other similar legislation have occurred and continue to occur as
technology advances. For instance, the 1996 e-FOIA amendments made it so federal agencies
must make specific types of documents obtainable online (Borry, 2012). More recently, was the
directive issued by President Obama in 2009. The Obama administration’s “Transparency and
Open Government” directive’s purpose was three-fold. Executive level agencies and departments
were to increase participation, collaboration and transparency by, in part, harnessing new
technologies (Borry, 2012; Guy & Ely, in press; Harder & Jordan, 2013). As demonstrated by
the lengthy history and evolution of legislation, transparency, or the goal of attaining it, will be
Process of Transparency
devoted to the process of it. Fox (2007) identifies two varieties of transparency: fuzzy and clear.
Fuzzy transparency refers to the indirect opposition of transparency by only providing unclear
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information. Fuzzy transparency then does not accurately reveal how an entity practices or
makes decisions, but rather relies on disseminating information only nominally. Clear
entities’ performance, responsibilities or behavior. Similarly, Kosack and Fung (2014) identified
four varieties of transparency. The first of these varieties, “freedom of information” legislation,
is relatively straightforward. Such legislation makes it a right of a citizen to ask for information
while obligating governments to grant that information or explain why it cannot. This is thought
to help promote citizens ability to govern themselves democratically. The second variety is
transparency for accountability (T/A). The T/A variety can best be thought of as an informational
disclosure with the intent of creating tangible improvements in public services. The final two
varieties of transparency, responsible corporate behavior and regulatory transparency, differ from
can be attained. Fox (2007) contributes to the understanding of transparency by noting two broad
pathways: proactive dissemination and demand driven access. Proactive dissemination meaning
the information made public by a government pertaining to its performance and activities (p.
665). Demand driven access is the organizational obligation to respond to specific requests for
The first of the five proposed pathways is the requestor model. As its name would
suggest, the requestor model refers to a citizens’ request for public documents, be that formally
or informally. Like Fox (2007), Piotrowski’s (as cited in Borry, 2012) second pathway is
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 9
proactive dissemination. While largely the same as Fox’s explanation of proactive dissemination,
Piotrowski notes this occurs when governments disclose information unprompted and that local
information. Next, is the pathway of open public meetings. Such meetings are considered to be
mechanisms of transparency due to their two-way information flow and the ability for citizens to
observe the workings of the government. The previous pathways were more formal in nature
compared to the next two pathways. Whistleblower releases is designed for the purpose of
individuals frequently inside the offending organization with intimate knowledge of its workings
(Bok, as cited in Borry, 2012). Similar to whistleblower releases, is leaks. The purpose of leaks
is largely the same as whistleblower releases, but leaks are more clandestine in nature.
Principal-Agent Theory
asymmetry. The “agents”, in this instance government actors, know what they are doing at all
times. Conversely, the “principals” or the public, decidedly does not. The government is not
meant to be an independent actor pursing their own interests (Florini, 2002; Harder & Jordan,
2013). Rather, the agent is meant to act on behalf of the principal and in the principal’s interest
(Florini, 2002; Harder & Jordan, 2013). According to Harder and Jordan (2013), transparency is
a critical means of reducing asymmetry which is necessary to guarantee the advancement of the
public interest. Simply stated, transparency allows principals a better understanding of what
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 10
agents are actually doing. But the efficacy of transparency to mitigate this information
Despite legislation and other efforts to promote it, transparency remains misunderstood
and at times, a misapplied concept. It is a complex construct with limitations. Some of the
studies that found these limitations will be discussed at length in subsequent sections of the
literature review, but the present section will focus on the complexities of transparency as noted
by Kettl (2017).
In his book Can Governments Earn our Trust?, Kettl (2017) discusses five reasons
transparency may fall short in meeting its intuitive appeal. Kettl’s first critique stems from
governmental transparency simply being a product of FOIA and GSA style laws. Transparency
would be out of obligation to the law rather than an actual commitment to openness. In turn, the
public views this brand of “transparency” as being nominal. Next, Kettl describes how
transparency often clashes with other forces, namely, political considerations. Being fully
transparent can harm a governmental organization that is fighting with other organizations for
resources while simultaneously attempting to carry favor with politicians (p. 58).
