CHAPTER -XI

THE KUMAR COMMUNITY

The Kumars are one of the major indigenous communities of Assam. At

present, they are distributed in 22 districts in the Brahmaputra Valley, out of 27 in

Assam. There is no evidence of any Kumar population in the two autonomous hill

districts, the Karbi Anglong and the Dima Hasao. In the three districts of Barak

Valley, a community Called Rudra Pal resides, who also does pottery works.

However, they differ from the Kumars of Brahmaputra Valley in many ways. In the

Brahmaputra Valley, most of the Kumars are Assamese speaking, except the Dhubri,

Goalpara, Kokrajhar and Bongaigaon districts, where the Kumars are Bengali

speaking and writes Pal as their surname. On the other hand, in Dibrugarh. and
*

Tinsukia districts, most of the Kumars are Hindi speaking. A detailed district wise

distribution of the Kumars in the Brahmaputra valley is given in the Appendix I to

this study.

ORIGIN OF THE KUMARS

Human civilization has developed with the contributions and works of human

beings. Perhaps, in the earliest stage of human civilization, there was no distribution

of works and no group was doing a particular work. However, with the change of

times, a particular group of people started doing a particular work and thus formed a

distinct group defined by their work. These distinct groups later on were converted to

Varna. In the words of Lord Krishna in Gita, Cbaturvarnang moya sristong guna -

karmang- Vibhagasa (Gita - 4/13, as cited by Sarnia 2008:41)

It means, “I have created the four Varnas and distributed works depending

upon their quality and ability”.

 Thus, the four vamas - Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra were created

and developed depending upon their work and quality. The Brahmans were doing

worship - offering to the gods; the Kshatriyas were engaged in defence of the people

and the country; the Vaishyas in agriculture and trade and business; and the Sudras in

service to the people. However, it was also believed that if someone from a particular

Varna deviated from his works and did something against his Varna, he would lose

his Varnahood. Thus, these four Varnas performed their respective duties and the

society was running smoothly. However, with the change of times, this structure is

falling and, now a days, no member of a particular Varna is engaged in the particular

work of his Varna. Moreover, with the population explosion, people can no longer

stick to his ancestral occupation and has to search for alternate work for livelihood.

The Kumars fall in the Sudra Varna. Their job was to make earthen items

(pottery) to be used in various ritualistic purposes and occasions. There is no

historical evidence as since when they started making earthen items. However, there

are some legends and myths associated with their origin. They trace their origin to

various legends in Vedic literature and holy books like the Puranas, the Samhitas and

Dharmasastra. These legends involve the Kumar wheel (Chak) and the traditional

Kumar works (pottery). The term Kumar has been derived from the Sanskrit

Kumbhakar, meaning one who makes earthen water jar (Kumbha - water jar, kar -

maker). There are two other similar terms in Sanskrit, Kulal and Ghatikar, meaning

makers of earthen pot. Mention of the term Kulal is found in the Taittyriya Samhita

(4-S-4-2), Bajshaneyi Samhita (30/5/13), Kathak Samhita (17/13), Taittyria Brahman

(3/4/1), Satapath Brahman (11/8/1), etc. The meaning of Kulal is also Kumar. This

shows that the profession of pottery making was prevalent in the Vedic times. People

must have made earthen pots and used these also. The Kulaldartda and Kulal chakra

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mentioned in these literatures later on came to mean the Kumardanda, the stick used

to rotate the Kumar wheel and, the Kumar chakra meaning the Kumar wheel (Kumar

chak) in Assamese. In Hindi, the similar term is Kumhar. Thus, it can be assumed that

the Assamese term Kumar has been derived from these sources to mean the people

associated with pottery making (Sarma 2008 :42).

A few available myths and legends associated with the origin of the Kumars

and pottery making are mentioned below.

(1) At the time of marriage of Lord Shiva, pottery utensils or earthen pots (kalash)

were felt necessary. However, during those times, people were not acquainted

with the art of pottery making. Hence, Lord Shiva plucked two Rudraksha beads

(Botanical term: elaeocarpus ganitrus) from his Rudraksha garland, and created

one male and one female from each of these Rudraksha bead. Both these male and

female made earthen pots for Lord Shiva. Thus the Kumar community came into

being from them. Since they were bom from the garland in Lord Shiva’s neck,

they became devotees of Lord Shiva. However, there are Kumar people who

follow the Vaishnavite faith also (idem).

(2) According to the tenth chapter of Brahmakhanda of Brahmabaibarta Purana, nine

sons were bom to Lord Vishwakarma and his wife Ghritaehi. In the course of

time, these nine sons were came to be known as Malakar (Wreath maker),

Karmakar (Carpenter), Sanghakar (bracelet of shell maker), Kubindak (weaver),

Kumbhakar (pottery maker), Kangshakar, Tanti (weaver), Swarnakar (Jeweller)

and Chitrakar (portrait maker). Thus, the fifth son of Vishwakarma and Ghritaehi

is Kumbhakar or the Kumar. Their father Vishwakarma taught them about various

arts and artworks. This proves that even the method and system of Kumar wheel

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 making (Kumar chak) is also the creation of Lord Vishwakarma. (10th chapter of

Brahmakhanda as cited by Sarma 2008 : 42)

(3) In page no. 78 of History of Dharmasastra, P.V. Kane has written about the

Kumars as, “Usansa says that he is the off-spring of the clandestine union of

Brahmana with a Vaishya female. Vaikhanasu agrees with Usanasa and adds that

the off-spring becomes either a Kambhakara or a barber who slaves parts of the

body above the navel. Vedavyasa and Devala include the Kumbhakaras among

Sudras” (as cited by Sarma 2008 : 43)

Therefore, Kumars have bom out of the union of Brahmana male with

Vaishya female. According to the caste system, the Kumars are Sudras.

(4) According to the Yagyabalka Samhita (3-146), the Kumars have bom out of the

union of Brahman male and Kshatriya female. Again, the Kumars of Maharastra

(the Kumbhakars) believe themselves as the off spring of Rishi Agyasta (as cited

by Sarma 2008 : 43).

(5) According to the various scriptures, the Kumars were bom in the heart of

Kalpurusha. While worshipping goddess Kamakhya, the devotees were not

getting anything to light the earthen lamp. Seeing their predicament, the goddess

started laughing loudly. All of a sudden, a piece of earth came out of the mouth of

the Goddess. The devotees placed this piece of earth on the bossom of mother

Earth. Then they made earthen lamps from this piece of earth and worshipped

goddess Kamakhya. Till today, this piece of earth has remained there without

getting decayed or exhausted. Goddess Kamakhya brought these earthen workers

(potters) from Kanyakubja (Kanouj) and settled them in Kamrupa (present day

Assam) (Kumar H. 2008: 23).

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(6) At the time of compiling the Yajur Veda, Brahma, the creator of the universe,

produced a section of people from his own body to make pottery items required to

perform various religious functions and rituals. He handed over the responsibility

of making various earthen items like lamps (chaki), pots (Malacharu, ghat), etc.

required for ritualistic uses to this section of people. Some opine that the first

Kumar person created by Brahma is known as Damn Kumar. It is mentioned in

the Brahma Baibarta Purana that the Kumars are making earthen items required

for ritualistic uses as per the wishes and directions of Lord Brahma. They keep

fast while making these items (Medhi 2008 : 25)

(7) According to ancient scholars Upanasa and Baisanasa also, the Kumars are bom

of Brahman father and Baishya mother (idem).

(8) Another popular legend about the origin of the Kumars is the inclusion of the

Kumars in the panchalis composed by Sukabi Narayan dev (idem).

(9) According to the legends mentioned in the Padma Purana, when various earthen

objects were felt necessary to worship goddess Manasa, Lord Brahma created a

Kumar (potter) named Damu Kumar and asked Lord Vishwakarma to teach Damu

Kumar the art and craft of pottery making. A stanza of pada sung by the

Sukananni Ojhas of Darrang district in Assam in this regard is worth mentioning:

Diha:

O Kumar sarajoy bidhi nanan barane Jati sarajoy

Pada:

Sakalo srajila bidhi harasita mon

Kumarak srajan karila tetikhyan. etc.

English rendering:

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 Diha:

Kumar and various other communities have been created.

Pada:

The creator was happy creating everything.

Then he created the Kumars, etc.

(idem)

(10) It is significant to mention that there is inclusion of a Kumar person named

Narahari in the Karati scriptures, highly regarded in the Assamese society.

