7 l\1asaccio in the Brancacci Chapel

Diane Cole A111

It is the habit Dr nature, that \\'hel1 she I11dkcs SUIllCllIll' \'l'I")' excellent ill
,IIlV proFession, he does Ilot stCind ,dOlle,
Giorgio Vasari, Life of Mas{lcc;o (1568)'

Of all the works of iVlasaccio, the 8rancacci Chapel in Santa Maria del
Carmine seems most crucial to ollr understanding or his contributions to
Renaissance art and his place within it (sec PI<ltl' ,;). Painted by iVlasolino
and Masaccio around 1425 and leFt unhnished until its completion by Fil-
ippino Lippi in the 1480s, the cycle portrays the original sin of AcIam and
Eve and its redemption through the life or
thl' apostle Pcter, Chrisl's vicar
and first pope. To many, these scenes seem 10 iliustr,ltl' (he dichotomy
between tradition and innovation: \\'h,lt is gcnerally deemed the lute
Cothic style 01' the older I\lasolino, and the nascent Iknaiss;ll1l'c sensibil-
ity of Njasaccio, an artist, Vasari proclaimed, "so j';lr in <It''''mce or that
which had been painted until his lime that his \\'ork surely can stand COI11-
parison in its drawing and color to anything modern,"! For V,lsari, who
devoted much 01' his life of iVlasaccio to praise of the chapel, lhe I'rcscoes
became "a school of art for the most celebrated sculptors and paintcrs,"
From Fra Filippo Lippi through Leonardo cia Vinci, Ibphael, and "the most
divine IVlichelangelo.'" Vasari's glorification of the I3rancacci Chapel - as
a monument so reflective 01' [Vlasaccio's genius that it seemed to transcend
time instead of being a product of its moment - has decisively shaped the
way in which we have been led to think about the chapel to ~his day.
Our distance from the I3rancacci Chapel has increased dramatically
since Vasari wrote his encomiUIll in the mid-sixteenth century. Notwith-
standing his praise, the chapel was regarded as olltmoded 200~ yeilrs after
its completion.~ In the 1670S, the vogue for pielre d1tre inspireel the acldi-
Lion of marble wainscoting, an elaborate balustrade, and a new altar and
 Nlasaccio in the Brancacci Chapel 139

I'r;lnw j'or the iV/(uirJllII(f clel POj1olo, which had been installed in the chapel
by 1454" Between 174 6 and 174~, the original vdulls, painted with the Four
evangelists by iVLlsolino, were replaced by Vincenzo iVleucci's J\Ilac/on17{1
Cil'ill,!; the CUi'll/elite SClIl'ulm- to Sail1l SilJ1ol1 Sloe", a Fresco whose dis-
pr()porti()n~ltely large ligures dwarF the scenes below." joining iVleucci's
dOllle to the \\'~t1ls, ,lrchitcctuntl vistas by Carlo Sacconi obliterated'
rVlasolino's IUllettes or the Cailing (~f Peler 'ami /\mirew and S((;111 Peter:
Hidbllg Oil H~/Ier, Hepbcing the Denial (~f Peter and Feed My Sheep, \
known only through their sinopie,' a wiele, arched window was installed'
,lbo\'(' the original Cothic one. After the fire that swept the Carmine in
1771,' restoration was undertaken 10 recover a luminosity lost centuries
e;lI-lier, with unsatisFactory results. -
'fhroughout Illuch of' the twentieth century, the I3rancacci Chapel was
rl'oartieci
l""l
l)rill1arilv ;IS a l)roblell1 of connoisseurshilJ - for Hoberto Lonohi
~ b ~

echoing C~lct:lno 1\liianesi, perhaps tlw single most important and

inll'ilct;lble one in all or liheenth-century art!" - to which innumerable
solutions were pl"Oposed, Hestoration of the frescoes, undertaken between
I 9 iLl and 1l)l)O, has resolved many questions concerning its authorship
while rcvealing new information about the style, technique, and collabo-
ration of lhe artists,'" Freed of the dirt of centuries and residue From the
fire or 1771, the chapel's colors arc no longer lugubrious but appear bright
and luminoLls, in absolute accord with those Found in lale Trecento and
carll' QUilt trocen to frescoes. The recovery of several Fragments and of
sinopie 1'01' the scenes above the window has brought us closer to the
artists' intentions while raising new questions about their collaboration. 11
Ol'er t he past few decades, docu ments concerning both the artists and
Felice Br~lI1c;t('ci, the patron or the cll'COrMion, have come to light. 12 \Ve
no\\' kno\\' more about the I3rancacci Chapel as a work of art than earlier
generations ever could h;1\'(' Foreseen or inl<lgined.
At the samc timc, much ilbout the Brancilcci Chapel eludes us as mod-
crn-(\;])' witnesses to its Faille. \\'e are precluded From knowing the work by
our remotcncss rrom the fifteenth century, our tendency to heroize iVIasac-
cio, ,mel oLir obsession with attribution and dating, matters of less concern
to its original audience. \Ve can no longer view the church as it was when
the murals \\'('rc begun, For virtually nothing remains of the Carmine\
original decoration: the Cothic vaults; the stained-glass windows of saints
and martyrs; the eh,1pels frescoed by such late Trecento masters as Agnolo
Gaddi, Spinello ArC'lino, Lippo d'Ancirea, and Starnina. 1l Finally, we can-
not experience the I3rancacci as did the devollt in the Quattrocento or
even as did scholars through the early 1980s. Isolated from the rest of the
church ,mel accessed by a separate entrance, the chapel is a monument
that we now view as spectators who must pay to regard its display.
This chapter seeks to situate the I3rancacci Chapel within the histori-
cal and patronal ambience 01' Santa Maria del Carmine and the artistic
140 Diane Cole Ahl

practices of the early Henaiss<lnce. To create <I context I'or understanding

the I3rancacci Chapel, we begin by discussing the C<lI'111ine and the art vis-
ible in the church at the time that iVIasolino ,1I1d iVIasaccio painted the
Frescoes. \\le then turn to the history of the chapel ,md the Brancacci hllll-
itv, focusing on Felice BrancHcci, under whose aegis the paintings were
c~mmissioned. Next, the iconography and program of the mumls ,Ire con-
sidered. A discussion of the frescoes, their date, and the collaboration of
iVIasolino and lVI asaccio follows. \-\ie conclude by placi ng the chapel with in
the devotional context of the Carmine and its clecor<1tion.