Kettl’s third and fourth discussion on the complexities of transparency center on the
transparency-trust dynamic. Kettl notes studies that indicate increased transparency can actually
lead to a decline in trust in government. Similarly, the notion of increased transparency leading
to increased trust is dependent on cultural views on the construct of trust. Finally, he points out
the “sausage-making” issue of transparency. If the public sees behind the proverbial curtain as to
how laws are made and how the government goes about its business, the public is better able to
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 11
see the less than appealing aspects of the process, something Kettl refers to as “warts and
blemishes” (p. 60). This is exacerbated by media that has multiple platforms requiring
continuous content which frequently promotes stories on fraud, abuse and waste by the
government. Kettl astutely concludes, “Transparency, in fact, is just as slippery and difficult an
Transparency in Government
The value of governmental transparency centers on four broad concepts. First, is the idea
that transparency is critical to holding the government accountable (Borry, 2012; da Cruz,
Tavares, Marques, Jorge, & de Sousa, 2016; Kosack & Fung, 2014; Florini, 2002; Fox, 2007;
Harder & Jordan, 2013; Islam, 2006; Piotrowski & Van Ryzin, 2007; Song & Lee, 2016).
Second, transparency is thought to increase citizen engagement and participation (Borry, 2012;
Bertot et al., 2012; da Cruz et al., 2016; Guy and Ely, in press; Harder & Jordan, 2013; Hong,
2013; Kim & Lee, 2012; Piotrowski & Van Ryzin, 2007; Pollitt, 2016). Transparency is also
thought to act as a deterrent or spotlight on corruption or other related unethical activities (Borry,
2012; Bertot, Jaeger, & Grimes, 2010; Bertot et al., 2012; da Cruz et al., 2016; Fox, 2007;
Harder & Jordan, 2013; Grimmelikhuijsen, 2009; Kosack & Fung, 2014; Porumbescu, 2017).
Finally, transparency, through various mechanisms or means, is purported to increase public trust
in government (Bertot el al., 2010; Bertot et al., 2012; da Cruz et al., 2016; Grimmelikhuijsen,
2009; Grimmelikhuijsen, 2012; Kettl, 2017; Kim & Lee, 2012; Porumbescu, 2017; Song & Lee,
2016). To sum up, transparency has been cited by policy makers and several scholars as being
the panacea for good governance (Florini, 2002; Grimmelikhuijsen, 2009; Islam, 2006). But
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 12
literature also suggests that transparency’s effects, particularly in relation to trust, need to be
Relationship to Trust
Both transparency and trust are “difficult” concepts. The relationship between these two
healthy democracy. Trust in government can be defined as a term that is used to describe the
extent to which individuals have confidence in public institutions to operate in their, and
societies, best interests (Kim & Lee, 2012; Sharoni, 2012). Trust is associated with promoting
legitimacy in the representative political system, encouraging compliance with the law and
greater use of governmental services along with other benefits (Sharoni, 2012; Tolbert &
Mossberger, 2006). But trust in government is not the norm. Tolbert and Mossberger (2006)
note, trust in government has been persistently low since the 1960s with short-term fluctuations.
Transparency is often cited as an aspect and means to promote trust (Bertot et al., 2010;
Bertot et al., 2012; Grimmelikhuijsen, 2012; Kettl, 2017; Kim & Lee, 2012; Porumbescu,
2017; Song & Lee, 2016). Literature is mixed in this regard and largely supports Kettl’s (2017)
Grimmelikhuijsen (2016), the mixed results pertaining to the link between transparency and trust
circumstances matter on the effects of transparency. Specifically, cultural values, the type of
policy issues at stake, existing attitudes towards government, the form of government and the
Kettl, 2017; Piotrowski & Van Ryzin, 2007). Cucciniello et al. (2016) conclude, “…the effects
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 13
of transparency are very much a product of the environment in which they are implemented” (p.
41).
ICTs
ICTs (e.g., government websites, government social media) allow the information
provided by the government to be delivered more effectively and efficiently as it reaches a wider
group of citizens at a comparatively low cost with fewer spatial and temporal restrictions (Hong,
2013). More broadly, ICTs hold the potential to facilitate citizen-government interactions and
communication, a cornerstone of democracy (Bertot et al., 2012; Hong, 2013). The benefits and
The classifications provided by the United Nations (2012) survey on governmental online
services helps conceptualize the stages of ICTs, specifically, government websites. Those
transactional services and connected services (p. 11). Emerging information services are basic
information, newsletters) (United Nations, 2012). Enhanced information services pertain to more
video clips) (United Nations, 2012). Transactional services are both financial and non-financial
in nature (e.g., filing taxes, paying fines, applying for permits) (United Nations, 2012). Lastly,
connected services center on two-way communication between citizens and the government as
well as interactive tools (e.g., online surveys, e-petitions, Q&A sessions) (Hong, 2013; United
Nations, 2012).