According to Adi Jamal (the first Tantra sastra), earthen items were required for

the Vishnu Yagna (Sacrificial fire offered to Lord Vishnu). Then, at the beginning

of the creation of the universe, Lord Vishnu (Niranjan) created Narhari Kumar

from a hair taken out from his heart and handed to him his chakra. Narahari

Kumar used this chakra as a wheel to make earthen items. Taking this clue, it is

mentioned in the Karati scriptures as :

usato patalor mati

Narhari Kumare anile korere kati

Khasi guli dile chakat

Kalas bhaila Brahmar pargar

Meaning:

Narhari Kumar has brought earth dug from seven oceans. He mixed

this earth with water and put in the wheel (<chak). From it, by the grace of Lord

Brahma, earthen pots came out.

It is believed that an earthen pot (ghat) was made from earth brought from

seven oceans and there was put water. Till today, there is a custom in the Assamese

35
society of driving away various diseases by throwing water treated with mantra (ibid

26).

(11) According to another legend, in the ancient times, the Kumars were the chief

devotees of Lord Shiva and some scholars opine that the Kumars were bom due to

this deep relationship they had with him. When Lord Shiva got ready to wed the

mountain daughter Parvati, he came to know that although all items required for

the wedding ceremony were ready, however, the auspicious ghat was not yet

made. Then he created a male person from a bead of his Rudraksh garland and

asked him to make the auspicious ghat. The person put forward two conditions to

make the ghat - one, Lord Shiva would have to give him the stone on which he

was sitting to use as the wheel (chafe); the other, He would have to give him a

thread from the threads used in the holy fire (yagna) to detach the ghat from the

core lump of the wheel. Lord Shiva agreed and. thus the first ghat used in

auspicious ceremonies like marriage was made by a Kumar artist. It is worthwhile

to mention that, the detaching of the chord is the chief characteristics of a

professional Kumars (idem).

(12) Like others, the Kumars also had a Rishi from whom they believed to be

originated. They believed to be originated from Rishi Oloiman (it is their gotra).

In the earlier days, the Kumars also had the sacred thread (like the Brahmans).

One day, Rishi Oloiman did not find any rope to use in the wheel to detach the

pots from the core lump of the wheel and by mistake used the sacred thread of the

Kumars in the wheel. From that day onward, the Kumars have lost the sacred

thread. That is why, many calls the Kumars as Nari kata kumar (the ambilical

chord cutter kumar) (Kumar H. 2008: 24).

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(13) It is said that the Kumars were bom out of the heart of Lord Vishnu in the

Assamese month of Bohag (April-May). The wheel (kumar chak) was also created

in the month of Bohag. Therefore, the month of Bohag is considered to be very

auspicious by the Kumars. In the entire month, they follow various rituals and

worship Lord Vishnu. They are also known as Nari kata kumar (the ambilical

chord cutter Kumar), as they can use the wheel to move the earth to make pottery.

They do not make pottery items in the month ofBohag (Medhi 2008: 29).

All these myths and legends show that the Kumars attribute divinity to

their craft as a whole and to the wheel and its accessories in particular. To them,

the wheel (chak) symbolizes the spin and power of the chakra of Lord Krishna

(Vishnu) and they believe that the wheel was given to them as a gift by the

almighty to produce pottery for his worship and other religious purposes. They

also believe that originally, they were Brahmans, but lost their Brahmin hood as

they degraded themselves in the caste hierarchy by tearing off their sacred thread

in order to detach the earthen pots from the wheel. This practice of detaching with

a chord is still considered to be a stigma for a Kumar, who cannot carry in his

trade without using a chord. Therefore, he is also known as Nari kata Kumar.

MYTHS AND LEGENDS ASSOCIATED WITH THE KUMAR WHEEL

(KUMAR CHAK)

There are several myths and legends associated with the creation of the Kumar

wheel (Kumar chak).

1) It is believed that Lord Brahma could not tolerate the sufferings of his able sons

(the Kumars) while making pottery and he himself created the wheel. He himself

made earthen items using his chakra as chak (wheel) at the foothills of the

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 Kamakhya hills. There is a legend that Narakasur died when he fell on this wheel

(Kumar H. 2008:23-24).

It is mentioned in the Kalika Purana that Narakasura (King of Kamrupa) was enticed

by the beauty of Goddess Kamakhya and wanted to marry Her. However, the goddess

laid down the condition that if he wanted to marry Her, he would have to construct a

staircase to Her temple from the foothills overnight. Narakasura started the job of

constructing the staircase. As the staircase was nearing completion, goddess

Kamakhya, finding no other alternative to stop Narakasura, created a cock from the

filth of Her body. She made the cock to crow early before the night was over. Hearing

the cock crow, Narakasura thought that the night was over and he could not complete

the staircase as per the condition. The heart broken Narakasura chased the cock. At

last, while chasing the cock, he fell on the Kumar wheel at the foothills and died.

According to some, both Narakasura and the bird died at the wheel (Kumar G 2003 :

59).

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE KUMARS

Men started making various items required for their day to day use since the

beginning of the human civilization. At the beginning, they made various objects of

stone to kill the animals to fill their stomach. Gradually, as the human civilization

progressed, and the men moved from solely meat eating to mixed eating (meat and

grains) and the discovery and use of fire, they started to grow various crops to

produce food grains. Simultaneously, they also learnt the art of making earthen items

(pottery) required for their daily utilitarian and other uses. Remains of many ancient

civilizations all over the world show the use of pottery by men in different ages. There

38
is no concrete historical data to establish as since when men started making and using

earthen items.

There have been evidences of making various earthen objects required for

daily uses as well as in various sculptures, by baking or not baking the mud in fire,

since the pre-historical times in the Brahmaputra Valley. Although these objects could

not be recovered unbroken, however, their remains show the stage of civilization of

that people. The discovery of such remains helps in writing the history of a group of

people. The writing of the history of the people of the Brahmaputra Valley is also

being helped very much by these discoveries in various parts of the valley. Remains

of various earthen objects, not baked in fire (which shows these objects were made

before the people knew how to bake in fire and make pottery), have been discovered

in various places like North Cachar, Tezpur, Nagaon, etc. These items have been

collected and preserved in the Anthropology Department of Gauhati University.

These show the stage of pre-historic civilization in the Brahmaputra valley.

Various pottery items made by baking in fire have been discovered in various

parts of the Brahmaputra valley including Guwahati. Excavation in Guwahati (in the

Ambari area) has unearthed many such items. The use of various colours in these

items shows the sense of aesthetics and expertise in pottery making of the people.

Some earthen pitchers found in a tank in the Uzanbazar area of Guwahati have been

believed to belong to the pre-Ahom era (13th to 19th century AD) of Assam. These

pitchers are coloured with golden colour. In the famous Ambari excavation in

Guwahati (1970-71), many pottery items used in day to day purposes, made of both

clay and terracotta, along with the broken statue of a woman (believed to be of a

female dancer), have been found. This statue has been named as Urvashi of Ambari.

These clay and terracotta items have been dated by experts to second and third

39
century AD, or may be even beyond that (Saikia 2004: 31). This indicates that a rich

civilization existed in the Brahmaputra Valley even before the Christ.

Although there is no historical evidence to show as since when the art and

craft of pottery making began in Assam, however, the discovery of the remains of

many such items in different areas gives an indication of it. The Assamese term

Kumar has been derived from the Sanskrit kumbhakar. The mention of words

hmbhakar garta in the famous Nidhanpur copper plate of king Bhaskar Varman (of

then Kamrupa, 600-650 AD approx.), shows that this term had been in use since long.

The Varman family rulbd early Kamrupa from 4th AD to 7th AD. Bhaskar Varman was

the greatest monarch of this family and one of the most remarkable rulers of

mediaeval India. He established alliance with another great monarch of Northern

India, Harsavardhana, and thus began the flow of ideas between two civilizations -

Brahmaputra Valley Civilization and the Ganga - Indus Valley Civilization. The

foundation of a great civilization was laid and the art of pottery making might have

flowed in (idem). It is mentioned in Harsacharit that Bhaskar Varman, along with

other items, gifted earthen items to Harsavardhan (Kalita B 2010: 6).

The most significant role played in the formation of the history of the

Brahmaputra Valley Civilization is the Kalita community. They were related to the

pre-vedic Aryans and Alpines. Dr. B.K. Kakati, in his Kalita Jatir Itibritya (first

published 1943), has shown that the earliest habitation of the Kalitas were the north of

Videh or Mithila and from there, they migrated. Moreover, they were believed to be

related to Buddhism. The origin of the term Kalita is different to determine. Some

says they lived under kol (Berry) trees and derived the name Kalita. Other says, they

derived from the oriya term kolta, as the Kalitas had physical resemblance with the

40
Kolta community of Orissa. They also physically resembled the Maithili community

of Mithila (ibid).

