CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Folksong

Folk song comes to be established amongst the people through the

ingenuity of the simple folks. The folk songs ruminates the essence of living

of simple folks and bringing into focus the rudimentary philosophy of their

way of life. The basic events of life that they have experienced or faced are

thus engaged to conjure them into the form of folk songs to keep alive

memories that could be relived in these songs by the future generations. Folk

song shows the emotions and the spontaneity in the way the people of that

generation characterizes themselves. Folk song bears testimony of the past.

Events like war, relationship of the community, seasons, rites and rituals,

belief system, moral norms, occupational behaviour, leisure times, or the total

cultural and social milieu of the people are preserved and kept alive in the

form of this genre of oral tradition. Folk song thus flourished amongst the

rural folk as it was the product of a less classy community or in other words

folk song was kept alive with the simple rustic people as it was their own

unsophisticated product best known by them. Folk songs are very valuable

ethnological material as they open windows on traits of individual personality

and the value-system of a society to the outside world other than their own.

This is what folk song is to a folk community.

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 Oral poetry or folk songs invariably lead us to some truths that are

inextricably bound up with what the folks have encountered in their life. That

is how the basic relatedness of the world that surround man of that time finds

its way into their psyche and later formed into words and thus expressed out in

the form of what we call the oral poetry or folk song. Therefore composing of

folk songs is also about understanding the reality of life at the time the songs

are been composed by the folks. Folk songs or oral poetries are thus

byproducts of the thought-process of human rationality of the past that is

passed on from generation to generations through word of mouth.

Folk songs can be multi-dimensional in its meaning. In trying to

understand the meaning of the folk songs, it is important to note that meaning

in folk songs is basically cultural dependant. One needs to have a fair

knowledge of the basic rudiment of the cultural fabrics of that community

upon which the folk song dwells upon. One has to take into account the

cultural aspects of the folks before venturing into the song to cull out any

possible meaning of the folk songs through cultural or aesthetic

interpretations. As and when the culture of the folk is given due importance,

the task of cultural interpretation of the songs would be a lot easier. This

would also go a long way in deconstructing the song meaningfully and giving

further impetus to aesthetic interpretation which would amplify to the better

understanding of the song in general.

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 There is an intrinsic connection between music and emotions. Often

emotions stems from listening to the music. But one cannot astutely talk about

emotions. The meaningful power of music is such that even without much

emotional affirmation, music can present emotions in such a way that it would

appear to be woven into the very fabric of the medium itself. Therefore the

embedded warmth of a song that is expressed in the music can in no way be

aspired or planned. It is just indispensible, it is that which makes a piece of

music comes alive and gives it the quality of an impassioned utterance.

1.2 Definition of Folk song

There has not been a defined distinction between folk song and folk

music. Neither has any scholar authoritatively defined a folk song. Scholars in

the field of studying or collecting the folk songs have taken these two entities

as one whole entity. Folk song collectors like Alan Lomax, Cecil Sharp, Bruno

Nuttl and others have not made a clear distinction between the folk song and

folk music. But Maud Karpeles in his book The Foundation of Folk Song,

writes; „Fortunately, intuition is not all that is left to us. Still, if musical

folklore is a science, experience shows that it is a subject to sudden caprices

and its delineation is very hard to fix.‟ Thus Maud Karpeles quote what the

International Folk music Council adopted as the definition of folk music after

long discussion at Sao Paulo, Brazil in 1954:

Folk music is the product of a musical tradition that has been

evolved through the process of transmission. The factors that

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 shape the traditions are; i) continuity which links the present

with the past; ii) variation which springs from the creative

impulse of the individual or the group; and iii) selection by the

community, which determines the form or forms in which the

music survives.

This definition that can be applied to music or folk song has evolved

from the simple beginnings in a community uninfluenced by other form of

music or song. The definition can likewise be applied to music which has

originated with an individual composer and has subsequently been absorbed

into the unwritten living tradition of a community.

1.3 The Mao Folk song

The Mao sings;

‘Olo hi soli-e itsii hole mo

Olo hi soli-e mozho zii mo

Ziimo lokoso ochu kapemai lephro no jii e-mai’

Translation

„You will not lost your power of thinking, if you sing

Nothing goes in waste, if you sing

Who sing and who speak are knowledgeable and broad minded O! Man‟

This song encourages one to sing or rather encourages one to learn to

sing. The song is titled as Olo hi Soli-e which literally means „If You Sing‟.

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This song is sung in a dueling situation by either of the individual or group.

When a situation arises and in situation when one of the party are lost for

words or are not able to conjure up a dueling verse this song is sang to ridicule

the other group. The song gives the message that if one learns to sing, he will

not lost anything but develop his power of thinking. Nothing goes in waste or

in vain in learning to sing. People who learn to sing develops their singing

repertoire as well as their ability to speak well, which means they become

intellectually developed and more knowledgeable. People who sing well can

speak well, their reasoning and wit develops thus making them knowledgeable

and broad minded. Therefore one should be always encouraged to learn how

to sing.

The Maos has a very rich repository of folk music and folksongs that

come naturally to them. Singing of folksong is a norm and an integral part of

the community and regarded as an authentic and authoritative medium of

communication which often reflects to their past and their culture. The Mao

love for music is reflected in the different thematic songs they possess. They

have uncanny sense of employing nature surrounding them as metaphors to

enrich their meanings. Some of their songs were directed to their foes and

some of them are sheer boast, of their prowess and exploits which they sing

mainly during revelry in festivals.

The subject of this study is on the The poetry and Lore of the Mao-

Naga Folksong, the traditional songs of unknown authorship, transmitted

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orally, originating from the beliefs and customs of the folk. The Mao-Naga

community has several types of folk songs which are sung on different

occasions, in connection with different purposes. Folk song forms a particular

mode of oral tradition that contributes towards maintaining the history of the

people. Folk songs used to play a vital role of regenerating the society in times

of difficulties. They also find a special place in festive gatherings, religious

ceremonies and other special occasions. Therefore, the role of folk songs in

tribal communities occupies a position of great importance.

The Mao-Naga community has a rich tradition of folksongs. Opfu-

Opelo literally means „father–grandfather song‟ which implies that they are

songs of the forefathers. The songs are composed and sung about a wide range

of cultural practices, which includes themes on head-hunting, tragic

circumstances and other related subjects. In the absence of any written

documents of the past, the origin of the Nagas in general and the Mao-Naga

tribe in particular, have been traced on the basis of folksongs and folklore. The

folksongs are put into different categories in accordance with their specific

purpose and occasion. Folksongs are accorded a position of importance in

serving as a template to the ways of the community. In other words, folksongs

bear testimony to the legacy and larger cultural attributes of the valour and

courage, of love affairs, honour and in praise of the man of consequence. In

fact, the entire life cycle is traced through songs and chants. Therefore, songs

are the common outlet for the people, whether during festive occasions,

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religious ceremonies, funeral, or simply during common gatherings, or while

engaged in agrarian work, songs are a common feature in all of them.

1.4 Oral Literature and Verbal Arts

The term „Folklore‟ was first coined by William J. Thoms, a British

antiquarian in 1846. In his letter, published in the Athenaeum, he

recommended the use of a good Saxon compound Folk-Lore meaning “the

Lore of the people” to replace all cumbersome and even slightly misleading

terminologies. W. J. Thoms further urges readers of the Athenaeum to collect

examples of those “manners, customs, observances, superstitions, ballads,

proverbs etc.” many of which “assume a value that he who first recorded them

never dreamed of attributing to them” (Athenaeum, No 982, 1846: 862-863).

Folklore is commonly considered as the lore of the uneducated rural

folk by many. Folklorists have made attempts to define the term „folklore‟.

Attempts to define folklore by many scholars have contributed much to the

domain of folkloristics. But one has to take into account that the term folklore

is comparatively a new creation, nonetheless „folklore is as old as mankind‟

(Handoo 2001:1). It has to be noted that materials of folklore had been

collected and studied long before W.J. Thoms coined the term, under various

description such as „Popular antiquities‟ or „Popular literatures‟. Herder, a

German National had used terms such as Volkslied (folksong), Volkjsseele,

(folk soul), and Volksglaube (folk belief) in the late eighteen century (Dundes

1985:5). The Grimm brothers published the first volume of their famous

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Kinder und Housmarchen in 1812 which was recognized by W.J. Thoms

himself and which is often used as evidence by Western scholars to trace the

growth of folkloristic studies. Scholarly collections of folklore materials were

also done in Asia, particularly India where works such as the Kathāsaritsāgar,

Paňcatantra or Jātaka (Handoo 2001:6) are believed to be much older than

many folklore collections in the West and even older than the Grimm‟s

collection.

William J. Thoms was very much influenced by the Grimm brothers of

Germany and this can be seen in his remarks on the Grimm brothers:

“......until some James Grimm shall arise who shall do for the

Mythology of the British Island the good service which that

profound antiquary and philologist has accomplished for the

Mythology of Germany. The present century has scarcely

produced a more remarkable book, imperfect as its learned

author confesses it to be, than the second edition of the

“Deutsche Mythologie” and, what is it? - a mass of minute

facts, many of which, when separately considered, appear

trifling and insignificant - but, when taken in connection with

the system in to which his master-mind has woven them,

assume a value that he who first recorded them never dreamed

of attributing to them.” (Athenaeum. No. 982 (August 22, 1846)

pp. 862- 863).

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 When William J. Thoms coined the term folklore, he seems to be very

clear about what constitutes folklore. His words and phrases such as „manners,

customs, neglected customs, fading legends, fragmentary ballads‟ and others

do give us a picture about what folklore meant to him and his awareness of

folklore which was closely tied to currents of romanticism and nationalism

(Dundes 1985: 4).

After twenty-two years of coining the term Folklore (1846) by W. J.

Thoms, „the British Folklore Society‟ was established in 1878, with W.J.

Thoms as its first director. The American folklore society which was formed

ten years later in 1888, followed the English model, and while it did not offer

any definition on the term folklore, the objectives were given as “the study of

folklore in general and in particular the collection and publication of the

folklore of North America” (North American Journal of Folklore 1898, 11:

302). By the last decade of the nineteen century, many national folklore

societies had been formed in Europe.

Definitions of folklore are many and varied. According to the Standard

Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend, there are twenty-one

definitions of folklore offered by different folklorists. The difficulties

experienced in defining folklore are real and legitimate. This is because

Folklore as a new field of inquiry is straddled between Humanities and Social

sciences.

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 The term folk appear to be confusing and misleading. Because in the

19th century the term folk was defined as:

“a group of people (the peasants, non-literate or illiterate or

rural people) who constituted the lower stratum of the society”

(Dundes 1978: 2).

If this definition is accepted then one would have to conclude that one

day folklore would disappear as soon as the peasant society ceased to exist. If

we accepted the above definition then we can say that the urban dwellers are

not folks, and as such they have no folklore. But in the true sense folklore is

still continuing in all societies. This is because folklore is not static but subject

to change and continuity.

According to Jones and Georges the word folklore;

“… denotes expressive forms, processes, and behaviours that

we customarily learn, teach and utilize or display during face-

to-face interactions and judge to be traditional. They are based

on known precedents or models, and because they serve as

evidence of continuities and consistencies through time and

space in human knowledge, thought, belief, and feeling”

(Georges & Jones 1995:1).

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 But most are in agreement with Alan Dundes who contend that the

term folk can refer to;

“… any group of people whatsoever who share at least one

common factor. It does not matter what the linking factor is -it

could be a common occupation, language or religion- but what

is important is that a group formed for whatever reason will

have some traditions which it calls its own. In theory a group

must consist of at least two persons, but generally, most groups

consist of many individuals. A member of the group may not

know all other members, but he will probably know the

common core of traditions belonging to the group, traditions

which help the group to have a sense of group identity”

(Dundes 1978:7).

Lore refers to wisdom, teaching, education and knowledge.

The contribution of Thoms through his coinage of the term folklore

had two important consequences all over the world. Firstly it led to the

founding of an academic discipline known as Folklore in many part of the

globe. And secondly it generated a long and unending controversy about the

definition and about what should or should not be included in the discipline of

Folklore.

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 It is a historical fact that the area of inquiry in folklore has been found

to be overlapping, repetitive and duplicitous in the sense that the same cultural

phenomenon has been studied by different disciplines and at times in identical

manner. This in turn led to the controversies regarding the boundaries of each

area of inquiry. For example since both literary scholars representing the

discipline of literature and folklorists studied folk literature, sometimes on

similar line and sometime in different ways, folklore studies began to be

considered as part of the literary studies therefore denying it the status of a

separate discipline which has its own distinct characteristics. In the same way

when a folklorist studies a physical artifact of culture, anthropologists started

behaving exactly in the same manner like the literary scholars in the case of

text based folk literature.

Since the beginning of the scholarly studies of Folklore in the early

nineteen century, folklorists have been aware that the phenomena they study

are integral parts of a complex of creation and conventions which are

fundamental to the existence, perpetuation, and survival of the human as a

social being. This complex of interrelated behaviours of man serve as a base

for what is commonly known as culture. Folklore has been conceived as

cultural phenomena long before Edward B. Tylor‟s definition of the word

culture in 1871. Culture is defined by Tylor as that “complex whole which

includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, customs and any other

capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society” (Tylor 1924:

1). Even the early Greek writers such as Hesiod and Herodotus knew that the

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myths they characterized were not instinctive phenomena, but rather they are

aware they are stories that individual human beings create and other

subsequently learn, repeat and live by. The Grimm‟s brothers had indicated

that their collection of German legends (Deutsche Sagen 2. Vols. 1816-1818)

were part of the larger whole that embodied and revealed the character of a

nation. This is reflected in their foreword to the Deutsche Sagen Volume I,

1816:

“We recommend our book to devotees of German poesie,

history and language and hope that it will become to all as

purely German fare. For it is our firm belief that nothing is as

edifying or as likely to bring more joy than the products of the

fatherland. Indeed an apparently insignificant, self occasioning

discovery and endeavour in the study of our own indigenous

culture can in the end bring more fruit than the most brilliant

discovery and cultivation of foreign fields.” (Ward 1981:11)

Throughout the history of folklore as a discipline, it has been observed

that those were the pioneers in the documentation and study of folklore then

were also pioneering students of culture. By 1871 the year, Edward Tylor gave

his famous definition of Culture and Anthropology subsequently emerged as

an academic discipline with culture as its central construct, folklorists had, for

more than fifty years been trying to conceive examples of folklore as aspects

of culture. Folklorists have also been aware that folklore is related to other

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aspects of cultures of which they are a part. Therefore folklore serves as an

important source of cultural knowledge and understanding. The varied

definitions of folklore by different scholars, not only define the folkloric

phenomenon, but also try to list the genres that make this phenomenon. But

this gives rise to controversies and debate that centre on the problem trying to

draw a line between Cultural Anthropology and Folkloristics. In the academic

circles both Anthropology and Folklore, there was at least one thing on which

all by and large seems to agree, i.e. folk literature or verbal art. Scholars

seemed to agree that folk literature is a separate area of inquiry and falls under

Folklore. But when Folklore scholars tried to include material culture, social

folk customs and performing art which generally fall under folklife, the

controversies became more obvious. Scholars were suspected that both the

students of Folklore and Cultural Anthropology in the end might be studying

the same subject matter with identical theoretical perspective and

methodology and this might lead to the achieving of similar results. But W.H.

Goodenough put an end to such speculations by saying:

“The separation of cultural anthropology and folklife study ... is

not a reflection of an intrinsic difference in their respective

subject matter: rather is a reflection on how Euro-American

scholars have identified themselves with the peoples whose

customs and cultures they study. Anthropology- because of its

early interest in human evolution and because of its early

concentration on people with hunting and horticultural

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 economies, on the mistaken assumption that they were

fossilized relics of a general past human state- has come to be

associated popularly with the study of the so called primitive

peoples. But the designation primitive hardly fits the people

who produced the civilization of Central and South America, of

West Africa and the Orient. Consequently Anthropology has

come to be viewed more recently as the study of non-Western

peoples. The disciplines of Rural Sociology and Folklore in the

United States and Folklife in Europe, on the other hand, dealt

with Western peoples. There is nothing wrong with such a

division of labour on practical grounds. What has been wrong

is the false pretention by some that it represented a basic

difference in the kinds of phenomenon studied, an assumption

following from an ethnocentric conceit of the sort expressed in

the idea „the White man‟s burden.” (Yoder 1976: 19)

The revolution that occurred in the Folklore discipline in the 1970s

was unprecedented. It involved radical redefining the academic discipline of

folklore. There is a change in the perception of folklore. Many folklorists

startd advocated that folklore is not only about the past. It is about the now and

the happening. This in turn led to the emergence of Contemporary or Urban

Folklore e.g. urban legends, jokes, place lore, playing the dozen, yo‟mama

jokes and rap, occupational lore, etc. and modern technology lore.

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 Richard M Dorson has outlined four broad sectors of Folklore and Folk

life studies; they are:

1) Oral Literature

2) Material Culture

3) Social Folk Customs

4) Performing Arts

1.4.1 Oral Literature

Oral literature is also called verbal art or expressive literature. They are

spoken, sung and voiced of traditional utterances. Traditionally this sector is

known as folk literature. Oral narratives like myth, legends, folktales, jokes

anecdotes, proverbs, riddles, charms etc fall under this sector. Each of these

forms will have many sub genre depending on the culture in which these

genres are found. Oral or folk poetry is another subdivision of oral literature.

1.4.2 Material Culture

Material culture which is also known as Physical folklore concerns

with the study of techniques, skills of the folk in building their homes, making

clothes, preparing food, tools and implements etc. This aspect of folklore is

visible rather than aural.

1.4.3 Social Folk Customs

This is another branch of folklore which is very close to material

culture. It studies the festivals and celebrations involving the participation of

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the folk in large numbers. These festivals and celebrations may be either

religious or secular. Folk religion and folk medicine also fall under social folk

customs.

1.4.4 Performing Folk Art

This last sector of folklore and folk life concerns itself primarily with

traditional music, dance and drama.

1.5 Demographic and Cultural Profile of the Mao

1.5.1 Land and People

The Indian Union consists of four main group of race, namely the

Austro-Asiatic, the Dravidian, Indo-Aryan, and the Tibeto-Burman. North-east

India is inhabited by the Austro-Asiatic, Indo-Aryan and Tibeto-Burman

groups of people. Tibeto-Burman speakers form the major chunk of the

population in the region. The Tibeto-Burman group is further classified into

different other groups and sub-groups making it a myriad of language and

culture which makes the north-east region a golden trove for folklore and

linguistic research today. The region is inhabited by more than a hundred and

more indigenous communities inhabiting 2.1% of the Indian geographical

landscape and making up 3.1% of the population of India. Different

communities are clubbed together under different nomenclature based on their

cultural practices and social affinities like food habits, linguistic affinities and

other similar folk ways of life. The proximity of communities allows much

linguistic assimilation and acculturation that makes the understanding of the

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communities baffling. Therefore the diversity that exists within this part of the

country is just amazing. Researchers from different fields have been trying to

unveil the many unique features of language and culture of the region, yet the

tangible and intangible features are so spacious many areas remains to be

covered.

Manipur the land of many exotics was described as „Switzerland of

India‟ by Lord Irwin during his lordship during the colonial period. And

Jawaharlal Nehru the first Prime Minister of Independent India called it as

„Jewel of the East‟. True, Manipur has an incredible beautiful landscape and is

generously endowed with undulating hills, valley, forests, clear blue lakes, the

flora and fauna and other natural beauties that is abound in the state. It is one

of the seven sister states of northeast India. Manipur is bounded by Nagaland

in the north, Mizoram in the south, Assam in the west, and by the

neighbouring country of Myanmar in the east and the south-east. Manipur was

accorded the status of a Union Territory in 1956, and Statehood on January 21,

1972 with Imphal as its capital. Manipur has land topography of 22,327 sq.

km. It is divided into two physical divisions of hills and valley. Since time

immemorial, the valley is inhabited by the Meiteis and the hills are the

traditional homes of different indigenous communities. Today the valley is

divided into four administrative districts of Bishnupur, Imphal East, Imphal

West and Thoubal. And the hills are divided into five administrative districts

of Chandel, Churachandpur, Senapati, Tamenglong and Ukhrul. The hills

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cover an area of 20,089 sq. km. i.e. about ¾th of the total land area of the state

and are the home of 33 Scheduled communities.

Mao is an ethno-linguistic term referring to the Memai people and their

language. The different communities residing in many parts of north-east

India are labeled names which are contrary to the names the particular

community identifies themselves. It is no different with the Maos as well. The

community is officially known as Mao, but the community identify

themselves with their indigenous term in their own language „Memai‟. Mao or

Memai is a major Naga community inhabiting the hilly terrain along the foot

hills of Mt. Esü on Japfü mountain range of Senapati district, in the northern

part of Manipur. The community is recognized as a scheduled tribe by the

Indian Union and the state of Manipur. The Maos neighbours like the

Angamis who calls them „Sovoma‟, Rengmas and Chakhesangs in the north,

the Marams who calls them „Momai‟ and Zemes in the west, and the Poumais

who calls them „Momai‟ and the Tangkhuls in the east and the Meiteis in the

south. The community has a population of 58,212 speakers (Census on

Population of Communities Hill House Tax in Senapati district 1999-2002;

conducted by the District Information Centre, Senapati), distributed in twenty-

five villages.

Reference on Mao in the written literature of earlier period can be seen

in G.A. Grierson‟s Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. III, Part II: (451-461),

(1903-28) as Sopvomā or Māo Nāgā. Hutton (1969) use the term Memi in

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reference to the Mao. Memi can be construed as been derived from Memeo

supposedly the progenitor of the Maos. Hodson (1911) uses Mao and

Sopvoma in reference to the Mao people. The term might be a derivation from

Shipfumai (sang in folk songs) which is a combination of Shipfuo, considered

to be the progenitor of the Mao and Poumai and mai meaning people. In later

period writers like Marrison (1967) and J.P. Mill (1937) and others use the

term Mao to infer the people as well as the language.

1.5.2 The Origin

Mythology plays an important part in the life of indigenous

communities. Every community has a version or versions of myth of origin.

On the whole myth of origin plays an important role in the beliefs of these

communities, their way of life, ritualistic practices, and their social and

cultural life. Myth of origin conveys a community‟s sense of its particular

identity and describes the original ordering of the universe. Therefore it is no

different for the Maos that they have their own version of Origin or what is

popularly known as Creation myth. Myth is etiological in nature and so is the

Mao’s Origin myth. The Maos have their place of origin at Makhraifü or

Makhrai Rabu also known as Makhel today. The place is talked and sung

about to this day (In our current study, the folksong entitled Makhrai Hrü is

been studied in chapter -2).

The origin of the Mao community is shrouded in mystery and remains

untraced as there are no written records. An oral narrative, in fact, a myth

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ascribes to the origin of the community to one Dzüliamosüro, a mystical

woman. The tale relates that in the beginning were the flat earth and the green

sky. A divine woman named Dzüliamosüro inhabited the earth. She roamed

about the whole earth. On one such sojourn she felt very tired and laid to rest

beneath a large banyan tree. And as she lay resting, a big mass of cloud

engulfed her and droplets of water dripped into her vagina and thus the woman

conceived. She bore three offspring namely Ora (God), who is the eldest,

Okhe (Tiger), the middle and Omai (man) the youngest. The siblings lived a

happy contended family life at the place of their birth with their mother and

this place came to be known as Makhrai Rabu or Makhraifü, presently known

as Makhel in Memai land. Thus the Mao community traced their progenitor to

this mythical woman Dzüliamosüro and the place of their origin to Makhraifü

or Makhrai Rabu.

1.5.3 Migration and Settlement

It is believed that the Maos originated from Makhrai Rabu and from

here they relocated to other surrounding settlements. This is also true of other

Naga communities who claim to have departed from where the Chütebu-kaje

(big wild pear tree) stands today. This tree marked the dispersals of different

Naga communities from this spot. But it also more importantly signifies the

oneness of the Nagas. A practice by communities who trace their origin to

Makhrai Rabu is that when branches of this tree breaks or fall, a genna (a

restrictive observation) is observed from one village to another as long as the

news traverses to the extent of Pishu Kazhe even if it be after a month or so.

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 The Mao community makes their settlements on the upper reaches of

mountain. This is from the strategic point of warfare as one could see enemies

approaching from a distance. However, life is hard since vegetation and paddy

cultivation is done chiefly along the river bank which is far from human

settlement and the time of harvest, paddy is to be brought home climbing

ranges of hills. Despite the hard life a Mao would continue to opt for similar

location for his safety. This Hutton clearly understood and thus stated, “This

site, though generally in a position highly defensible if not impregnable from

the point of view of Naga warfare” (1921: 43). Each village has one main gate

and other secondary gates depending on the position of the village. The

surrounding is fortified with sharp-pointed bamboo stakes varied in sizes and

lengths. The approaches to the village are often uphill paths through narrow

lanes devised for one single person to walk at a time. This path leads up to the

main gate of the village. The gate is built with an embankment on both sides

and closed with a strong and heavy wood hewn out of a single tree.