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 14
of as a vehicle to increase trust in government (da Cruz et al., 2016). One of these newer vehicles
is government associated social media. Bertot et al. (2010) and Bertot et al. (2012) highlighted
the unique opportunity social media has in promoting transparency. Song and Lee’s (2016)
study, using transparency as the mediating variable, linked the use of ICTs to trust in
government. Song and Lee established that usage of social media is positively associated with
perceived effects of social media in terms of government transparency. In turn, this is then
positively associated with trust in government. However, the direct relationship between the
public’s use of government social media and their trust in government was not significant.
Porumbescu (2016) examined how citizens’ use of public sector social media relates to their
view of public sector trustworthiness. Use of public sector social media was found to be
(2016) concluded that social media could be more effective at improving relationships between
Government websites offer an information flow to the public. Websites allow the public to view
the agenda and political process of the government more clearly (Harder & Jordan, 2013). Yet
not all governments and their citizens experience these benefits. Adoption of websites by the
government exists, in varying degrees, on all administrative levels. Local governments have been
the slowest to adopt websites and there is wide range in the maturity of stages (Huang, 2006;
Wirtz & Kurtz, 2016). Huang (2006) goes a step further and found local websites trail well
behind their state or federal counterparts. In their content analysis on county government
websites in Arkansas, Harder and Jordan (2013) found many sites did not surpass the most basic
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 15
informational stage. Huang (2006) came to very similar results in their content analysis of county
websites and concluded transactional services, connected services and enhanced information
were generally at low levels. Even between large cities there is a wide gulf in websites. Wirtz
and Kirtz (2016) compared the websites of Hong Kong, Berlin, London, New York and Mainz
services.
Harder and Jordan’s (2013) literature review found the benefits associated with ICTs,
namely cost-savings and enhanced government-public relations, may not be realized at the local
level due to resource constraints, political factors, organizational factors and internal resistance.
The local governments that were realizing the benefits were typically larger in population
(Harder & Jordan, 2013). Likewise, Huang (2006) determined that there was a significant
correlation between a counties adoption and development of a website with the county’s
population, racial, education, household, income, and business factors (p. 169).
holds true for the role of government websites in promoting transparency leading to an increase
in citizens’ trust of government. Hong (2013) found a positive relationship between citizens
experiences with state and local government websites and their trust in government. This was in
regards to using a website for informational purposes, not other purposes such as transactional.
Using a website for transactional purposes did not demonstrate a change in perceptions of trust at
the state and local level. Hong also found that if a citizen had an unsuccessful experience in
using a website, their trust in government was likely to decrease. Similarly, Tolbert and
Mossberger (2006) found, at the local level, the more information that appears on government
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 16
websites trust in government typically increases. Both Kim and Lee (2012) and Sharoni (2012)
found a significant relationship between the use of informational and transactional services on
that increased use of government websites with the purpose of attaining information was
does not appear effective at improving citizens’ views of government. While evidence is mixed
transparency, website usage itself does promote perceptions of transparency (Bertot et al., 2010;
Hong, 2013).
Measures of Transparency
These approaches help identify the various measures necessary in a transparent government
website. Harder and Jordan’s (2013) content analysis on county websites drew upon a wide
range of literature to compose their assessment of websites. Most prominently, the 10 Point
Transparency Checklist devised by the non-profit Sunshine Review. The 10 Point Transparency
Checklist contains the following parameters that should be present on a government website:
budgets, open meeting laws, elected officials, administrative officials, building permits and
zoning, audits, contracts, lobbying, public records and taxes (Sunshine Review, n.d.).
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 17
Huang (2006) created a research instrument in which government functions are ordered
into four categories: information, communication, transaction, and democracy (p. 166). Each of
these categories contained multiple measures to assess a websites transparency; 12, 16, 5, and 3
items respectively (Huang, 2006, p. 166). da Cruz et al. (2016) devised an exhaustive index in
da Cruz et al. was that their index was largely comprised of items that stakeholders considered
relevant. This resulted in 76 indicators of transparency being grouped into seven dimensions.