On the other hand, after migrating to the Brahmaputra Valley, they intermixed

with the indigenous mongoloid groups in some places and with other communities in

other places and lost many of their original physical features. These Kalitas were

mostly an occupational group. In Assam, Various occupational groups like the

Kumars, Kamar (Blacksmith), Sonari (Goldsmith), Khanikar (Sculptor), Bahroi

(Carpenter), were derived from the Kalitas. Even the Natas (both male and female

dancers dancing in the temples) were also derived from the Kalitas. The Kalitas were

divided into various sub groups depending upon their occupation - Bar Kalita, Sara

Kalita, Kumar Kalita, Kahar Kalita, Sonari Kalita, etc. and thus their occupational

identities were established (ibid). As various occupational groups intermingled with

each other, it is not very easy to determine their specific identity.

According to B.M. Das (1987), opinions differ regarding the Kalita’s origin,

migration and occupation. One account suggests that they were originally Kayasthas,

but they look to agriculture and assumed a new name and formed a separate caste.

According to another account, they were the descendents of the Kshatriyas who fled

from the wrath of Parasurama and to conceal their identities, they threw away their

sacred thread and thus became Kulaputra or Kalita (ibid).

There are two views regarding the original homeland of the Kalitas and their

entry to Assam. It is generally believed that they came from the west by the rout

formed by the Brahmaputra - Gangetic vallies. The other view expressed by Captain

Neufville (1828) as “The country to the eastward of Bhot and northward of Sadiya,

extending on the plain beyond the mountains is said to be possessed by a powerful

nation called Kalitas or Kultas, who are described as having attained to a high degree

41
of advancement and civilization equal to any of the nations of the East” (Neufville as

cited by Das 1987: 12-13). Das (1987) is also of the view that several sub-caStes like

Kumar Kalita, Kahar Kalita, Mali Kalita, Nat Kalita, Bez Kalita etc. were derived

from the Kalitas based on the profession followed by them. The sub-castes are

however, not endogamous.

Saikia (2004) cites the opinion.of Kanaklal Barua that the approximate time of

the Alpine Kalitas entering Assam could be around 4th century BC. Therefore, the art

of pottery making in Assam might have started before the birth of Christ. The use of

colours and enamel like polish in the terracotta and clay items found in different

places of Assam indicate the existence of a highly technologically developed

community behind the making of these objects (Saikia 2004 : 31-32).

There are still some evidences found in Assam about the making of pottery

items without using the wheels. Saikia (2004) has cited the opinion of Pradip Chaliha

about pottery making in Assam. Chaliha has said about three methods of pottery

making, two of which are: (i) to make the shape of the item to be made with straw,

then covering the shape with clay and burnt in fire. After burning, the item comes out.

(ii) To make the shape of the item with bamboo reed, then filling the inside of the

bamboo shape with clay and left to dry in sunlight. After the shape is dried, it was

burnt in fire and the desired item came out. There is no doubt that both these methods

are very ancient. Moreover, making of small items by using hands is also prior to the

use of wheel. There are still some Kumars in Majuli and Khetri and Gotanagar areas

in Guwahati, who till today make small earthen objects only with hands, not using the

wheel (Saikia 2004 : 31). These pottery making methods show that this art is very old

in Assam. Gradually, pottery making became an occupation and the people making

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pottery were identified as Kumar. In the course of time, they embraced this

occupation along with agriculture.

Sukapha (1228-1268 AD) established the Ahom kingdom in Assam and laid

the foundation of the statehood of Assam. The Ahoms ruled Assam for nearly six

hundred years till the British took it under their control in 1826. They organized the

villages by settling various occupational groups to undertake works required for day

to day purpose in the peoples’ lives. For this, they even brought various professionals

from different places and offered them land in the Ahom kingdom. One Ahom king

Sukhampha (1552-1603 AD), who was also known as the khora or the lame, Raja

(owing to the hurt in his foot caused by elephant hunting), fought with the Koch king

Nar-Narayan in 1562 and lost. A number of Ahom hostages were taken prisoner by

the Koch king. However, the hostages were freed. It is said that a number of Koch

artisans accompanied the Ahom hostages on their return journey. Amongst them were

potters skilled in the art of making images of Durga and other Hindu deities (Gait

2001: 103). Similarly, Ahom king Pratap Singha (1603-1641 AD) brought many

potter artisans from the west (Bengal) to make deities of Goddess Durga. They were
/

brought as khanikar (idol maker) (Prantik 2004, 16 Oct).

The Ahom royal official in the reign of King Pratap Singha, Momai Tamuli

Barbarooah, in the process of village organization, collected twenty persons each

from the Dhekials, Malakhus, Jogis, Bhetuas and Mussalmans and established the

Dhekial hundred. This place Dhekial in Golaghat district is an important place and

many historical remains like Rahdhala Pathar, Rahdhala Pukhuri, Maidams

(crematorium of Ahom kings), etc. are still there. In this Dhekial hundreds, Momai

Tamuli Barbarooah also established people from the Kumar community along with

others. People from many nearby places of Dhekial (particularly from the Gur Jogonia

43
Mouza) supplied gur (Molasses) to the royal household and for this, they required

earthen pitchers. The Kumars made long necked earthen pitchers for them. (Rajkhowa

2002: 28)

The great 16th century Assamese writer, dramatist and Vashnyavite preacher,

Sri Sankardev, while staging his bhaona (a kind of folk drama) Sihnajatra, got the

first khol (a kind of drum) made from the Hariamukh Kumargaon in Nowgong district

in Assam. The Kumars of that village made the first khol (an essential instrument to

stage bhaona) (Kumar B 2010: 6).

According to the Darrang Rajbanshavali (chronicles of the Darrang kings) by

Suijakhari Daibagya, the great Koch king Namarayan used bricks made by the

Kumars, fried in ghee, to build the Kamakhya temple. It is mentioned as:

‘Kumar Matia ita sajaibak dila.

Pagia itak ani ghriiat bhajila.

Karal pagia purtu bhaila sabadhan.

Mrinmoy moth tabe karila airman”

Meaning: The Kumars were called to make bricks. They made bricks fried in

ghee. Then the temple was built with these bricks.

(As cited by Medhi 2008: 26)

In the Ahom rule, all the professionals like the Sonaris (Goldsmith), Kamars

(Blacksmith), Kumars (Potters) were organized and asked to cany out their

professions. According to Hiteswar Barbarooah, “The Kumars had five subgroups:

Rajabhagia, Bilatia, Satriya, Devaliya and Rajahuwa. The Rajabhagiya (belonged to

the kings) Kumars were again divided into two groups: one was given to the prince

and princesses, and the other to the king. The Bilatiya (belong to officials) Kumars

were given to the high royal officials to serve them. Similarly, the Satriya (belonged

44
to Satras) Kumars in the Satras (Vaishnyavite centres) and the Devalia (belonged to

Temples) Kumars in the various temples, were engaged in making various pottery

items required for ritualistic and other religious purposes. The Rajhmva (Public)

Kumars were making items for the use of the general people (Kalita 2008: 31-32).

Two distinct streams are visible in the Assamese art of pottery making - one refined,

another folk. If the refined one can be said to be the outcome of the Aryan influence,

the folk one is the reflection of the taste and aesthetics of the majority of the

indigenous people. Naturally, the use of colours and other ornamental ingredients are

more in the refined stream. On the other hand, simplicity and naturalness is visible in

the folk stream. Both these two streams are carrying the beauty of the cultural and

social life of the Assamese people. If more excavations are done, many such clay and

terracotta items will be found, which will give many new information about the past

(Saikia 2005:21).

KUMARS OF UPPER ASSAM AND LOWER ASSAM

Professionally there is no any difference between the Kumars of Upper Assam

and Lower Assam. However, there are certain differences between them in regard to

use of surname, terms used for various processes of pottery making, etc. Some of

these differences have been documented. Gopal Hazarika (2012) did fieldwork in

Majuli in Upper Assam and collected some information regarding these differences.

One of his informants (Radha Bhagabati of Majuli) informed him that there is a

connection between the establishment of the Dakhin Pat Satra and the pottery making

by the potters of Majuli, Pottery was made in Salmara in Majuli and there is a

difference between the pottery of Salmara and Dakhin Pat Satra. The pottery of

Dakhin Pat Satra used the Wheel, whereas, the potters of Salmara did not. The potters

45
of Salmara made the Bardaba (Big drum) of Sri Sri Sankardev. Another informant,

Hireswar Bharali (of Satai Chinatoli village in Lakhimpur district) informed that,

earlier the Kumars of Upper Assam used Kalita as their surname. However, after the

Ahom rulers gave them ranks, they used Bora, Bharali, Hazarika etc. as their

surname (ibid), Earlier, the Kumars of Assam did not use the kumar wheel (humor

chak) in making pottery items. When King Jayadhaj Singha invited Banamoli Gosain

of Koch Bihar and gave him land for Satra at Jakhalabandha, the Gosain brought

some Brahman and Potter families along with him. These Bengali Kumars used wheel

to make pottery items and the Assamese Kumars imitated them. As a result, the

Assamese K umars knew to make pottery items by both hand and the wheel (Gait

2001:143, Hazarika 2012: 83).