Santa Maria del Carmine and Carmelite Devotions

Founded in 1268 in the working-class parish or San Frcdiano, Santa iVLuia

del Carmine was one of several monastic Founda! ions esta bl ishecl in Flo-
rence in the thirteenth century.'" The special distinction 01' the Carmelites
amonob all relioious
b
orders lay in its l)url)Orted <1nticluitv.
~ .
The Carmelites
professed their descent from the Old Testament prophet Elijah, who, they
asserted, had originated an eremetic form of monasticism on Mount
Carmel predating the birth of Christ." To signil)' the Order's origins in the
Holy Land, Carmelites Followed the liturgy of the Holy Sepulcher in
1
J erusaleIH·, {, to honor their 1)<11ron 'the
./ Viroin
:) Mar\'
. ' allcoed
b" to have visited
.

the early hermits on j\llount Carmel, the monks celebrated her Feasts with
special ceremony and displayed icons of the Madonna and Child."
Notwithstanding papal approval of the Order in 1226, the legend of its
descent from Elijah was challenged frequently. As early as the I-l;s/or;a 01";-
el1ta/is of Jacobus de Vitry (c. 1250), the Carmelite claim to antiquity was
denied and its origins dated only to the Crusades (begun 1096)." Through-
out the iVIicldle Ages and Henaissance, the Order sought to assert its ven-
erable foundation by Elijah, as attested by public disputations as well as
by its art.") In Carmelite churches, icons and panels or the I\'ladonna and
Child were venerated as ancient images brought from the Holy LJIld, in
evident testimony to the Order's antiquity.
From its foundation, the Florentine church of Santa Maria del
Carmine was renowned for its possession of the monumental JV/ac/oJ1.lw del
Popolo, then believed to have been transported From thc Holy Land before
its occupation by the Muslim inFidels in the seventh century.'" The origi-
nal location of the [VIae/anita within the church is unknowl~. Although it
generally has been assumed that the panel once was placed 011 the high
altar, it instead may have served as /a [avo/a eli l10slm Donna (the painting
of our Lady) for the chapel of an important confraternity, the Compagnia
eli Santa Maria del Carmine. 21 This confraternity, established by 1280, was
a lauclesi (laud-singing) brotherhood, whose members met to pray, sing
songs of praise to the Virgin on selected church feasts, and commemorate
their dead brethren. Believed to possess great miracle-working powers/"
 JVlasaccio in the Brancacci Chapel '4'

the Mm/0I1I1{1 ~leI Popo/u received pleas for grace from the populace and
the I)rayers o~ w()n~en who, s()u~ht cure of their inFertility. In 14° 6 , the
spoils 01 war I rOIll Horence s defeat of Pisa were placed beFore the image.
At that point, the iVladolllUi Illay already have been Illoved to the I3rancacci
Chapel. By 1454 il'llot earlier, a sociality of pious women had been founded
to care For both the image and the chapel.";
T'he Carmine <t1so was Famous for its performance of the sacra rappre-
SCIlIIl:.irmc (mystery play) of the Ascension of Christ. This mystery play was
perFormed on t he Feast of the Ascension as early as the 1390S by the' Com-
pagnia di Sant'Agnese, a confraternity that maintained an altar in the
Carmine and counted many artists among its members.'· Performed in the
nave outside the I3rancacci Chapel, the sacred spectacle was described
with great admiration by Bishop Abraham 01' Suzdal, the Byzantine prelate
who visited the city during the COLlncil 01' Florence (1439).2; The play was
a multimedia event involving boy actors in festive costumes, a choir of
singers, dancing and music-making "angels," and scenery illuminated by
lanterns, lamps, and c;:mdles. The perFormance c1ima;xed in a glorious
blHze of light as JesLls, sLlrrounded by a radiant -aureole, ascended to
heaven - the vaults of the Carmine. This fantastic illusion was noiven reHI-
it)' with ingenious stage machinery designed by I3runelleschi and elaborate
scenery that in LF5 was painted by Masolino. 26
Although the theatrical spectacle commemorated the Feast 01' the
Ascension, it inevitably would have inspired other associations because of
its perFormance in a Carmelite church. The text of Elijah's ascent to
heaven in a hery chariot (2 Kings:J1-12) evidently was the basis of the
account of Christ's ascension (Acts 1:9-11);"' the prophet's return to earth
in witness of the Transfiguration UVlark 9:4) also was considered a prefig-
uration or this event. Attracting cOllntless spectators and dignitaries, the
Ascension play established the Carmelites' prominence among the city's
churches. Propag;1l1distically, it also reinforced the Order's associcltion
with Elijah and confirmed as truth the legend of its antiquity.

Santa Mar-ia del Carmine before the Brancacd Chapel

Liltle remains of Santa Maria del Carmine as it existed in the early Quat-
trocenlo, when decoration of the Brancacci Chapel was begun. To ascribe
this to the f-ire of '771 alone would be erroneoLls. Long before then, litur-
gical reForm, modernization, changes of taste, and restorations had trans-
formed the origina I Gothic church."' Descriptions of the Carmine prior to
these renovations are recorded in extant documents. They suggest that
mLlch of the church already had been decorated by the time the Brancacci
Chapel, prominently located on the right transept, was painted. An image
of the Viroin
b "
S'1int Aones
0.'
and John the Bal)tist "bella e eli bello colore"
29
(beautiful and beautiFully colored) was commissioned for the facade. Tall
I..p Diane Cole Ahl