1.5.4 Language and Linguistic Affinity

Mao belongs to the Naga group of the Tibeto-Burman language family.

Language classification showing language family affiliation following

different classifications right from Grierson (1904) till Bradley (1997) shows

that Mao belongs to the Naga group of languages. The first school in the Mao

area was said to have been established at „Kopo‟ in the 1920s which sowed the

seed of education in the Mao country. The first group of scholars who took to

formal education was thus in the first part of the 20th century. Later the

22
language was reduced to the written orthography by adopting the Roman

script.

Classification of Naga languages was first attempted by Nathan Brown

(Marrison 1967: 19). However it was G. A. Grierson who first gave an

extensive study on the Naga languages in 1903. He and Konow placed the

Mao under the Nāgā-Kuki sub-group of the Tibeto-Burman language family.

Later this classification was questioned by scholars but later the same scholars

found that Mao has close affinity to the Western Nāgā languages consisting of

Angāmi, Sema, Rengma and Kezhāma. Marrison (1967), improving over

Grierson‟s classification gave a more descriptive study of Naga languages and

placed Mao under Angami sub-branch of languages which consists of Angami

(Khonoma), Angami (Kohima), Chokri, Kezhama, Mao and Sema. Hodson

and Hutton following Grierson‟s classification put the language under the

Nāgā-Kuki group of languages. Hutton further goes on to say that “…the

linguistic grouping of the Naga tribes does not seem to be absolutely

conterminous with what may be styled their racial grouping, as the Memi

(Mao) are in every respect but that of language very intimately allied to the

other Angami tribes”. Paul Benedict (1972) puts Mao under the Southern

Naga group of the Kuki-Naga branch. Though different scholars might have

placed the Mao language under different sub-groups, even so the language

belongs to the Tibeto-Burman group of family.

23
1.6. Community Life

The Maos have a very vibrant community life which can be seen in

their day to day social-cultural life. The social-cultural life of the people

revolves around the year in a cyclic manner. The social festivals and the work

nature of the community open the door to the community‟s way of life on a

day to day basis.

Maos have very closely knit family ties. Once a son or a daughter gets

married he or she leaves the parental home to set up one‟s own new home and

hearth. The parents and relatives of the newlywed couple help out in setting up

the new home till the couples are ably independent and on their own.

The social bond or attachment in the people develops because of

reason of security and other basic necessities which could benefit out of living

together as a community. The goodness and integrity of the community is

giving priority over individual benefits. Every member has the moral and

social obligation to the welfare of the community. Different aspect of their

lives either in working, feasting and even in performing rites and rituals is

carried out as a community. This is best manifested in the cooperative system

of working together like Ava Kochu and Chokhroh pfuva kasa which help

them to develop a sense of oneness of the community. In this kind of work few

individual forms a group to work in each other‟s field or work on rotational

basis. This group normally consists of boys and girls from their respective

24
dormitories. Such group works help bring them together for work and

celebrate work and share meat and rice beer.

The Maos follows the patriarchal family system. The father is the head

of the family and as such the offspring takes the surname of the father. As the

system of family is patriarchal the ownership of ancestral property goes to the

youngest male child generally, yet, of late this trend is changing and often the

family‟s property is been divided amongst the children –both male and female

- by their parents. The marriage systems of the Maos are well defined. There

are arranged marriages, love marriage, love-arranged marriage and in the past

even forced marriage is also talked about in the tales and songs of the

community. But today this trend is hardly known.

1.6.1 Dormitory System

The Maos practised bachelors‟ and maidens‟ dormitory system known

as Khruchüzü for the boys and Lochüzü for the girls in the pre-literate period.

The dormitory is usually hosted by an elderly man for the male and by an

elderly woman for the female, persons who are well versed in all spheres of

life. It is in the dormitory that the youngsters are taught the skills of life in the

furious tribal world. Lives in the dormitory starts after the male child undergo

the ritual of initiation. And for the female child it is after the girl attains

puberty that she enters the dormitory life. It is in the dormitory the young

people were taught to take responsibilities and be leaders of tomorrow. It is in

the dormitories where informal education of life takes place. Therefore it is

25
proper to term the dormitories as the institution of learning in the tribal world.

The inmate of the dormitory stays on in the dormitory till they are married.

Even after marriage and for the rest of their life the inmates continue to

identify themselves with the dormitory they grew up.

The dormitory or institution serves as the cultural cradle hub for the

Maos, where songs, dance and lore of different hues are passed on from

generation to generation by the elder raconteur. Folksongs are composed,

taught and sang at the institution, the different dances are enacted and taught

and oral narrative the backbone of every society pertaining to their past is

narrated and inculcated night after night. One factor in considering to the

appointment of an elder as the institution keeper is his adeptness or expertise

in oral narratives of the community. Thus, different genres of oral narratives or

verbal arts are disseminated to the youngsters through the memory in spoken

language from the mouth of the elder raconteur day after day, month after

month and year after year. This is how the oral tradition of the people was kept

alive through this institution for the past many centuries. In the institution,

riddling, wise sayings and proverbs goes on stirring the minds of the young

ones in whose memory this verbal treasures are etched away forever. And it is

not presumptuous to say that some day one of this youngster would take the

place of the old keeper and pass the lore of the community to the next

generation. This is how the oral tradition of the village and the community

thrived for ages through this institution.

26
1.6.2 Head Hunting

The culture of head hunting is a practice that dates back to early

period. The culture of head hunting has made the Nagas famous or rather

infamous to the outside world. The Maos are known for their brevity and

action oriented acts, courage, bravado and also for their ferocity. Head hunting

was known to have been practiced by the Maos. Accounts of head hunting are

immortalized in the folksongs and lore of the community.

1.6.3 Fishing and Hunting

The Maos living in the hilly terrains are by nature good fisherman and

natural hunters in their own way. The community does not live by the side of

the sea or ocean. Yet their sense of survival and want allows them to make the

best use of what is accessible to them that is rivers and streams which are there

aplenty in their hilly land. There is also the fishing festival called „Beluni‟,

where the people go for fishing on a specific day. The community also has

group fishing using the bark of a specific tree which is mashed into the river

water which intoxicates the fish and the people are able to collect them. Often

fishing has little to do with commercial purpose but basically for personal

consumption.

1.6.4 Hunting

Hunting is another socially important activity for the community.

There is a day set aside for community hunting, where every kill of the animal

is shared by all the participants in the hunt, the person who gets the first strike

27
of the animal is gets the head. The chief of the village a leg, the hunting dog a

good lump of meat and so on. There are also individual or group hunting, but

the allotment of the head and the leg is all the same.

1.6.5 Bird Hunting

The Maos also have a day where the whole man folks of the village

undertake to catch birds. On this day the chase begin early in the morning. No

catapult or gun or bird lime is used in this hunt. The people catch the bird with

bare hand or strike them with sticks and bamboo poles. The catch is never

consumed but brought to the village chief‟s house, tied on a bamboo pole and

set up on the front of the house for the rest of the year.

1.7 Material Culture of the Mao

Material culture of the community is another aspect which further

enhances the identity of the community. The materials which is specific to the

community and which has evolves over the years along with the community

are mostly the agricultural implements and household articles. The bamboo

mats, the hoes, the motor and pestle, the barns, the kegs and the wooden plates

are some of the materials that are endemic to the Maos in particular.

1.7.1 House Construction

The Mao‟s houses are generally simple and spacious. The house

structure is made of wooden pillars, bamboo splits, knitted and covered with

thatch. The houses are usually constructed during the dry season. The

28
indigenous houses of the Maos differ in small measures. The main pillar of the

house „ote‟ is made of a huge and long trunk of a tree to support the whole

structure of the house. The most common setting of the house which is based

on their belief is that the front of the house should face towards the east. The

house usually consists of three different compartments, the portico, on top of

which a stage can be constructed for the dormitory, the granary room, which

also doubles up as cattle room and the kitchen which doubles up as the

bedroom for the family. The house has two doors, the main entrance in the

front and the backdoor, which is a small and low one and not always used.

The village chief‟s house is much bigger and more decorative than the

individual houses. It is designed with carved skull, heads of buffaloes and

bulls, tigers and other design. An individual house on the other hand is usually

simple yet decoration with curve structure can be added to those persons who

had performed the feast of merit.

1.7.2 Basketry

Basketry has been known as a trade in the past. The usage of different

kinds and size of basket and other accessories are known to the community.

Baskets are weaved out of cane and bamboo slits. Usages of baskets are varied

in nature, some are used to carry things, and some are used to store things

while some are used during rituals.

1.7.3 Weaving

29
 Mao community was not known to grow cotton. But their ingenuity

does not allow them to stop there. The barks of fibrous plants are processed

and refined into fine thread like materials to use in the weaving of cloths. The

Maos use the loin-loom for their weaving. The motif on the cloths is myriad

and of different hues, different cloths are weaved for different set of people

and for different achievements or purposes. Often the artistic and imaginative

and creative minds of the Mao ladies are expressed in the beautiful motifs the

weave on the cloths.

1.7.4 Carving

Carving as an art is carried out by man in the most creative manner.

Carving amongst the Mao is often found on the village-gate, the house walls

and also on the plates and bowls carvings of wood. Motif of head, animals,

birds and others are often found on the walls of houses. Often beautiful plates

of different sizes are found as piece of artistic works in the homes of the Maos.

The legged plates are prized possessions of the Maos. Carving is an age old

trade followed by the Maos as a hobby to meet the need of the house but never

known for commercial purposes.

1.8 Agriculture

The Maos are by nature hard-working and are a very advanced group

of agrarian community. The community has a robust economy which is based

on agriculture and with very little dependency from outside for their

livelihood. Their day-to-day food products and other basic necessity is self

30
produced. Their daily need is self-sustained and their surplus products are

exported to other neighboring communities allowing them to earn some hard-

cash on a daily basis. The Maos are very enterprising and on the whole have

good knowledge of the many farming practices throughout the year. Today

different types of tillers and implements have replaced the indigenous

implements, usages of which were physically strenuous.

1.8.1 Jhum Cultivation

Jhum cultivation which was practised by the Maos in the past is a

bygone activity. One of the reasons for abandoning jhum cultivation is that of

more labour and little produced and the toll it takes on the land and the

cultivators.

1.8.2 Wet and Terrace Cultivation

These are the most common form of cultivation amongst the Mao

community today. Today the people have adopted wet and terraced

cultivations on a large scale. This cultivation is basically for paddy cultivation

as well as for growing vegetables. And paddy is cultivated in summer.

Different varieties of paddy are the most common product of the Maos. And

vegetables such as potatoes, cabbage, squash and different pulses, lentils are

grown to meet their needs. Today the increase in the mouth to feed has turned

the terrace fields into cash-crop farmland before the onset of summer.

31
1.9 Festival

Festivals of the Mao community are known for their festive

celebration. Every festival is accompanied by feasting which practically

consists of rice-beer, meat and different varieties of dishes. It is also marked

by adornment of colourful attires and traditional ornaments giving an air of

glamour and liveliness. Every festival is celebrated on the onset or at the

completion of a particular agrarian stage. Besides the joviality, festivals are

accompanied by series of rites and rituals performed by the Chief of the

village. Every festival is a thanksgiving ceremony for the blessings they

received in the bygone days, and a call for supplication to god for their future.

The most important of the festivals are, ‘Chithuni, Chijüni, Saleni, and Onuni’.

1.9.1 Chithuni

The Chithuni festival is the first festival in a calendar year

for the Maos. It is celebrated in the month of Chithuni, the first

month of the year. It is celebrated for five days starting on the 25th day of the

vernacular month of the community. It is a New Year celebration of a

thanksgiving for the past year and for the bountiful harvest. It is also a festival

supplicating to the supreme God praying for favourable climatic condition for

agricultural activities in the year.

The first day of the festival on the 25th of the month is called Nisha. On

this day cows and buffalos are slaughtered for the feast and bread is baked. On

the 26th day of the month is the big feast day, and on this day dogs, pigs and

32
chickens are slaughtered tor the feast. On the 27th day of the month the girls

who are married in that cyclic year are given a grand send off by the parents

and brothers and relatives. On this day girls married off within the village visit

their parental home with their husband where they are fed with the choicest of

food and rice-beer. Girls who are married off to other villages come to their

parental home the previous evening where they are given the best of treatment.

On their going back the couple are given gifts of a basket of paddy which the

girl carry and other gifts of meat and rice-beer by relatives and friends from

the same dormitory to the couple‟s home. The 28th and 29th days are for feast

and merriment and where different indigenous games are competed by both

males and females. Games like Khetsü kakhe and Kaka kaka are played by the

females. Whereas games like Dziithe kada, Kotsü kozü and Osü kaka are

played by the males. Wrestling, shot-put and others are also played. Every

night throughout the five days festival, youths from the village gather at

different central locations to have a fellowship over rice-beer drinks and meat

dishes. Everyone bring their own share of rice-beer and dishes but everything

is shared by the group. This is how bond of friendship and camaraderie among

different section of the people gets strengthened. On the last day of the

festival, members of the community would adorn themselves with traditional

attires and track up the hill-top.1 There they would perform rituals and also

conduct long-jump competition for the man and dance competition for the

woman folks. The Chithuni festival is the biggest of festivals of the Mao

community.

33
1.9.2 Chüjüni

The Chüjüni festival is celebrated on the 27th of the local month Pfozü.

The Chüjüni meaning „feast of the earth‟ is celebrated with great amount of

eating and drinking. During this festival people consume lot of meat and rice-

beer in order to physically prepare for the upcoming plantation season. During

this festival cowherds and their family are fed by the owners of cattle. And if

there happens to be failure of proper rain, elders of the village carrying

agricultural implements gather in the courtyard of the village and simulate

cultivation and asked god to send rain so that the people can cultivate. In the

early hour of on the day of the festival males come out of the house and curse

the thieves, cheats and people who are thought to be the scourge of the

community. The cursing is done believing that life of individuals who indulge

in these vices would be shortened.

1.9.3 Saleni

Saleni is celebrated for five days in the month of Sale of the lunar

calendar. The festival sets in on the 28th day of the month till the 02nd of the

Rolie month. This festival comes in right after the transplantation of paddy is

over. This is a festival which is celebrated to compensate the energy lost

during the process of transplantation of the paddy. This period is considered as

one of the most strenuous times of the year in their agrarian cycle.

It is during this festival that Macha Kozü or „ritual of initiation‟ is

performed for the male child. This is one of the most important rituals in the

34
stages of life of a male child. During the performing of this ritual the father or

the master of ceremonies and the boy does not eat along with other members

of the family, they set up a new hearth and cook their food by themselves and

eat by themselves. During this ritual he partakers consume only chicken and

no other meat is consumed.

1.9.4 Onuni

Onuni is celebrated on the 28th day of the Onu month of the lunar

calendar. Unlike the aforementioned three festivals Onuni festival is low

keyed comparatively. It does not have the usual grandeur of a feast. The

importance of this festival is the observation of different rites that is important

for the welfare of the village.

In the present times, the onset of Christianity has brought about the

celebration of Christmas and Easter in the community.

1.10 Religion

Religion in the pre-Christian era for the Mao community was the

worship of the Supreme God, which is an indigenous religion - (which is still

followed by some of the people). In every culture, there exists a practice of

communicating with what is considered as a power superior to man. This

practice results from a complex system of beliefs, ideas, and values sanctioned

by members of the community. The practice of supplication and propitiation

through rites and rituals establishes into religion which is known as Pfupe

35
Chüna meaning „forefather‟s religion‟. They believe in the existence of a

Supreme God called Oramai. They also believe in the existence of benevolent

and malevolent spirits. The benevolent spirits are considered as good and

helpful whereas the malevolent spirits are evil and destructive to human, cause

sickness and suffering and therefore need to be appeased through sacrifices

and offerings.

1.10.1 Rites of passage

Rites of passage in the Mao community are many. This actual scheme

of ritualizing a person at a particular phase to initiate him to the next phase is

what we mean by rite of passage. The rites and rituals of the Mao community

are based on their beliefs. The rites and rituals of the community evolve

around the life cycle of man, the agricultural cycle or a war and upon their

beliefs in the Supreme Being and the good and evil spirits. The ethnic

communities in their sense of belief perform rituals for different purposes. Life

begins with pregnancy, birth, naming ceremony, adolescent/puberty, marriage,

death, calamities, observance of feast and festivals, genna, house warming,

agrarian based rituals, and even at point of eating and drinking and others the

tribal have a rite that is performed. The rite of passage is a ceremony or an

event that marks an important stage in someone‟s life. In a broad sense of the

term it connotes the progression of social life of a person that is phase

structured to mark by different rites as life goes on.

36
1.11 Aim and Objective

The present study is on the folk song of the Mao community. The

objective of this study is to textually document the folksongs and to

categorised them as per their thematic contents. The study also meant to

analyse the documented data from the guiding aspects of translation,

semantics and aesthetics. The mentioned parameters are faithfully adhered to

and the data was analysed exhaustively to cull out the imbued significance in

the folksongs. The study was analytical in nature. The study of this nature on

folk song is the first of its kind in the Mao community. This in turn could help

in the further development of folklore in the community.

1.12 Statement of the Problem

Folk songs form a particular mode of oral tradition that contributes

towards maintaining the history of the people. Folk songs used to play a vital

role of regenerating the society in times of war and calamities. They also find

a special place in festive gatherings, religious ceremonies and other occasions.

Therefore, the role of folk songs in tribal societies occupies a position of great

importance. The Mao community is undergoing a stage of transition due to the

influence of western culture thus causing a neglect of the ethos of traditional

culture and the oral tradition. No effort or little effort has been made to

retrieve, document or disseminate this wealth of material. Today there are very

few accomplished folk singers who are capable of rendering the folk songs in

their complete form. While some are good in a particular genre, others are

good in another. Therefore, there is an absence of cohesive knowledge about

37
the tradition of singing. Folk songs are still sung occasionally, yet to

comprehend the text of the songs is a difficult one. The help of knowledgeable

elders for the purpose of interpretation is required, yet that too is few and the

knowhow limited. Till date not a single booklet on the different genres of folk

song exist in the community and the situation may not change much in the

near future.

1.13 Methodology

The methodology applied in this study involved collecting of data

through primary and secondary sources. Primary source of data collection was

through fieldwork and data was collected from performers. Personal

interaction with performers and knowledgeable elders of the community were

the source for extra inputs to the song texts.

The source of secondary data collection employed by the scholar was

gathering of information from secondary sources. Published books, journals,

newspapers, magazines and seminar papers served as the main sources for

secondary data. Visitations to different libraries by the scholar helped in

widening the knowledge on the subject. The libraries the scholar visited during

the course of the study are North-Eastern Hill University Central Library,

North Eastern Council Library, State Central Library, Shillong, Don Bosco

Centre for Indigenous Culture Library, Indian council of Social Sciences,

Shillong, Sahitya Akademi Library, Kolkata, Ethnographic Museum, Jhodpur,

38
Central Institute of Indian Languages Library and Indian Institute of Advanced

Study library.

1.14 References

Ao, Temsula. 1999. The Ao-Naga Oral Tradition. New Delhi: Basha

Publication.

Athikal, Joseph. 1992.Maram Nagas: A Social-Cultural Study. New Delhi:

Mittal Publication.

Baveja, J.D.1982. The World of Naga: New Horizons of North East.

Guwahati: Western Book Depot.

Ben-Amos, Dan. 1982. Folklore in Context Essays. New Delhi: South Asian

Publishers.

Bohlman, Philip V. 1988. Study of folk Music in the Modern World.

Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Datta, Birendranath. et.al. 1994. A Handbook of Folklore Material of North

East India. Guwahati: Anundoram Borooah Institute of

Language, Art and Culture.

Dorson, Richard M. 1972: Folklore and Folklife Studies. Chicago:

University of Chicago Press.
Dundes, Alan.1965. The Study of Folklore. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, INC

Eaglewood- Cliffs.

Eagleton, Terry. 2008. Literary Theory: An Introduction. New Delhi: Wiley

India.
Eliot, E. S. 1948. Notes on Towards a Definition of Culture. London: Harcourt

Giridhar, P.P. 1994. Mao-Naga Grammar. Mysore: CIIL Publication.

39
Goswami, Roshmi. 1995. Meaning in Music. Shimla: IIAS. Rashtrapati Nivas.

Grierson, G.A. 1903. Linguistic Survey of India. Vol.3. Delhi: Gain

Publishing House.

Hudson, T.C. 1911. The Naga Tribes of Manipur. Delhi: B.R Publishing.

Islam, Mazhurul. 1985. Folklore- The Pulse of the People. New Delhi:

Concept Publication Company.

Johnstone, James. 1971. Manipur and the Naga Hills. Delhi: Vivek Publishing

House.

Karpeles, Maud. 1973. An Introduction to English Folk Song. London: OUP.

Lokho, Paul. 1991. Customary Laws of the Mao Nagas. (Unpublished M Phil

Thesis) Shillong: NEHU.

Lomax, Alan. 1915. Folks Song Style and Culture. New Jersey: New

Brumswick: Transaction Books.

Mahapatra, Sitakant. 1994. The Endless Weave: Tribal Songs and Tales of
Orissa. Calcutta: Sahitya Akademi Eastern Zonal
Cultural Centre.
Mao, K. Nipuni. 2010. Rites of Passage in North East India. Shillong:
DBCIC.
Nettl, Bruno. 1986. The Music of the Songs., in Tristram Coffin‟s American

Folklore: Folklore as a Field for Study. Voice of

American Lectures. USA

Ryan, Michael. 1999. Literary Theory: A Practical Introduction. UK Oxford:

Blackwell Publishers
Saleo, N. (n.d.). Imemi Kohrϋ Ko–Mao Naga Lives. Imphal: S.M. Press.

Shimray, R.R. 1986. Origin and Culture of the Nagas. New Delhi: Samsok

Publication.

40
 CHAPTER TWO

LOCHU

2.1 Lochu

Folk songs are disseminated for most of the time in the dormitories

broadly known as the Morung. As a matter of fact Morung the pre-literate

institution of learning in the gone past played a very important role in the

dissemination of folk song and folk tales or for that matter the development of

the different genres of folk literature in the community. The morung institution

served as the cultural cradle, where songs and lore of different hues are

disseminated on from generation to generation by elder raconteurs of the

community so that the facts of life within the community do not die out. Folk

songs are composed, taught and sang at the institution, the oral narrative the

backbone of every society pertaining to their past is narrated and inculcated

night after night. The different genres of oral narratives or verbal arts are

disseminated to the youngsters through the memory in spoken language from

the mouth of the raconteur year after year. This is how the oral tradition of the

people was kept alive through this institution for the past many centuries. This

is how the oral tradition of the village and the community thrived for ages

through this institution. For the past many centuries this institution served as a

place of learning for all purposes in the pre-literate period.

The term Lochu literarily means Matured songs. Songs coming under

the Lochu category always do have a back-ground story. These are the songs

that infact relates to us the events of the past in the community. The songs are

41
occasion-based or contextual compositions and can be sung at all times. Lochu

songs are of different themes; it can be people based; individual, family,

village, and community, about place, events like war and others.

The different categories of Lochu folksong can be seen in the analyses

of the textual data that follows. Some of these folk songs can fit into the

different categories that have been classified while others could fit into one or

more categories. This we shall see in the different types of songs that have

been analyzed in the following pages. The Lochu folk songs can be broadly

classified into different thematic context like; i) Oso-orilo or Songs of War ii)

Khukrielo or Tribute Songs iii) Chokhrulo or Amorous Song iv) Füshulo or

Songs of Settlement v) Pomarakatalo or Songs of Migration vi) Others

2.2 Oso-orilo – Songs of War

Most of the songs would be composed relating to war and the chivalry

of warriors or anything that is related to warfare. These historical songs can be

sung during social gatherings with the intention of disseminating facts of

battles and duels to the younger generations. The following is an Oso-orilo

folksong. This is a song about the war that took place between the Memai

forefathers and the Kozo people. The song is titled as Ime Padai Ope Padai

literally meaning „The four Memai forefathers‟.