On the other hand, the Kumars of Lower Assam use only the wheel to make

the items. Both male and female use potter’s wheel. In order to make bigger items, the

male use a bigger wheel, where as the female makes smaller items (like earthen

lamps) on a smaller wheel.

There are some other differences regarding the making process of pottery

items between the potters of Lower Assam and Upper Assam.

These are:

Thupa and Peghali:

The potter items are made tight by burning them. This process is called

Thupa in Lower Assam, and Peghali in Upper Assam.

Thupa:

Thupa is made under a tin or thatched roof, so that it is protected from wind

and rain. It is divided into three parts: Talchia (bottom part), Majehia (middle part)

46
and Uparchia (upper part) Tal means bottom, maj means middle and upar means

upper, chia means part.

(i) Talchia:

Initially hay or thatch is spread on the ground circularly. Over it pieces of

bamboo and firewood, dry cow dung and husk is spread in equal proportion.

(ii) Majchia:

Again thatch and hay is spread in equal quantity over the bamboo pieces,

firewood, dry cow dung and husk. Then the pottery items are placed upside down and

systematically, depending upon their size. Again thatch is placed over the items, and

hay is spread so that the delicate items do not break.

(iii) Uparchia:

In this upper part, again hay and bamboo pieces, firewood, dry cowdung,

paddy husk are spread over the items, and the thupa is burnt.

Thus, a thupa of 4 to 5 feet height is made. It is burnt continuously for a

period of 12 hours. After about eight hours, some holes are made by a bamboo stick

or a huge wooden block so that the unbumt bamboo pieces and hay are burnt

properly. Again after about ten hours, 4 to 5 holes are made in the Uparchia, so that

air from outside enters the thupa and cool it down. When the thupa cools down, the

burnt pottery items are taken out from it (Dharam Kumar, Gotanagar, 60, Kinaram

Kumar, Sundarbari, 80).

Peghalk

The size of a Peghali is bigger than a thupa. It is made in an open space away

from home, preferably near the river banks. Paghali is made by digging one or two

feet deep. There is no restriction for both male and female in digging it, but the

47
women are restricted from lighting. The different parts of a Peghali are Upar-Mota,

Tal Mota, Shakini, Kurguna, Lohar, Kul, Mukh-bandha, etc.

The Peghali is usually round in shape; small pieces of wood and bamboo are

kept between the earthen items. Over these, broken pieces of burning earthen items

are spread and on the top, a mixture of hay and raw cowdung is spread. This mixture

is paulticed for about two or three times. Then holes are made in the mixture and the

Peghali is burnt continuously for eight hours. After a break, the Peghali is again lit.

Like this, after about twelve hours of burning, the Peghali is left to cool and then the

items are taken out (Hazarika 2012: 63-64).

Use of colour:

There is a tradition of colouring the pottery items in Upper Assam and the

process is called Rangani (colouring). A special kind of red soil is used for colouring

these items. Motifs of different jewelleries worn by the women are drawn on the body

of the items. In Lower Assam, the colouring process is known as Gapdiya and the

motifs are generally the lives drawn vertically and horizontally.

Difference in terminology:

There are some differences in the terminology of potter items in Upper Assam

and Lower Assam. In Upper Assam, the smaller earthen pitchers (tekeli in Assamese)

used in the ceremonial bathing of the bride and groom in the marriage ceremony

(panitola ceremony), and also used when the groom proceeds to the brides house (to

solemnize the ceremony) is known as Dunori. In Lower Assam it is known as

sahasrabati or sahasradhara, and also as Dunori in some places. It has some holes in

it and rice is kept, and an earthen lamp is lit over it to ward off evil forces.

In Lower Assam, the Kumars made big earthen containers, known as Dabar to

store clothes, where these are protected from insects. These are round in shape and

48
about 3 to 4 feet high with a one feet wide lid. This type of container is known as

Japa or Japakata in Upper Assam (Hazarika 2012: 65).

In Lower Assam, the pit where the Kumar’s soil is kept fo protect from

scorching heat is known as Matir gat, where as, in Upper Assam, it is known as

Khulani.

THE BORAS

There is another potter community in Assam; the Hira’s who are also engaged

in making earthen items. However, there are some differences between the two

communities. The basic differences are : the Kumars make pottery by using the

wheel, whereas the Hiras make by their hands; and the most significant difference is,

the items made by the Kumars are used for ritualistic purposes, whereas, the items

made by the Hiras are used for utilitarian purposes like preparing food, etc. In social

setup also, the Hiras are placed in as scheduled caste where as the Kumars have been

classified as Other Backward Class. Birinehi Kumar Baruah has written about them as

“In Assam at present there are two classes of potters: Kumar and Hira. The Hiras are a

degraded caste (antyaja) and they are frequently spoken of as a sub caste of the

Candala, but they will not eat with the latter and their occupation is of course quite

distinct. They differ from the potters of other caste in that their woman also work and

they shape their vessels entirely by hand instead of by means of wheels. They make

them in form stages each of which training a separate ring is partially dried before the

next is added. When the whole is complete they pile the vessels in a heap, with grass

between each, to which they can set fire and thus bake the clay” (Barua 1966: 26).

As there is no historical evidence regarding the origin of the Kumars, the same

is with the Hira’s. There is a legend associated with their origin. In the olden age, a

49
childless Brahman couple came from Orissa to Kamrup to have darshan (to bay

obeisance) of goddess Kamakhya. After visiting Kamakhya, they permanently settled

near the temple. In the course of time, with the blessings of Mother Kamakhya, they

had two sons. They were very poor and the Brahman died when the children were

very young. The responsibility of bringing up the two sons fell upon the mother and

she became helpless. The time came to solemnize the upanayan (initiation ceremony)

ceremony of the two Brahman boys. But, as the mother had no money to do that, she

built a hut in the foothills of Kamakhya hill and started living there. As she could not

solemnize the upanayan of her sons, the Brahman community excommunicated them.

The poor Brahman woman had no other option than begging for a living. But she, in

her mind, always thought of making earthen items. She made earthen items (potteiy)

and with this earned their livelihood. One of her sons started selling fish and came to

be known as Nama-Sudra (a caste of fish traders). The other son took his mother’s

occupation and came to be known as Hira. According to folk beliefs, the Brahman

woman’s name was Hira and thus, her son also came to be known as Hira. The mud

(clay) with which the Hiras made items is called Hira mati (Mati - clay or mud)

(Talukdar 2008: 17).

THE KUMARS AND THE HIRAS

The Hiras are also an indigenous potter community of Assam (See Chapter I).

Both make earthen items, but there are several differences between the two regarding

the soil (clay) they use to make the items, the making procedure etc.

i) Clay:

The Kumar clay {Kumar Mati) is generally light black in colour and glutinous

in texture. It is usually found on the river banks or in cultivable land. To procure it,

50
one has to dig the earth 7 to 8 feet (Dharam Kumar, Gotanagar), and in some cases,

even 30 to 40 feet in Upper Assam (Hazarika 2012; 62). The clay is usually dug

during the winter and stored in a pit. On the other hand, the clay used by the Hiras is

known as Hiramati and is found in the Beel (natural water reservoir) and cultivable

land. It is also procured during the winter season, but unlike the Kumar clay, Hiramati

need not be dug too deep. It is also stored in a pit and dry grass or leaves of trees like

coconut etc., are spread over it, so that it can be used in the summer season also.