stained-glass windows with "imll1<lgini eli sHnti c eli s<lllte" (images male or
and female s,lints) once lined the neWt'; saints and their m,lrtyrdoll1s were
portrayed on the walls. III
131' the carll' years of the QU<lttroccnto, sever,ll chapels ,drcady h,lcl
been'dccorateci ""ith frescoes (md alulrpieces. Virtually nil of these have
been destroved over time. As is known 1'1'0111 Vasari"s admiring description,
the high alt~ll' chapel was decorated by Agnolo C,.lddi with scenes From the
liFe of the Virgin, to whom the C,lrminc was dedicated;" iml1lcdi,ltely to
the right was the chapel of John the Baptist, thought by Vas<lri to have
been painted by Ciotto but actllally by Spinello Arl'lino, Agnolo's Con-
temporary (see Plate 35). '2 Spinello frescoed t\l'O other ch,q)els in the
church, as Vasa!"i recounted in "ivid detail, one dedicated to J;lll1eS <lnd
John the Evangelist, the other representing scenes frol11 the life 01' the
Virgin that culminated in her AssLlmption, the chicI' 1\ larian restival or the
liturgical year."
On the left aisle, <In altarpiece by Lorenzo i\lon,lco (doclll11ented in
'400) adorned the chapel, Frescoed by Lorellzo eli Sal\'(), "here the /alltiesi
Compagnia eli Sant'Agnese worshiped." lts walls resonated \\·ith thc con-
Fraternity's lauds, songs that wcre transcribed in a beautifully illuminated
choirbook." The oratory belonging to the COll1pagnia eli San Niecolo eli
Bari (Founded in 1334) \v~lS located bencath the high altar <Inc! transcpt
chapels. I ts walls were decorated with monochrollle scenes or the Passion
of Christ from the late Trecento.''' The young Fra Angelico (thell the lay
painter Guido eli Pietro) joined the confraternity in loopS berore he became
a Do 111 inican Friar. lC It might be proposed that his pane Is orSa i 1/ Is Cal her-
ine of Alex(lJulri{l ({11(1 )01711 the Baptist ~lnd Snillls ,\li('1I0IU5 or Bari ulld
Agnes (Ne\\' York, Private Colkction) once formcd part or all alt~II'pil'ce ror
this chapel, paying homage to rhe saints most I-c"crcel in the Carmine."
The Fresco that Masaccio painted of the Carllline's ceremonial conse-
cration on April 9, 1422, was destroyed in renovations during the early sev-
enteenth century. \', The mural of the Sagm (ConsecrMion) was executed ill
lerra verde (green monochrome) and located abo\'c a clool' in the monks'
cloister. There the image was continuously \'isible to the fri,lrs, bicklillg
them to recall an illustrious moment of the church's history. The Sagra is
known by Vasari's moving description (mel through sevnal drawings by
later artists.'''' Vasari praises the verisimilitude or its portraits, which rep-
resented Brunelleschi, Donatello, and eminent Florentine statesmen. He
commends iVlasaccio's great skill (discre:iolle) in distinguishing their
physique, height, and appearance. Notwithstanding the greaL loss of this
Fresco, its appearance is likely to have been reflected in the varied groups
of apostles and neophytes in the 13rancacci Chapel. The date th'lt Mas,lC-
cio painted the Fresco is unknown, although along ,vith the Brancacci
Chapel itself, it was executed in the 14205 and thus was later than most of
the works in the Carmine,
Sadly, as we have seen, much of the Carmine's original decoration has
 Masaccio in the Brancacci Chapel 143

been destroyed. Only ,I rew Frescocs have survived From the early Ouattro-
cento. 'They include thc wrenching Flagellation andCrLJcif-lxio~ 1;0111 the
Chapel or the Passion (doculllented in 1402) by Lippo c!'Andrea; the exten-
sive cycle recounting the lire or Saint Cecili8, also ascribed to him, in the
sacristy; and the I'r<lgmentary saints by Starnina in 1404 for the Chapel of
Saint Jerome (sec Plates 36 and 38), scenes of which were engraved by
'Thomas Piltch ,lI1d ScroLlX d'Agincourc 41 Painted in the opening years of
the QU<lttrocento, lIwse frescoes incipiently reveal some of the same ten-
dencies that would be developed in the Brancacci Chapel: clarity 01' dra-
matic exposition, concern with representing architecture in perspective,
sculpt u ra I d raper)', Iu mi nously modeled facial Featu res, and bright colors.
Along with the IVlado11lw del Popolo; the lost works by Agnolo Gadcli,
Spinello J\rl'lino, and Lorelll.o iVlonaco notecl previously; and earlier
\\'orks, including the Accademia Crucifixion (1343) by Bernardo Daddi;'2
they shaped the visual culture of the Carmine of which the Brancacci
Chapel was to be a part.
A crucial point must conclude this consideration 01' the church and its
art. Many oj" the ch'lpels in the Carmine, including the high altar chapel
and the sacristy, had been decorated by wealthy families from the parish
by the l<lle 1390S (il' not earlier) or in the opening years of the Quattro-
cento. Not so with the chapel of the Brancacci Family. Its lack of adorn--
mcnt would have been embarrassingly conspicuous, given its prominent
position. Located on the south transept, the Brancacci Chapel faced the
high altar, conCrontccl thc chapel of the wealthy Serragli Family across the
nave, and was cldjacent to the Chapel of the Passion. Considering the COI11-
pctili\"l' momentum that characterized relationships between Florentine
families of this time ~md the illlporUlI1ce of private chapels as indicators of
sLllus, its bare walls would have been un,1Cceptable. Its decoration was a
strategy critic,t1 to the social and religious standing of the Brancacci
among their peers and, as we will see, to the FulFillment of a long-standing
family commitment. This obligation must have seemed especially pressing
in lightor the C,mnine's consecration in '422, which elevated the church's
prestige in the city, and the chapel's visibility during the Ascension plays
performed in the ml\'e.

The Brancacci Family and Santa Maria del Carmine

The Brancacci had been worshiping in the Carmine For more than 13.0
"ears by the time that -the family's chapel was Frescoed in the mid-1420S.43
:rhe L:II~lily, comprised 01' wealtllY cloth merchants, became active in -the
church within vears of its foundation in I:~68. In 1290, Branca eli Brancacci
served as one' of two capitani (directors) of the confraternity of Santa
Maria del Carmine, the Icwdesi confraternity that met in the church to
sing hymns to the Virgin:" Branca initiated an association with the con-
144 Diane Cole Ahl

fraternity that his male descendents were to follow ror gcner'ltiolls: From
his son i)iuvichese through Felice Br;mclcei, I he men were members 01'
this sodality, several becoming gon'/;l[ollieri (officers and bearers oj' the
group's pro~essional standard). In addition, Bnll1cacci men were active in
Florentine government on the highest level, many sl'rving terms as prior or
aOllfalol1ieri 01' the republic.-"
b 'Economically and politically, the most sLiccessful or the rOLlrkenth-cen-
tmy Bwncacci was Piero eli Piuvichese.'/(' It was he who established the fam-
ily ~hapel in the Carmine and, consequently, hc whose patron sainI had to
be honored in the Frescoes. This prosperous merchant was married to ,1
da...Llghter of the vvealthy banking family, the Barcli, whose own chapel in
Santa Croce had been painted by Ciotto. 'fhe cstecmcd Piero scrvcd once
as capitaJ10 of the Parte CuelFa, three times HS IJrior or Florcnce, ,1Ilel six
times as gOl1j~l[onie,.e of the Compagnie1 di Santa i\laria del Carmine. In
13 6 7, Piero wrote his testament, in which he endo\\'ed a chapel in the
Carmine, promising the church five Ilorins a year for rorty years. His
bequest was administered by his son Antonio, who clied in '39''-'- I n his own
testament, Antonio bequeathed an additional 200 florins ror its completion,;'
By 1387, construction of the chapel was under way; in '389, 50 florins were
left by Serotino eli Brancacci "for the adornment of, and to make paintings
in, said chapel.";'! Not\\~thstanding these bequests, more than a quarter of a
century would transpire beFore the chapel actually was Frescoed.