Ime Padai Ope Padai

Hoa shusü Ime padai ope padai nasü

Nasü zho ole sorülu roke ettojü

42
 Ttojü lehe kozho dzü kanhie no sorülu roke ettojü

Ttojü rü hretthu kongu lettho

Lettho nhose so batsü pfuli-e ano

Ano tala so ophe vepfü ata

Ata oshu Imemai lu karekhro do kozü zhosü

Ozhe nho musü shilaire apfu khrumai-o khailere shettho

Shettho lehe nitu ekanhie nhodzüdoti ni adaiso tta no vu krole

Le nemu sü adaimu ko pfumuli-e sütto-u sazü

Sazü zho edu amukusü no zhenho

Zhenhonhoshe so ozhu mashü pfulo

Pfulo lehe Pfose dzü koro he phrewe sü phrelu hrojü

Hrojü nhose so ozhu mashü pfulo

Pfulo lehe Pfose dzü koro phre-ere phre kozhu zho-osü

Osü apfu ni raishu enoke shu bu anho khuluda

Luda shu ime pfunano

Nano buno pro-re kama no jü

Nojü othe helu odzü heli asü

Oru-no dzü mara opi tuupi asü

Asü opipai nodzü mara nho oru sü tu-e

Tu-e kaprü sü prü-re kahre sü hre

Sühre kaprü sü prü zhudo shu Ime pfu yi mokhu shuda kono khra prü-e tejü

Translation

The four Memai clansman were of the four Memai fathers

They were plotting and ready for a war again

43
 The two Kozhos were also getting ready for a war

So the hung the shield by the strap on the neck

And took the spears into their hands

And their lunch pack hung on their back

The night they spent in the land of the Memai at Karekhro

As I slept the dream is too bad fathers let us go back

How will you come back infront of your two sisters?

What was your dream that makes you so

The dream that I had as I slept last night

As I slept I dreamt holding the spears in the hands recognizing the face

Went and tried to strike the village gate of Pfosemai but could not strike it

Holding the spears in the hands recognizing the face

Took a strike at the village gate of Pfosemai but threw over it

Fathers don‟t go ahead nor come late do wait for me

Do not be embolden Memai man

Have many trees with a big root

They will encircle you from the back and the front

They will strike and split from the bottom to the head

And they strike from the head to the bottom

It is frightening and scary and not wanting

It is frightening and scary in future do not provoke the Memai man coming

generation

44
Analysis of the Text

This song relate to us about the war between the four Memai clans and

the two Kozo people. As they plotted and schemed and were ready to wedge a

war against the two Kozo people, the two Kozo were prepared to launch a war

against the Memai four clans as these lines indicate;

‘… ole sorülu roke ettojü

lehe kozho dzü kanhie no sorülu roke ettojü’

Translation

„… were plotting and ready for a war again

The two Kozhos were also getting ready for a war‟

They were ready with their sword and shield and spear. They hung

their shield on their neck by the strap, held the spears in their hands and their

lunch-pack hung on their back, ready for the war.

The two Kozo set out and for the night hid at Karekhro in the land of

the Memai. As they lay to rest, one amongst them who was a slight younger

than the others had a dreadful dream. When he woke up he said „the dream is

too bad, fathers2 therefore let us go back3. The elders of the group then said,

„how would you return and face your sisters4 without wedging the war against

the Memai clans‟ (that would be lost of pride before the people if the return

without a war after they had set out for the war). They then ask the young man

what his dream was all about that make him apprehensive and disheartened.

45
The youngman described the dream; „as I slept I dreamt, holding the spears in

the hands and recognizing the face I went to strike the village gate of Pfosemai

but could not strike it, but instead threw the spear over the gate of Pfosemai

village.‟ And he tells them not to go alone infront nor come late alone or go

away but be in the group together and wait for the other all through. Or else

they will be annihilated by the ferocity of the Memai which is best described

by the following lines;

‘… Othe helu odzü heli asü

Oru-no dzü mara opi tuupi asü

Asü opipai nodzü mara nho oru sü tu-e’

Translation

„… encircle you from the back and the front

They will strike and split from the bottom to the head

And they strike from the head to the bottom‟

The Memai people, there are many roots and so there are many trees5.

They would encircle from the back as well as from the front and they would

split you bottom-up and likewise split from top to the bottom. It is fearsome

and the least likable thing to have ever been done. The youth goes on to warn

his fellowman not to provoke the Memai clans as that would further infuriate

them. And so he says that it is frightening and scary and therefore they should

not provoke the Memai people.

46
 The following song is titled as Arijü ye Akajü which is translated as

Arijü and Akajü. This song relates to us about the duel of Arijü and Akajü.

Where Akajü kills Arijü by treachery and not as the rules of one to one duel is

supposed to be. This brings in the Arijü’s sister Kapaini into the picture of the

individual war and she avenged the dead of her brother by killing Akajü.

Arijü ye Akajü

Mahra Khruno ichua Akajü mai yire te tto kakrie ttojü

Chizhi Khruno Arijü-o mai yi bure te tto kakrie ttojü

Ttojü ikhrumai Arijü-o Akajü-o

Jü-o zho nia nipa sashuu da ayia apa sachu lemo

Kanhie kashi kaka leno anhie osü rethu ojü masaa anhie nhopfule

Le sütto molili ni nittomai yi nopfümai tile.

Ye lele ikhrumai Akajü mada bvü-o

Bvü-o ochikhru maikosü salo profüli khai koku khai ttano

Ttano zo-o Arijüo mai kru ke khai sü

Esü zo-o Arijüo maisü izhu ttojü

Ttojü aproo Arijüo sosü vadu vanhü

Vanhü tthu pfulushi shina sano dupfu

Dupfu lehe ilomai Kapaini mahe kono

Kono ihe chopfutto ohrü kashi ko teni moho cho

Hocho ihe chopfutto ohrü kashi koli apro Arijü mokhu pholu lere

Lere ohashi ino chanitto sotejü

Tejü oshu Mahramai lokhroo kroa kro monhüe

47
 Monhüe zhoo adaikhru kone kili-e lokhro kro choe

Choe shu Mahramai lokhro kro li mape pio da

Aru lokhro okhro kakre lokhro kro modo eno

Eno zhoo khroenü khrana chini koso oruleno bulo lokhro kro chore to

Chore Mahra khrusü nholo raikara so, solu kopfü ku chodo eno

Eno lehe ilomai Kapaini mai sado tiko mape shu chore

Apfu izho mikrideni okhu kayi hrü kokrü pio da

Kapaini nisü mikrideni okhu kayi hrü kokri pfüe adaie sole ne

Leni apro Arijüoo mokhu pholu lere

Lere ashuro kayi sü-e fü füshe no duni

Duni lehe Mahra jü sado onga kayi nasü hruba pfotta

Pfotta Mahra khrusü nholo raikaraso, solu kopfü iku chodo eno

Eno oshushu jü maipfü adai hri koso laiu

Laiu ichahrühra e-so modo eno

Mahra khru no ichua Akajü mai yi tili phonho mokru leta rehu laijü

Kodzü koli ikhrumai Akajü pfüpfu nholo

Nholo oshushu djü maipfü daihri pfu solaiu

Laiu ichahri hra eso modo eno

Mahra khruno ichua Akajü mai yi tili phonho mokru letta rehu laijü

Laijü ezho omai kakri Akajü no hore azhü Akajü ohrü kashi-u (ipipu?) sa

Esa ochi koro he pra lizü ho ale he-o inhora tokhu kodu esü prabu lejü

Lejü ochi koro he pra lizü ho ale he-o inhora tokhu kodu esü prabu chore

Chore oshu shujümai pfü dai hrü ko solai-u

Laiu ichahrü hra eso modo eno

48
 Mahra khruno ichua Akajü mai yi tili phonho mokru letta rehu laijü

Laijü chinu mainu lai atumai tulai esü

Esü izho-o maikakri Akajü no kore ikhrumai Akajü ohrü kashi ikhru sü ihe

sama

Akajü ochino bu kanhie ikhru-lo oke so leho

Leho oruno mare okre sole-u kanhie

Kanhie ochino bu kanhie khru-lo okre so lemo

Lemo lehe Mahra khru khru lo-okrebu leno lo okre sole-e

Akajü khala durai leho maizheo raileu

Leu khala du süno ano maizhe bu raile re

Akajü nepfü bvüjü ihe nifü leno nifü iku

Aku kothu mikrideni okhu kayi sü kokrügri ttojü

Ttojü izho chanitto maio odo shi na elo

Hoa lehe ikhrumai Akajü othu kashi-o li esü tini

Tini lehe ilomai Kapaini othu kashio li isü chomo

Kodjü koli ikhrumai Akajü ifü sü hrapho-a ttojü

Ttojü izho marü phe pfü phe vepfü ano opi du tthu ashuro lesü tho pfüa ta

Ata Mahra khru sü vulo raikaraso, solu kopfü eku chodo eno

Eno lehe ikhrumai Akajü nihie sü kade nhi ama

Ama lehe ikhrumai Akajü anhie sü kade shu sano

Sano izho o-chanitto maino kara nopfü eku

Esü pra kali khrono rehu mokru letta kapea jü Akajü anhie

Kodzü koli ekhrumai Akajü pfüpfu vupra

Vupra izho azü Akajü nihie sü kade nhi ama

49
 Ama izho nizü Akajü anhie sü kade shu sano

Sano izho chanitto maino kara nopfü asü

Esü pra kali khrono rehu mokru letta kapea jü Akajü anhie

Anhie lehe apro ru Akajü bavu nojü oshi pidu tthu-a ashuro lesü thopia yi pfü

laire

Hoa oshu Mahra tomujü do-azhu kochu more

More lehe Mahra pfü kothupai kono vupra

Vupra lehe Mahra pfü kothupai kono azhu kochu locho

Locho izho-o chanitto maio odo shina ilo

Ilo izho-o chanitto maizhu athi tiwe ilo

Mahra khru nithe hino eno lai nhie hoke nino no eno mashe sü na

Mahrakhru athi heno eno modo eno eno ano mashe she jü

Ashe ashekha kono mazhe koso ichuno ivu khru esü

Hoa lehe ekhrumai Akajü pfüpfumai no ochino pho-epho moho talo

Etto lehe Mahrakhru khru lo kre buleno lo kolai kai to-u

Tto-a lehe chizhipfü Kapaini phuduhrüa ihe moha

Hoa lehe inholi heno hru kolai shu-esü

Isü omai kayi maisü izho ihru hi teni moro tephi

Akajüoo nino Arüjüo mai zü moli sü ino nehrudzümai malai-u ne nhoha

machi-u le

Le-e nino alekho eso mozhu sü nihe tthu ezü keu kochu

Kochu ohashi ino chanitto maizho mape tepi Akajüo

Hoa lehe inholi heno hru kolai shu esü

Akajü zho chopfutto maino züli esü

50
 Esü lehe inholi no khro shuwua orinhü nhüle

Ule izho chanitto maino züli esü

Laphra kapri koso makhri pfülai

Pfülai ohashi eno chanitto mai zho mape tijü Akajü

Hoa achi koro eprali zü ho-a

Hoa apro kotsüo no lo ripi pfulo te

Ete ezho adai soripi kele pfu chokhru pi sama

Sama apro totsüo no lo ripi pfulu te

Ete ezho adai soripi kele pfu chokhrupi sama

Sama apro nono-u no lo ripi pfulie esü

Esü izho ochopfutto maino züli esü

Esü izho otu phudu raso hu dale da eno

Eno izho chanitto maino züli esü

Esü izho otu tulo raso hu dale do eno

Ano soshu ti shu shivü tishu ripra eti shuno-e

I-ilomai kapaini phuduhrüa khiu shu ttabo.

Translation

The Mahra says that Akajü is still the best

The Chizhi says that Arüji is the best

So the youth/bachelors Arüji and Akajü

Akajü-o don‟t bring your friends along, I will not bring mine

The two of us will measure the length and breadth of kashi and fight out

If we don‟t do that you will be branded a female and me a woman

And this liar Akajü

51
 Akajü went home and brought along three friends and hid them at bushes

And today Arijüo was enticed and kept

And this day Arijü was injured

And my brother Arijü was cut into pieces

The pieces could not be carried and have to be collected in a shina shawl

Carrying the dismembered, maiden Kapaini

Would have loved to be even a thin, bony male

Had I being a thin, bony male, I would have avenged my brother Arijü‟s death

Unlucky that I am made a female

Have the Mahramai come towards their field

Today, which month they got and are going to their fields

So when the Mahramai reaches their fields sent me a message

My villagers did not get te month to go towards the fields

Today the burning month of khroenü khrana allows them to venture the fields

The Mahramai are going to the field like a tied string and the flying white ants

So the news was sent to maiden Kapaini

Father today buy me a good sounding mikrideni

Kapaini what would you do with the good sounding mikrideni

With it I will avenge the death of my brother Arijü

And also string up my basket with the multiple basket string

She put on the best weaved shawl and go

The Mahramai are across the landscape like string ropes and white ants flying

O! Stranger lady on what business are you on

No I am not on any business trip

52
The Mahramai says that still Akajü is the best, so I am on my way to look for

him and spend the day with him

After sometime the parents of Akajü the bachelor are bound for the field

O! Stranger lady on what business trip are you on

No I am not on any business trip

The Mahramai says that still Akajü is the best, so I am on my way to look for

him and spend the day with him

O! There are no other Akajü other than my loving thin bony son Akajü

When you reach the village gate he will be sitting at the inhora stone platform

And when I reach the village gate I see him on inhora stone platform edge

O! Stranger lady on what business trip are you on

No I am not on any business trip

The Mahramai says that still Akajü is the best, so I am on my way to look for

him and spend the day with him

The younger ones are too young and the older ones are too old

Now there are no other bachelor Akajü, it is only me the thin and bony

bachelor Akajü

Akajü do we stay back home and do what young people do

Or go to the field side and gather-up and nest the two of us

No the two of us will no stay back home and make the nest

We will go to where the Mahramai youngsters go and make their nest

Akajü do we first eat the lunch pack or perform the manners?

The lunch pack wil be later the manners will be first

Akajü your big bosom is pressing down and hurting me

53
 Stood up and mikrideni strikes the good sound

And today the lady has some bad intention

I have heard the bad intention of bachelor Akajü

But I have not heard the bad intention of maiden Kapaini

Later it was heard that the bosom of bachelor Akajü was ripped open

Today I chop off the head put it into my basket and go

Mahramai are back from the field like stringed ropes and flattering white ants

And so did you get to meet the bachelor Akajü?

And yes I and bachelor Akajü got to meet

But today the female was carrying dirt

So we two have agreed to meet up next month

After sometime the parents of Akajü were seen returning

So did my loving Akajü and you get to meet?

Yes your loving Akajü and me did meet very much

But today the female was carrying dirt

So we two have agreed to meet up next month

And my big handed brother Akajü chopped a dog‟s head and put into my

basket as a gift which I am carrying back

And the foolhardy Mahramai did not question my name

And when a Mahramai granny was coming back

And coming back the Mahramai granny question my name

O! Today the phatic-communication of the maiden is not good

Today, what is the name of the maiden?

Are there any other Mahramai coming after you or are you the last

54
 There are no other Mahramai after me I am the last one

Out of tiredness I am the last one coming now

If the parents of bachelor Akajü search and search and does not find

Tell them to go and look at the place where the Mahramai go and make nest

And it is me the boyish Kapaini of Chizhimai

And at mount top I open the basket and look

So the good man today has sweat on his forehead

Akajü had you not killed Arijü I would have licked off your sweat and sucked

off your nose mucus

You caused too much anguish and grieve to my heart so I killed you really

Bad luck me a female‟s labour will not be spoken

And at mount top I open the basket and look

Akajü today had you been killed by a male

At every mount top there will be shout and there will be war cry

But today a female got the kill

So as though scared to talk carried stealthily

Unlucky a female‟s labour has to be spoken off Akajü

And as I reach the village gate

Ask my eldest brother to come and get the war head

How will it be a war head but her adulterous head

Ask my middle brother to come and get the war head

How will it be a war head but her adulterous head

And as my youngest brother came and got the war head

Today if the kill had been by a male

55
 Today an unblemished bull would have been slaughtered

But today the kill was by a female

So an unblemished cow would be slaughtered

Do not call it as a meat gift nor packed meat nor warriors‟ meat

But just call it as the boyish Kapaini‟s dish

Analysis of the Text

This song is an outcome of the duel and its ramification thereafter on

the warriors. The song is largely a lament of the sister of a warrior who was

killed unfairly and how the sister avenged the death of her brother. The song

recounts a duel between two warriors Akajü and Arijü which can be seen in

the words of the challenger Arijü;

„… Akajü-o zho nia nipa sashuu da ayia apa sachu lemo

Kanhie kashi kaka leno anhie osü rethu ojü masaa anhie nhopfule…’

Translation

„… Akajü-o don‟t bring your friends along, I will not bring mine

The two of us will measure the length and breadth of Kashi and fight out

Both the warriors were renowned warriors from the Mahra village,

whose people says that he is the best, and the latter his opponent from the

Chizhi village whose people says that he is the best. Arijü challenged Akajü to

a one on one duel with the agreement that no friends or others would be

brought to the place of the duel. This was agreed upon so that the full measure

56
of their skill and tact of a warrior be brought out and whosoever was the better

warrior would emerge the winner and be known as the best warrior. Whoever

does not followed what was agreed with be branded a female6.

The duel took place on an appointed day but it was not a fair duel as

Akajü lied, brought three friends and hid them in bushes where the duel was to

take place. This way Arijü was enticed to the duel and with the help of friends

Akajü slew Arijü in an unfair duel. He was cut into several pieces. The pieces

were gathered and carried in a shawl by Arijü‟s sister Kapaini. Carrying the

remnants of Arijü, her heart wrenching Kapaini lamented thus;

‘… ihe chopfutto ohrü kashi ko teni moho cho

Hocho ihe chopfutto ohrü kashi koli apro Arijü mokhu pholu lere’

Translation

„Would have loved to be even a thin, bony male

Had I being one, I would have avenged my brother Arijü‟s death‟

She longed even to be a thin male just to be able to avenged the death

of her brother. The anguish and the raging torment of the heart are manifested.

These thoughts remain stuck in her mind. In those days females were not one

to be seen in the war games or in battles or duels. She continue to lament on

her being an unfortunate female which means she would not be able to

avenged her brother‟s death.

57
 Kapaini did not stop at that but continue to foster thoughts to avenge

Arijü‟s death. She continued to gather news on the movements of the Mahra

people, which month they go and come from their fields. She requested her

fellow villagers to give messages to her in this regard. But her fellow villagers

did not get the required news, but she herself manage to get to know when and

in what month the Mahra people go and reach their fields. It was in the month

of khroenü khrana7 that allowed them to venture to their fields in big numbers

as if they are stringed together or like the flying white ants moving in line they

go. This message was likewise conveyed to maiden Kapaini. When she got to

hear this, she requested her father to buy for her a good sharp mikrideni8 knife.

Her father enquired as to what she would do with the good sharp mikrideni

knife, to which Kapaini replied that she would avenged the death of her

brother Arijü. She also requested her father to string up her back-basket with

the multi plaited strap. When everything was ready Kapaini put on the best

weaved shawls and left.

The Mahra people were scattered across the vast landscape and were as

many as the white ants flying across the sky. And the Mahra people on the

way to the field asked her what her business is? To their question Kapaini

replied;

‘Ichahri hra eso modo eno

Mahra khru no ichua Akajü mai yi tili phonho mokru leta rehu laijü’

Translation

„I am not on any business trip

58
 Mahra people says that Akajü is still the best, so I am on my way to spend a

day with him‟

Thereafter Akajü‟s parents bound for the field too met Kapaini on the

way, and they too asked on what business trip she has does come? She replied

that she is not on any business trip but as the Mahra people still says that

Akajü is the best, she is on her way to look for him and spend the day with

him. Then the parents of Akajü said „O! There are no other Akajü other than

my loving „thin and bony‟ son Akajü‟9. They also told her that she would find

him at the village gate and he will be sitting at the inhora stone platform edge.

On the word of the parents Akajü was found seated at inhora stone platform

edge. On being asked if he was Akajü, he said, „the younger ones are too

young and the older ones are too old and there is no other bachelor Akajü, it is

only me the thin and bony bachelor Akajü‟.

Having found the person she came looking for maiden Kapaini made

known the intention of her visit, which is to spend a day with him as he is

known to be the best warrior of the Mahra people. She asked him;

‘Akajü ochino bu kanhie ikhru-lo oke so leho

Leho oruno mare okre sole-u kanhie’

Translation

„Akajü do we stay back home and do what young people do

Or go to the field side and gather-up and nest the two of us‟

59
 Here the exchange of dialogue between Kapaini and Akajü is full of

amorous banter, enticing the other to become a prey. Kapaini asked Akajü if

they should stay back home in the village and indulged in sexual activities as

young people do when left alone or go to the field and nestle together. Akajü

retort back saying that they will not stay at home and nestle together but go to

where the Mahra youths go 10 and make their nest. Akajü‟s intention of

choosing the morung has greater significance as it will showcase his prowess

not only in warfare but also prowess with the opposite gender and by taking

her to the morung the youngsters would know of his achievement. Kapaini

further asked Akajü if they should first eat the lunch pack or perform the

manner11. Akajü chose the manner first and the lunch later. As they lay to

indulged in manner Kapaini on the pretext of being hurt by the big bosom

Akajü, asked him to relax a little. And as Akajü relaxed a little she strikes his

belly ripping it open with the mikrideni knife. Akajü realizing the gravity of

the situation says „today the lady has some bad intention‟ to which Kapaini

replied, „I have heard of the bad intention of bachelor Akajü, but not the bad

intention of maiden Kapaini,‟ thus absolving herself. And thus Kapaini kill the

warrior Akajü.

Kapaini chopped the head of Akajü and put it into her basket and left.

As she made haste, along the way she came across the Mahra people as though

they were strung together on a long rope or like the many flying white ants.

The Mahra people questioned her if she got to meet bachelor Akajü, and she

replied yes, adding, the unfortunate situation of the female carrying dirt 12 on

60
that day. Kapaini cited this as an unavoidable excuse from people prying into

what she was carrying as her dress was stained with blood that was dripping

from the head of Akajü in her basket, and at the same time reaffirming that

Akajü and she would be meeting the following month again.

As Kapaini continued her journey she came across Akajü‟s parents

making their way back from the field. They enquired if she got to meet

bachelor Akajü to which she replied that she did but as she was carrying dirt

that day they have agreed to meet again the following month. She added that

the generous big-handed Akajü chopped a dog‟s head and put into her basket

as a gift which she was carrying it back.

Though many Mahra people spoke to her along the way no one asked

her name thus far. And at the far end of the long line of the Mahra people

along the road comes a lame granny who asked for her name. Guessing the

anxiety in the course of her phatic communication which was apprehensive the

granny asked Kapaini her name. Fearing for any repercussion for her

unwanted deed, Kapaini countered the old granny by asking if she was the last

of the Mahra people or if anyone was coming after her. The granny answered

that being lame and out of tiredness she was moving slowly and happens to be

the last in the long line of people returning from the field. Kapaini then reveal

herself to the old granny and tells her that if the parents of Akajü search for

him, tells them to go and look in the place where the Mahra youths go and

nest. Kapaini continue to reveal herself to the old granny by saying that it is

61
the boyish Kapaini of Chizhimai13 who killed and took the head of Akajü, and

then continued her journey. As Kapaini trudge her way up the mountain she

set to rest at the mountain top and took a look at the head of Akajü. Taunting

she remarked and said that the good man had sweat on his brow and mucus on

his nose. And she muttering to the head says that had he not killed Arijü in the

way he did she would have licked clean the sweat on his brow and sucked

clean the mucus on his nose. She continues to say that he caused her too much

grieved and anguish in the manner he killed her brother and therefore that is

the reason why she killed him. She continues to verbally torment Akajü even

after killing him.

The interesting notes of differences in being killed by a man in war and

a woman in whatever manner of been killed is ruefully admitted by Kapaini

that „she being a female her endeavour or stature of the killing will not be

spoken off. And that is bad luck to both Akajü and she, for his death will not

be declared publicly for fear that it will bring disgrace being the victim of a

female, but had he been killed by a male, at every mountain top there would

be shout and war cry to avenge his death. Or the victor making it known of his

achievement through ululating and having a warrior feast, but as it was a

female who got the kill everything goes on stealthily from carrying the head to

getting to know of the death of the best warrior of the Mahra people. The

overpowering of the killing of Akajü by the female Kapaini would be better

known more than the death of the great warrior Akajü.

62
 As Kapaini reached her village gate she requested her brothers to come

and receive the head of Akajü whom she killed. But the older brothers refused

saying;

‘izho adai soripi kele pfu chokhru pi sama

apro totsüo no lo ripi pfulu te

izho adai soripi kele pfu chokhrupi sama

apro nono-u no lo ripi pfulie esü’

Translation

„How will it be a war head but her adulterous head

Ask my middle brother to come and get the war head

How will it be a war head but her adulterous head

And my youngest brother came and got the war head‟

Disbelieve and unacceptable that a Kapaini avenged the slaying of

Arijü, the eldest brother refused to come saying it can only be her adulterous

head. Then she requested her middle brother to come and receive the head but

he too refused saying it is not possible to be a war head but her adulterous

head. At last it was Kapaini‟s youngest brother who came forward to receive

the warrior‟s head of Akajü, whom she had avenged for the treacherous killing

of Arijü.

The opportune killing of Akajü would have been celebrated had it been

carried out by a courageous male. An unblemished bull would have been

slaughtered to befit the occasion that is the killing of a great warrior like Akajü

63
which was no mean achievement. But as the killing was made by a female, it

was not celebrated, and this can be seen in the following lines;

‘… izho chanitto maino züli esü

izho otu tulo raso hu dale do eno

soshu ti shu shivü tishu ripra eti shuno-e

I-ilomai kapaini phuduhrüa khiu shu ttabo’.