There are some differences in the mineral and chemical composition between

Hira Mati and "Kumar Mati. Bandita Medhi in her unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation

entitled The Potteries and Pottery ofNalbari district, Assam: A Study in Ethnohistory

and Eihno archaeology (1992, Submitted to Gauhati University), has analysed in the

laboratory the samples of both Hira Mati and Kumar Mati, collected from Nalbari

district. She has found that there are differences between the two in both mineral and

chemical composition. Her finding shows: Hira Mati contains 47.5% sand, 27.0% silt

and 25.0% clay. Kumar Mati, on the other hand contains 21.0% sand, 49.5% silt and

29.5% clay. Both of them however, contain minerals like calcium, Magnessium,

Sodium, Potassium, Alluminium in different percentages. Moreover, her analysis

reveals that Hira Mati is sandy clay and Kumar Mati is silty clay. There is also

variation in particle size distribution. The proportion of clay is also varied. However,

there are certain common features, so far as the proportion of clay of both the groups

is concerned (Medhi 1992: 128-129).

ii) Making Process:

The Kumars use the Kumar wheel (chak) to make the items, while the Hiras

do not. The Kumar mati, which is kept in the pit (Matir gat) in Lower Assam, khulani

in Upper Assam, is cut two or three times with an iron instrument, called Kamiya.

51
After it, big earthen balls are made and kept it in a place, known as Maithal, then dust

is spread over it and again it is treated. A Sena (big ball) is made from this softened

clay. Out of this sena, some balls are made, which is known as Nimat. The size of the

nimat varies according to the size of the items. To make the items, the nimats are

placed over a sessani ( a piece of big flat wooden platform). The nimats are made

according to the size of the items. To make the items the nimats are placed over a

sessani (a piece of big flate wooden platform). The nimats are made according to the

size of the items. For example, to make earthen lamp, the size of a nimat is that of a

betel nut. The process of making chapari in the sessani begins immediately after

making the nimat. To prevent the nimat from sticking to sessani, a small amount of

Thupa's (see above) ash is spread over it. With the right hand, the Balia (a solid

instrument) is hammered, and with the left hand, the chapari is turned around. In this

way, chapari is placed on the top of one after another. A number of chapari is placed

over the wheel. A small piece of cloth is dipped in water in a bowl. Then the chapari

is held tight by the right hand and the wheel is moved by the left hand in circular

direction. Water is sprinkled over the chapari. As soon as the items begin to take

various shapes, these are brought down from the wheel one by one and kept on the

floor. Only the mouth of the earthen lamp, where the thread to light it is kept, is

pointed with hand. Then the items are sundried and placed in a Atheli or Athali (a

hollow wooden basin about one to one and half feet long and three to three and half

inches deep) and beaten with pitani mari (a one side flat and one feet long wooden

stick). Again it is hammered with a takim mari (as one feet long wooden stick), so that

the remaining joint of the inner surface can be removed. It is again sun-dried and the

surface is polished with a polisher known as ghohani-chaki. To give a beautiful look,

a little bit of sand is kept in the mouth of the ghohcmi chaki and is rubbed on the items

52
smoothly. Now, the items are ready for colouring. The colouring soil is available

under shallow flowing water. The soil is collected and powdered and applied on the

items to give these a bright and attractive look. Then the items are burnt either in

thupa (in Lower Assam) or peghali (in Upper Assam). The Kumars work with their

fingers to give the desire shape and this requires a lot of skill. Lack of skills results in

sticking.

The Hiras make large items by hand. First, the clay is beaten to make light and

then sun dried. In this way, they give shape to different parts of an item. Then the

parts are joined to give shape to various items. Generally, they make large items like

pitchers, containers; drum (Nagara), etc. They mix sand with clay to make the items,

whereas the Kumars use only clay.

(iii) Tools used to make pottery items:

Both Kumars and Hiras use different tools to make pottery. The Kumars use

the following tools.

a) Kamiya: It is an iron instrument of bow shape of one and half to two inches wide,

used to cut the clay from the pit (Matir gat).

b) Chak and Chaklaru: It is the wheel and the Chaklaru is a stick of about one feet

length. It is with the help of the Chak laru, the nirnat placed on the chak (wheel) is

rotated.

c) Athali or Athely: It is a hollow container of wood or iron and round in shape.

d) Pitanimarr. A one foot long sticks with a flat end. With this, the objects are

moulded and given different shapes.

e) Takon mark A solid wooden stick, about one foot long, used to rub the holes and

joints present in the items.

53
f) Balia. It is an useful equipment, made of stone or clay. Through the balia, small

clay balls placed on the sessani is beaten to give the desired shape.

g) Ghuhani Chaki: Used to polish the items.

h) After the making of items is completed in the wheel, a thread is used to bring out

the items from the rest of the unused clay. Also, a water container to keep water is

' used to pour water during the making process (Sarbeswar Kumar, Sundarbari, 62).

The Hiras use the following tools to make their items.

a) Gutka: A solid block of stone.

b) Pilanimarv. Used in the sameway as the Kumars do.

c) Pathala: A piece of broad soft stone, where the Hiramati is palced to make light­

weight.

d) Lesa. A piece of cloth dipped in water and rubbed on the items with fingers to

give various shapes.

(iv) Usages:

The items made by the Kumars are used in ritualistic purposes, like worship,

etc., as well as in every day use. However, the items made by the Hiras are used for

utilitarian purposes in everyday life. A list of items made by the Kumars and the Hiras

are given in Appendix HI.

(v) Population:

The number of Hira people is less than the Kumars. They are mostly found in

some pockets of Kamrup, Nalbari, Darrang, Goalpara and Nagaon district. The

Kumars are scattered in almost every part of Assam.

(vi) Political status:

Both the Kumars and the Hiras have been considered as socially,

economically, politically backward section of the society. Therefore, for their

54
upliftment, the Government has placed the Kumars in the OBC category and the Hiras

in the scheduled caste category.

Similarities between the Kumars and the Hiras:

The Hiras differ from the Kumars mainly on the technique of pottery making

and the status of their products. However, as they both belong to the same art, and

also share the same geographical space, there are several similarities between the two.

(1) Both the communities are agriculture based and pottery making is hereditary.

(2) Since they both belong to the same geographical, cultural, linguistic milieu, they

share almost all cultural - linguistic and religious similarities.

(3) Both the communities reside near the river banks, so that the raw material (clay)

needed for their art is readily available.

»

A list of pottery items made by the Kumars, photographs of some items made

by the Kumars and Hiras and tools and processes of pottery making by the Kumars

have been given in Appendix II, ID, IV and V respectively.

THE MAKING OF THE KUMAR WHEEL (CHAK)

The Kumar wheel is made from three split bamboos. These three pieces are

tied to each other in round shape (around 14 inches). After that, two pieces of wood

are tied diagonally. The entire structure is tied with cane and smeared with clay and

cow-dung. After sundrying for a few days, a hole is made on the ground according to

the size of the wheel and it is placed on it. However, it should be seen that the wheel

and the hole are of the same size. A plate is to be placed on the middle of the wheel,

and on this, potteries are made. Before placing the wheel, a hard ball like substance is

placed below the wheel. A stone is placed on the hole and over it, the top is placed.

55
Then the wheel is rotated with a Chaklaru according to convenience. A big wheel is

about of three feet of diameter, which rotates horizontally (Kumar G 2003: 59).

FAMILY AND SOCIAL LIFE OF THE KUMARS

Like any other traditional families of Assam, the Kumar’s family life also

revolves around agriculture, as basically, they are fanners. After the cultivation of the

main crop (paddy), they engage themselves in pottery making. Of course, there had

been some families, who were solely engaged'in pottery making.

Earlier these items were carried in boats in rivers to various places for trading,

and even barter system was practised where pottery items were exchanged for some

other essential household things.

There are some variations in the cultures of Assam region wise. However,

there is a common thread that binds the Assamese culture and helps in preserving it.

The Kumars, being an integral part of the greater Assamese culture, shares it and it is

evident in their family and social life. Some of the ceremonies that the Kumars follow

and solemnize are discussed below. These ceremonies are more or less observed and

solemnized by all the Assamese people.

1. Marriage:

Marriage is an integral and auspicious ceremony in any individual’s life. It is

an indispensable institution. The Kumars also held it in very high esteem.

As soon as a boy or a girl attains marriageable age in a traditional Kumar

society, efforts are made to search for a suitable match. When a suitable match is

found, their horoscopes are matched. If the horoscopes tally, then the next step is

given. Close relatives of the boy come to the girl’s house and select the girl and the

formal proposal is given. The girl’s side, after getting the formal proposal, enquires

56
about the boy and if satisfied, accepts it. Then, they formally visit the boy’s house and

the proposal is finalized.

Earlier, when boys and girls were married at an early age, their consent was

considered to be not necessary. But, with the marriageable age being fixed, and with

growing education level and income capacity, it is now considered well to take the

consent of both boy and girl before finalizing the marriage proposal.