Felice Brancacci and the Brancacci Chapel

As Richard Goldthwaite has demonstrated, the fifteenth century saw an

unprecedented demand for private chapels in churches, even for those
who were not extremely wealthy.'" Chapels commelllorated the deceased,
perpetuated their memory, and publicly dell10nstrated the StatLiS of the
Family. No surviving documents prove that Felice I3rancacci p~lid 1'01' the
chapel's decoration himself. However, it is probable that this was the case,
since Felice by then had inherited rights to the chapel." By '422, when he
wrote his first testament, Felice referred to "the chapel or said testator and
his predecessors" in the Carmine; a decade later, its decor'ltion still unlln-
ished, his will requested that it be completed by his heirs.'!
Felice Brancacci experienced success as well as tragedy." He enjoyed
his wealth as a silk merchant and commanded respect as the descendent
of a venerable Family. He received meteoric public acclaim after he won a
joust celebrating Florence's defeat of Pisa in 1406. H is Fall From renown
was equally dramatic. In '436, he was formally expelled from the city by
Cosimo de' Medici, de facto ruler of Florence and his one-time friend.
Because of his marriage to the daughter of Palla Strozzi, Cosimo's great
enemy, and his involvement in a plot against the Medici, Felice was pro-
 M asaccio in the Brancacci Chapel J 45

hibited fJ"Om ever returning to his native city. In 1447, he died impover-
ished and in exile. His only son, Michele, died in 1455.
Felice Bl'ancacci served in a variety of promincnt governmental and
diplolllatic positions in the years beFore his exile, especially during the
1.12°5.'" He bccame governor, vicar, and ambassador to several Tuscan
towns From 14 0 7 through 1421. In 1422, he was appoinLed ambassador in a
dangerolls mission to C<liro, the intriguing events of which he recorded in
his diary. Indicating how greatly he was trusted, he became treasurer of
COlllmll nal accou n ts in J 425. I n the Carmine, he twice served as gon-
Ia/olliere 01' the conFraternity or Santa Maria del Carmine, following the
tradition cstablished by his ancestors.
iVlany doculllcnts concerning Felice's life have survived. However, none
relate to the decoration 01' his Family chapel. In the absence 01' any docu-
ments, it has been contended that funds for the Frescoes were oi)tained
from the fourteenth-century endowments of his ancestors'; and that Felice
had very litlle to do with the chapel. However, funds for the chapel's con-
struclion ;Ire likely to have been exhausted by this time, as suggested by
the long delay in decorating the chapel from the time of the bequests. Fur-
thermore, there is evidence suggesting that Felice may have raised special
r'unds to pay For the frescoes himself.
As Felice's tax declarations reveal, he was well-to-do but not among the
richest men in Florence. In 1427, he ranked 516th in terms of financial
worth, as is known from his tax return.'" Between 1423 and 1425, he sold
three hOllses belonging to the Brancacci family (including the ancestral
home), forcing his family to rent lodging and liquidating a patrimony that
custom required him to preserve.;; Indeed, his pressing need for money,
for which no other explanation apart From decoration of the chapel has
been round, led him to embezzle funds from the communal treasllry in
1425, <l crime that \\'<lS not discovered until seven years later. is This period
coincides precisely with the time that iVlasolino anel fvlasaccio were likely
engaged in painting the chapel. Bights to the chapel by then had passed
10 Felice, as is known From his testament 01' 1422, which, as we have seen,
designates it as his ,mel his predecessors' place of burial. i" Decoration
therdore must have occurred under his auspices and was undertaken to
fulflll a family obligation.

The Iconography of the Chapel

Several critics have proposed that the life of Saint Peter was chosen for the
chapel's decoration to demonstrate support for the prevailing government
or the papacy."o However, such arguments are inevitably problematic. The
theme of the frescoes was not conceived as a response to contemporary
circumstances or politics. Bather, it was determined by the obligation to
14 6 Diane Cole Ahl

honor the apostle Peter because he was the p,ltron s,lint or Felice's ,lnces-
tor Piero eli Piuvichese, who hml rounded the ramil)' rUllerary ch,qwl in
6
13 7. \Vhite scholars have sought ,Illusions to Felice's beliers Ol' the events
of the clay in certain episodes, it is mistaken to read these scenes as social
commentary. The life of Saint Peter was portr,lyed on the walls or this
funerary ch'apel in order to commemorate Picro eli Piuvichese ilnd to pro-
cure salvation for his descendants. In every respcct, the scenes comprise
a canonical account 01' the apostle's life, 1'1'0111 his calling to his martyrdom.
In a narrative mode followed throughout late medieval <ll1d HCIl,lissance
painting, their sequence is themiltic rather th,1I1 strictly chronological to
create a unit\' 01' meaning and comp()sition~d h'lrl11on1'.'.1 The only anachro-
nistic elements in the cycle 01' the saint's lire are thc Carmelite rriars wit-
nessinoo the I)reachin
. ; : :o' and chairing
'-' of Peter - a neCCSS,lr\". I)l'olwgandistic
l