These indicators and dimension are: organizational information, social composition, and
operation of the municipality (18 indicators), plans and planning (13 indicators), local taxes,
rates, service charges, and regulations (5 indicators), relationship with citizens (8 indicators),
public procurement (10 indicators) economic and financial transparency (12 indicators), urban
planning and land use management (10 indicators) (da Cruz et al., 2016, pp. 876-877).
Fox (2007) emphasizes the need for budgetary information to be available to the public.
In addition to having general budget information available, Fox also calls for details pertaining to
describes. In a study examining local government websites, specifically school board and county
sites, Armstrong (2011) found that the availability of public records served as a proxy for the
organizations general level of transparency. The public records Armstrong utilized to assess
transparency were: official contact info, procedure manuals, meeting schedules, meeting
agendas, job openings, local demographics, budgets, requests for bids, meeting minutes, contract
Similar to da Cruz et al. (2016), Piotrowski and Van Ryzin (2007) conducted a survey
asking respondents what type of records or information should be available online. They found
Additionally, meeting information and public safety information such as criminal records or sex
offender names were deemed important to respondents (Piotrowski & Van Ryzin, 2007, p. 313).
specifically, two way communication. Huang (2006) included multilingual support, comment
sections, disability services, site map and website search function in this regard. This is
supported by United Nations (2012) classification of “connected services” geared towards the
is social media which holds promise in promoting transparency (Bertot et al., 2010; Bertot et al.,
2012; Porumbescu, 2016). Only da Cruz et al. (2016) included social media links as a measure of
transparency. da Cruz et al. (2016) is the most recent content analysis utilized by this literature
review, as such, it is most attuned to the social media zeitgeist. The results of the “Measures of
Transparency” portion of the literature review will be further discussed in “Research Methods”
which will ultimately provide the transparency scorecard for this paper.
The aim of this literature review was to examine the complex workings of transparency
and its role in fostering trust in government through the use of ICTs. Additionally, this review
sought to determine what measures of transparency are appropriate when assessing a website.
The review found that in a complicated and multifaceted topic, the evidence is mixed in
explaining to what extent, and role, ICTs play in the transparency-trust dynamic that is largely
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 19
dependent on contextual factors. In some instances, transparency has been found to have no
significant link to trust or may even have a detrimental impact on trust (Cucciniello et al., 2016;
Kettl, 2017; Porumbescu, 2016; Porumbescu, 2017). Yet other studies demonstrate a positive
relationship on transparency’s ability to cultivate trust (Hong, 2013, Kim & Lee, 2012; Sharoni,
Literature does not support transparency as the “key” to good governance as transparency
outcomes are sometimes overstated or not positive (Cucciniello et al., 2016; Grimmelikhuijsen,
2012; Kettl, 2017). Rather, particular outcomes of transparency like increasing citizen
participation and corruption/unethical behavior reduction are more widely supported by literature
supports that citizens usage of government websites are positively associated as viewing the
Even with its limitations, transparency remains a worthwhile endeavor that local
governments should strive for. One way to promote transparency at the local level is through
measures. Literature showcases that there is a significant range of website adoption and what
stage those sites are at. Local government websites in particular show a wide range of maturity
(Harder & Jordan, 2013; Huang, 2006; Wirtz & Kurtz, 2016). This paper will contribute to the
cities’ websites.
Research Methods
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 20
The purpose of this paper is to examine the present state of transparency of Wisconsin
cities websites. This examination will be conducted via a content analysis based upon literature
supported measures of transparency. Content analysis of websites is not a new or novel concept.
Previous studies such as Armstrong (2011), da Cruz et al. (2016), Harder and Jordan (2013) and
Huang (2006) have all conducted content analyses on local government websites. As Huang
review have been organized along six general dimensions with 36 specific measures, the results
of which are depicted in Table 1. These specific measures provide a more thorough look into the
Transactions; Financial and Economic; Communication; Taxes and Regulation; Records. The
The dimensions and measures of Table 1 are derived from a combination of sources.
Notably, Huang’s (2006) content analysis which, in part, focused on two-way communication
adding the measures of search functionally, comment boxes, site maps, multilingual support and
the need to have links to various departments. Fox (2007) emphasized the need for the presence
of budgetary information on websites. Piotrowski and Van Ryzin (2007) echoed Fox (2007), but
also established the value of public safety information such as criminal records availability.