From the formal acceptance of the marriage proposal to the final

solemnization, the entire process goes through various stages. These are discussed

below:

i) Ring ceremony:

The first ceremony (or stage) in the marriage process is the Ring ceremony

(,Anguthi pindhowa in Assamese). A small ceremony is held after finalizing the

proposal at the girl’s house. The boy’s family formally comes with the wedding ring

and ceremoniously puts it in the girl’s finger. This cements the proposal and both the

families fix the wedding date. However, gradually, this ceremony is loosing its

importance and is held along with the Joron diya ceremony (see below).

ii) Joron diya:

This is a very important ceremony held on the previous day of the marriage. In

Upper Assam, this ceremony is also known as Tekeli diya. The groom’s family with

their relatives and friends come to the bride’s house with the wedding dress

(Assamese Silk Mekhela-Chadar), jewelleries, hair oil, make up items and vermilion,

etc. They also bring betel-nut, bananas, coconut etc. with a big raw fish. The clothes,

jewellery etc. are formally offered to the bride and the vermilion is put on the

forehead and parting of the hair of the bride. This vermilion is worn by the bride till
%

her husband is alive as a mark of a married woman.

57
 The betel-nuts are offered to the women folk (Ayati - a woman whose

husband is alive) assembled in the bride’s house. They are held in high esteem and the

hair oil and cosmetics brought by the groom’s family are distributed among them.

Earlier, this ceremony was held in the evening with a man carrying the items in two

baskets balanced by a bamboo (bhar). The items included curd, a very tough laddoo

(pakalaru), banana, jiggery etc. and these were distributed among the women and

men folk present in the bride’s house. This ceremony was also known as Telar bhar in

Lower Assam (Sumitra Kumar, Boripara, Maligaon).

iii) The Marriage proper:

On the day of the marriage, several customs are followed:

a) Panitola: - Fetching water from river, pond or beel to give ceremonial bath to the

bride and the groom.

b) Daian diya: - A ceremony of the bride and the groom with curdled milk on the

morning of the wedding day.

c) Dara - koina nuwoa dhuwoa: - Ceremonial bathing of the bride and groom.

d) Suaguri tola: - A ceremony of drawing water from a river or tank, performed at

the house of the groom when he is about to proceed to the bride’s house.

e) Horn diya: - An offering of fire with ghee to Agni, the god of fire. This cements

the bond between the bride and the groom.

f) Kaina Sampradan Kara: - The bride is ceremoniously given to the groom by

cutting all relationship with her father’s side (including the ancestors).

g) Akhoi tola: - A rite performed by the bride’s younger brother (if not present, then

by somebody (boy) younger to the bride) during the binding of the nuptial knot.

Some perched paddy {Akhoi) is offered on the joined hands of the bride and the

groom.

58
h) Koina uliai diya: - Farewell to the bride to the groom’s house.

i) Dora gharat koina adara: - Reception of the bride along with the groom at the

latter’s house with some customs followed by the ayatis.

These and through many other minor ceremonies, a marriage is performed. One

beautiful feature of an Assamese marriage is the singing oiBiyanaam (Marriage song)

by the female folk (also sometimes male folk) of both sides at the time of

solemnization of the marriage.

Status of women:

The status of women in a Kumar family, like any other Assamese family, is

very high. That is why, the first proposal is made from the boy’s side. There is no

dowry system, however, some gifts (according to her father’s capacity) are given to

the bride, so that she does not face any difficulty in the new house. In the groom’s

house, she offers her respect to the elders with some betel-nut and gamocha.

The family life starts immediately after the marriage, as a traditional Kumar

family has to work for a livelihood. The women lend equal hand. No religious

ceremony is complete without her.

Family Life:

Monogamy is the usual norm practiced by the Kumars of Assam.

Traditionally, there is no system of divorce among them. However, according to one

informant (Saiba Kumar, Khetri, 60 +), there was the practice of calling a Raije Mel

(village assembly), when a man wanted to leave his wife and take its approval. Again,

if a wife died pre maturely, her husband could remarry. However, there were very

small cases of wife remarrying after her husband’s death. If she remarried, she was

known as Dhemni jowa - a derogatory term used by the society.

59
 Although Monogamy was widely practiced by the Kumars, however, there

were also instances of polygamy. Since women hand was necessary in the daily

household chores as well as pottery making and agricultural activities, some Kumars

married more than once. Moreover, the males went to far away places for pottery

trading, and the wives at home gave company to each other.

The Kumars cannot marry within the same family. Marriage cannot be

solemnized till fifth generation from mother’s side and seventh generation from

father’s side. Clan or gotra exonamy and village exogamy are not prohibited.

The Kumars follow both the affinal kinship and the consanguineous kinship.

Kinship established through marriage is affinal kinship and through blood is

consanguineous kinship. These kinships keep them together in the time of tragedy and

happiness. Like any other traditional Assamese family, the Kumars are also based on

patrilineal descent. That means, children are identified by their father’s family. A

traditional Kumar family is a joint family comprising of parents, children, grand

parents, uncles, aunts etc. The family possesses joint property. Since their profession

needs many hands, a joint family is very much beneficial. Moreover, children in a

joint family learn the values, ethos, customs, etc. from the elders. However, with the

increasing change in their profession and family values, like any other society, the

joint family system among the Kumars is also in the wane.

2. Childbirth:

. Right from the conception to the birth of the child, lot of customs are practiced

in the Kumar community. These include food habit, behaviour pattern, etc. During

pregnancy, a woman is prohibited to pass through forests, cremation ground etc.

However, she is permitted to visit temples and other religious places. Several customs

are practiced during this period.

60
i) Panchamrit: In the fifth month of pregnancy, a special cooked meal of milk, rice,

sugar, ghee and honey is offered to the woman.

ii) Jeura khuowa: In the seventh month, the relatives of the woman arrange a feast in

her house and give a healthy meal to her hoping and praying that she gives birth to a

healthy child.

iii) Janma Akhous: It is believed that even after child birth, defilement exists.

Therefore, a ceremony called Janma Akhaus is held after a fixed days to purify the

child as well as the family. Clothes are washed, cooking utensils cleaned and the

whole courtyard is cleaned with raw cowdung. Earlier cooking was done on earthen

pottery and these were broken and new utensils used. This was called pag pelowa or

charu - hari pelowa. A mixture of milk, rice, sesame, and gold and silver ornament

dipped in water, is sprinkled all over the house with a kind of grass (dubori ban). It is

believed that this purifies the house. The new bom’s hair is tonsured (of course, now a

days, the tradition of tonsuring is on the verge of extinction) and the village

womenfolk is offered jalpan (eatables of puffed rice, curd and jaggery). Also fish is

distributed in the village after one or two days of child birth.

In Lower Assam, specially in the northern bank of river Brahmaputra, there is

another system of distributing Jala bata (a mixture of several spices) to the villagers

after a child is bom.

iv) Anna prasanna: After a few months (even months for girl child and odd months

for boys), solid food is given to the child. Generally, the maternal uncle gives the first

gulp of rice in the child’s mouth and this ceremony is called Bhat mukhat diya or

Anna prasanna (Anna means rice).

61
3. Tolani Biya:

This is a ceremony held when a girl attains puberty. Certain rites are observed

and the girl is kept in an isolated room away from the men folk. She is kept on fast for

four days and after that ceremonially bathed.

An informant (Sumitra Kumar, Maligaon, Boripara, 70) has given a detailed

account of how this ceremony is observed in the Kumar community. On the first day,

water is kept in an earthen pot and three or five girls (who are yet to attain puberty)

are called to sprinkle the water. Near the earthen pot, an earthen lamp is lit on a stand

of three reeds. A small'amount of rice is kept in a small bamboo basket and a banana

and a knife with the handle made from deer’s horn is kept in it. Next day, in the

evening, the Japa thowa ceremony is held. The knife and immature pomegranate in a

handker chief are kept in a Japa (a bamboo basket). The knife symbolizes a child. An

uncut gamocha is kept over thejapa and garland is placed on it. The japa is carried by

a girl and kept in any relative’s house. The relative (female) receives the girl with a

pair of betel - nut, washes her feet and welcomes to the house. The japa is kept in an

isolated sacred place in the house and the party is treated with tea and snacks.

On the fourth day, the japa is again taken back to the girl’s house by the same

girl and kept near the place where the girl is being bathed. A plantain tree is planted

near this place, which symbolizes a groom. The girl, after bath, is given new clothes

to wear (usually Mekhela Chador) and vermilion is put in her forehead. The knife is

taken out from the japa and is kept on the girl’s lap. This is an exclusively woman

affair and no man is allowed. An astrologer is consulted with the time of attaining the

puberty, and he predicts about the future of the girl. As a remedial measure, he

determines the number of days she should keep fast. During the monthly periods, the

girls are to sleep on the ground and not allowed to do any household activity.

62
 However, now-a-days, Toloni biya has assumed the form of a proper marriage

minus the real groom with lot of feasting and fan fare.