affirmation of the Carmelite Order's antiquity - and the portraits in the

scenes on the bottom register thatlVerc finished by Filippino Lippi.'" Such
inclusions would have macle the scenes relevant to the Carmille's history
and the lay p<ltrons.
It is erroneolls to suppose, as Frederick Antal contended, that the
scenes in the chapel were intended to advocate an "cgalitarian point of
view ... which proclaimed in principle the equality or I11cn."'" Such an ide-
ology may have been propounded in humanist writings but was inconceiv-
able in Florentine society of the early QU<lttl'Ocento. 1\loreo\'er, the Call-
ing of Peter and AJUlre1l' and Sninl Peler Hftlihillg 011 \Valer were portrayed
not as allusions to Felice's dangerous se,1 voyage to Egypt or his one-t iIlle
service on the Board of Maritime Consuls, as has been stated, but because
they were crucial episodes in the apostlc's fife that initi:!led his ministry
and tested his Faith. Similarly, the story orthe trihute mOlley - in which
the saint, at Christ's command, rctrie\'cdllloncy rrom iI fish's Illouth to pay
the Homan tax collector - was chosen as a pclradigm or
Peter's ohedience
to Christ and his prim,]c), in the Church. nccountcd in i\l:Jttl1C\\' 17:2')-7
immediately after Jesus' prophecy or his own death <lnd rl'surrection, this
subject would have had special relevancc in a fUIlerary chapcl. i\iost cer-
tainly, the representation of the tribute l11onc\, was never intcnded, as has
been proposed, as a prophetic endorsemcnt (;1' the Florentine cO/llslo (the
city's first graduated income t<l.x), not evcn instituted until I "P.7."; COlltrary
to what has been asserted,'" the subject is not rarc. Evcrv sccnc in the
Brancacci Chapel emerged From a ricil legacy - mtistic, lilu;-gical, and tex-
tual - that long predated the Frescoes.""
Iconographically, the illustrious prototype for the Brancacci Chapel
was the now-destroyed cycle or
the lives 01' Saints Peter and Paul, Frescoed
on the portico of Old Saint Peter's, Home, aroLind 1280.'" This extellsive
series was copied by artists as the authoritative version of the lives of both
apostles.'" Five scenes from the Homan cycle were quoted in the transept
of San Franeesco, Assisi, aroLind the S,ll11e time. About two decades later,
 iVlasaccio in the Brancaeei Chapel 147

a complete ,lIld Clutlwiltic copy - a true facsimile - was made bv Deoclato

OrLlI1t1i for the church of San Piero a Crado, Pisa. It was painte~1 in honor
of IJeter's ;lITival in Pis,l prior to his journey to Home, an auspicious event
iIl1ll1ortnlizcd in lontl legend. The still-preserved frescoes comprehensivelv
recount the life of the apostle Peter, from his calling by Christ through hi~
martyrdom. Except 1'01' three episodes - the saint's denial of Christ,
pre,)ehing, and b'lptisl11 of the neophytes - each scene in the Pisa cycle,
including the trihute money. was represented in the Brancacci Chap~l.
'rhe textual sources for the I3rancacci Chapel include the Bible, the
liturgy I'm the lim..'e feasts of Saint Peter,'''' and most important of all, the
Le,~elUlo S{I I/C/Oflt II I (known toclay as The Goldell Legel1d), compiled by
Jacobus de Voragine, Bishop of Cenoa, in the mid-thirteenth century.;" The
Colt/ell Le..,oelUl is <I leetiollClr\' of' litun.'.ical reaclinus
, .- L' b
that recounts the lives of
the s<lints in order or
the Church's calend~lr 01' feasts. It was extraordinarily
popular in the iVlidclle Ages and Henaissance.;' It served as the literary
source for many Cresco cycles. from the Arena Chapel in Padua by Ciotto (c.
1305) through the Legend of the True Cross by Piero della Francesca in
!\rei']() (c. '-155-(0), and W<lS used by preachers in preparing sermons.
As is knowJl from an iJlventory of '390, The Golden Legend was acces-
sible in the library 01' Santa Maria del Carmine.;' It seems to have been the
primary source For the chapel's iconography. Voragine's excufsis on the
Fcnst of Saint Peter (June 29) lists every event that was portrayed in the
I3rililcacci Chapel except the episodes with Theophilus and the chairing at
Antioch." These arc included in the reading For the Feast of the Chairing
of'Saint Peter (February 22). The apostle's liberation From prison by an
angel is celebrated by the Feast or
Saint Peter in Chains (August I). The
epistle to this feast commemorates the saint's deliverance From bondage
and his power to absolve humanity of its sins,c 4 a relevant theme For a
1'1Inl'rary chapel. As proclaimed in the lesson For the Feast of Saint Peter,
the apostle loosened "the retters 01' our sins with the keys which he
received from the Lord"" and knew the glory of eternal liFe through his
ma rl "rduill.
T'he onl\, scenes in the chapel not taken directly from Peter's life are
the Exp/llsi~11 oIAdal11 I1l1d E1'e (Plate 58) and the "re11lp/a/io1l ofAcillI1l olld
Eve (Plate 59) on the piers at the chapel's entrance. a "deviation" that has
long troubled scholars."" Here we point out that Adam's example is invoked
by Peter himself in Voragine's lesson For the Feast of Saint Peter. As Peter
is being crucified, head downward. beFore a weeping crowd, he cries out:

Lord. I h~l\'e desired to follow Thee, but I did not wish to be crucified upright,
ThOll ,done :I1't erecl, upright. and high. We are children of Adam, whose hea.cl was
bowed to the oround: his fall denotes the manner in which men nre born, for we
are born in suZh wise that we arc let Fall prone upon the ground. , .. Lord. Thou
art I1W all ,md other than Thee have I naught. I th,1nk Thee with all my sOlll, with
\\'hicl~ I live, uncierSl:md, and c,11lto Thee.--
1)late 58. i'vlasaccio, E;qml.sirm of lIi/aHI {/Ilii Evc, delail or Platc 3.
(Pholo: Antonio Quallronc)
PI'He 5<), i\\asolillo, '/CI/Iptiltiull o(Arlmll oJllI El'c, dcwil 01' Pbte 3, (Pholo:
I\nloniu Qu.lllmnc)
1')0 Diane Cole All I

The presence of Adam and Evc is not an intrtlsiOl: into the story or
Peter, but is essential to its me~lIling. It is ,1 reminder 01 hlllll,mity's sin, of
the necessity For Christ's sacrifIce, and 01' the redemption ohtained
through Pet~r's martyrdom. The advocacy or so worthy a saint, who
exceeded "all the other apostles in his Faith," <IS Vor,lgine proclaims,"
would ensure the salvation of the Brancacci.