Translation

„… today the kill was by a female

So an unblemished cow would be slaughtered

Do not call it as a meat gift nor packed meat nor warriors‟ meat

But just call it the boyish Kapaini‟s dish‟.

Unfortunately the killing of Akajü was not by a male warrior but by an

unsuspecting courageous female who happens to see the gruesome

dismembered remains of her brother who was killed through treachery. Still

the valiant act of Kapaini was not rewarded in the way it should befitting her

womanly courage. An unblemished cow was slaughtered, but the whole affair

was kept low keyed. When the meat that was distributed as is the custom it

was not even mentioned as gift meat nor warriors‟ meat but just called the

boyish kapaini‟s dish. This whole act was to protect the cowardly pride of the

male members of the family who did not venture out to avenge the killing of

their brother, but when everything was achieved by the courages Kapaini

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everything was been hushed up, thereby undermining the courageous act of

Kapaini.

This song is a revelation in the way man and woman were treated in

the days of Akajü and Arijü. The society has a different outlook towards man

and woman even if the achievement is of equal stature if not more. Like in this

particular case of Kapaini who goes and avenges the dead of her brother by

whatever means she could, while her three other brother does not have the guts

to face Akajü. When Kapaini achieved what her manfolk did nothing for it,

her character and action is questioned and belittled as adulterous. The same

importance is not accorded to the deed of the woman as that of the man when

he performs it. And instead the deed of the female always remains suspicious

in the eyes of the manfolk. For Kapaini it was her courage, anger, guile and

the heart-wrenching sight of the remains of her brother that propelled her to

seek revenge. The fear and intimidation of her brother‟s killer is overpowered

within her by the pain of her brother‟s death. The filial bond of siblings that

concord between her and her brother Arijü, unlike her three other brothers

who remain static at home doing nothing and who even fail to acknowledge in

what Kapaini achieved. This in a way is social injustice and unequal treatment

of the woman folk in the bygone era of the Chizhimai community. Thus

through the folk song or the oral text it helped us to recover the lore and the

poetry of the gone past behind the written words.

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 The next song tells us about the fate of an unmindful and outspoken

family, who meets their death at the hands of the great Memai warriors. The

song is titled as Karedzü Iphrüni Pfübu Kaphe meaning the overturning of

Karedzü Iphrüni’s mother‟s place.

Karedzü Iphrüni Pfübu Kaphe

Hoa shusü Ime padai ope padai nasü

Nasü Kosümai zho Akhayi khrole tino bu shüjü

Shüjü kowuti adai koso letta-a shüjü-u sacho

Sacho shusü Ime padai ope padai nasü

Nasü Kosümai zho Akhayi khrole tino bu shüjü kowuti chonho koso letta-a

shüjü-u more

More shu Aro jü-o Iphrüni pfübu phele shüjü-u chore

Chore zho-o Imemaipfu movu khrusü

Khrusü zho Imemaipfu ope kajü khrusü

Chakai keli chaki li khobu-redzü süpfu

Süpfu shu Aro jü koro-e pfuki koro kozü zhosü

Esü lehe ilomai-o Iphrüni mahe kono

Kono chikhri motthu-e krezü bo khala maisüi bo

Sübo hukhe karai le ikono robukhe

Khe kottho loli masakhapfu makaisa dakohru sata

Sata zho-o opfüpfu chi kanenhü süno bu phru

Buphru lehe apfu soru–u maiti kono

Kono rü hretthu oke lettho

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 Lettho nhose so batsü pfulu tapra

Tapra zho-o le kodzü pfo hu

Hu koko ti phibe no mana-i kredzü pi-e sü

Esü lehe apfu soru maipi süno pfo chishe-e moha

Moha lehe apro-e kanhie maiti kono

Kono rü hretthu oke lettho

Inho kali makilu-e kalimai modzü pfoko

Pfoko zho-o le kodzü pfohu

Hukoko ti phibe no mana-e kredzü pi-e sü

Esü lehe apro-e kanhie maipi süno pfo chishe-a moha

Moha lehe Ilomai-o Iphrüni batepfo kra

Pfokra zho-o le I adai amü komo sotesa

Tisa isü tolu-kholo kono zhelo

Zhelo lehe apfu soru maipi sholu zümo

Zümo isü tolu-kholo kono zhelo

Zhelo lehe apro-e kanhie maipi sholu zümo

Zümo ano mozhu kro-e chibuno pfo rali-e ttojü

Ttojü lehe illomai Iphrünikokuko kosü moho kiwuano le otheno hrüyi letta

buchu kojü

Kojü shu Imepfuna ni zükili-e sü

Esü zho-o le nikra südo nitthu südo eno

Eno lehe apfu soru maipi-o ti abale thettho-u

Hoa shu Aro dzü kakrü ochu-u yi ola-u yi heno

Heno lehe nipfu soru maichuno shi-e sü

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 Esü lehe nipfu soru maipi-o ti nibale tettho hro

Tthohro shu Imepfuna ni zü kili-e sü

Esü zho-o le nikra südo nitthu südo eno

Eno lehe apro-e kanhie maipi-o ti abale thettho-o

Ttho-o shu Aro dzü kakri ochu-u yi ola-o yi he-e

He-e lehe nipro-e kanhie maichu no shi-e sü

Esü lehe nipro-e kanhie maipio ti nibale thettho hro

Iphrüni khramai-o pishu kovai pfü ozü-a mai hrüpfu

Hrüpfu kalaile opfü-pfu chinho alai sü

Iphrüni lemai-o pishu kovai pfü ozü-a mai hrüpfu

Hrüpfu kalaile opfü-pfu chi nihro do-e no

Iphrüni momu kaniro, pfuli kaniro, Iphrüni mu-a kohrüro

Translation

The four Memai clansman were of the four Memai fathers

Were seated in the plains of Kosümai land Akhayi and planned

What was the thing they plotted?

It is the Memai‟s four clansman of the four fathers

Were seated in the plains of Kosümai land Akhayi and planning something

They were planning to go and overturn Iphrüni‟s mother‟s place of Aromai

Today the kings of the Memai

Today the great Memai clansman

With guile and expertise carried the Redzü-gun

And the night they spent at the nearby mountain side

And the lady Iphrüni

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 Refused to sleep the whole night and cook the food

And the cock began to crow at dawn

When the cock began to crow fast, she woke her husband and took him along

They sat at a spot where they could see her parent‟s household

And looking my father

Took the shield and slung to his comfort

Took the spears and come out

Then he was chased

He was a little slow and he was speared

And my father‟s head was now been rushed upon

And my two brothers

Took the shield and slung to their comfort

Bit one spear by the mouth, took another by the hand and surge forward

Then they were also chased

They were a little slow and they were speared

And the head of my two brothers were now been rushed upon

This maiden Iphrüni clap her hands and weep

Why today is my most unsatisfying day

I am not a hawk or crow to fly

So as to go and snatch the head of my father

I am not a hawk or crow to fly

So as to go and snatch the heads of my brothers

And when I look to the south I see they were celebrating with it

Was the maiden Iphrüni hidden away so that she could have a better living

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 The Memai men you have made the kill

This is all your pride and prestige / wage

Please give in the head of my father into my hands

The speech and sound of the other Aromai were good

But not the speech of your father

So the head of your father will not be handed over into your hands

The Memai men you have made the kill

This is all your pride and prestige / wage

Please give in the heads of my brothers into my hands

The speech and sound of the other Aromai were good

But not the speeches of your two brothers

So the head of your brothers will not be handed over into your hands

Iphrüni age-groups comb over their hair and bore children

And goes to meet the parents

Iphrüni will comb over her hair and will bear children

But will not see the home of her parents

Iphrüni who wants to be linked, wants to be single and Iphrüni wants to live

foolishly

Analysis of the Text

This song is about the fate of a family, who for their unmindful and

outspoken ways of speech meets their death at the hands of the Memai

warriors. Iphrüni was a young girl who was married into a great clan of the

Memai community. As outspoken as she is, she spoke mightily about her

70
father and her brothers about their skills in warfare, of their courage and

bravery and their war achievements. Her bragging about her father and hher

brothers as well as the boastful or big-mouthed nature of her father and her

siblings trickled into the ear of the Memai and affronted and hurt the pride of

the naturally proud Memai community.

The Memai plotted and schemed their plans outside the vicinity of their

territory, yet Iphrüni got a whiff of the news and set forth for the land of her

birth. Yet misfortune beset her and she witnesses the deaths of her father and

her siblings at the hand of the Memai warriors. This song is a lament of

Iphrüni, on her misfortune, the death of her father and her siblings and her fate

that awaits her in the coming days.

14
The Memai who went into the plains of Kosümai were the

representatives of the four Memai clansmen15. They landed at Akhayi in the

land of the Kosümai and deliberated, planned and plotted, yet what the great

clansmen of the Memai deliberated, planned and plotted it was not spoken or

let known to the people in general. The Memai clansmen planned to go and

wedge war against Iphrüni’s village, the village of her birth, and the land of

her mother called Aromai. And this is what the Memai conferred;

‘… shu Aro jü-o Iphrüni pfübu phele’

Translation

„… to go and overturn Iphrüni‟s mother‟s place of Aromai‟

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 The Chiefs of the Memai and the great clansmen with guile and

expertise carried the gun Redzü16. The Memai warriors spent the night on the

mountain side of the Kosümai village. In the Memai village lady Iphrüni

refused to sleep and kept awake through the night churning out food. As the

rooster began to crow at break of dawn Iphrüni awaken her husband from his

slumber and as the rooster began to crow faster and faster, she took her

husband along with her onward to her birthplace. They reached a spot from

where they could view her parent‟s household. And this is what Iphrüni and

her husband viewed from afar;

‘… lehe apfu soru–u maiti kono

Kono rü hretthu oke lettho …

… Esü lehe apfu soru maipi süno pfo chishe-e moha … ’

‘… lehe apro-e kanhie maiti kono

Kono rü hretthu oke lettho …

… Esü lehe apro-e kanhie maipi süno pfo chishe-a moha’

Translation

„… looking my father

Took the shield and slung to his comfort …

… my father‟s head was now been rushed upon … ‟

„… my two brothers

Took the shield and slung to their comfort …

… the head of my two brothers were now been rushed upon‟

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 From afar Iphrüni and her husband witnessed her father take up his

shield and slung to his side comfortably. Then he took a spear each in his

hands and came out of the courtyard to the open ground to face the Memai

warriors who confronted and chased him. He was a trifle slow to react and so

the Memai warriors stuck their spears into his body, thereafter the warriors

went for his head17. As Iphrüni’s father‟s head was taken, her two brothers too

appeared on the scene. Like their father, the brothers too took up their shield

and slide it to their side comfortably. The brothers took a spear each in their

mouth and another in one hand and surge onward on seeing their father

speared to death and the head taken by the Memai warriors. Unfortunately, the

brothers‟ fate did not fare any better. They too were chased and the brothers

too were speared by the Memai warriors. The brothers were slow and so they

could not react to the Memai warriors‟ agility and preparedness. They were

killed and their heads were taken.

Feeling wretched and filled with sorrow, Iphrüni clapped her hands

and wept bitterly. She cried out, „Why today stand out as the most unsatisfying

day‟. She wished she be a hawk or a crow, so that she could fly and then

snatch the head of her father from the hands of the Memai warriors. She

laments that she is neither a hawk nor a crow to be able to fly, and had she

being one, she would had gone and snatched the heads of her brothers which

were captured by the Memai warriors. As she looked down towards the south,

she could see the Memai warriors celebrating their victory with the head of her

father and her brothers. Iphrüni questions her very own survival, and she asks

73
herself, „am I married off to some far off land that my existence will not be

endangered. Was it so, that I might have a good living? This she questioned

herself but remained unanswered. At the end of that eventful day Iphrüni go

over to the Memai warriors and tells them that it is their pride and prestige that

they had hunted the head of her father and she pleaded with them to hand over

the head of her father into her hand. But the warriors replied;

‘… shu Aro dzü kakrü ochu-u yi ola-u yi

lehe nipfu soru maichuno shi-e sü

lehe nipfu soru maipi-o ti nibale tettho hro’

Translation

„.. speech and sound of the other Aromai were good

But not the speech of your father

So the head of your father will not be handed over into your hands‟

Thus the head of Iphrüni’s father was not given into her hands. And so

Iphrüni for the second time go over to the Memai warriors and tells them that

it is their pride and prestige that they had hunted the heads of her brothers, and

she pleaded with them to hand over their head into her hand. But the Memai

warriors replied;

‘… shu Aro dzü kakri ochu-u yi ola-o yi

lehe nipro-e kanhie maichu no shi-e sü

lehe nipro-e kanhie maipio ti nibale thettho hro’

74
Translation

„… speech and sound of the other Aromai were good

But not the speeches of your two brothers

So the head of your brothers will not be handed over into your hands‟

The Memai clansman taking cognizance of the unkind bragging of

Iphrüni’s family thus refused the head of her father and brothers to be handed

to her. Hearing the refusal of the Memai warriors to hand over the heads of her

father and her brothers into her hand Iphrüni curse herself and says „Iphrüni’s

age-groups comb their hair over and bore children and take their children to

meet the parents. Iphrüni too will comb her hair over and will bear children

but will not see the home of her parents, Iphrüni who wants to be linked,

wants to be single and Iphrüni wants to live foolishly.‟

This song tells us a story with a moral lesson in the song. The moral is

„one should not be foul mouthed, should not be outspoken or boastful or brag

about oneself or family.‟ This is particularly to be understood by the woman

folk as they could be married into different clans, village or territory18. As a

community bragging is never appreciated by the Memai community and

looked upon as an offence to the pride and wellbeing of the others. Therefore

elders always tell the children not to be boastful as this leads to one‟s own

downfall in the long run.

75
 The next song is titled as Mariafü Maipfü Athia, which can be

translated as „the lady Athia of Mariafü‟. The song is a song of revenge, a

revenge for the killing of Athia by an enemy of her father who dismembered

her body in the most gruesome manner.

Mariafü Maipfü Athia

Hoa lehe Marifü maipfu Basho na Athia sü

Oba tozü hrelu atthina-u ozhu kochu locho

Lochu lehe Marifü maipfu Basho na Athia sü ihe moha

Moha lehe Marifü maipfu Basho sü

Kanhie kopho sü pho kanhie koro sü ro chodo ano

Ano maikozü no zükebo ano

Ano maikava no valibo ano

Ano nekru nodu ozü leno sükho

Sükho kathemai sü sülemo kahrümai lukho sochojü osoripfu

Hoa lehe Marifü maipfu Basho sü

Esü lehe Ikhradzü maipfu Lazhi te kaphre zho-o sü

Esü lehe Marifü maipfu Basho sü

Esü lehe Ikhradzü maipfu Lazhi-o sü

Esü zho-o le ojü chotsü lu kalino kokho

Kokho lehe Marifü maipfu moso khrusü

Khrusü lehe Ikhra dzü maipfu moso khrusü

Khrusü zho-o le ojü chotsü lu kalino kokho

Kokho lehe Marifü maipfu Basho sü

76
 Esü lehe Marifü maipfu moso khrusü

Khrusü zho-o azü Athia mokhu kopho khrusü

Khrusü ano mokruko kathe tuledo-i Marifü maina

Maina lehe Marifü maipfu Basho sü

Isü achi kheto kho-e oprüne kashi iku

Iku achi zhe khaitthu dzünho kape iku

Iku achi sova sisi kale iku

Ikhrana zhosü adaichi ko-e cholu sacho

Ikhrana zhosü ikrai-izhele cholu ttojü

Pfuva linho kro khro-rali sokepfo nholo

Pfuva li nhokro pfu Basho hutthu le shettho

Ana khrumai alashu-e anoshu butotulu oda

Pfuva linhokro pra-rali soke pfo nholo

Pfuva linhokro pfu Basho hutthu le shettho

Ana khrumai alashu-e anoshu butotulu oda azü khrumai

Khrumai zho-o azü Athia khramai süo nhokro monhi

Monhi chino tosü-livo hrü hrü pfü ano

Ano chino kohu-tosü bvu molu pfono

Kalai maino no ie railo pimo bailewe sü azü khrumai

Ilo pisai kali sü kohu-tosü bvu molu pfono

Pfono khaludo vahino bu-a mürai mükohro so bucho

Bucho ayi hetthu-e zü keshu ano

Ano ayi salu nizü-a so nina so oda

Oda zho-o azü Athia mai zü moli esü

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 Esü niyi salu azü-a so ana so leno

Leno zho-o azü Athia kohrü sü-o

Sü-o maikozü no zükebo ano

Ano maikava no valibo ano

Ano nekru nodu ozü leno sükho

Sükho katthemai sü sülemo kahrümai lukho sochojü osoripfu

Hoa ochizhe la-o sü-a i malipfu

Lipfu lehe Shivurü korü totsü-e no pfu bala ttojü

Ttojü Athia pfu zho-o azü Athia mokhu pholi-a ama Athia pfu

Athia pfü zho-o azü Athia mokhu phopfolai jü Athia pfü

Sütto kili-e azü Athia mahrü sa-a kalai so ama Athia pfu

Athia pfü zho-o azü Athia mahrü sa-a kalai sojü Athia pfü

Hoa chohrole ovü-vührü hra kayi no sükho phuliano akua kozü zhosü

Esü zho-o azü Athia mahrü sakozü so ama Athia pfü

Hoa chohrole ovü-vührü hra kayi no sükho phuliano akua kozü zhosü

Esü izho-o azü Athia mahrü sakozü so ama Athia pfu

Hoa lehe Marifü maipfu moso khrusü

Khrusü izho-o azü Athia mokhu kopho khrusü

Khrusü aino mokruko katthe tuledo-i Marifü maina

Maina izho-o azü Athia mokhu kopho khrusü

Khrusü aino mokruko katthe tu ledo-i Marifü maina luda shuda

Translation

Athia daughter of Basho of Marifümai was

Caught by the hand and questioned her name

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 Yes am I not the daughter of Basho of Marifümai

And Basho of Marifümai

The two of us are searching and on the lookout for each other.

Was not kill in the way others are kill

Was not severed in the way others are severed

The bulging breast was cut off and split from her sprout

The dead will not know but it wrenches the heart of the living O! Warrior

And he Basho of Marifümai

And the day the central pillar of the house of Lazhi of Ikhramai was speared

And he Basho of Marifümai

And he Lazhi-o of Ikhramai

Today a place was asked for appointment

And the whole male folk of Marifümai

And the whole male folk of Ikhramai

Today a place was asked for appointment

And he Basho of Marifümai

And the whole male folk of Marifümai

Whoever look to avenge my loving Athia

I will be with them till death, children of Marifümai

And he Basho of Marifümai

Let the cooked rice of my house be like „the white ants‟ hill‟

And the rice-beer brewed in my house be like „the growth of the finger nails‟

And the meat cut in my house be like „the chips of the wood‟

Where is the most happening place of the Ikhramai‟s land?

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 Ikrai-izhele is the most happening place of the Ikhramai

A batch bound for the field approaches in joyous mood

Let us start the chase they said as another batch approaches, bound for the

field

My children do not stand nor bend but sit

Another batch approaches bound for the field in happy jocular mood

Let us start the chase they said as another batch approaches, bound for the

field

My children do not stand nor bend but sit my loving children

Today the like of my loving Athia has not come towards the field

Those who live like tosü-livo (bedbugs)

Person who wear kohu-tosü (a type of necklace)

Won‟t they be the one who would be the first and the last my loving children

A young maiden wearing a kohu-tosü

Seated upon the ridge of the canal as though finding tough to smile

Do not kill me

Take me as your loving one and as you child

Had my loving Athia had not been killed

I will take you as my loving one and as my child

And today my loving Athia‟s life

Was not kill in the way others are kill

Was not severed in the way others are severed

The bulging breast was cut off and split from her sprout

The dead will not know but it wrenches the heart of the living. O! Warrior

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 Having got away towards home carrying

Awaited the return with rice-beer filled bottle-gourd

It was handed over in the middle of the Shivurü river

Athia‟s father, today did you avenge the lost of my loving Athia

Athia‟s mother, today I avenge the lost of my loving Athia

Athia‟s father, was it like accompanying an alive my loving Athia

Athia‟s mother, it is like accompanying an alive my loving Athia

The night they spent wrapped in a good banana leaf

Athia‟s mother is it like sleeping with an alive my loving Athia

The night they spent wrapped in a good banana leaf

Athia‟s father is it like sleeping with an alive my loving Athia

The whole male folk of Marifümai

Those who ever went to avenge the loss of my loving Athia

I will be with them till death, Marifümai children

Those who ever went to avenge the loss of my loving Athia

I will be with them till death, Marifümai children do not hesitate

Analysis of the Text

In the old headhunting days of the Memai unknown dangers lurks

around for many of the people. The enmity ranges from personnel to inter-clan

and village feuds. Often personnel feuds turn into family feuds and clan‟s

feuds and to a higher level to inter-village feuds. There are times one never

knows where and when one meets his or her end. This song, Mariafü maipfü

Athia sings about the brutal and barbaric killing of the girl Athia of Mariafü

81
village. The enmity between her father and Lazhi-o of Ikhra village was the

fallout leading to her death. This song sings of the killing of Athia and the

subsequent revenge by her father Basho avenging her brutal killing. Athia was

a young maiden just blossoming into her youthful exuberance of life but

misfortune struck and her young life was cut short brutally. She was held by

the hand and the Warrior questioned her name. Athia replied, „yes, am I not

the daughter of Basho of Mariafü village?‟ Lazhi-o, the warrior spoke, „the

two of us are seeking and on the lookout for each other.‟ And Athia was

killed. The killing was barbaric and savagery and not in the way a warrior kills

his victim, she was not killed in the way others are killed. The bulging breast

of the young victim was cut off and her torso was split up from her ozü

meaning „sprout‟ a euphemistic usage referring to the female genitalia. This

mode of killing shows the barbaric brutal nature of the warrior. Upon

discovery of the dead girl‟s pathetic corpse, heart wrenching discontent

brewed within the father. Thus he lamented;

‘… kathemai sü sülemo kahrümai lukho sochojü osoripfu…’

Translation

„…the deceased will not know but it wrenches the heart of the living,

O! Warrior...‟

Thereon, Basho of Marifü made his decision to go and spear the Ote19

meaning to go and avenged the death of Athia in the boldest possible way to

the extent of going and killing him in his house and to create total discontent

82
not only in the house of Lazhi-o but also amongst the Ikhramai public. Thus

he hopes to avenge the death of his endeared daughter in the manner befitting

her barbaric killing.

Once again the hatred for each other between Basho of Marifümai and

Lazhi-o of Ikhramai comes to the fore. Basho the father of Athia was on the

prowl, on the lookout for the likeliest of place and the most opportune of time,

to prey on the Ikhramai and thus avenge the killing of his daughter. Basho

promised the Marifümai man folk that whosoever go to avenge his daughter‟s

killing will be rewarded with „his presence till their death‟, which means, he

would give even his life for their cause if the need arise. Thus Basho and the

male folk of Marifümai were out in great numbers to avenge the death of

Athia. They looked for the most happening place in the land of the Ikhramai

and found that Ikrai-izhele is the most happening place of the Ikhramai and so

it was here they chose to hide themselves and waited for the opportune time.

Basho prayed to the supreme God for his blessing before setting out to

avenge the death of his daughter. He prayed that the rice cooked in his house

be like;

‘…oprüne kashi iku…’

Translation

„…the growth of the white ant hill…‟

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 The understanding of the axiom is that, „the growth of the white ant

hill‟ is continuous, even if some parts are removed or destroyed it is always

replaced and its growth is always on. At the same time Basho also fears that

while he is out trying to avenge the killing of his daughter, he may not be able

to till his land and that his granary stock may run short. Therefore Basho pray

to the Supreme God for his intervention and that the cooked rice of his house

last like the growth of the white ant hill that is unending.

Again Basho prayed that the rice-beer brewed in his house be like;

‘…dzünho kape iku…’

Translation

„…the growth of finger nails…‟

The understanding of the axiom is that, „nails on human fingers grow

till death‟. It is a continuous process and cannot be stopped. So, Basho pray to

the Supreme God that the rice-beer brewed in his house is incessant like the

everlasting growth of the nail on the fingers. And that the rice-beer in his

house will not run short and that it may always be available for his household

and the people who have pledged themselves to avenge the death of his

daughter Athia.

Again Basho prayed that the meat cut in his house be like;

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 ‘…sova sisi kale iku…’

Translation

„…the meat pieces cut are like the chips of wood…‟

Again, the understanding of the axiom is that, wood when cut for firing

in the furnace produces chips in countless number, and Basho wanted the meat

cut in his house in that manner of „like the chips of wood‟ in his house. Meat

should always be available in plentiful in his house for him and his fellow

folks who would be out to avenge the death of his daughter, as they will not be

in a position to slaughter their livestock or hunt for wild animals to provide

themselves. Therefore Basho prayed to the Supreme God for all these

providence, which would sustain his people in the course of trying to avenge

the death of his beloved daughter Athia.