Armstrong (2011) highlighted the importance of various public records including, but not limited
to, contact information for government officials. Harder and Jordan (2013), utilizing the 10 Point
Transparency Checklist devised by the Sunshine Review, support all of the aforementioned
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 21
measures but added information pertaining to permits, lobbying and audits. da Cruz et al.’s
(2016) robust content analysis reinforced many of the noted measures while also contributing
social media links or integration. Additionally, FOIA and GSA laws were taken into account
when developing the transparency scorecard. All included measures are supported by multiple
sources.
Table 1
Transparency Scorecard
Current/Open bids
Rules and protocol pertaining to bids
Information about lobbying associations
Information about audits
Description of Dataset
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 23
The websites that comprise the content analysis of this paper are all class one, two and
three cities located in Wisconsin. Wisconsin has four classes of cities which are based upon
population per the last federal decennial census or special interim census (League of Wisconsin
Municipalities, n.d.). Class one cities have a population of 150,000 or greater. In Wisconsin,
Milwaukee is the only class one city. Class two cities population is between 39,000 and less than
150,000. There are 15 second class cities in Wisconsin. There are 33 class three cities with a
population of 10,000 and less than 39,000 population (Wisconsin Legislative Reference Bureau,
2017). Of note, is that a city can attempt to reclassify itself, but it must take certain steps to do
so. Even if a city’s population does not fall within its class definition, it may have opted not to
take the steps to change their classification (League of Wisconsin Municipalities, n.d.). Class
four cities, defined as cities with a population below 10,000, were excluded.
Harder and Jordan (2013) and Huang (2006) found a significant relationship between a
county’s population and website development. The larger the population, generally, the more
advanced the website. With this literature taken into consideration, it is assumed that class one,
two and three cities have websites more appropriate for analysis. In total, 49 cities meet this
criteria. To ensure each city had a website, the cities’ name followed by “Wisconsin” was
entered into Google. This action, in addition to determining if a website exists for assessment,
quickly identified how obtainable a city website is. Harder and Jordan (2013) note, if the website
is hard to obtain, it cannot be considered transparent. All 49 cities had readily obtainable
websites.
Transparency Scorecard
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 24
Every city’s website is examined and scored by means of the transparency scorecard. For
every instance a measure of a dimension is located on a website, it is noted on the scorecard with
numerical values. A zero is assigned when no information on a measure is found. .5 points are
awarded to a measure containing partial information. One point for complete information. The
highest possible score for a city is 36 based upon the 36 measures of transparency that comprise
the scorecard. This scoring system is the same one utilized by Harder and Jordan (2013).
Armstrong (2011) and Harder and Jordan (2013) both imposed a 15 minute time limit
when examining a website. The rationale behind this was that most website visitors search for
information no longer than 15 minutes and that content must be easily identifiable (Armstrong,
2011, p. 13). Harder and Jordan (2013) note that if a measure takes longer than the 15 minutes to
locate, transparency is lacking (p. 114). This analysis accepts the justification presented by
Armstrong and Harder and Jordan and will use the 15 minute limit for website review.
Similarly, this paper follows Armstrong (2011) as search functions were not utilized in
examination of the websites even if they were present. As this content analysis concerns
transparency, measures should be clearly marked and able to be found without the use of such
methods or keywords. The city websites were examined in April of 2019. As such, each website
was inspected at one moment in time. The content examined is then limited to the content at the
time of the analysis. Furthermore, it is assumed that all information on the various websites is
Data Analysis
To reiterate, some of these measures may exist on their respective websites they may just
be hard to find. When that occurs, the measure cannot be considered transparent. Transparency is
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 25
more complex than simply having information online (Armstrong, 2011; Fox, 2007). The effort a
city puts into making that information readily accessible and available through clear website
navigation largely determines a websites transparency. As Armstrong (2011) notes, the where
and how information is placed on a website is a vital component of that websites transparency.
The transparency that results from a failure to make information readily accessible and available
is described by Fox (2007) as “fuzzy” or transparency in name only. As such, a city that
promotes fuzzy transparency will not realize the benefits of “clear” transparency.