Oruanization
o of the Narrative

Followinot':l the time-honored traditions of Tuscan mural painting, "

the cycle
r

01'the saint's life \\'(1S organized in three registers belo\\' the vaults (sec
Plates 4 and 5).") On the highest row, the narrative was initiated hy Peter's
callinob to the <l1)Ostolate and his rescue from drowning in thl' Sea of
Galilee, represented in the now-lost lunettes. On the ,lilar w,dl between
them were two scenes whose sinopie h(\vc been preserved: the Deninl (~r
SainI Peter (see Plate 6), signiFying a human we,lkness whieh bter would
be redeemed by faith, and Feed M)' SIJeep (see Plnte 7), in which Christ
charges Peter to minister to the Christian flock.
The cycle continues on the Illiddle register, with .Jesus delegating Peter
to pay the Roman tax collector money, miraculousl), retrieved ('rom the
mouth of a fish. It proceeds to the saint's apostolatc in which Peter assumes
the ministry of JesLls by preaching, baptizing, healing, ~1l1d resurrecting. In
the lowest register, the altar wall portrays the saint's acts of' charity, inclucl-
ing his healing of the lame with his shadow and his distribution of alms to
the poor. The last episocles of Peter's life, witnessed by S;tint Paul, are rep-
resented on the side walls. These illclude his imprisollillent by Tlwophilus,
whose son he resurrects; his chairing at Antioch; his conrront;ltion \\'ith
Nero and Simon :Vlagus; and his martyrdom by crucifixioll. The n,lrrativc
thus traced Peter's apostolate from its doubt-ridden beginnings through his
assumption of Christ's ministry and his martyrdom. These provcd his wor-
thiness to lead the Church.
The arrangement of the narrative clid not I'ollow strict chronological
order. Instead, the scenes were disposed so they would balance e,Jch other
thematically and compositionally. Thus, in the highest register, the
lunettes of the CallinoD o/~
•
Peter (/lid Am/relit and Peter H1alhil/ob 011 \Voler
faced each other as the cycle's only maritime episodes. On the altar wall,
the episodes portrayed the apostle in his mission as he preached, baptized,
healed, and gave charity in the name of Christ. Compositionally, the walls
of the chapel are united. The arrangement of figures ill the episodes bal-
ances each scene, as is especially evident in the episodes of the altar wall.
Landscape extends across three scenes in the middle row, and urban set-
tings predominate in the register below.
 Masaccio in the Brancacci Chapel f5 f

Attribution and Dating

ColI,lbor,ltion between anists IVas the norm rather than the exception in
the Middle j\gcs (lnd nenaiss<lnce, forming the financial and proFessional
basis of the masterite,lcher relationship and the workshop system. OII It was
OFtl'll a temporary aniliation, according flexibility and economic advantage
to artists. Such arrangements allowed masters to respond expediently to
the delll,lIlds of the marketplace, to share the cost of renting shops and
buying lllateri,t1s, <lilt! to benefit ('rom one another's reputation and exper-
tise. The proFcssioll,t1 association 01' Masolino and Masaccio was typical of
the '-j20S, a dCc<lclc that also saw the productive afFiliation of Donatello
,lIlei ,VI ic helo/l.O."
V;lsari's l'ile or I\'lasolino, Masaccio, and Filippino Lippi provide the
i'oLlncl<ltion ror attributing individual scenes.'! Vasari assigns the earliest
parts 0(' the chapel - the now-lost vaults and lunettes - to iVlasolino,
describing the rour Evangelists, the Calling, of Peler and Andrew (known
f'rom a cop)' in the I\'ialleini Collection: Plate 60), the Denial of Peler
(knowll !'rol1l its sinopia), and Peler \t\fall,ing Oil \Valer. Sail11 Peter Preach-
illg and the /-Iellfing (~[ Ihe Lame Man al the Temple al1d tJw liaising of
Tabilha (called "S,)int Peter curing his daughter Petronilla") are noted on

PlcllL' ho. !\rtC,. :\ \aso\i 110, Clllli",~ of Peter IIml ;\JIIlrelF, Florence, Ezio i\tllicini Collection. (Photo:
'\nlonio (Ju:lltmnc)
 -0
1) - Diane Cole Ahl

the second tier. The scenes on the second and third tiers by IVlasaccio
include "the installation 01' Saint Pcter as the first ponti IT, the he;tiing or
the sick, the raising 01' the dead, curing the lame by his shadow falling on
them as he approaches the Temple with Saint John"; the Trilm/e MOlle);
which is praised efFusively; and Saill/ Peter /3/1pti:illg the Neopilytes, with
its "verv celebrated Figure 01' a naked youth shivering with the cold."
Vasari's'discussion 01' the chapel concludes with his 1'i/(/ or Filippino Lippi,
who, as a young artist, had "completed the unfinished picture of Saint
Peter and Saint Paul restoring the emperor's nephew 10 life" and the scene
on the opposite wall showing Peter and Paul disputing with Simon Magus.
Vasari is accmate yet selective in discLlssi ng the c hape 1. H is a pprecia-
tion omits some scenes. He does not mention Masolino's now-lost Feed M)'
Sheep opposite the Denial oI Peter or IVlasaccio's DistriiJulirm (~r;\//Jls ami
the Death ofAnaJ1ias, nor does he describc thc T(!llIpltltioll 0IAcin/1I (/luI
Eve and Expllision frOIJ1 Paradise. \\fhat rcmains important is nut only the
accuracy of his attributions but the sequence or execution that they imply.
From Vasari's account, it may be assumed that ;\,las~lccio's collaboration
with iVlasolino began only on the second tier." By the time this was COm-
plete, Masolino evidently had relinquished the chclpel to i\bsaccio.
Decades later, the Frescoes of the bottom tier - and presumably, the dado,
now covered by marble panels - were completed by Filippino Lippi.
Since the chapel is undocumented, its chronology is problematic.
'Widely divergent opinions have been proposed, with some scholars postu-
lating a long-protracted execution spread over several years and as many
as three separate campaigns, concluding with Filippino Lippi's interven-
tion. s • More recent critics, aided by conservation reports, have reevaluated
the physical and documentary evidence to hypothesize a diff'erent sce-
nario." Close study of the Frescoes reveals a lotal of ninety-two gioriUlle'"
- a gionwta is a plaster patch indicating a single day's work - on [he sec-
ond register, which both artists Frescoed. This signifies about forty-six days
of labor for each. iVlasolino and Masaccio must have painted simultane-
ously on the same scaffolding, virtually matching each other's work day by
day. In addition to the forty-six days required for the second register, there
are fifty-four giomale ill iVIasaccio's Frescoes on the row below. Perhaps
somewhat less than twice as many gior1wte can be reckoned For Masolino's
lunettes and for the lost Evangelists - single ligures against a St:lITY blue
ground- in the vaults, Taking into account the erection of scaffolding and
the preliminary plastering of the wall (neither of which had to involve the
painters directly), the preparation 01' drawings and sinopie, and the prohi-
bition against working on church holidays, the frescoes cou leI have been
painted in forty weeks or less. Only forty-six days are certain Lo have been
spent in actual collaboration on the sca'rFolding.
Indeed, it seems that the one-on-one collaboration of iVIasolino and
Masaccio on this cOIl1mission may have been conFIned to a relatively brief
 JVIasaccio in the Brancacci Chapel 153