Basho and his band of warriors were out in numbers looking for a prey

to avenge the death of Athia. They look for the place where the Ikhramai

would abound at all times. And they identified Ikrai-izhele the large-spread

terrace field as the most happening place in the land of the Ikhramai. As

expected batches of youngsters bound for the field approaches in unwitting

exuberance as Basho and his warriors lay in hiding. The warriors excited as

they were and on the high prospect of getting a victim wanted to begin the

chase as they were sure of making a kill and so ask Basho to begin the chase.

But Basho with better intention does not want them to go for random killing

and cautioned them against it and tells them;

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 ‘…alashu-e anoshu butotulu …’

Translation

„…do not stand nor bend but sit…‟

Another batch of young people approaches where Basho and his men

waited in hiding, they youngsters were high in spirit and in happy jocular

mood bound for the field. The warriors seeing batch after batch passing their

hiding place were very excited and grew restless and press Basho to start the

chase to avenge Athia‟s death. But Basho said to the warriors again;

‘…ana khrumai alashu-e anoshu butotulu oda azü khrumai’

zho-o azü Athia khramai süo nhokro monhi

chino tosü-livo hrü hrü pfü ano

chino kohu-tosü bvu molu pfono

Kalai maino no ie railo pimo bailewe sü azü khrumai…’

Translation

„…my beloved children do not stand nor bend but sit still.

The likes of my loving Athia has not come towards the field still.

Those who live like bedbugs

Person who wear kohu-tosü20 necklace

Won‟t they be the one who would be the first and the last my loving

children…‟

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 The understanding of the above given passage is that, the likes of the

loving Athia has not yet appeared on the scene. A person who lives like bed-

bug and wears the kohu-tosü - a type of sea-shell necklace worn by the rich

has not come to the scene till then. And so Basho says that, they would be the

first and the last to go and come from the farm land. Here in the above given

passage the imagery of „bed-bug‟ is in reference to the „rich people‟ who has

the wealth and means to live by it and do less work for their survival just like

the bed-bug which does not wander away from the comfort of the bed for food

and live by the blood they feed on from human who occupies the bed. Another

imagery used in the passage is kohu-tosü, which is a necklace often worn by

the wealthy amplifying his or her stature in the society.

Basho was sure the prized and prestigious prey of high upbringing of

respectable family would grace the road to and fro from the farmland so he

asks his band of warriors to wait for that one opportune moment. He was sure

that one who lives a life of tosü-livo and wears the kohu-tosü like what his

daughter Athia was would be amongst the last batch of the field goers and

amongst the first batch to make way home after the day‟s work. Therefore

they should be on the lookout for one who wears a kohu-tosü. Basho‟s

intentions were clear, that they are not killing randomly which would make the

victim‟s measure „less worthy or unworthy‟ of the stature of his endeared

daughter. He selectively wanted only one prized victim who commands the

stature and respect like that of his beloved Athia. Once that is done he wants

that achievement of his kill to resonate in the same vein as did the brutal and

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barbaric killing of his beloved daughter. The heart wrenching pain he felt on

the death of Athia should also be felt by those who had carried out the killing

of his daughter. Basho and his warriors waited for long and looked for one

who wears a kohu-tosü, and they spotted a budding young maiden seated upon

the ridge of the canal and trying her best to blossom into a smile. Anticipating

her fate the young maiden entreated with Basho and the warriors;

‘… ayi hetthu-e zü keshu ano,

ayi salu nizü-a so nina so …’

Translation

„…do not kill me,

take me as your loving one and as your child…‟

To the entreat of the maiden, Basho replied;

‘… zho-o azü Athia mai zü moli esü

niyi salu azü-a so ana so leno

zho-o azü Athia kohrü sü-o

maikozü no zükebo ano

maikava no valibo ano

nekru nodu ozü leno sükho

katthemai sü sülemo kahrümai lukho sochojü …’

Translation

„… today had my loving Athia not been killed

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 I will take you as my endeared one and as my child

But today my loving Athia‟s life

Was not killed in the way others are killed

Was not severed in the way others are severed

The bulging breast was cut off and split from her sprout

The dead will not know but it wrenches the heart of the living…‟

Basho said, „had my loving Athia not been killed I would have taken

you as my endeared one and as my child‟. Basho then recounted that Athia

was not killed or dismembered like other victims of war or head-hunting are.

But her bulging breast was cutoff and her torso was split up from her sprout21.

Basho thus lamented; „the dead will not know but it wrenches the heart of the

living‟. Needless to say the killing was barbaric and the senseless

dismembering of the corpse pathetic. For the deceased that sense of seeing

was not there and does not know how her corpse is dismembered. But for

those alive to see the sight of the barbaric killing and the dismembered corpse

it wrenches their heart and makes them cry out in pain.

Basho and his band of warriors got the prized victim of their choice

from the land of the Ikhramai and thus headed back home with the victor‟s

trophy. Meanwhile the mother of Athia waited for the return of her husband

Basho with a rice-beer filled bottle-gourd. She waited for his return on the

outskirt of her village by the Shivurü22 river. The secured trophy avenging the

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death of Athia was thus handed over into the hands of his wife in the middle of

the Shivurü river. A conversation ensued between Athia‟s parents;

Athia pfu zho-o azü Athia mokhu pholi-a ama Athia pfu

Athia pfü zho-o azü Athia mokhu phopfolai jü Athia pfü

Sütto kili-e azü Athia mahrü sa-a kalai so ama Athia pfu

Athia pfü zho-o azü Athia mahrü sa-a kalai sojü Athia pfü

Translation

Athia‟s Mother: Today did you avenge the lost of my loving Athia

Athia‟s Father: Today I avenged the lost of my loving Athia

Athia‟s Mother: Was it like accompanying a living and loving Athia

Athia‟s Father: It is like accompanying a living and loving Athia

This dialogic exchange between Athia‟s parents exemplified their deep

sense of loss and how they wish an alive and loving Athia walking along with

them. The nostalgic feelings stirred Basho and his wife for revenge and

avenge Athia‟s death. And once this was accomplished the mother questioned

the feelings of the father on avenging the death of their daughter. Having

avenged the death of his loving daughter, and carrying the human booty that

had bearings like Athia, Basho reaffirms his feelings as like the

accompaniment of Athia and of better days when she was still alive, thus

reliving the moments. That night Athia‟s parents wrapped the human booty in

a banana leaf and lay to rest. The father asked the mother how she felt laying

with the human booty which in a sense was a representation of Athia. To the

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query the mother answered that it was like laying with an alive and loving

Athia.

The exchanges between the father and the mother and the delight

expressed by them manifest a sense of accomplishment and satisfaction.

Athia‟s death was avenged with precision without harming another life and

above all to the heartfelt satisfaction of Athia‟s parents. And as the mission of

avenging the death of Athia had been accomplished Basho gave his word of

honour to the man folk of Marifümai;

‘… izho-o azü Athia mokhu kopho khrusü

aino mokruko katthe tuledo-i Marifü maina

izho-o azü Athia mokhu kopho khrusü

aino mokruko katthe tu ledo-i Marifü maina luda shuda

Translation

„… today those who went to avenge the loss of my loving Athia

I will be with them till death, Marifümai children

Today those who went to avenge the loss of my loving Athia

I will be with them till death, Marifümai children do not hesitate.‟

Basho gave his word of honour to the man folk of Marifümai that he

would be there even to the point of death or whenever they need him. He

promised them that he would accompany them and be with them till death

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separates them. He tells them not to hesitate in seeking his help for anything

and that he would do all he could to fulfill his word of honour.

The following song is about a man Athili who goes to war ignoring the

advice of his parents. Subsequently he was killed in the war and thereafter his

death was avenged by his village people. The song is titled as Sochudzü Athili

meaning „Athili from Sochudzü‟.

Sochudzü Athili

Hoa lehe Sochudzü heno oru phre-re komani pi ttakho

Ttakho mopro maisü so-e huphi pfu züsü

Esü moproo yijüno huphi-u tuko chazü no bohe

Bohe lehe ikhrumai Athili-u sorü lu roke-e ttojü

Ttojü lehe ikhrumai Athili-u pfüpfu maino korüshu ttojü

Thiliu zho ole sori lu rotashu oda

Oda zho idu amu yi modo ano

Ano achichida eno ahu kokro sü adu nhote

Nhote lehe ikhrumai Thili-u sori lu rota shu-da

Hoa lehe ikhrumai Thili-u mahe kono

Kono (i)rü hrethu kongu lettho

Lettho nhosi so batsü pfuli ano

Ano tala so ophe vepfü-a ta

Ayi kori shuda adzü kotsü khruno

Khruno (i)rü pfülu liribi kaphre so lole

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 Kodzü koli Sochudzü Thili-u izhu tta mape vu ttojü

Mape movu karai tio mozho-e majü sa mote

Mote chinhieti kre redzü mai mohru pha kolo

Kolo kili-e ikhrumai Thili-u izhu-e tta mape vu ttojü

Ttojü lehe ikhrumai Thili-u pfüpfumaino

Maino izho azü Thili-u izhue te

Teke-e tishuno pfozhu zhuso ko izhue teni Thili-u sü

Mape movu karai ti-o mozho majü samo te

Mape vu kono zho ti-o kajü no kali so vujü

Sochumai na letobu-e ru kozhuni

Zhuni zho-o azü Thili-u mokhu kathe rochona i-Sochumaidzü maina

Sochumaina azü Thili-u mokhu kape maisü

Thili-u ochino so ojü pfoki iku

Thili-u opa-ozü dutthu-e makha ttho terü iku

Thili-u dono moko izhu ichokhro kava ku

Thili-u shikhu mara yi okile sü phrodai

Phradai zho-azü Thili-u mokhu kophomai sü

Maisü ochino the oru nhotenho moputo-e Sochudzü maina

Sütto kili-e Sochudzü moso osa peshu oda

Sütto kili-u Sochudzü moso onhi peshu oda

Oda südu hi tthu pfunamai tthu ralli-a nhota

Nhota shu Rebve’ pfu mata-u ho mani-u sacho

Sacho shu Rebve’ pfu mata-u mo mani-u ttojü

Ttojü zho okho ovo kophomai nholo

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 Nholo Rebve jüle Rebve dole nhokro-e jü+

Ejü kalimai züli-e Ashukho tto

Otto kalimai züli-e Ashuva tto

Vatto azü dzüno maizü ko yi nhore

Nhore apu dzüno maipu ko yi nhore

Amangai ko jü lo sama Rebve pfu mangai ko jünho

Jünho lehe ikhrumai Thili-u pfüpfu maino

Maino ochi zhe la-o sü-a imali pfu

Ipfule he ochi he ikhrumai Thili-u mokhu kape maiba

Maiba tibati the kohe ttho pido he izho jü nisü

Nisü lehe ikhrumai Thili-u khapfü paino

Paino ochizhe la-o sü-a imali pfu

Lipfu lehe ikhrumai Thili-u mokhu kape maiba

Maiba tibati the koheto pibo he izho dzü nisü

Nisü lehe idele okre sokaraimai pfu süe ttojü

Ttojü tiko vatino ale make ale mani more Thili-u pfu

Hoa lehe ikhrumai Thili-u tu-e Pfurua no

Ano ochi zhe lao süa evehra kono pfolo

Pfolo lehe ikhrumai Thili-u mokhu kape maiba

Maino tibati the kohe tto pido he izho chi nisü

Nisü renhü so renhe kayi nhe kosü

Kosü khru mocholu Ozhe khru mocholu he izho chi nisü

Ho-a lehe ide lekanhie ope sü the lo sü Sochumai na

Athili-u chi no so ojü pfoki-iku

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 Thili-u obe nodu ive khru kozü so ama

Thili-u opa-ozü de-le ive vehra kokhru iku

Thili-u chi no so ojü pfoki iku

Sochumai na azü Thili-u mokhu kape maisü

Maisü ochino the oru nhothe ne moputo Sochudzü maina

Sütto keli-e Sochudzü moso osa pe shu-o da

Sütto kali-e Sochudzü moso onhi pe shu-o da

Oda südu hitthu ipfunamai tthu arali-a nhota

Nhota lehe idele kanhie ope-sü the to lemo

Lemo lehe akhra-u Thili-u tu morü kono huda

Huda pfutthu Sochudzü moso shivü vü-e mü mare pio da

Huda pfutthu Sochudzü moso shivü du-e du mare pio da

Sütto kili-e akhra Thili-u akua bu kohrü so ama Thili-u pfu

Translation

It was asked of the people of Sochumai to observe for a cleansing genna

Bamboo divination was performed and the cock leg was observed

Bamboo divination was good but the cock‟s leg was crossed

Bachelor Athili was said to be planning and preparing for war

Bachelor Athili‟s parents dissuaded him over and again

Athili, today do not plan for war

Last night I had a bad dream

My white chicken fell down from the house crossbeam

Bachelor Athili do not plan for war

And that bachelor Athili at it

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 Put the shield across the neck

Pick up the spear into the comfort of the palm

Made the lunch pack and put on to his back and leave

Do not dissuade me for the elders will

Carry the shield and come in like „liribi kaphre‟

Soon after words reached that Athili was injured

The first message was thought off lightly and considered as false

But when the sun rose higher and at peoples‟ lunch time

Message was received that bachelor Athili was injured

And that bachelor Athili‟s parents

My dear Athili is said to be injured

Do not say so, but wish the injured to be his namesake and not him

The first message was thought off lightly and considered as false

But the latter message came in one big wave

Sochumai people the day when they stayed and observed the war

On the observing day the Sochumai children were planning to take revenge

Sochumai those who „will‟ to avenge my dear Athili

Athili‟s house is constructed like a mountain

Athili‟s motor and bed is chopped and placed like the main pillar of a house

Athili‟s paddy field is a marsh which could be harvested

Athili‟s landed forest are so good, only burns the nearby woods

And who ever will avenge my beloved Athili

From home to the field we will feed them, children of Sochumai

If that be so then do not talk about the whole of Sochumai

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 If that be so do not mention the whole of Sochumai

Tomorrow our clan will gather-up and go together

Are the stranger „Rebve‟ people observing a restrictive genna or no genna?

The „Rebve‟ people are observing a restrictive genna

People who are to catch fish and crabs are bound for the field

Into the land and field of the Rebve people they are on

And when one was hunted down his name was Ashukho

And when the next one was hunted down his name was Ashuva

Is my beloved better than others‟ beloved?

Or are others‟ beloved better than my beloved?

Is my regret greater or the regret of the Rebve Person?

And the parents of bachelor Athili

The rice-beer filled in a wooden container

And into the hand of the persons who avenged Athili‟s death

And today put it into the hands of the avengers

And she the wife of bachelor Athili

Carries the rice-beer filled wooden container

And to the hands of those who avenged bachelor Athili

Refuse to hand over, into the hands of the avengers today

Went and graced the hands of her former paramours

That is why my heart was cool and restless, Athili‟s father

And Pfurua that sister of bachelor Athili

Carried the rice-beer in some jungle leaves

And to the hands of bachelor Athili‟s avengers

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 Left it into their hands today

We will do the war howling, the good war howling

Today let Kosü people and Ozhe people hear it

And the two promises, eat it children of Sochumai

Athili‟s house is constructed like a mountain

Athili‟s barns are lined up like sleeping in the jungle

Athili‟s motor-bed as though laid as though with wild banana‟s leave

Athili‟s house is constructed like a mountain

Sochu people whoever avenged my beloved Athili

From home to the field you will be fed Sochu children

Then do not foretell that to the whole of Sochu people

Then do not say that to every Sochu people

And tomorrow our clansman will together be field bound

And the word said will also be kept well

And my age-group, Athili‟s cattle are butchered

Butchered and cut into pack meat gift and distribute to every Sochu people

everywhere

Butchered cut and gift it everywhere to every Sochu people everywhere

So isn‟t it like being with my Athili‟s age-group, Athili‟s father

Analysis of the Text

Unlike many folksong of old times where the author or composer

remain unknown this song when one go through in all probability points to

Athili‟s mother to be the composer-singer of this folksong.

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 The people of Sochu asked for a cleansing genna and the Prodjü

mopfü23 was performed and the „leg of the cock‟ observed24. The forefathers

of the Memai believe in divination and the bamboo divination is one such

practice to read for signs through the divination to know what the future holds.

Observing the leg of the cock is an age old practice by the Mao community.

On strangulation of a chicken the legs are observed. If the chicken die with the

left leg crossed over onto the right leg it is considered as bad omen but if the

right leg of the chicken is crossed over onto the left leg it is considered as

good omen and that is the right time to venture out for war and the like. On

this particular occasion the Prodjü mopfü divination was said to be favourable

for adventure but not the cock‟s leg, the left leg crossed over onto the right

thereby signifying that it was not the appropriate time to venture out for

anything.

Athili too was readying for war but his parents dissuaded him not to

undertake any war advanture, but he was adamant and so the parents said;

‘Thiliu25 zho ole sori lu rotashu oda

zho idu amu yi modo ano

achichida eno ahu kokro sü adu nhote’

Translation

„Thiliu, today do not plan for war

Last night I had a bad dream

My white chicken fell down from the house crossbeam‟

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 As Athili was planning and preparing for war his parents dissuaded

him over and again not to plan for war and thus related their dream. They

dreamt that their white chicken felt down from the house crossbeam and as per

the belief of the Maos this is a very bad omen that implies they could lose a

prize possession, which in this case the white chicken is a direct reference to

Athili. And the chicken falling from the crossbeam is the certain downfall of

Athili. Therefore the parents of bachelor Athili asked him not to plan for war.

But Athili paying no heed to their plea slung his shield across the neck, took

his spear into the comfort of his palm and readied the lunch pack and put it on

his back. Turning to his parents he said, „do not dissuade me for the elders will

carry the shield and come in like liribi kaphre’26.

Not long after Athili‟s parents were told that he was injured in the war.

It was too soon therefore they took the news lightly and considered it as false

and untrue. But as the sun rose higher in the day and during lunch time another

message was received conveying that bachelor Athili was injured. And so

Athili‟s parents reacted by saying, „my loving Athili is said to be injured, but

wish the injured person is not him but his namesake‟. The first message was

considered as false and untrue but the next message came in one big wave,

which in fact was unfolding like the dream of Athili‟s parents.

The people of Sochumai, stayed back home and observed the war, the

Sochumai children discussed and made plans to avenge the death of Athili.

Athili‟s parents said to the children of Sochumai village, those who „willed‟ to

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avenge my dear Athili, Athili‟s house is constructed „like a mountain‟

meaning the house of Athili is large enough to accommodate everyone.

Athili‟s motor-bed is chopped and placed „like the main pillar‟ of a house

meaning Athili‟s bed is so big that it looks like the central pillar of a house.

Athili‟s paddy-field is „a marsh‟ meaning the fields are well watered and

therefore cultivable anytime. Athili‟s landed forest are so good, „burns the

nearby woods‟ meaning there is so much of forest products that he does not

require to cut down trees for his furnace but burns the dead wood that are there

in abundance. Therefore Athili‟s parents say that whoever will avenge Athili‟s

death they would take care of all their needs in the days to come. The

clansman of Athili then said that if that is the case then they should not be

talking or mentioning of the whole Sochumai of going to avenge Athili‟s death

but only their clan would go.

Are the stranger Rebve people observing a restrictive genna or not?

The stranger Rebve people are observing a restrictive genna. People are out to

catch fish and crabs and are bound for the field. So Athili‟s clansman went to

the land and field of the Rebve people and hunted them down. When one was

asked his name he said his named was Ashukho and the next one was hunted

down and when he was asked his name he said his named was Ashuva. So

Athili‟s father questioned, is my beloved better than others? Or are others‟

beloved better than mine? Is my regret greater then the regret of the Rebve

people?

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 The parents of Athili filling a wooden container with rice-beer carried

over to the people who avenged their beloved Athili‟s death. Athili‟s wife too,

filled a wooden container with rice-beer and carried towards the avengers, and

this is what happened;

‘… tibati the koheto pibo he izho dzü nisü

lehe idele okre sokaraimai pfu süe ttojü

tiko vatino ale make ale mani more Thili-u pfu’

Translation

„… Refuse to hand over, into the hands of the avengers

Went and graced the hands of her former paramours

That is why my heart was cool and restless, Athili‟s father‟

Athili‟s wife refused to handover the rice-beer to the avengers but

instead went and graced the hands of her former paramours. This was a show

of her amorous behavior and now that Athili is dead she is keen to re-kindle

her old relationship with her paramours and at the same time breaking the

family‟s promise to look after the welfare of the avengers. This act of Athili‟s

wife can thus be interpreted as an open invitation to her paramours that she is

once again eligible to marry and thus woo them to seek for her hand, now that

Athili is dead. This is why Athili‟s mom laments and tells Athili‟s father that

„her heart was not calm and is restless‟. Pfurua the sister of bachelor Athili too

carried rice-beer in some wild leaves and she goes and hand it over into the

hands of bachelor Athili‟s avengers. This act of the parents and the sister of

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Athili feeding the warriors with rice-beer is the first of „fulfilling the word‟

given to the warriors who goes and avenged the death of bachelor Athili. This

is significant in the context of fulfilling their promise of feeding and been with

the people who avenged Athili‟s death.

Having accomplished what they have set out for, to avenge the death

of one of theirs, the Sochu people performed the war holler, the good war

holler27. They performed the war holler so that their neighbouring villages of

Kosü and Ozhe would also hear it. This is done so, that people of other

villages should also know that the Sochu people have achieved what they had

set out for and also triumphed in their endeavour.

After fulfilling their desire for avenging the death of their beloved

Athili, the parents of Athili says that they will also fulfill their promises and

therefore asked the children of Sochumai to come and be fed at Athili‟s house.

Athili‟s house is big enough to accommodate many. The parents also says that

Athili has paddy wealth enough to feed the children of Sochumai and that

Athili‟s barns are lined up like as when we „sleep in the jungle‟. The people

can freely rest like the wild banana leaf on Athili‟s motor-bed as it is big and

long enough to accommodate the Sochu people even in the night.

The praises of Athili‟s house goes on and on, confirming and

reconfirming the promise to look into the well being of the warriors who

avenged Athili‟s death, from home to the field they will be fed and they will

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not leave for want of food. This was what Athili‟s parents said and to this the

warriors retorted that they should not speak or mention of the whole Sochu

people. But get up early the next morning and go and kill bachelor Athili‟s

cattle for the orii-pra28. Cut the meat and pack them into packed-meat-gift and

distribute them to every household of Sochu people. This is done to fulfill the

promise of feeding the Sochu people after Athili‟s death has been avenged.

Fulfilling all this makes the singer nostalgic and thus makes this statement,

„Isn‟t it like being with my Athili‟s age-group?‟

2.3 Khukrielo or Tribute Songs

The composition of these songs are on people, praising them for what

so ever they have achieved in battle or in the society. Literally, it is a eulogy,

where tribute is paid extolling a person or being sympathetic to someone‟s

misfortune. Yet, it is a tribute all the same. These songs can be sung on any

occasion. The following song narrates the different eventful happenings in the

life of Chache at different point of time. The song is titled as Napfu Chache

meaning Chache from Namai village.