4. Death Rites:

The Kumars follow the same kind, of death rites as any other traditional

Assamese community. As soon as the news of the death of a person spread, relatives

and neighbours gather at the dead man’s house. Normally there is no custom of

keeping a dead body overnight. But, sometimes, for various inconvenience, a dead

body may have to be kept overnight. A bamboo frame is made and the relatives and

the friends carry the dead body over it to the cremation ground. There, the body is

burnt according to the vedic ritesThe eldest or the youngest son (in absence, some

near relative) lit the pyre.

The unbumt bones (Asthi) are collected and carried home. These are put in an

earthen pot and buried near a tulsi tree in the courtyard. The family is considered

impure till the Shraddha ceremony. They remain on fast till the third day. On the third

day onward, they take boiled rice with vegetable boiled in it only in the evening. The

deceased is offered Pinda (a mixture of uncooked rice, milk and banana). In some

places, only sesame is offered, and this is known as Tilcmi (Til - Sesame). The

relatives and well wishers and friends offer gram, rice, fruits, etc. to the bereaved

family and this is called Jasa diya (Jasa - giving without asking).

On the tenth day, the asthi is consigned to flame and the sons (in some places,

even nephews) tonsure their heads. Some rites are observed and this ceremony is

called Doha (Doha - tenth day). The ash of the asthi is collected and kept for

immersion in the Ganga. It is believed that if this is not done, the deceased does not

get salvation (Mukti).

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 The Shraddha ceremony is performed on 13th - 15th day (varies from place to

place, earlier it used to be after one month). This is performed according to vedic

rites. The priests, who conduct the ceremony, are offered various items like clothes,

umbrella, and even cows. A non-vegetarian feast is arranged and the relatives, friends

and relatives attend. On this day the family touches non-vegetarian items cooked in

oil (Matsya sparsha). On this day and on completion of one month, Nam-prasanga is

held.

MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE KUMARS

Like any other traditional Assamese society, the Kumars also have rich

material culture and these are evident in their house pattern, food habits, cloth and

ornaments, etc.

i) House Pattern:

Earlier, in a typical Assamese village, construction of a house was a simple

affair. Villagers used to collect bamboo, timber and hay, and constructed the house.

There was a kind of system in arranging the houses in the compound, with the

cowshed, kitchen, main house, etc. arranged in a systematic way. The economically

well off built several houses and used these as Charctghar (portico), Bar ghar (Main

building), Sowani ghar (Sleeping room), Pak ghar (Kitchen), tatsalar ghar (the

spinning wheel shed), bharal ghar (granary), gosai ghar (prayer house), etc. most of

the houses have courtyard, used for various purposes, like drying paddy, threshing the

paddy, laying the yarns for weaving, and also for celebrating family ceremonies.

However, due to dwindling forests and non-availability of bamboo and hay, many

people are constructing RCC houses.

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ii) Food Habit:

Rice is the staple food of the people of Assam including the Kumars. Most of

them eat non-vegetarian food that includes fish, mutton, egg and flesh of various birds

like poultry, duck, etc. They also take sufficient vegetables, most of which are grown

in their backyard, along with seasonal fruits like mango, jackfruit, banana, etc. During

the festivals (particularly in Bihu), they prepare and take various snacks like chira

(puffed rice), pitha (rice cake made with coconut or sesame), laru (coconut ball)

along with curd and jaggery. Certain norms are observed while serving the food.

Earlier, meals used to be served and taken in the ground, sitting on a wooden stool

(pirn). An open mouthed brass vessel (charia) with a Lota and a gamocha used to be

kept by the side of the diner to wash the mouth. After food, tooth pick (kharika) was

given to clean the tooth, as not cleaning the tooth was considered to be impure. Then

betel-nut was served, which was called Mukhsuddhi. However, serving of food in this

manner is more or less extinct now a days,

iii) Dress and Ornaments:

Geographical location and climatic condition determine the clothing of the

people. The moderate, humid climate of Assam has influenced the clothing pattern.

Therefore, the use of cotton cloth is prevalent. Most of the Kumar male used to wear a

waist length dhoti and full sleeve shirt. The women wore Mekhela - chador. On the

occasion of marriage and such ceremonial purposes, the male used to take a Cheleng

Chador and a gamocha. The women wore Assamese silk and muga mekhela chador.

Most of the people walked barefoot. The women used various cosmetics and applied

jetuka (Mehendi).

Men wore less ornament. However, the women used different ornaments.

In the Head : - Siripati and Kapali.

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In the Ear Kcmphool, keru, thuria, karia, makori, etc.

In the Neck Galpata, Har, Dholbiri, Sathari, Berta, Dugdugi,

Jonebiri, Dhariabiri, Silikhabiri, Madali, gezera,

Chandrahar, etc.

In the Nose Nakfool

In the Arm Baju

In the Hand Muthikharu, gamkharu, gotakharu, sasharuwa kharu,

patia kharu, magarmuri kharu, etc.

In the Finger > Ooka (Rings without any design), Bakharpatia, etc.

In the Waist Kakalar karadhwarti, kakali, etc.

In the Ankle Anklet with Kharu, Pazup, etc.

In the feet Ujalti.

(Saikia 2004: 21-23).

However, most of the Kumar women used only thuria or keru in the ear,

dugdugi or galpata in the neck and kharu in hand. Moreover, the use of jewellery

depended upon the economic condition of the people.

Games and Sports:

Games and sports are means of entertainment as well ways to keep one

physically fit. Like any other people, the Kumars also play various games. Some of

these games are played by the boys only.

a) Bhanta guti or Tang guti khel

This game can be played in two ways. A small hole is dug in the ground and a

piece of wood or bamboo is placed over it horizontally. With a long stick, this piece

of wood or bamboo is blown. The other side throws it back. Another way of playing it

is instead of digging a hole, the piece of wood or bamboo is blown by hand or a long

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 stick. The winner or loser is determined by the number of times the small piece of

wood has been blown away.

b) Ghila khel

This game is played only in Assam. Ghila is a creeper and also a tree. The

game is played with the seeds of ghila. These seeds are placed systematically a little

far away. From the opposite direction, a player with a single ghila seed tries to turn

over the ghila. If he can turn over a number of ghila seeds, he is a winner. Another

way of playing ghila is that a hole is dug on the ground and a player tries to put the

ghila seeds in the hole. The number of seeds he puts in the hole determines the

winner.

c) Peng-lakhuUr khel

Two rings are made in two pieces of bamboo of equal length. Both the feet of

the player are placed in these two rings and the player walks. A competition of this

game is held among the cowboys.

d) Dhop khel

A ball is made of old worn out clothes and the game is played by throwing the

ball to each other’s side.

• e) Hai guddu guddu khel

In this game, a boy holds his breath and uttering hai guddu nuguddu

magurjali, runs in a circular way and try to touch a player from the opposite side. If

he can, he is a winner.

f) Kauppati or Kaubati khel

This is similar to the Haiguddu guddu khel. Here, instead of Haiguddu, the

player utters Kaupatti or Kaubati. This is a corrupted version of Kabbadi.

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g) Kanijuj

This is a game of egg and is played during the Magh bihu. Here, a person

takes a hard egg and breaks other’s. The number of broken eggs determines the

winner.

h) Nau khel

This is rowing competition and mostly held in Lower Assam.

i) Kukura juj

In this game, the players left leg is folded by the left hand and the right hand is

placed on the left shoulder. He utters cock cock and attacks the other side on one leg

like a cock. While attacking, if the folded leg gets loosened, then he loses the game.

Whoever can last longer, is considered a winner (Tarun Kumar, Maligaon Boripara,

62).

j) Tini Thengia dour

In this game (three legged race), two boys of equal height stand together and

tie one leg of each to make one with a gamocha. Both catch each others waist tightly

and run. Many pairs run like this and that pair that comes first, is the winner.

Games Played by girls:

a) Tikili khel:

This is a very popular game among the girls. Here, tamarind seeds on broken

potteries are used as small balls. A girl spreads the balls in the ground with force and

another girl tries to cut the seeds by drawing a line with fingers in between.

b) Kalah bhanga khel:

In this game (Pot breaking game), an earthen pot is placed at a certain

distance. A girl participant is blindfolded and given a stick. She is moved in circular

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way for three or four times, and then placed in the direction where the pot is placed.

The girl is asked to break the pot, and if she can, she is the winner.