and intensc .period during the SlIllllllcr of 1425. Given guild regulations, it
must have lollowed the dissolution of Masolino's partnership with the
p,linter Frilllcesco d'!\ntonio sometime aFter lVlarch 23, 1424'"' Only then
would the artist have been legally Free to collaborate with Masaccio. It also
came ai'ter iVlasolino completed his frescoes for the church 01' Santo Ste-
Fano in Eillpoli, For which he received payment in l"lovcmber 14 2 +"" Thus,
Masolin() could have begun his association with the Carmine any time
From late winter 14 24 through spring 1425. Since he painted scenerv for the
Ascension play performed on May 17, 1425,"') he had to have be~n there
earlier. Indeed, he might have Frescoed the now-lost SainI Peter at the
entrance to the Cappella del Crocifisso as a trial piece, the counterpart to
the remarkably foreshortened Saint Paul by iVlasaccio that Vasari
describes."" I n any event, Masolino's presence in the Carmine seems to
have been brieF. In ,111 probability, it had ended by September I, 1425, 'when
he departed for Hungary, expecting not to return to Florence For at least
three vears."1 From that point on, Masaccio worked without him.

Thc CollabOl"ation in Practicc: Tile Artists and

Their Fl"CSCOCS

The frescoes of the second register reveal the extraordinarily intense col-
laboration between Masolino and Masnccio as they worked together on the
scaffolding. The scenes are unified chromatically, and compositional solu-
tions seem to have been decided in concert. Thus, on the altar wall, the dis-
position or figures and landsc~lpe in Sailll Pete,- Preaching (see Plate 10) and
50;111 Peter /30pli:ing I/le Neophytes (see Plate II) seems deliberately alike,
with the apostle Ibnkecl by a similarly composed group of standing, seated,
and knee ling ligures. At times, the artists even exchanged places on the
scaffolding. This evidently was done to ensure visual and stylistic coher-
cnce het wcen the scenes. Thus, Masaccio extended the stark landscape of
the Trihute MOlley into the adjacent scene of iVIasolino's Saini Peter Preach-
iIlJ~, while i\bsolino painted the peaked mountain range behind fvlasaccio's
Saillt Pet er 1311 pt i:i II{! I he Neopll)'les."! The perspective construction of the
I-Ie{flill,~ (~r Ihe til/lie M(III at Ille Temple alld the Raising of Tabitlw is iden-
tical to thill or the 'Trib/lte iVlone)' on the opposite waiL'!' Again, this was
Intentional. evidently devised to create unity within the cycle.
Such accollllllod"alions notWithstanding", the artists approached narra-
tive ,1I1d the {ioure in fundamentally diFferent wavs. In Saini Peter Preach-
ill<~, i\'l <lsol in(;'" massed the crowde~1 audience il~lO the foreground, their
unvarying C'xpressions showing little interest in the apostle's sermon. By
contrast, in Saillt Peter I3nplizing the Neophytes, Masaccio placed the cir-
cle 01' men deep in the landscape, their bodies turned in diFFerent direc-
tions, "rom the shivering nude to the man whose clenched fingers seem
154 Diane Cole Ah I

,lbollt to unfasten his garments. In the Ileu/illg (~r tile LUllle M(1Il IIi ihe
T/:?/lip/e alld the li(/isiIlF~ (~r T;t!Jii/lif (platc (1) - the Lltlcr inspircd by
Ciatto's authoritative liaisill,~ (4 Dmsillllll in the Pel'lllJi Chapcl, Santa
Croce - M,lsolino subordinuted the ligurcs to ;111 amhitious ;lrchitcctural
setting against which their gestures and exprcssions Gill not clearly bc
read. Although a single-point perspectiw' system - ,Issurcdly tic-signed by
i\'lasaccio and virtuallv idcntical to that of the 'Ii'ilmie {\/()Ilc), - is
employed, its centric p(;int lies between thc tll'O cLlI1ciies in t he center, who
have no discel'l1ible relntionship to thc narrat il'l'. By contrdst, in thc Trib-
lIie MOiler (sec Phlle 8), the multiepis()clic n;trratil'c, g'Ih-'lI1il.ccl by Christ
at its cel~ter, is supportcd by the dramatic lanciscllx' and mchitecture,
which Frame the f'igures ,mci direct the viewcr's g'lI.e, The ccntric point of
the perspective, appropriately, is JesLls; gestures ;1I1c1 expressions are
solel11l1 and dramatic; dwpcry appears weight\'; ,mel anatomy is m()deled
fully in light, suggesting the inspiration oj' sculpture.'"
The most striking dilTercnce in the approach or the tll'O artists may be
seen in the Tell/p/n/ioll and EXplI/sioli ,lt the cntr,ll1ce to the chapel, cxc-
cLited aFter the narratives to which they arc acij'lcent. The coul'lly elegance
of I\'iasolino's Adam and Eve contrasts par,lciigmatiC<llly to i\\asaccio's hud-
dled, weeping figures. Their soFt, pearly flesh SCI'VCS as a foil to the vigor-
ously modeled, sculptur,ll anatomy ori\'lasaccio's progcnitors, a visual
encapsulation of their prelapsarian indolence on the one han(1, and a
prophecy of their toil aFter their expulsioll on the olher. As the c~i()n/(fte
prove, these were the last of the scenes to havc been paintcd on this reg-
ister. From then on, Masaccio worked alonc.
A different, more sombcr conccption or n,llTativC' is apparent in the
third register. Here the figures, their expressions wcary ,mel inscrutable,
are subordinated to setting, their scale ;lI1d proportiolls diminished in
accord, Architecture is rendered in greater detail, from the ciassiciJ.ing
portico in Saint Peter Heeding lFitli His SlullirJll' (see Plate 12) to the partly
rusticated tower in Saini Peler DislriIJlllil/,~ i\/I!IS."; [n lhe rOnnel', l\'Iasac-
cio shows the lame at progressive mOlllcnts or their ctlre, {'rolll the once-
crippled man who now stands, his hands clasped in prayer, to the youth
still hunched on the ground, In Saint Peter Di,\trilmiillg AI,IIS, Masaccio
paints the crowded ranks of the poor as they stand in mute patience to
receive charity, oblivious to the corpse of' Ananias, slruck dead For with-
holding his tithe from the church. Masaccio's models were lhe lame and
destitute of the city, who impart an extraordinary sensc of' realism to these
scenes. This is further enhanced by his depictic;n of Peler in the Healing,
who seems to be walking toward the worshipers as if' to cLire them as well.
Although the two urban scenes were divided by_ the orioin,ll b wineiow, their
architecture recedes toward a single vanishing poinL to enh,lIlce their the-
matic coherence.
The clramatic immediacy 01' these two scenes is without precedent in
 iVlasaccio in the Br,lI1cacci Chapel 155