Napfu Chache

Hoa lehe ikhrumai Chache-o mahe kono

Kono pfüpfu bakalai lesü

Lesü ochi kajü ko solenhi tta roke-e sücho

Sücho pfule ikhru ivepo kalai maisü osüottho kayi ko niho nimonovukro mosa

Mosa pfule ikhru ivepo kalai maisü osü ottho kayi ko neore sü

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 Ivele sü mavebu kono jü

Ojü kottho luno petthu-e pfoki le inho sü saisü

Ttheni lehe ikhrumai Chache po-okhra khrusü

Khrusü khro-mari ohritthe pfu

Thepfu tala so ophe vepfüa ivelu nhota

Nhota lehe ikhrumai chacheo ote sü zhüle

Zhüle lepona de hepono de sü

Esü mari kanhie me dekake sü akrenhomo

Evele sü mavebu ni kre nhopioda chara sübu

Evele sü mavebu-e kre nhoboe sü

Esü lehe ruhuli dzüsho no pfupho-e no buhrü ke-u süchu

Süchu chikola he kuke sa tapra

Tapra lehe ruhuli dzüsho sü hreko tipio tto

Etto chikola he taprali esü

Esü nhiedzü zhekro osa ipu vu

Evu lehe ruhuli dzüsho sü hreko kepi sü

Atupra vu kolukhru chaka zhojü so inhotu shu keli süchu Inamaina

Maina lehe ruhuli dzüsho sü hreko kepi sü

Esü lehe ruhuli no ara ikhi no ara le kotu

Kotu-e kodu no ara mono no ara re-e chüvü no zho

Sütto kouti lova achebu modo pfu chohrü bu kojü

Kojü zho ilinamaiti soruni so koprü koprü pra hro

Elinamaiti soruni so koprü-e koprü jütto

Jütto okhropi maisü pongo lu kia so dottho

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 Dottho lehe mikri-o khejü pioti lu chacha so dottho

Theni lehe otthuhu Mangu-u mahe kono

Kono khro-marü ohrütthe pfo talaso ophe vepfü-a ivelu nhota

Nhota okhropi maisü kono phai kosai lehe mikri-a khejü pioti phai kosai

khrottu jü

Chache mai chachi ra lopuda ore pra kohro so bucho

Bucho chino nibo rua nibo nho

Kojü koli otthuhu Mangu-u mahe kono

Kono okhropi maisü kono lu pongo so dottho

Dottho lehe Mikri-o khejü pioti lu chani so dottho

Chache mai chachi ralopuda ore mü kohro so bucho

Bucho atto ti maiyi pishu mono

Mono azhe ti maiyi pishu mono

Mono ninoto ninosho li-e no tthu so mono

Theni lehe Inadzü theni so kapi nisü

Nisü lehe ikhrumai Chache-o ote sü süle

Nolu kobu maina kakra ikho-e limai dapfo

Kokromai no ilrlu-e limai dahrü

Dahrü oraino raamozhu lu bomü lu okha solule

Lule chino kotsü pfüpfu orayi tto-a kalai mai khrasü

Khrasü lehe ikhrumai Chachi ote kosü maisü vukro ho kromonhie

Monhi oli malakro orittho kohro so bucho kotsü pfüpfu

Kodzü koli ikhrumai Chache-o ote kosümai sü vukro resü onhü chonho

Süpfu bvumo Ipi chidzü süke buzho ke-e ttojü

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 Ttojü lehe Inadzü kanhie sü korolu kanhie so tsüzhu

Opi pono ozü züchu de keli-e sü

Esü ophopai nole bomü le terü sü rüli-e

Kodzü koli Inapfu Chache-o mai chisü dai ke-e ttojü

Ttojü lehe masanikha pfüpai mahe kono attho mottho

Mottho lehe ikhrumai Chache-o mahe kono

Alu chobvü ti apru timohire yi ate ti mottho

Ojüdai li vukhru osa khena ina

Ojüdai li vukhru osa khena atai

Atai nhiedzü zhekhro oba-bari hre-a ochi vupra

Vupra lehe Inapfu Chache-o ttamai süe mazhe tese

Tese shu Aphepfu kojü pfuna

Pfuna lehe ikhrumai Chache-o chihu loli-e sü

Esü inhochittha maisü kono tapra

Tapra oshu Kojü pfuna ozhu chani tese

Tese lehe ikhrumai Chache-o nizü heko zhu kili-o tto

Hetto shu Kojü pfuna azüo neomu hrü prahore

Hore lehe ikhrumai Chache-o nikhosü ayi pile-e

Le-e oshusü inu chani arü-ale pra

Lepra lehe ikhrumai Chache-o maizü-e tisü-e tabo ama

Ama lehe masanikha pfüpai mahe kono

Kono izho-o mani nokhru maisü kono hrai da

Hraida oshu Kojü eno nizhu kayi pfülo chani oda

Oda inho chittha maisü kono tapra

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 Tapra lehe masanikha pfüpai pfükhre kepi-e sü

Esü oshu Kojü dzüheno ahrü sü nia kongu shue ama oshu Kojü

Translation

O! that bachelor Chache-o

When he was with his parents

He planned to construct a big house

The bachelor who goes to the forest, did he see or did not see any good tree

and is returning

The bachelor who goes to the forest, did see a good tree and is returning

In the deep jungle a big Mavebu tree

Grew up from the lower level to almost the height of the hillock

The next day the friends of bachelor Chache

Carrying their sharpened knife and axe

With their lunch pack hanging on their back the walk to the jungle

Bachelor Chache‟s middle pillar was cut

The cut from that side and this side

The edge of the axes strikes each other yet it did not fall

O jungle Mave tree you fall down magical tree

The Mave tree of the jungle refused to fall

On the tree top is the drinking place of all the birds

The slave was called and brought

He was told to go and take down the drinking place of the birds

And as the slave climbed up

Tears drops upon his shawl

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 And when he threw down the birds‟ drinks

Whoever was splashed by the water of the birds‟ drinks were able to host a

feast of merit and erect a monolith the following year

When the birds‟ drink was thrown down

Every bird cried out Ikhi cried and Kotu

Kotu and Kodu cried Mono cried and Chivü sang

The place is not just their stop-gap place but their permanent place

The Inamai children tried hard to slash out the outer parts

The Inamai children tried and tried to slash

The deer head motif five columns of ten rows were sculpted

And the head motif of Mikri-kheji head sculpted in eight rows

The next day his younger brother Mangu-u

Carried the sharpened knife and axe and with lunch pack on his back goes to

the jungle

From the deer head motif to Mikri-o kheji head motif he slash down to the end

Chache stayed hidden by the side unable to speak

You hate me at home and even to the jungle

The deer head motif were sculpted in five rows

And after sometime his younger brother Mangu-u

The Mikri-o khejü head motif were sculpted in seven rows

Chache stayed hidden by the side as though unable to smile

My food should not have been given to others

My drinks should not have been given to others

You should have ate and drank and done the work

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 The next day when a genna was observed for the two Inamai

They went to drag the pillar of bachelor Chache

The youngsters tie up with the white cloth and the white feather

Put on the white feather looks lively

Tied with ropes let it be the door way at arm length

And at home the elderly age group who keep worshiping god

Asked whether the people who had gone to drag the pillar of bachelor Chache

have return or not

The elderly spent the time as though they are unable to control a frothing pot

from over flowing

Sometime later the people who went to drag the pillar of bachelor Chache

were getting back and their Onhü could be heard

The pillar brought and kept infront of Ipi‟s house

The two Inamai were lined up on both side of the road till the village gate

The trunk of the tree was used to curved out a bed

The upper portion of the tree was used to make a door and cover one portion

of the front wall

After sometime it was said that Chache‟s house was burnt

His wife says it‟s my paddy I regret

And the bachelor Chache

I regret for my bed and my central pillar of the house

At every turn of the road she wears her sarong

At every turn of the road she tightens her sarong

With both hands unable to wipe dry the tears they reach the village

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 Chache‟s family became poorer

The Aphekoji man

Came as a visitor to Chache‟s home

The Nhochittha snake

Came out and showed itself to Aphekoji man

He ask bachelor Chache to sell his bed

Aphekoji man you won‟t be able to pay the price of my bed

Bachelor Chache I will pay you the price you ask

Seven villages came to drag the bed of Chache

But the bed of Chache refused to leave

And it was the wife

Took off her inner wear and struck the bed with it

Go and show your good face in the land of Kojimai

And the Inho-chitha snake

Comes out and shoved down the wife

Infront of the Kojimai I was shown and put to shame stranger Kojimai

Analysis of the Text

This song narrates the different happenings at different point of time or

stages in the eventful life of Chache as a young bachelor29. The song tells us

about his welfare as a youthful bachelor and the time he lived with his parents

and life as a married man with his wife. The song also tells us the misfortune

and the shame that befalls bachelor Chache and his household. The song

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begins with how bachelor Chache start making plans to construct a grand big

new house when he was still settled with his parents and still under their care.

In the Mao culture the older sibling moves out of the house of his

parents once he is married. Therefore it is obvious that Chache who is married

and still living with his parents starts making plans to construct a new house,

can be understood in context of the cultural practice of the community of the

day. It is also predominantly practiced that a person who is to built a new

house first seeks out the best possible tree to be the Ōtè 30 for the house.

Chache too follows the practice and thus leave for the woods to seek out a big

strong tree to be the Ōtè for his house. One doubted if Chache would be able

to find a well grown tree because he continues to live with his parents and was

not in a hurry to construct his own dwelling which in a way could be

construed as weakness or dependency for providence on his parents. But

fortune favours Chache and after a longish search he located a seemingly good

strong tree that would make a good Ōtè. The tree is thus described as;

'Ojü kottho luno petthu-e pfoki le inho sü saisü’

Translation

„Grew up from the lower level to almost to the height of the hillock‟

A Mave tree growing in the deep gorge in the heart of the woods and

measuring the height of the adjacent hillock was located. After traversing the

length and breadth of the forest for the entire day, though tired, Chache heads

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homeward contended and happy with his find. Chache conveyed to his friends

the good news of his finding a good strong looking tree in the heart of the

forest for the Ōtè. The friends of bachelor Chache on their part sharpened their

knives and axes and prepared themselves to go to the forest the next day and

to heave down the Mave tree that Chache had located the previous day. So, the

next day the friends of Chache carrying their sharpened knives and axes and

with their lunch pack on their back set out for the woods. They located the tall

well grown Mave tree. They set themselves to task and chop the tree from

either side of the tree. The teeth edges of the axes struck each other from either

side of the tree, yet the tree stood firm and failed to fall. Exasperated they

implored the Mave tree to fall and called it charmed, yet it stood firm upright

and did not fall. Thus the Mave tree of the deep wood refused to fall. The

reason was;

‘Lehe ruhuli dzüsho no pfupho-e no buhrü ke-u süchu’

Translation

„On the tree top is the drinking place of all the birds‟

It so happen that atop the Mave tree was a water source from where all

the birds of the air quenched their thirst. On learning about the water source on

the top of the tree, the people asked a slave31 boy to come to where the tree

stood. The people asked the slave boy to climb up the tree and take down the

water source from the top of the tree. As the slave boy climbed the tree, tears

rolled down from his eyes and on to the edge of his shawl. The slave boy

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dislodged the water source that quenched the thirst of the birds unto the

ground. The Inamai youths whoever stood their ground and got soak by the

splatter of the water source from above did manage to host the altruistic Feast

of Merit and also installed a menhir the following year. These happenings

certainly indicate the Mave tree as having a charmed life and also the water

source on its top to that of good fortune.

And when the drinking source of the birds‟ was thrown down, every

bird of the air cried out, Ikhi cried and so did Kotu and Kodu, Mono cried and

so did Chivü. The water source was not a stop-gap place for the birds of the air

but their permanent place of drink. The strange might of the drinking source of

the birds‟ on the top of the tree did not allow the tree to fall till it was dislodge

by the slave boy. The unusual location of the drinking source of the birds

might have been special as it is situated on the top of the tree which rather

indicates the source of the water to the sky and not the ground as is the normal

case. This in a way can be interpreted as attachment to the power of the sky32

who is the father33.

The Inamai youths slog hard to slash out the barks and the outer parts

of the tree, but they found the going difficult. They managed to curve out the

following;

‘okhropi maisü pongo lu kia so dottho

lehe mikri-o khejü pioti lu chacha so dottho’

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Translation

„deer head motif five columns of ten rows were sculpted

And the head motif of Mikri-kheji head sculpted in eight rows‟

They managed to sculpt five columns of ten rows of the deer‟s head

motif, and also managed to sculpt another eight rows of Mikri-kheji’s head

motif on the trunk of the Mave tree.

The following day Chache‟s younger sibling Mangu-u carrying his

sharpened knife and axe and the lunch pack dangling on his back go to the

forest where the fallen tree lay still. Of late the brothers were not on good

terms and so the elder brother was suspicious of the movement of his younger

brother and therefore he trailed him unnoticed to the place where the Mave

tree lay. He stayed hidden and away from his younger brother. Mangu-u laid

down his tools and his lunch pack and observed the sculpted motifs. And not

satisfied with the sculpted motifs Mangu-u went for the kill;

‘okhropi maisü kono phai kosai lehe mikri-a khejü pioti phai kosai khrottu …

… kojü koli otthuhu Mangu-u mahe kono

okhropi maisü kono lu pongo so dottho

lehe Mikri-o khejü pioti lu chani so dottho’

Translation

„From the deer head motif to Mikri-o kheji head motif he slashed down to the

end …

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 … later the younger brother Mangu-u

the deer head motif were sculpted in five rows

the Mikri-o khejü head motif were sculpted in seven rows‟

Finding no satisfaction with the sculpted motifs and to the horror of his

elder brother, Mangu-u took hold of his knife and slashed away the deer head

motif to Mikri-kheji head motif. Watching the destruction of the sculpted motif

at the hand of his younger brother, Chache stayed hidden in consternation and

left choking and he cried out softly to himself saying, „you hate me at home

and even to the jungle‟. But then Mangu-u the younger brother had other

ideas, he didn‟t mean to destroy but rather help his elder brother by sculpting

out the motifs in the appropriate manner and number. And so once again

taking up his tools he start sculpting the deer-head motif in five rows and

sometime later sculpting the Mikri-kheji head motif in seven rows. Chache

who remain hidden on the other side of his brother‟s location tries to hide the

smile and unwittingly let out a sigh of relief and said, „my food and my wine

should not have been offered to others, but rather you should have ate and

drank and done the work‟.

The act of the younger brother in helping out his elder brother negates

the perceived hatred of the elder brother but rather the act of the younger

brother remonstrate the filial love between the brothers even though they were

not on speaking terms. This goes on to showcase that even in the worst of

animosity the love between siblings always remains unparallel. The day came

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when it was time to drag home the Ote much adorned with the deer-head

motif in five rows and the Mikri-kheji head motif in seven rows. One genna

was observed for the two Inamai villages, which signifies the importance of

the day. The youths of the two villages prepared themselves for the occasion.

They draped themselves with the white cloth34 around their waist and also put

on the white feather35 that makes them look lively. They went to the jungle to

drag the sculpted Ōtè of bachelor Chache, The youngsters beautifully draped

in white readied themselves to start the process of tying the Ōtè and making

sure that a door-way or an arm-length distance be maintained between two

persons.

Back home in the village people were anxiously awaiting the return of

the youngsters who had left the village to drag the Ōtè of bachelor Chache.

They waited for the first sight of the youths to appear and to know how the

dragging of the Ōtè was going on. The elderly 36 who normally keep

worshiping god were anxious to know the return of the youths. They waited

for them with unabated anxiety as though they are unable to control a frothing

pot over a burning flame from overflowing and spilling it into the furnace.

Sometime later the sound of the people who went to drag the pillar was heard,

and the onhü37 of the youth who went to drag the Ōtè could be heard from a

distant. Soon after the Ōtè was dragged into the village and it was

magnificently placed infront of Ipi’s house. The two Inamai villagers were

lined up on both side of the road till the village gate to witness this beautiful

event. The Ōtè was now cut and used for the purpose. The lower portion of the

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tree trunk was used to curve out a mighty big one-piece bed. And the upper

portion of the Mave tree was cut into different pieces and one was used as a

door piece and the other portion was cut into planks which Chache used to

cover one portion of the front wall of his house.

It came to pass that unfortunately Chache‟s house caught fire while he

and his wife were away in their field. On their homeward journey they were

told of the unfortunate fire that burnt their house. As they traversed along the

road Chache and his wife cried;

‘… masanikha pfüpai mahe kono attho mottho

ikhrumai Chache-o mahe kono

Alu chobvü ti apru timohire yi ate ti mottho’

Translation

„the wife says it‟s my paddy I regret

And the bachelor Chache

I regret for my bed and my central pillar of the house‟

The above lines relate the heart wrenching tale of want for the goods

lost in the fire. This made Chache‟s wife to say; „it is my paddy I regret to lose

of what we owned‟, and the bachelor Chache says, „I regret to lose my bed and

the Ōtè of the house of what we owned‟. The paddy and the pillar are two

most important commodities in the life of the people; paddy for sustenance

and central pillar for a roof above the head for the purpose of living. At every

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turn of the road Chache‟s wife re-arranges her sarong and at every turn of the

road she tightens her sarong. With both hands unable to wipe dry the tears

from their eyes the couple reached their village.

After the house was burnt down very little things of the house were

retrieved. And on account of that Chache‟s family became extremely poor.

One day a man from the Aphekoji village came to Chache‟s home as a visitor.

As they were seated a strange thing happened;

‘inhochittha maisü kono tapra

… oshu Kojü pfuna ozhu chani tese’

Translation

„The Nhochittha snake

… showed itself to Aphekoji man‟

Out of nowhere an enhochittha snake showed up itself to the man from

Aphekoji. He was bewildered at the sight of the snake and at the same time

knew that it was a sign of fortune. He ask bachelor Chache to sell his single

piece tree-trunk bed. Chache was not inclined to sell his prized bed and so he

told the Aphekoji man that he will not be able to pay the price of his bed. But

the man from Aphekoji village insisted and said „bachelor Chache I will pay

your price‟ and the deal was concluded.

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 People from seven villages surrounding Aphekoji came to drag the bed

of Chache to Aphekoji’s village. But Chache‟s bed refused to be moved. And

Chache‟s wife did the unfathomable;

‘… izho-o mani nokhru maisü kono hrai da

oshu Kojü eno nizhu kayi pfülo chani oda’

Translation

„Took off her inner wear and struck the bed with it

Go and show your good face in the land of Kojimai‟

Chache‟s wife of took off her inner garment and hit the bed again and

again with it and said, „go and show your good face to the land of Kojimai’.

Then the Enhochittha snake crawled out and shoved down Chache‟s wife

infront of the people of Aphekoji and the surrounding villagers. The wife of

Chache then laments and says that she was exposed and put to shame infront

of the strangers and the people of Aphekoji.

2.4 Chokhrulo or Amorous Song

These type of songs are few and even the few that is there are not sung

often and therefore less known. These are songs that have overt amorous

themes. These songs are sung in order to flirt and entice someone who is of

interest to the singer. They can be sung at different occasions. This Lochu folk

song is about Kobo, a man envied by many. His personae seem to travel ahead

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of him. He is the subject of the amorous designed of lady Kapaini from

another village, who has heard of the bachelor Kobo.

Ikhru Kobo-o

Ikhru kobo chü-e me no nihrü-e süsü

Ta-a nima pra shikhu dzü no nihrü-e süsü

Ta-a nima ko kosü dzü tupe vuphru-e vukho

Vukho kosümai pfü kapaini no

Ikhru kobo ni izho vule ho ni züle wa

Ikhru kobo ni izho vu shu-a ni züa

Achilo nho süphru

Süphru achimai chonho-e nilei mo do ino

Ino ottho kovu obeno kiarolu kanhei so dzü dai

Dzü dai achi mai chonha pongo hubu

Hubu anhie chaka-a zojü soledo

Anhie mono shettho

Ikhru kobo nhose so batsü pfulo jü no

Jüno o masaokha batsü mono-a kalai sü cho mo kobo-o sü

Ikhru kobo nipe nini no yiro chitthu kayi-e ku

Iku ni masakha pfü no yiro dzülia mosü ku

Iku nisü kohu no yiro phobvu kakra iku

Iku südusüno nikhra yi sü phra lohro-re kobo-o sü

Translation

Bachelor Kobo, I have known your life

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 You go and show off yourself in Shikhumai village, and

You go and break the stone-platform of Kosümai

Bachelor Kobo are you returning home or staying back today?

Bachelor Kobo do not return home but stay back tonight

Look at my age-group maidens‟ work

But you will not see anything of my age-group

But you will see two columns of tens, of old paddy barns stored

And five buffalos are reared

And next year we could host the feast-of-merit

And we could discuss all matters

Bachelor Kobo is known to carry spears in hand

But not known to hold on to his lady

Bachelor Kobo your parent-in-laws are good like the clear morning sky

Your lady is good like the clear spring water

Your hunting dog is really good like the white cotton bulb

That is why you cannot leave your partner, bachelor Kobo

Analysis of the Text

The term ikhru-u meaning bachelor is randomly used and not in the

literal sense of the word in the Mao folksongs. And that is no different with

what it is in this particular song too. This song is about a person Kobo, a

talented youngman and therefore the envy of many. His personae seem to

travel before him. A lady from the Kosümai village heard of bachelor Kobo

since long before she even laid her eyes on him. In the olden days individuals

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if not in war go from village to village challenging its inhabitants in individual

games like wrestling, shot-put, high jump and long jump. That is how Kobo

too go and shows off his prowess in long-jump in the Shikhumai village and

wins the competition there, and he proceed to Kosümai village where in the

shot-put competition he hurled the stone to a great distance it landed on the

stone-platform and breaks it up and win that competition.

The Kosümai lady, Kapaini ask bachelor Kobo if he was to return

home that evening. She asked him not to go back home that day and invite him

to stay. And she says;

‘… Achilo nho süphru

Süphru achimai chonho-e nilei mo …’

Translation

„… look at my age-group maidens‟ work

But see nothing of my age-group …‟

The compelling words of Kapaini, inviting bachelor Kobo to stay and

watch her age-group friends‟ work but at the same time assures him that he

will see nothing. The statement of Kapaini seems to be a trick to muddle the

thinking of the bachelor Kobo and makes it inviting for him to stay for the

night and to unravel what is in store. This can best be construed as an act of

enticement with the hope of bachelor Kobo staying for the night. Kapaini

continues;

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 ‘… ottho kovu obeno kiarolu kanhei so dzü dai

Dzü dai achi mai chonha pongo hubu

Hubu anhie chaka-a zojü soledo

Anhie mono shettho…’

Translation

„… you will see two columns of tens, of old paddy barns stored

And five buffalos also reared

And next year we could host the feast-of-merit

And we could discuss…‟

Kapaini seems to talk good of the abstract which could be true or

untrue. She speaks of the possessions of many barns of paddy and buffalos and

flatters him by saying that the following year they could host a feast-of-merit.

She means that if bachelor Kobo stays they could discuss it all in the night.

That is provided Kobo stays with her for the night which indirectly hints at

making her his mistress or taking her as his wife. The last line of the passage

says it all. Kapaini wanted bachelor Kobo to stay.

The personage of bachelor Kobo seems to be slowly exposed and

derided by Kapaini and she says;

‘… nhose so batsü pfulo jü no

masaokha batsü mono-a kalai sü cho mo kobo-o sü

nipe nini no yiro chitthu kayi-e ku

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 Iku ni masakha pfü no yiro dzülia mosü ku

Iku nisü kohu no yiro phobvu kakra iku’

Translation

„… a bachelor who carry spears in hand

a bachelor not known to hold on to his lady

a bachelor whose parent-in-laws are good like the clear morning sky

Your lady is good like the clear spring water

Your hunting dog is good and white like the white cotton bulb…‟

Kapaini continues to say that bachelor Kobo is one person who is

known to go about spears in hand but who is not known to hold on to his wife

which directly hints at Kobo being a womanizer. She says that his parent-in-

laws are too good and clear like the early morning sky and his wife is as good

as the clear spring water and even his hunting dog is as good as the white

cotton bulb. These metaphorical usages of the terms chitthu kayi-e ku meaning

„clear morning sky‟ and dzülia mosü ku meaning „clear spring water‟ and

phobvu kakra meaning „white cotton bulb‟ to mean the goodness and clear

intent of the heart shows the goodness of the surrounding that bachelor Kobo

is surrounded with. The whole deriding was to entice Kobo but Kapaini failed

to do so.

Kapaini ends by saying; „the surrounding you are in is too good that is

why you cannot be parted from your partner and that surrounding‟.

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2.5 Füshulo or Songs of Settlement

Füshulo - These songs are composed when the people go in search of new

settlement due to the increase in population or simply for want of a better

place.

The following is a song of settlement first and second dispersal. The

Tenymia Nagas believe and trace their origin to Makhraifü and their dispersal

at Charanho Wild pear tree. It relate to us about the mysticism of the

Charanho village. The song is titled as Makhrai Hrü meaning Generations or

Descendants of the place Makhrai.