The specific measures of the general dimensions are not depicted in the results but will be
discussed. The “Key” located in the second row of Table 2 demonstrates the possible points for
each dimension as well as total possible points. “Green” highlights a class one city. “Blue”
Table 2
Key 10 2 6 7 5 6 36
River Falls 10 1 5 7 5 4 32
Of the 49 cities examined, spanning three different classes of cities, the average score
was 27.66 out of the possible 36 points; 76.9% of the total possible points. 27 cities scored above
the mean, with 14 cities scoring 30 or above. The lowest score recorded was 21. Three cites
scored 32.5, the highest recorded. The standard deviation was 2.93.
The most transparent websites with scores of 32.5 are Milwaukee, Madison and Wausau.
Milwaukee is the only class one city in the state. Madison a class two city and the state capitol, is
the second most populous city behind Milwaukee. Wausau, also a class two city, is significantly
smaller than Madison with a population of just 39,000 (Wisconsin Legislative Reference Bureau,
2017). The least transparent websites are Two Rivers, Beaver Dam and Marinette with scores of
21, 22 and 23 respectively. All three cities fall within the class three category and have an
Harder and Jordan (2013) and Huang (2006) found a relationship between website
transparency and a county’s population. The greater the population of the county, generally, the
greater the website transparency. Based upon the results of this analysis, this holds true for cities
in Wisconsin. Table 3 shows a brief comparison between the classes of cites. Milwaukee was
omitted in the table as it is the only class one city, but it did tie for the highest score.
Table 3
Class two cities were relatively consistent in their transparency scores. Madison, the most
populous of the class two cities, tied for the highest overall score as did Wausau. The lowest
scoring of the group, Sheboygan, came in with 25. For class three cities, there was a slight
increase in the disparity of website transparency. Muskego and River Falls both scored a 32, the
highest of the class three cities. However, as previously noted, the three lowest scores of all the
Table 4 shows the frequency of the specific measures. From Table 4, some overall trends
are evident about the state of city websites. “Organization Information” measures such as contact
names and information of elected and administrative officials frequently appear on websites.
However, the measures “Roles and responsibilities of elected officials” and “Roles and
due to websites not specifying responsibilities of departments or elected bodies such as the city
council. Availability of information related to the “Financial and Economic” dimension was
mixed. The measures “Current budget” and “Information about audits” were frequently
available. Measures relating to bidding of government contracts was not as frequent or resulted
in numerous “Partial” designations. For instance, the measure “Information about government
contracts and the bidding process” had 13 “Partial” scores because rather than having an
explanation pertaining to bidding on the city website, the websites would contain a link to a
Table 4
Other informational measures such as “Information about taxes”, “Information about city fees
and fines” and the various measures relating to public meetings were generally available.
Conversely, public interest measures such as “Crime reports/map”, “Sex offender information”
and “Information on where/how to acquire public records” had a high rate of “Partial” or “None”
designations. Despite the noted lacking or partial measures related to information, as a whole,
city websites in Wisconsin can all be thought of as strongly providing basic governmental
The second stage pertaining to information, the enhanced information services stage, is
not as well developed. This stage is characterized by items such as downloadable forms,
multilingual capability, video clips and disability support (United Nations, 2012). The measures
were readily available. However, “Multiple language support” and “Disability support” were
among the measures with the most instances of the “None” designation. The presence of video
clips was outside the scope of the transparency scorecard, but a few instances of embedded video
City websites are at a basic transactional stage in Wisconsin though certain measures are
significantly more frequent than others. “Ability to pay fees, bills or fines online” was the most
frequent of the two measures under the “Transactions” dimension with 42 “Full” designations.
Conversely, “Transaction availability pertaining to licenses and registrations” had a wide range
of frequency with 28 designations of “None”. The “Partial” designations in this measure can be
attributed to the presence of registrations such as registering for a recreational activity but the
site then lacks the ability to pay for licenses such as for a pet.
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 35
The connected services stage centers on two-way communication between citizens and
the government as well as interactive tools (Hong, 2013; United Nations, 2012). The city
websites of Wisconsin can, at best, be characterized as being on a basic level of this stage. The
vast majority of websites had links to their respective social media platforms, but as showcased
by the 33 “Partial” designations of the “Social media integration” measure, most sites do not
embed a feed to their social medias. The measure “Ability to comment/complain online” shows
that over half of the websites observed do not have this capability.