The following games are played by both boys and girls:

a) Swimming Competition:

As traditionally Kumars reside near the river banks, swimming becomes their

favourite past time. Both boys and girls are expert swimmers and swimming

competitions are held among them.

b) Dubiowa khel:

A competition is held and the participants start diving in the water (preferable

river). The winner is determined by the time he or she can stay under water.

c) Kan khel:

Mostly aged people play this game, and can be played between two or four

players. Keans (beads) are taken in the palm and spread on the ground. One kari cuts

another. This game is similar to the game of dice.

d) Rashitana khel (tug of war):

This is popular among the youths. Two teams pull a rope to each other’s side,

and whoever can pull to their side, is the stronger team and wins.

e) Hafila khel:

In this game, two participants held a rope or a gamocha and another

participant is asked to jump across it. Gradually the height of the rope is increased.

The winner is determined by the height he or she can cross. This game is similar to

high jump.

Beside these games, children also play different games like Silai hat urai nia

khel (Hands taken away by the kite), olou guti tolou guti khel, Rajar doul saja aru

bhanga khel (the game of making and breaking of the king’s temple), etc. As most of

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the Kumars are agriculturists, games are played generally in the winter, after

harvesting the paddy. The details and description of these games are collected from

various places predominantly dominated by Kumars during field work. As per the

informants’ information, there is no belief or rites involved with these games. These

are played mostly for entertainment and time pass.

FESTIVALS AND CEREMONIES

Observation and celebration of festivals and ceremonies are integral part of

human lives. The Kumars also observe and celebrate many festivals. In terms of

religious faith, they are all Hindu. Among the Hindus also, there are several cults like

Shaiva, Shakta, Vaisfmava etc. and the Kumars belong to one or other of these cults.

Apart from some common secular festivals like the Bihu, which is celebrated by all in

the greater Assamese society, most of these festivals and ceremonies are related to

religious faiths and believes. However, now-a-days, these festivals and ceremonies

are also becoming common and people irrespective of their faith, join and celebrate.

Moreover, traditionally, the Kumars reside in villages and unknowingly participate

each other’s festivals.

(a) Bihu:

Bihu is the greatest community festival of Assam. People, irrespective of

religion, language and caste celebrate Bihu. There are three Bihus - Magh Bihu

(celebrated in mid January), Bohag Bihu (celebrated in mid April) and Kati Bihu

(celebrated on the last day of the Assamese month of Ahin, normally in October). This

is an agriculture related festival. Magh-Bihu is the post harvest festival. Lot of

feasting, is done during this Bihu. Therefore this is also known as Bhogali Bihu (Bhog

- to eat and enjoy). Bohag Bihu marks the sowing and beginning of the new

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cultivating season. Lots of dancing, singing of Bihu naam and Bihu dance and

merrymaking are done. New gifts of Gamocha (called Bihuwan) are offered to the

elders and youngsters. Troupes of Bihu dancers visit the households in villages and

ask for blessings. Now a days, these dances have come to the stages as stage

performance and have acquired a new dimension. For its merrymaking, this Bihu is

also called Rangali Bihu (Rang - to make merry). Also the Assamese New Year

begins from the first of Bohag. Kati Bihu is observed (not celebrated, as this Bihu is

considered more of a rite) to offer propitiation to Goddess Lakshmi in the paddy

fields. Earthen lamps are lit in the newly sprouting paddy fields and this contains

some kind of religious fervor.

(b) Shivaratri:

Initially this festival was celebrated by the Shavas (devotees of Lord Shiva),

where Lord Shiva is worshipped with pouring of milk on the Shiva Linga (genital of

Lord Shiva). The devotees puff bhang in Chillum, and sing devotional songs

accompanied by drum (Nam-Prasanga). The festival is celebrated mostly by all and

women take lead part in pouring milk.

(c) Ambubachi:

This is a kind of observance, observed in the month of Ahar (June). People

believe that Mother Earth becomes impure on certain days in this month and she is

purified. It is observed in a big scale in the famous Kamakhya temple in Guwahati.

Devotees not only from Assam, but from North Bengal, Bihar, Jharkhand and Orissa

come and offer their obeisance to Goddess Kamakhya. The Kumars have an

inseparable bond with Kamakhya and observe this rite very devotionally (see above).

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(d) Durga Puja:

Celebration of Durga Puja is also assuming the status of a secular festival as

this is celebrated now a days by all. The Kumars also enthusiastically celebrate it. .

(e) Lakshmi Puja:

Goddess Lakshmi is worshipped in this Puja. The Kumars, predominantly

being agriculturalists, worship Goddess Lakshmi.

(f) Ganesh Puja:

Worshipping of Lord Ganesh is considered to be herbinging of good omen.

The Kumars too fervently worship Lord Ganesha.

(g) Biswakarma Puja:

Lord Biswakarma is considered to be the maker and builder of everything. The

tools and equipments used in various trades and professions are washed, cleaned and

worshipped in this Puja. The Kumars also celebrate Biswakarma Puja.

(h) Kalipuja and Chandi Path:

These are mostly celebrated and observed by the Shaktas, where goddess Kali

is worshipped. Many among the Kumars observe Kali puja.

The Vaishnavas, followers of Sankardeva and Madhadeva, worship only Lord

Vishnu and none other. The prayers are offered in Namghar (prayer house)

throughout the year. There are Satras (Vaishnavite centres) where prayers are offered.

The Vaishnavas celebrate Janmastami (Birthday of Lord Krishna) and the tithis (Birth

and Deathday) of Sankardeva and Madhavdeva with nam-kirtan.

Apart form these major festivals, the Kumars also celebrate some other

festivals like Mohoho, Lakhimi Sabah, etc., particularly in Lower Assam.

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Religious rites associated with Pottery Making:

The Kumars are deep religious people and they attach enormous religious

beliefs and sentiment to their art. According to them, pottery making is just not a

means of livelihood to them, but carries enormous religious faiths. They observe

certain rules and rites while making certain items and believe that these are written in

Shastras (holy scriptures). These are more particular in the making of some items

which are solely used in ritualistic purposes. Some such beliefs were collected during

fieldwork (informants - Suren Kumar, Bangara in Kamrup District, age-65, P. Kumar,

Boripara, 87) and also documented (Kumar D 2010: 56).

(a) Related to ghat Making:

Ghat (a kind of earthen pitcher, small in size with a narrow neck, bulky

stomach and a small mouth) is an integral part in any Hindu worship. There are some

rules observed in ghat making:

(i) The ghats have usually a measurement of 16 fingers (i.e., the Measurement of

16 fingers put one after another) in height, so that the Moon’s good sight falls

upon it.

(ii) The mouth is six fingers in width, so that all the six seasons are blessed in it.

(iii) The size of the neck portion is about four fingers in width, which signifies the

four cycles in human life: Dharma (faith) Karma (work), Artha (wealth) and

Moksha (salvation).

(iv) The stomach portion should be 36 fingers wide and the lower portion should be

five fingers wide, signifying the five elements the body consists of - earth,

water, fire, air and ether.

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(b) Debarred from pottery making:

The Kumars do not make pottery in the month of Bohag (mid April to mid

May). According to their beliefs, they were bom in this month and the Kumar chak

(wheel) was also made in this month. Therefore, they consider this month as sacred

and do not indulge in pottery making. They worship Lord Vishnu and Lord Brahma in

this month.

The female do not make pottery during their menstrual cycle as they believe to

be impure during this period.

(c) Related to the Kumar Chak:

The Kumars consider the chak to be very special. Therefore, before starting it,

they pray to God so that the chak doesnot break and their labour does not go in vain.

Similarly, after the work is over, they thank God. The chak is worshipped in the

Biswakarma Puja.

VILLAGE ADMINISTRATION

Like any other village in Assam, a Kumar village was also administered

according to the prevalent rales. During the British rale, lands were given to the

farmers (ryot) and as long as the farmers cultivated in that land, he was the owner

(ryotery system). How much revenue he had to pay, was written on the back of the

patta, decided by the collector. The Villages were administered by the Gaon burha

(village headman) and any small conflict like theft, quarrel, etc. were tried in the Raij

Mel (an assembly of village elders). The guilty was punished by tonsuring his head or

applying lime in the face and making round of the village, or imposing fine. If a guilty

did not obey the verdict of the Raij Mel, he and his family were isolated from the

village and were termed as jui pani alag (debarred from taking fire and water). Some

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cases were also settled in the Gaonburha level. Most of these trials and meetings were

held in the village Namghar, and the verdict was binding to all (Ahalya Kumari,

Boripara, 72).

However, now a days, this system of trial and giving punishment is more or

less extinct. Earlier the Gaonburha was selected by the villagers, and in some cases,

also hereditary. But, now, he is a Government employee, appointed by the

Government. He is responsible to assist the Government in various occasions like

election, census, etc.