Makhrai Hrü

Hoa lehe Makhrai dzüno ohrü karai hrü pra

Hrü pra lehe Makhrai dzühe pemonoshu pemokru pi-oda

Oda lehe Makhrai pfu movu-u no

Ano zho ole morü kono hubu

Hubu-u oshu li kohrü he Makhri pfuna chithe toapra

Apra lehe Makhrai dzüno ochu azhu ola azhu prajü

Omai tthehe le adaisü no pepra

Pepra achi charanho no Chitebu he pepra

Pepra ottho kropi-e azhunho cho

Nhocho lehe ruhu li kohrüno ruto jü mokro to ano

Süto ku oti to akro chomo

Chomo achi Charanho he to kama obi aso pracho

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 Pracho achi Charanho to zheno akro chomo

Chomo oshuli kohrü süikhe kopfu khrusü

Khrusü achi Charanhomai chi nikuhe sü

Hesü po maiku chiphi chibu la malale tta tati-e sü

Kalai maino Charanhomai chi nimore tta bu elo-a hrü

Kalai maisü chitthu chilu kayi chi bukolai ki oda

Oda achi Charanhomai chi ni moe ni mikhe nelesa

Lesa achi Charanhomai chi mikhe ne kolumai malalai more

More achi Charanho he charabu chara inho tuushu

Ojü chazho ko nhiepuli iyile nhiesü

Isü zho oshu Mahra pfuna atailu ipiphre krole

Piphre konho ti adaimai chino ochi sü buü

Piphre konho ti chiphi chibu no ochi sübuü

Sübuü ko-o ti oshu Mahra pfuna mainhi peshu oda

Oda shu Imepfuna otataki-o omo paipfüle sü

Isü kattai ko deli-e kajüko mahralule tta pedapi se kotsümai sü

Translation

The first „life began at place Makhrai‟

Do not talk or belittle but speak and embolden the courage of the place

Makhrai

And the chieftain of the Makhrai people

Chase and herded the domesticated animals

And all other people ate and grew eating the fodder of Makhrai

All the people grew having the same say and speaking the same language

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 After man what tree grew up

And in my village Charanho grew up the „Chite tree‟

Grew up and bore much fruit

And all the birds came and ate the fruit and lots are there

It never is insufficient

And my village Charanho began as the base agrarian wealth

The food and drink of Charanhomai will never run short or insufficient

And all the people who holds wooden plate

And when they see my village Charanho

Some have left for north and south to learn others‟ language

And they longed to see the village of the Charanhomai

They who longed, when the morning weather is good come and experience it

Those who longed, even if you don‟t see Charanho you might see the smoke

Those who see even the smoke will be some great ones

My Charanho is a mystical place and some mystical stones are erected

It would have been better still if we step on some more land

Today stranger Mahra people shrink yourself for I am stretching down my leg

When I stretched down where and in whose land did the thunder roar

When I stretched down the thunder roar in the south

Man of Mahra do not tell to others about the thunder roar

The stranger Ime man till the land you will accumulate much

Even if he till a little he will gain much was what the forefathers had foretold

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Analysis of the Text

This song is one genre of Lochu folk song that tells us about the people

of Makhrai 38 and its descendants the Charanho 39 people. The song can be

classed as one that has historical and mythical elements which is about

settlement and dispersal of the people. The song begins with the beginning of

life at Makhrai and how the people were governed by the Chieftain of the

village.

The song can be divided into two parts, the first 6 lines and the second

22 lines. The song begins with the first six lines describing about the village

Makhrai, the ways of life of the Makhrai people, the mysticism that surrounds

the village and place of the Makhrai people when life first began. The song

also describes the richness of food and drinks and the benevolent attitude of

the great Makhrai Chief which is seen in the following line;

‘oshu li kohrü he Makhri pfuna chithe toapra’

Translation

„all other people ate and grew eating the fodder of Makhrai‟

The interesting aspect of this song is that the first part of the song

serves as a prelude to the second part of the song albeit with little connection

of the two and something that is not often found in other song or oral poetry of

the Maos. In whole the song is largely concentrated on the second village

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Charanho. The second part of the song begins with the mention of the Chite

tree which grows in the heartland of the Charanho village;

‘achi charanho no Chitebu he pepra’

Translation

„in my village Charanho grew up the „Chite tree‟

The mention of Chite tree holds much importance and significance in

the oral tradition of the Nagas especially Tenymia Nagas and the Mao Nagas

in particular. The song says that the tree grew and ‘bore much fruit,’ which

can well be understood in the context to the wellbeing or the abundance of

fodder for the Charanho people. The song goes on to claim or say or predict

that the land of the Charanho people will always be plentiful and never be

short of food and drinks. It is on this line that best extol the richness of food in

the Charanho land;

‘achi Charanho he to kama obi aso pracho

achi Charanho to zheno akro chomo’

Translation

„my village Charanho began as the base of agrarian wealth

The food and drink of Charanhomai will never run short or insufficient‟

The people40 have taken different routes to different land41. They have

gone in search of better living, better land and better learning. Yet whatever is

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the reason for their leaving the village Charanho, they will long for Charanho

again, whoever lives here or come here, they will not suffer for want of food

but will always be blessed with abundance and never run short. People will

yearn for this place, they would long to see this non-descript village. What is

so special of this village, is it the location of the village, the people of the

village or the name of the village or the Chite tree? Whichever that is, people

are welcome, and they are welcome to watch and observe the village

Charanho on a bright clear morning and experience the serenity of this village.

There are others who wish to see the village Charanho yet they are not able to

come or even view from afar. For those, they should watch out for the smoke

that emanates from the hearths of the Charanho village. It is not always easy to

possiblly see smoke emanating from the village, therefore it is not possible for

all people to see and it can only be seen by persons who are blessed and have

the vision and the ability to see the smoke that emanates from Charanho

village and that would be by some great people only. The greatness of the

Charanho village is finally revealed as seen in the given line;

‘achi Charanho he charabu chara inho tuushu’

Translation

„my Charanho is a mystical place and with mystical stones erected‟

The Charanho village is surrounded by mysticism and by mystic

monoliths. Towards the end of the song it foretells the expansion of the village

in the near future. This song forewarns the Mahra people42 to move away from

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their land because the Charanho village is ever expanding and reaching their

land. The expansion of the land area of the Charanho people would not be

done with a whimper but with the roar of thunder43 onto the land where the

Charanho people is to take over44. The song further warns that Mahra people

should not reveal the roar of thunder to others. And when the roar of thunder is

heard Charanho people should till their land and by doing so they would

garner a bumper harvest at the end of the year. Even the little work that is

carried out the people will be richly rewarded and that is what the forefather

had foretold in the far gone past.

2.6 Pomarakatalo or Songs of Migration

Pomarakatalo - These are songs composed and sung to narrate instances of

people‟s dispersal due to conflicts, wars, epidemics or natural calamities. This

song relates to us about the eviction or as one may call it the dispersal of the

Mimai people from a place called Mile. They were driven out of their habitat

by the Memai warriors for unknown reason.

Mimai Khu Hu Kapra

Hoa shusü Imepadai ope padai nasü

Shüjü kowuti adaiko soletta shüjü-u sacho

Sacho shusü Imemai pfu movu khrusü

Khrusü shusü Imemai pfu ope kajü khrusü

Khrusü Mimai khu he mapra wolero tto shüjü-u chore

Nolu kobu maina osa mopro soho somo-e

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 Nolu kobu maina osa mopro so kore sü

Esü izho ichu shulu pfumai kono

Oba machichu ora kia kasaso kor-e nolumai nasü

Nasü zho-o Imemai pfu movu khrusü

Khrusü zho-o Imemai pfu ope kajü khrusü

Chakai kilu chaki lu khubu-redzü süpfu

Süpfu Mimai kiratto abaipfo kozü zhosü

Esü ochino raipi enoke piletto

Kalai maino raü-eno tate esü

Esü chino nopi-e raiki piletta

Kalai maino rai-eno prali esü

Esü südu hetthu chitthu lere chitthu

Imipfuna chidzü he ashu jüdai hukro lejü

Imipfuna chidzü he-e chani loe iku hukro lejü

Lejü kalimai zülu-e kalino othe tupra ledo eno

Eno kalimai zülu ekalino othe tulo ledo eno

Eno omisü marepro-e pfuki kore enhü sü daipra

Daipra Mimai na techizho zü kila sacho

Sacho Mimai na techani zü kila esü

Esü izho opi chacha va ludo Imipfunasü

Imipfunasü oshu Inamai hroshe dova kozü zhosü

Esü shusü adai shumai mahe kono

Kono Mimai khuhi mapra-u tiro sacho

Sacho shu Aphe pfu koho Kojü pfuno

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 Pfuno Mimai khuhe mapra-u tiro sacho

Sacho shu Aphe pfu amo Kojü pfu mo

Pfumo shusü Imepadai ope padai nano

Nano Mimai khuhi mapra-u tere sü

Sütto kili-e oshu kakri okhro-o pilemo

Lemo shu Imepfuna nikhro-o pilere

Lere otu-a luleho chonha-a sü nilule Imepfuna

Pfuna tu-a lulemo chonha-a sü ilulemo

Imipfuna nifü heko tthemarai isüsü lulere

Sütto kili-e ozü khramai sü kopra sata kete süchu Imipfuna sü

Nasü zho ole omai modo eno

Eno zho-o okhe kajü lu mole pfuno

Pfuno lehe imino khomai lulu pfüa

Pfüa zho ole okhe mazü no hupra-a tese Imipfumai sü

Translation

The four clansman were of the four Memai fathers

The discussion they had was for what purpose

They were chieftains of the Memai

They were Imemai‟s big chieftains

The discussion was to drive out the Mimai

Did the youths seek „the bamboo divination?‟

If the youths did seek „the bamboo divination‟

And a newly married man

A youth whose hands are right and who befriended ten gods

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 Today, chieftains of the Imemai

They were Imemai‟s big chieftains

They cleverly carried the khubu-redzü

The night they slept hidden at Mimai‟s Kiratto

And back home those who said they would be first and last

Changed and became first and last

And back home those who said they would be last and first

Changed and became last and first

And tomorrow morning as dawn break

We will chase down infront of Imipfuna lawn like the fire-flame

We will chase down in wave infront of Imipfuna lawn

If one gets kill one will run out and replace him

If one gets kill one will run in and replace him

And when the fire spread and burns the surrounding

How many Mimai man were killed

Seven Mimai man were killed

But eight heads of Mimai were taken

The night the Mimai spent on the side of Inamai

And who were the people

Chased out the Mimai (spirit)

Was it the Aphe man or Kojü Man?

Was it them who chased out the Mimai (spirit)

No it was neither Aphe man or Kojü Man

It was the four clansmen of the Memai forefathers

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 Were the ones who chased out the Mimai (spirit)

If that is so than we will not pay tax to others

We will pay your tax Memai men

You choose cow or buffalo Memai men

We will neither choose cow nor buffalo

Mimai man you leave your place and that is what I will take

Than Mimai gathered their loved and dear ones and thus left the place

Today it was not human

But it was the large hearted beast

Whose tail was as large as that of a pestle

Thus it was said that the beast chased out the (spirit) of the Mimai

Analysis of the Text

This song relates to a war between the Memai45 forefathers and Mimai

settlers and how the Mimai settlers were driven out by the Memai clans. The

Memai forefathers were of four kinsmen. The four big Memai Chiefs gathered

and plotted against the Mimai settlers who have come and settled at a place

known as Mile in the land of the Memai. The Mimai settlers were said to have

flourished. Their population increased along with their well being. The

increase in the population of the people as well as livestocks and fowls and

their granary overflowing with enough crops at their disposal made them self

sufficient. This well being and self sufficiency led them to become arrogant,

proud, disrespectful and reckless towards their benefactor or the host

community, which is the Memai or Mao community. They started troubling

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the host community by killing off the domestic animals and fowls of the Maos.

Often the tails and ears of the cattle go missing in the land of the Mimai and

this acts often led to tiffs between the Mimai and the Mao communities.

Therefore this is what the Memai Chieftains said;

‘Mimai khu he mapra wolero tto shüjü-u chore’

Translation

„The discussion was to drive out the Mimai‟

The Chieftains schemed and deliberated to drive out the Mimai settlers

as they have become a nuisance. Unmindful of being settlers they troubled the

indigenous populace, and so the wily Mao chieftains deliberated and plotted

against the Mimai. This in a way reasserts the fact that anywhere in the world

the rights of the natives are always asserted, and that is what the Mao

forefathers did. In war plot and schemes are essential parts to achieve victory

and that is what the forefathers of the Maos did to achieve their objective.

The Mao Chiefs plotted against the Mimai settlers but did the Mao

youth seek the „bamboo-divination‟? If so, was the omen for or against the

war, the question is left unanswered. This is one ritual that is always seeked

out before people go to war against any opponent. The Maos seems to have

won favour in the eyes of the gods. A newly married man is said to have

befriended ten gods, a special man who is a gifted right handed man by god‟s

grace. The Maos got the blessings of the gods, therefore the war against the

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Mimai settlers were carried out without fear. The Memai chiefs were no doubt

big chiefs, but still they carried the khubu-redzü 46 meaning a male-gun to

ascertain their victory.

On the night before the attack the Mao forefathers took shelter in the

vicinity of the Mimai settlement known as Kiratto. The warriors agreed that;

‘… ochino raipi enoke piletto

Kalai maino raü-eno tate esü’

Translation

„… back home those who said they would be first and last

Changed and became first and last‟

Back home persons who volunteered to spearhead the attack now

wanted to bring up the rear. And persons who were supposed to bring up the

rear now wanted to spearhead the attack. The change of plan in the mode of

attack was unwarranted. Thus fear and confusion crept into the mind of the

Maos on the eve of the attacked. Thereby undermining their very ability and

uncertainty prevailed on the fighting strength of the Mimai at the same time.

This implies the might of the Mimai warriors and the fear that gripped the

Memai warriors. The plan was to go and attack the Mimai settlers at break of

dawn and chase them down into their lawn and courtyard. They would drive

them in horde like the burning fire-flame47. If one Mao get kill in the attack

another would replace him immediately throughout the attack.

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 When the settlements were burnt and the Mimai were slaughtered, how

many Mimai were killed was the question. And the answer was;

‘Mimai na techani zü kila esü

Esü izho opi chacha va ludo Imipfunasü’

Translation

„Seven Mimai men were killed

But eight heads of Mimai were taken‟

„Seven Mimai were killed but eight heads were taken.‟ The statement

marks the unusual happening of the war, the verbal and the act contrasted

meaning the Mao forefathers humbled themselves by declaring less than what

they actually achieved rather the actual truth of the killing Mimai people was

never divulged.

On the night of the eventful day the Mimai spent their night in the

vicinity of the Inamai48 land. They wondered and questioned themselves as to

who chased out the spirit of the Mimai. Was it the man of Aphe or was it the

man of Koji who chased out the spirit of the Mimai. It was neither the man of

Aphe nor the man of Koji who chased out the spirit of the Mimai but it was

the four kinsmen of the Maos who chased out the spirit of the Mimai. And so

the Mimai people said, we will not pay tax to other men but we will pay only

the tax of the Mao clansman. The Mimais laid an option of preference for the

Mao clansman to choose as tax;

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 ‘Otu-a luleho chonha-a sü nilule Imepfuna

tu-a lulemo chonha-a sü ilulemo

Imipfuna nifü heko tthemarai isüsü lulere’

Translation

„You choose cow or buffalo Memai men

We will neither choose cow nor buffalo

Mimai man you leave your place and that is what I will take‟

The Maos refused to choose either cow or buffalo as tax, for that was

never the motive for the Maos to wedge the war against the Mimai settlers.

Therefore the Memai imposed their will and asked the Mimai to vacate their

settlement. Left with no option the Mimai gathered their love ones and thus

left their settlement. The Maos were victorious in their war against the Mimai,

yet it was never a question of pride or bragging about their achievement but

they were humble and held their victory as sacred. They Mao clansman said

the victory was not achieved by human effort alone but by the help of the

„large hearted beast‟49 whose tail was as large as that of a pestle, and said that

the beast chased out the spirit of the Mimai.

The song is titled as Chara Chitebu meaning „the Mystic Wild Pear

Tree‟. The song relates about the mysticism that surrounds the place where the

Chara Chitebu is situated. It also tells us about the descendants of Shipfumai50

and their overall well-being.

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 Chara Chitebu

Hoa lehe Makhrai dzüno ohrü karai hrüpra

Hudzü ro moropfü ojü pfoki ko füshu-e shettho

Shettho achi chitebu heko tobuli-e füshu lukochu

Kochu lehe charabu heno onhubu sü pepra kotsümai sü chara kochu

Kochu zho-o imemoso opemoso khrusü

Khrusü soko nolu sabomai he

Maihe tose pfülu noshu ttho li-eno

Ano lehe chite phihino avubu shijü-e chore

Chore achi chitebu he buphro mozhu bumü mozhu esü

Esü lehe enuli chihe tamara te süchu

Mara kotu sü dolaire-e solaire esü

Masakhapfü süso okhapfu süso esü asole se

Lese nina nizü nikhru kayi nikili-e ayi sü mojü

Mojü ana azü akhru kayi nikili-e sü ni sü mojü

Mojü lehe makhrai jü ikhro leheno vu shijü puletto

Kanhie maila kohe pe azhuli süleho mo-u no Shüpfumai sü

Maisü lehe inuli chikhru motsü kosokhru vulohe ama

Ama lehe inuli chikhru motsü kosokhru vulohe tili

Tili idemai ko sü Shipfumai ko sü kakri tthu oda

Kanhie maila kohe pe azhuli sü leho mo-u no Shipfumai na

Maina achi Charanho no ochabu he pepra

Pepra lehe ruhu li no asü eru koto-e ku

Iku lehe Charanho khru lono asü-a rali-a talo

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 Talo lehe chitephi ekhro le tino buhrü

Buhrü lehrai shishu lula shishu-o okre yi-a hrü Shipfumai na

Translation

Life first started at the place Makhrai51

Cocks weaved into the basket they went for new settlement onto the

mountains

That is how they truly came upon my Chitebu and settled

Truly from near the mystical chara tree grew up iron tree and the forefathers

are really mystic

Today the whole Memai and all the forefathers

Put on Soko52 and Sabomai53

Put on the cowries shell and Noshu54

And are gathered at the foot of the Chite tree

Yet the foot of the Chitebu was crowded and branched over

And so they have gone over to different villages

The separation has been too far and too long

Have become father and mother

You beget good loving children yet unknown to me

I beget good loving children yet unknown to you

Once again they will gather at the front plain of Makhrai

Will the Shipfumai children still speak the same language and understand each

other

Have all the important leaders of all the villages gathered

And if all the important leaders of all the villages have come

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 Start discussing the forefathers‟ and Shipfumai‟ stories

Will the Shipfumai children still speak the same language and understand each

other

At my Charanho grew the Ochabu

And all the birds gathered and ate

The youth of Charanho gathered and came in

And they came and settled at the foot of the Chite tree

Do not be hard-hearted or tempermental but cooperate and live together

children of Shipfumai

Analysis of the Text

This song brings out different facets of the Mao community‟s life. The

song starts with the life at Makhrai and how the people have gone out55 from

that place in search of newer settlement. And as the people always do, they

weaved cocks into bamboo-basket coops and move out onto mountainous land

in search of new settlement and found the lovely land of Chitebu. The place is

alluringly inducing and mystifying and this is thus described;

‘achi chitebu heko tobuli-e füshu lu kochu

lehe charabu heno onhubu sü pepra kotsümai sü chara kochu’

Translation

„That is how they truly came upon my Chitebu and settled

Truly from near the mystical tree grew up an iron plant and the forefathers are

mystic‟

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 From near the Chitebu, it is said an „iron tree‟ grew which further

mystifies the land of the Chitebu. Thus the people of the land are called out to

put on their traditional attires like the Soko and Sabomai, cowries shell and

Noshu. These eminent attires of the Maos and other forefathers 56 act as an

identifying factor for the people of the land while they gather at the foothill of

the Chitebu. Yet, the grand space at the foot of the Chitebu was crowded and

not spacious enough to accommodate one and all, thereby leading to the

dispersal of the people through different routes to form new villages in other

land.

The myth of the Tenymia relates that, long ago the Tenymia people

lived together as one people having one language and one culture, till the

population grew to innumerable proportion that one fine day they converged at

Charanho and deliberated and concluded that they diverged from there, yet

vowing that one day in the distant future they will return to this same place as

one people still having the same ethos of living. But the days of being together

have been far too distant and they people have moved on into different spheres

of life and living. Having moved out from their original space of Charanho

they have established themselves in different walks of life. Generations have

come and gone, one has become a father and the other a mother and it keeps

on going year after year. They will have produced good loving children but

they will not know one another. Time has elapse for too long, yet it is foretold

that the Shipfumai children will gather at Makhrai once again. But will they

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Tenymia children get to know each other, will they understand each other or

speak the same language as their forefathers once did, no one knows.

If the Tenymia leaders or important persons has come, and if all have

come than they should start the discussion about the Shifpumai forefathers;

‘idemai ko sü Shipfumai ko sü kakri tthu oda

Kanhie maila kohe pe azhuli sü leho mo-u no Shipfumai na’

Translation

„Start discussing the forefathers‟ and Shipfumai‟ stories

Will the Shipfumai children still speak the same language and understand each

other‟

The lines above say that if the knowledgeable leaders of the Tenymia

people have come they should start discussing about their forefathers and start

tracing their forefathers or their roots. One wonders if the Tenymia people

would be able to trace their long bygone pass as time has elapse and numerous

generation has come and gone and has been replaced by the younger lot, of

whom one is not sure will have the requisite knowhow about the forefathers

and come to a common conclusion. The song thus urges the people to trace the

forefathers of the Shipfumai from the stories and tales that have been handed

down from generation to generation through word of mouth.

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 The land of the Charanho is blessed and there grows the Ochabu57

where the birds of the air came and ate its fruits. Here Ochabu is a symbolic

reference to the Chitebu. And the „Birds‟ a symbolic reference to the people of

Charanho. That is why the singer says that youths of Charanho and the

Tenymia to come in and settled at the foot of the wild pear tree. Yet the fear is

will the present generation of the Tenymia understand and know each other,

will they have the same concern as their forefathers once had. These are some

of the pertaining questions the song raises. And the song ends with a plea

asking the people not to be hasty but be patient and cooperate and live together

as one people in the days to come.

2.7 Others

There are other Lochu songs which cannot be classified under the above

thematic classification. And therefore has to be termed as „others‟. These

songs can be of nature, people, animal, birds, places and all that cannot be

equated under the above thematic classification. The following is a song about

the struggle of a young girl at the hands of her step-mother. The ill-treatment

meted out to her make her leave her home and land and go to the land of her

aunt and settles in that land. The song is titled with the name of the girl or the

protagonist of the song Kateni.

Kateni

Aru namai apeni-o sire kopfü maisü chidu lesa

Aru namai apeni-o sire kopfü maisü

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 Maisü südu lere theni lere tta no

Ttano li malakro orü tho kohro so pfocho achilo sü

Aru namai apeni-o sire kopfü maisü

Maisü nhokhru here mana Kateni sü nhkhru more

Kateni lemai opfü soruro ora kobo paino

Paino zho koto ho zhokoto sheeli-o tto

Etto zhokoto shelu morü otto lao

Lao pipule obu pfulu no apipuo

Hoa chohro rezü tu akhumai vu loli asü

Asü lehe apfu soruo mari esüpfu

Süpfu lehe apfu soru mai hrüde bu leno ahrüde solo cho

Locho zho athichi athi namai kono

Kono shikhu mara zhi okile sü phradai chou ano

Ano zho ole mana Kateni no

Nino lehe apfü soru orakobo paino

Paino zho kotoo ho zho kotoo she kelu-u tto

Etto zho kotoo shelu oso she lu etto

Etto oso shelu morü atto lao

Lao pipule obu pfuli ano apiputto

Otto choro rezü tu akhumai vu loti esü

Esü lehe apfu soru-o mari süpfu

Süpfu lehe apfu soruo mai hrüde bu leno ahrü deso lo cho

Kateni ano marai kate de tho pile-e

Kateni ano marai kose so shepi le-e

147
 Osa kodai tthu obu khru lo-e maraiko se kolai ki odo azüro sü

Hoa chohro rezü zülo lizü hoa

Morona tto arumamai apeni-o sire kopfü maisü

Maisü zho athimai ko yire tto kakri-e vu nho

Arunamai apeni-o sire kopfü maisü

Maisü ezho-o le Kateni sü adai nodu

Moronatto khelo-sa ba-e khelo-sa no-a kalai mai yi tino tthu yi tili choha

Choha mara saba-e marasa no-a kalai mai ti no tthu yi tilimono

Kadjüni lemai sü yi sano mana Kateni sü adai nodu

Nodu khelosa ba-e ekali no chinolu kalai tina ezü

Ezü zho ole mana Kateni sü dulai more

More lehe opfü soru orakobo pai sü

Hoa chohro redzü khru-lo chi cho vu-esü

Kadjüni sü ohaye no malipi osoku tupi sü chu

Kateni sü ozha no malipi otuku tupi esü

Esü tuboki no mokhrupi osore no maripi esü

Kadjüni ne atooli-e iatoole

Kadjüni ne too moli-e itoo lemo

Lemo-e adai no too ye chizü pfüpfu yi mochule

Le-e chizü pfii pai chonho kosü paino

Paino ohaye no mali pi-e osoku tipi süchu

Süchu titheti apfü ani ko shina lekudo kalai kobvüe

Bvüe zho-o apfü anipai chi ku tatile

Kadjüni lemai odzü shethu opra vupi-e sü kai motu

148
 Kadjüni lemai mitho ku lu-a bazho lesü thopi esü kai motu

Kadjüni lemai otomu pfü ozhe mu pfü zhe phinhie –e tichu

Kateni sü zho opfü oni pai chi ku tatü kochu.

Translation

My villagers when is the day to gather firewood for the summer feast

My villagers those who go to gather firewood for the summer feast

Kept on saying it will be tomorrow or the day after tomorrow

My girls could not wait its like trying to control a boiling pot about to spill

My villagers those who go to gather firewood for the summer feast

Everyone has reach accept Kateni

Kateni has not come because of her ungodly mother

There is no rice for today so pound rice for the day

She pounded the paddy yet told to pound the flour

She pounded the flour but told to feed the animals

Told to take a stool and look for lice on her head

When the cowherds were getting back in that summer time

When the summer hour is getting dark

Orphan one my villagers those who went to gather wood for the summer feast

Who is talked as the beautiful one as people goes and come from the farmland

My villagers those who went to gather wood for the summer feast

Today who is better than Kateni

Orphan one should one who wears Khelo58 shawl be talked about as the

beautiful one

Shouldn‟t one who wears Mara59 shawl be talked about as the beautiful one?