Discussion
This paper examined the state of transparency for city websites in Wisconsin. The results
indicate that transparency is generally greater in class one and two cities than class three cities.
websites are strongly informational but at a basic level. Some cities are advancing in the
informational stage and incorporating elements of enhanced information, but others remain at the
basic informational stage. Likewise, transactional elements are present but largely remain at a
basic level. Connected services or two-way communication is lacking, however, most cities have
Practical Implications
If a city is looking to increase their website’s transparency the first thing officials should
consider is how much stress does the city place on making information available and easy to
find. This study found that while information may be present on a website, it may not be easily
findable. That is reflected on a cities score as a measure cannot be deemed transparent if it is not
transparency. Supplementing this are the findings from Wirtz and Kirtz (2016) in which they
determined ease of use is fundamental to a city website. Governments learn from one another. In
the case of website transparency, it would be in the interest of a city lacking in transparency to
examine a more transparent city. While a website should reflect a city’s character, components
such as site mechanics and functionality can be imitated to an extent. Recalling Armstrong
(2011), the where and how information is placed on a website is a vital component of that
website’s transparency. Similarly, Sørum, Andersen and Clemmensen (2013) in their study on
government website quality found that categorization of information and effective navigation
address website transparency is through the use of a private entity. If resources permit, it may be
beneficial to partner with a private website design and hosting company. The two highest scoring
class three cities, River Falls and Muskego, utilize a private partnership for their website needs.
There is significant potential for cities to improve their transparency, particularly in two-
way communication and transactional aspects. A simple means to address the two-way
communication issue is to embed a feed of a social media platform such as Facebook directly on
the city homepage. River Falls, the only city to have a perfect score in the “Communication”
dimension, does just this. From a transactional standpoint, transactions should expand past the
ability to pay fees or fines and include license and city specific transactional needs. For instance,
if a city’s park system is an important component of the community, the city could make renting
a park shelter available online. However, cities typically partner with a processing agent to
handle payments and such a suggestion may be better suited for cities that are not as resource
constrained.
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 37
Transparency, and the benefits from it, must be pursued for all communities. This is
considerably more difficult due to the likely financial and technological resource constraints of
smaller communities such as class three and lower cities. As noted, some class three cities
partnered with private organizations to design and host their websites. But this is unlikely to be
feasible for all class three cities. A potential low resource approach to improving transparency
comes from Piotrowski and Van Ryzin (2007) in which they conducted a survey asking
respondents what type of records or information the government should make available online.
By utilizing the same approach developed by Piotrowski and Van Ryzin, a city could tailor the
types of records or information to its citizen’s wants which would then be made directly
available on the city website. Another series of options that is applicable to all cities are low-
simple sentence could be added explaining the purpose and responsibilities of a city council or
providing a link to public records information. Neither of these examples require a complete
Limitations
Despite the relevance of this study, it has limitations and concerns. First, the scope of
transparency related literature is vast. As such, various measures or dimensions may have been
omitted from the paper’s final scorecard. Second, this study examined websites at one point in
time. The content examined is then limited to the content at the time of the analysis. Third, prior
content analyses’ such as Huang (2006) and Armstrong (2011) utilized a team of people to
conduct the data collection portion of the analysis to combat bias and ensure objectivity. Due to
time and resource constraints this paper did not do that. Finally, the data set utilized in this paper
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 38
largely neglects rural and less populous areas of Wisconsin and how transparency is or is not
Future Research
This study provides a literature supported scorecard that can serve as a foundation for
future transparency content analyses. Refinement of the scorecard, notably, in the dimensions of
“Communication” and “Transactions” should be strongly considered. The present scorecard did
not account for several enhanced information such as video clips or webcasts. Likewise, several
transaction functions fell outside the scope of the scorecard. As websites continue to progress,
is truly vital to a functioning democracy, it must be for everyone. This paper’s dataset excluded
class four cities. Future research should focus on these underserved communities in Wisconsin to
gauge if they are realizing the benefits of transparency. Another avenue to explore are the
determinants of the variation in transparency levels across cities. Armstrong (2011), Harder and
Jordan (2013) and Huang (2006) all did this in varying capacities in their respective studies.
Conclusion
This paper provides a baseline of how transparent city websites in Wisconsin are. The
findings of this paper’s content analysis indicate that Wisconsin city’s websites are largely
transparent with class three cities lagging slightly behind class one and two cities. It also
determined that city websites are strongly informational at a basic level. There is potential for
Resource constraints are likely to be the biggest obstacle to increasing city website transparency
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 39
and city officials must determine the best approach for their community; some options have been
outlined in this paper. Transparency is complex with numerous limitations and benefits, but as a
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