PL'll' hI. ,\ LhOiillil, II<'illjJl,~ u/liIe '-'''Jlt' ,\lItJl <11 II/(, 'I~'"IJ!I(' <111111"" n{/jsjJl.~ O/'j;l!JjJ!ll1, delail or
1'1,'ll' -j, lI'i"'I", ,\nl()llin 011:11 I I'OIW)

Florcntine mllrlll painting. They seem likely to have been painted some
time later than the register above, For iVlasaccio's understanding of narra-
tive and space is more advanced, the scale of figures to setting diminished,
the rendering 01' figures more restrained. Only fragments remain of the
scene bet ween them, which was discovered by conservators during the
chapel's restoration. Portions of an atmospheric sky and a Freely painted
bndscape ",ith trees, the luminously modeled knee of one man (Plate 62),
and part or
the jerkin and britches 01' another (see Plate 43), are all that
arc lert or
the original fresco. The style unmistakably is that of iVlasaccio;
thc subjcct is uncertain.""
i\'las<lccio's contributions after this point remain problematic. Although
he painted a substantial part 01" the liaisiJlg of tile 5011 of Tlleophii!ls (see
Plate 9), the remainder or the scene was completed by Filippino Lippi half
a cenlury hllcr, along with Saints Peter amI Palll Debalillg with Sill/o/1
1\'/aglls before Nero amI the Crllcijixioll of Saint Peter. This has inspired
speculation thaI the Formcr once may have included porlraits of the Bran-
cacci IhaL were desLroyed in a c/{lI1l1wtio f11efllOriae aFter Felice's expulsion
by the iV\ediei.'J7 According to this hypothesis, Filippino was compelled to
replace the alleged deletions with contempornry portraits. As intriguing as
this argument might seem, such instances of literal defacement by the
Medici are in Fact unknown.''' Even after the restoration, there is no
unequivocal evidence to support the proposal. It might be suggested that
IVlasHccio never Finished the scene, for he clearly left the opposite wall of
the chapel un(-inished. He Ill<ly have abandoned d1e commission For (-;nan-
cia! reasons. Either he had not been paid, or, as was assuredly the case
15 6 Diane CoicAhl

with l\iasoilno, more lucrative opportu-

nities presented themselves. On Febru-
my 19, 1..p.6, j\·lasaecio received his first
payment for the Pis{{ Alt{{rpiece, painted
or
for the chapel Ciuliano degli Searsi in
Santa Maria del Carmine in Pisa:'"
To what degree the scenes by Filip-
pino followed the drawings or sinopie
frolll the original project cannot be deter-
mincd with certainty. However, it is
important to note the compositional and
iconographic coherence as \Veil as the
inventiveness of' thc i I' conception. \Vith
their simplified, two-figured composi-
tions, Filippino's scencs 011 the piers
complelllcnt those by i\lasolino and
Masaccio above them. Saillt Pmd \lisitillg
Peter ill PrisoJl and the LilJemli!m (~r
Saini Peter complete each other icollo-
graphically and compositionally, the
angle of the prison walls directing the
Pble 62. iVI'lsaccio, Fresco i'ragmcill rrom belo\\' beholder to the adjacent scenes and
window. dctail or I'lalc 3. (PhOlO: r\nLOnio QUal- toward the altar. On the leFt, the noble
lmlle)
image of Saint Peter in the bishop's
cathedra, revered by the devou t, serves as
a Foil to the irate Emperor Nero, enthroned on the opposite \\'all. Peter's
miraculous resurrection of the son or Theophilus, deceased I'or fOLirteen
years, posits a contrast to his own ignominious crucilixion at Nero's com-
mand, a death redeemed by martyrdom. Such symmetry of' meaning could
not have been Fortuitous and must have been intended From the begin-
ning. Indeed, it has been argued that e"en the location 0[' this PetTine
cycle in the right transept chapel was deliberate, for it ['ollo\\'ed the vener-
able example of Saint Peter's in Home and San Francesco in Assisi. lo" If
this is true, then its associations would have been even more resonant.

The Brancacci Chapel within the Carmine

The Brancacci Chapel must be understood as a participant within the dia-

logue of sacred ceremonies and images that shaped the experience of the
worshiper within the church of Santa Maria del Carmine in the early
Quattrocento, From the sacra mppresenlaziol1e of Christ's ascension, per-
Formed in the nave outside the chapel, to the depictiolls of martyrs, saints,
and the Passion of JesLis that adorned its vvindows, chapels, and walls. The
 iVI11saccio in the Brancacci Chapel 157

lik of Peter, beginning with his callilll't"J and .

IJrooressino
b' b
throuoh
b
his
assumption or Christ's ministry ,mel his martyrdom, honored the patron
saintor Picro eli Piuvichese Brancacci, the chapel's founder, and served as
,111 exemplar I'or the Faithful to Follo"v. For the Carmelite friars themselves,

the depiction of their forebears witnessing Saint Peter as he preached,

raised the son of Theophilus, and was chaired as Bishop of Antioch
attested the Order's antiquity. They would have beheld these images as
they passed the chapel to enter the cloister, frescoed by Masaecio with the
8(1om,
n
which cOlllmemorated a less distant moment in their histor\'. "
\;\Ihen
the miracle-working Mm!u11JUI del Popolo was transferred to the chapel, it
would havc amplified these associations, recalling the Carmelites' devotion
to Mary, rcminding the worshiper of her infinite mercy and 01' the sacrifice
of her son.
Too often, the Brancacci Chapel has been isolated as a monument to
be studied or a problem of altribution to be solved. This approach impov-
erishes our understanding 01' the spiritual, artistic, and patronal ambience
lhat inspired Masaccio and Masolino. By situating the Brancacci Chapel
within these broader contexts of the history and devotional practices of the
Carmine, we can reintegrate the Frescoes into the artists' work and world.