149
 Kajüni is good but who can be better than Kateni

Wearing Khelosa shawl and sarong suits more

Today no one can be better than Kateni

Her ungodly mother

When the bachelors come on their visitation to attend to the girls

Kajüni was given wine and meat curry

Kateni was given after-wash water and curry

Dried cow dung beneath and the bones above

Kajüni if you eat I will also eat

Kajüni if you don‟t eat I will not eat

What do I eat and what do I give to the dormitory keeper couple to taste

Today the good mannered hostess

Filled and gave wine and meat

I am told an aunt seems to have been married to Shina people

Today I will go to the land of my aunt

I splash water on the face of Kajüni she does not wake up

I put live fire into the hands of Kajüni‟s but she does not wake up

Kajüni is sleeping under the influence of food and drink

Today Kateni has really left for the land of her aunt

Analysis of the Text

This song relates about a girl by the name Kateni. Kateni lost her

mother early in life and as her father remarried, she was brought-up by her

step-mother and her father. As a child Kateni was taught to do all kinds of

150
chores and was a very well mannered child. Kateni got a step-sister Kajüni,

and they bonded well but the mother always tried to separate them by ill-

treating Kateni in the worst possible way. And often Kateni‟s father remained

a mute spectator to all the suffering of his daughter. Thus, this song narrates

the woes and sufferings and humiliation of Kateni at the hands of her step-

mother till she could bear no more and goes off to seek refuge with an aunt

who was said to be living in the land of the Shina60.

The song begins with the queries for the gathering of the firewood for

the summer plantation festival. This is the occasion or rather a prelude to the

real celebration of the summer Plantation feast. Here the importance of

gathering the firewood as well as the summer plantation feast lays emphasized

to the time when young people of the village goes to the forest not for the joy

of collecting firewood but to be in the jungle in the company of friends, their

admirer or lover. The other aspect of going to the jungle was to showcase the

artistic setting of the wood load in the basket of the females, which is arranged

by their fiancé or admirer and where a female is chosen as the best girl 61 of the

summer plantation festival62. Therefore this is one occasion when the youth of

the village dare not miss and so the enquiries are made unceasingly day in and

day out to make sure that they are well prepared for that auspicious day.

The youth of the village look forward to that day when they would go

to the forest to gather firewood. On the occasion the youth of the village go to

the forested land to gather firewood that is to be used at the summer plantation

151
festival. The days are numbered and everyone is anxious and excited. The

anxiety of the occasion is often compared to an uncontrollable boiling pot that

is ready to spill over. The day arrived and the youth of the village were ready

to leave for the forest but Kateni was not to be found.

The youths of the village reached the forest but Kateni was not to be

seen. And it came to be known that Kateni did not come to gather firewood in

the forest because of her step-mother. As she prepared to leave for the forest

the self-centered step-mother kept asking Kateni to do different chores at

home. First she asked Kateni to pound the rice for the day‟s meals, and then

asked her to feed the livestocks and then pick lice from her head. It was only

around the time when the cowherds were returning home with the cattle that

Kateni was allowed to leave. The action of Kateni‟s step-mother can be

construed as her fear of Kateni outshining Kajüni on that auspicious day,

therefore she tried holding back Kateni till the very last moment so that she

will not be able to get her load of wood to compete at the summer festival. But

then Kateni goes to fulfill the norms of that day.

Kateni carrying her father‟s axe went to her father‟s forested land to

get her basket load of firewood. As she started to chop the wood, she heard her

father shouting at the top of his voice „whose household and whose children

are gathering wood from the nearby wooded area‟, not realizing that it was his

dearest daughter Kateni. When he approached the place from where the wood

was cut, to his utter consternation and shock it was his dearest daughter who

152
was cutting the wood. Heart wrenching at what he saw, he asked Kateni what

made her to do this. Kateni with tears in her eyes, pour her heart out;

‘ … lehe apfü soru orakobo paino

zho kotoo ho zho kotoo she kelu-u tto

zho kotoo shelu oso she lu etto

oso shelu morü atto lao

pipule obu pfuli ano apiputto

choro rezü tu akhumai vu loti esü … ’

Translation

„… when I was about to leave for the forest along with my friends, my mother

said there is no rice for today‟s meal and she asked me to pound the paddy,

when the paddy was pounded she asked me to pound the flour and when the

flour was pounded she asked me to feed the animals and when the animals

were fed she asked me to take a stool and pick lice from her head. By the time

it was over the cowherds were back home meaning it was in the late afternoon

or early evening that she was allowed to leave. So, I carried your axe and

came to our forested land to get my basket load of firewood for the festival …‟

Hearing the dismal plight of his daughter Kateni‟s father said;

‘ … Kateni ano marai kate de tho pile-e

Kateni ano marai kose so shepi le-e

Osa kodai tthu obu khru lo-e maraiko se kolai ki odo azüro sü … ’

153
Translation

„ … I will chop the lover‟s wood for your basket load and I will

arrange the lover‟s basket load of firewood for you. Now fold your

shawl to make it your seat and watch at the lover‟s load my dearest

loving one … ‟

Now as the summer evening approaches Kateni‟s step-mother stepped

out of the house and made her enquires as to who is the most spoken about by

people going and coming from the field and the farmland, from the orphan and

the villagers,

‘ … Morona tto arumamai apeni-o sire kopfü maisü

Maisü zho athimai ko yire tto kakri-e vu nho …’

Translation

„…O! Little orphan, who is spoken about as the most beautiful of the

village girls who went to gather firewood for the summer feast?‟

To her enquiry the orphan replied;

‘ … Arunamai apeni-o sire kopfü maisü

Maisü ezho-o le Kateni sü adai nodu …’

Translation

„… of the girls who went to gather wood for the summer feast, today who can

be better than Kateni ...‟

154
 Not convinced by the statement of the orphan, Kateni‟s step-mother

continued to ask;

‘ … Moronatto khelo-sa ba-e khelosa no-a kalai mai yi tino tthu yi tili choha

Choha mara saba-e marasa no-a kalai mai ti no tthu yi tilimono …’

Translation

„…O! Little orphan, should a person who wears Khelo shawl be spoken as the

beautiful one, shouldn‟t one who wears Mara shawl63 be spoken about as the

beautiful one?‟

To her enquiry the orphan again replied;

‘… Kadjüni lemai sü yi sano mana Kateni sü adai nodu

Nodu khelosa ba-e ekali no chinolu kalai tina ezü

Ezü zho ole mana Kateni sü dulai more …’

Translation

„… Kajüni is good but who can be better than Kateni. The wearing of one

Khelo clothe as a shawl and another as a sarong it suits beautifully. Today no

one can be better than the loving Kateni …‟

The mother of Kateni made her inquiries from the orphans for the

reasons that they get to know what people talk from every part of the village

as they roam the whole village. The orphans also spread words very fast as

they go about everywhere in the village. So had Kajüni been spoken about as

155
the best, Kateni‟s mother would have been well satisfied that the whole village

knows about it, and words could have gone out to whoever have not heard

about the beauty of Kajüni as the best. But contrary to her belief it was Kateni

who was spoken about as the best and not Kajüni that infact back-fired on her

motive.

In the summer evening when the bachelors come on visit to the girls‟

dormitory, the step-mother of Kateni served Kajüni with the best rice-beer in

her bottle-gourd for her drink and meaty curry dish, but Kateni was served

with after-wash-rice-water in her bottle-gourd for her drink and dried cow-

dung beneath the bones curry dish. Kajüni saw what was served for her and

what was served for her elder sister Kateni, and feeling sorry Kajüni too

refused to consume the best rice-beer in her bottle-gourd and the meaty curry

dish. So Kateni said;

‘… Kajüni ne atooli-e iatoole

Kajüni ne too moli-e itoo lemo…’

Translation

„… Kajüni if you eat I will also eat

Kajüni if you don‟t eat I will not eat…‟

In despair Kateni muttered out; „… with what do I eat and with what

do I give to the dormitory hostess to taste. Today the knowledgeable good

mannered hostess filled my bottle-gourd with rice-beer and meat curry dish.‟ It

156
was with this food that Kateni joined her friends in the dormitory. Thereafter

Kateni unable to withstand the ill-treatment of her step-mother any longer

decided to go in search of an aunt who was married into the Shina 64

community.

On this night itself Kateni decided to leave for the land of her aunt at

the break of early dawn. Kateni‟s final moment with Kajüni can be seen in the

form of a soliloquy;

‘… odzü shethu opra vupi-e sü kai motu

Kajüni lemai mitho ku lu-a bazho lesü thopi esü kai motu

Kajüni lemai otomu pfü ozhe mu pfü zhe phinhie –e tichu…’

Translation

„…I splash water on the face of Kajüni but she was so soundly asleep that it

does not wake her up. I picked up a live fire and put it into her palm but that

does not wake her up. Kajüni is deeply asleep under the deep influence of the

food and the drink…‟

Kateni thereafter left for the land of her aunt without been able to bid

farewell to her younger sister Kajüni for one last time.

The following two songs are versions of the same song. These songs

are also clubbed together under the category Others. The song is titled as Chite

Bu Ttheni Lo meaning Song of the Chite bu genna65.

157
 Chite Bu Ttheni Lo - I

Hoe chi chite bu ttheni so kapi nisü

Nisü shi kohu tto modzü sa velu nhopra

Nhopra khe no raipi-e oshi no hu

Nohu kheno io maino noli nhopra

Nhopra ni lue le shudzü kalai pai no

Shi kohu khu hi cho ikhru lako chomore

More nheidzü zheko osa epue lo

Ilo nheidzü zheko neva do hi vuhri

Vuhri nheidzü hi hreu tthu ikhru chiku

Mozhu-e sü leshi yi ama cha nittomai

Translation

The day the Chite genna is observed at the place Chite bu

With the dog infront we go to the forested land

The tiger was ahead and the dog chased

If man was behind it goes on

Your work way that lady who went outsider

Heard the dog chased but did not hear the bachelor‟s voice

The tear fell onto the apron

The maiden‟s tear fell on you and made you feel lively

The tear taken off glanced towards the bachelor‟s side

Glanced, wasn‟t it loving, young lady?

158
Analysis of the Text

The song relates to the activity that takes place on a not restricted

genna day proclaimed from the land of where the Chite66 tree grows. On this

unrestricted genna day people go about doing their daily chores on their own.

On this day a lady with her dog ventured out into the forested land. The

animal67 was in the front and so the dog kept on chasing and they went on.

And this is the road of the lady who happened to be from another place 68. The

lady hears the dog chasing the animal but did not hear any man. The lady

scared of the animal, tears fell from her eyes. And at that moment the tears so

happened to fall onto the apron of a bachelor. Seeing this makes the bachelor

realize the fear of the lady and thereafter active and lively shields the lady to

his side. The act of the bachelor reveals that he was there all the while but was

not acting like a man who is to protect and safeguard the lady. But when he

sees the softer and emotional side of the lady, he tries to protect the lady and

gain her love and affection. „Loving‟ the act of the man, wasn‟t it? The lady

questioned.

Chite Bu Theni Lo -II

Hoe chi Chite bu ttheni so kapi nisü

Nisü shi kou tto modzü soa vehu nhopra

Nhopra kheno raipi-e oshi nohu

Nohu ttheno io maino noli nhopra

Nhopra evele khe sü adai khe kote lere sacho

Evele khesü le sübu va kate Opakhe kose

159
 Kheno tto kophibe krie pfü-e adai ikhru no

Lokrie sü tthu-a maishumai ve lu chowa adai ikhru.

Translation

The day my place of Chite observed the genna

With the dog infront we go to the forested-land

The animal was ahead and the dog chased

If man was behind, it goes on

What is the forested-land animal, what is it?

The forested animal is the animal Opakhe69 that cling to the tree

The animal that has a hundred legs and what bachelor?

Knows the lady‟s smell and steal other‟s what bachelor?

Analysis of the Text

The song is sung about the chores that take place on the day the genna

was proclaimed from the land of the Chite tree. On this unrestricted day

people go about doing their chores on their own. On this day a man ventures

out into the forested land along with his hunting dog. The animal 70 was ahead

and so the dog kept on chasing if the man was right behind it. It is asked, what

is the animal that lives in the forested land? The forested animal is the hundred

legged Opakhe that stay clinging to trees. The last sentence;

‘… adai ikhru no lokrie sü tthu-a maishumai velu chowa …’

Translation

„… what bachelor knows a lady‟s smell and steal them from others…‟

160
 The sentence is a paradox, a reflection of the man who is supposed to

know the animals in the forest. But here, the bachelor does not know the

animals living in the forest and yet knows a lady‟s smell and steals them from

others which is a case of womanizing.

2.8 References

Ao, Temsula. 1999. The Ao-Naga Oral Tradition. New Delhi: Basha
Publication.
Bakhtin, M.M. 1981. The Dialogic Imagination. Austin: University of

Texas Press.

Bauman, Richard. 1984. Verbal Arts as Performance. Illinios: Waveland

Press Inc.
Baveja, J.D.1982. The World of Naga: New Horizons of North

East. Guwahati: Western Book Depot.

Dundes, Alan. 1979. Analytical Essays in Folklore. The Hague: Paris

and New York: Mouton Publishers.

Foley, John Miles. 1990. Oral-Formulaic Theory, A Folklore Casebook

(ed). London: Garland Publishing Inc.

Ghosh, G.K. 1992. Tribals and their culture in Manipur and

Nagaland. Vol. 3. New Delhi: Ashish Publishing

house.

Hutton, J.H. 1921. The Angami Nagas. London: Oxford University

press.

Kariapuram, Mathew G. 1999. Tribal Hermeneutics for a Contextual

Theology. Shillong; DBCIC

161
Leach, Maria. 1950. Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend.

New York: Funk & Wagnalls Company.

Lit‟ Committee, Nagas.1990. Nagas -90 All Things Become New. Guwahati.

Propp, V. J. 1968. Morphology of the Folktale. Austin: University of Texas

Press.

Saleo, N. (n.d.). Imemi Kohrϋ Ko–Mao Naga Lives. Imphal: S.M. Press.

Shimray, R.R. 1986. Origin and Culture of the Nagas. New Delhi: Samsok

Publication.

Thong, Joseph. 1997. Head Hunter Culture (Historic Culture of Nagas).

Kohima: Nei-Press.

Tylor, Edward B. 1924. Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development

of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Language, Art and
Custom. New York: Brentano Publishers.

Vansina, Jan. 1985. Oral Tradition as History. Wisconsin: The University of

Wisconsin Press.

Yonuo, Asoso. 1974. The Rising Nagas: A Historical and Political Study.

Delhi: Vivak Publishing House.

162
 CHAPTER THREE

ODOLO, SHANGAI LO AND OKRO-KOLU

3.1 ODOLO

Odolo consists of two varieties that can be categorized as Odolo and

Do kochu lo. The first variety Odolo is the more common one today as the

second variety is hardly known to the younger generation as the very practice

is dying today. Odolo literally means songs of pleasantries whereas Do kochu

lo literally means songs of choice. Here the phrase does not mean the choice

of songs but it means the songs are used to choose someone or group for the

purpose of dueling, as these songs are practically for dueling alone.

3.1.1 Odolo

The Memai are very fond of singing, and the songs form part of their

daily life, that is in their social as well as cultural life. Therefore one can truly

say that songs are ingrained in their life for all purposes. Composing of songs

comes in different thematic genres. As far as the Odolo compositions are

concerned, the two most common themes are „recapitulation of the past‟ and

„imagining of the present or future‟. The composition of songs is based more

on the life of a person71 or two72 or group73 and others. Often the past or the

bygone days or era is relived in the form of those songs.

The older folks of the community often remind the younger

generations that, in the past Odolo have sub-titles such as Vehu phizϋ and

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Chihro-e chithu kayi liri nhopra. 74 Under these sub-titles, the songs would

have a common beginning but words change in the middle or concluding

parts. But today these songs are hardly heard or sung and hardly even

remembered and the unfortunate thing is that today‟s generations hardly know

any of these songs.

Today, new and different composed texts have come into the domain

of this category of song. In the composition of this genre of folksong the

composer is creative and innovative but often misses the warmth of the songs

that the antiquated ones of this genre often generate. The theme of the

composition of these songs could be contextual in many ways and the

language is more colloquial75 and easily understood by the listeners. The tune

is the same as old, the songs are well structured but today the singers seems to

sing the songs in mere mechanical fashion, which differs from the ways the

older generation singers use them. They would sing the songs with passion

and conviction and the warmth are generated in the hearts of the listeners.

The types of songs that make up Odolo can be seen in the text that is

provided as part of this research. The songs are presented in three text forms:

The first is in the vernacular language Mao; the second in the English

language, that is a line by line rendering of free translation and the third is the

analysis of the text. This can be seen in the form of the following four songs of

Odolo:

164
 Oramai no Ojiphe Sopi-e

Oramai no ojiphe sopi-e (2)

Ojiphe hi kani koho bue (2)

Ho-e lobvü kani koho bue

He-e he-en

Kaini tisho, Hesha-a tishuo (2)

Ninhie lemai adai ko bvü-e (2)

Ikhru kalai ilo kalai le (2)

Hi mocho lo ne leshi homoe (2)

Hi mocho lo a leshi kochue (2)

Ho-e lobvü Kaini Hesha-a

He-e he-en

Besa tisho Pfuza tishu-o (2)

Ninhie lemai adai mocho-e (2)

Izho deni khronü khrana khro (2)

Hi mocho lo ole shi shu-e (2)

Ho-e lobvü Besa Chopfuza

He-e he-en

Athia tishuo Boni tishu-o (2)

Ninhie lemai adai leshi-e (2)

Izho deni propali prawe (2)

165
Kolai pfuthu ole shi shu-e (2)

Ho-e lobvü Athi-a Boni

He-e he-en

Nisa tishuo Heshaa tishu-o (2)

Ninhie lemai adai mochowe (2)

Izho deni ruhu li vu-e (2)

Okhuli so arali so-e (2)

Chakri pfuthu ole arishue (2)

Ho-e lobvü Nisa Hesha-a (2)

He-e he-en

Rahu koli ozhe azhule (2)

Rahu komo ozhe azhu hrae (2)

Ho-e lobvü ozhe azhu hrae (2)

He-e he-en

Ichi lomai tamara ni moe (2)

Marani moe mara tati le (2)

Ho-e lobvü mara tati le

He-e he-en

Olo bvü hi ohrü koso moe (2)

Hi mocho lo ole shi shu-e (2)

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 Ho-e lobvü ole shi shu-e

He-e he-en

Translation

God created the earth (2)

On earth there are the haves and the have nots (2)

Singers/Maidens there are the haves and the have nots

He-e he-en

Let it not be Kaini, let it not be Hesha-a (2)

The two of you how are you? (2)

When you were bachelor and maiden (2)

Thinking of that do you love it? (2)

Thinking of that I really love that (2)

Singers/Maidens Kaini Hesha-a

He-e he-en

Let it not be Besa, let it not be Pfuza (2)

The two of you what are you thinking? (2)

These days it is the month of „khronü khrana (spring)‟ (2)

Thinking of it we really love it (2)

Singers/Maidens Besa and Chopfuza

He-e he-en

Let it not be Athia, let it not be Boni (2)

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 The two of you what do you love? (2)

These days lots of different flowers bloom (2)

Looking at it we really love it (2)

Singers/Maidens Athi-a and Boni

He-e he-en

Let it not be Nisa, let it not be Hesha-a (2)

The two of you what are you thinking? (2)

These days different birds have come (2)

Chirping in different sounds and different ways (2)

Hearing this makes you nostalgic (2)

Singers/Maidens Nisa and Hesha-a (2)

He-e he-en

If we are birds we will fly together (2)

We are not birds we can‟t fly together (2)

Singers/Maidens we can‟t fly together (2)

He-e he-en

Our female friends we don‟t want to part (2)

Even if we don‟t want to part we will be parting (2)

Singers/Maidens we will be parting

He-e he-en

168
 Singers/Maidens life is not long (2)

Thinking of this we really love it (2)

Singers/Maidens we really love it

He-e he-en

Analysis of the Text

The first song is titled Oramai no Ojiphe Sopi-e which can be

translated as „God Created the World‟. This song is about a group of friends of

whom, one of the friends recapitulate about the good times they had in their

younger days, bringing back the good old memories of those times.

The Maos have strong faith in the existence of the Supreme God, they

also believe in the divine creation or the creation of the Universe by God the

Almighty. In good times as well as in bad times, the people are inclined to call

on the Supreme God for thanksgiving, for supplication and for solace. Life is

always simple and honest for the Mao people. There is nothing more than the

simple truth of day to day living. Life for them is beautiful till times of trials

and difficulties stares right in the face. This is the time when one ruminates of

the good bygone days. And this is the time when the emotional feelings are

best brought out in the folksong composition. This particular folksong Oramai

no Ojiphe Sopi-e is a song composed by a woman from within a circle of

singing friends. The song begins by calling on the Supreme God whom they

trust for everything. The song says that the world was created by God and that

everything in it is his, as these lines from the song amplify:

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 ‘Ojiphe hi kani koho bue

Ho-e lobvü kani koho bue’

Translation

„In this world there are the haves and the have nots

Singers, there are the haves and the have nots

The lines mean that whatever and whoever is in this world, is part of

the creation of the Supreme God. The rich and the poor all alike are created by

God and put into this world. Therefore there are the rich and the poor in this

world.

The song continues by calling on the friends in twos. The first to be

called out is Kaini and Hesha-a. They are asked how they are doing, if they

ever recollect the past of the days when they were still bachelor or maiden.

The sentence indicates that the friends are not young anymore and which

means they are either married or have aged with the passage of time. The

songster continues her query whether they recollect their maiden days and if

they love those days, and for her she really loved their maiden days.

The next friends to be called into the song are Besa and Pfuza76. The

songster says let it not be either Besa or Pfuza but the two of them. What are

you thinking, she questioned and says that these are the Khronü khrana,

literally meaning the days of spring season. It is the most beautiful season of

the year, where everything is so fresh and refreshing to the eyes and the

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human spirit. Thinking about it, it is so lovable, meaning that everything is so

lovely, is what is said by the songster to her friends.

The songster calls upon her two other friends Athia and Boni. She asks

them what they love and also tells them that different varieties of flower are

blooming as it is the season of spring. Seeing the many blooming flowers

makes them relive their younger maiden days and makes everything lovely.

The songster asks her two friends Nisa and Hesha-a, what they are

thinking as it is the season of spring and birds of different hues are appearing

and chirping merrily in different sounds. Hearing the birds chirping makes her

remember the days of old and she is seized with nostalgia.

The most poignant moment in the song comes in the last three stanzas

of the song. The songster continues:

‘Rahu koli ozhe azhule

Rahu komo ozhe azhu hrae’

Translation

„If we are birds we would be on the same flight

But we are not birds and so we would not be on the same flight‟.

Here the above lines can be understood through the use of a folk

symbolism characterized by the bird. In most cases birds are hardly seen

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flying alone. They fly in pairs or in a flock. Therefore it is in this reference

that the songster laments that had the friends been birds they could be flying

along on the same flight. But as they are human and not birds they could not

be flying together, on the same flight, they have to chart out their own course

of life for their own future. This also relates that their friendship too has to

come to an end in the course of their life at some point of time.

The songster continues to lament that their female friends, though they

do not want to part, must face the eventuality of parting. They will have to part

as life has to go on the full course in their own terms, that is, to settle down,

have a family and continue with their lives. Friendship cannot hold on together

for life but family priorities and concerns must be taken care of at all costs.

This is the implied message of the song.

The song is all about friendship of the younger days of a group of

friends. The experience of life is brought out in the form of a song of a group

of friends. It relates to their various experiences in their younger days and

what emotional expression is articulated when they recollect those moments.

The song concludes by saying that „Life is not long therefore one should love

and cherish it, life is lovely and beautiful, thinking about it is lovelier‟. One

should really love the life that one had.

Ikhru Apro-o

Ale kashi Ikhru apro-oi (2)

Adzü kappa ale kashi-oi (2)

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 Mocho laiho mocho mo lai tie (2)

Ni mocho lo-o anhiedzü kro-e (2)

Ni mazhe li mazhe azhule (2)

Ni chovo li chovo azhule (2)

Ni tati shu-o ayia bushi-e (2)

Ni tati li ayia buni moe (2)

Ni kata ta ni kovu vule (2)

Ni tati shu-o ayia khulu-o (2)

Anhie akua kathe sü tuule (2)

Katthe kotuu-a anhie akua hrüle (2)

Katthe tthesü kosü ko mo-e (2)

Katthe thesü kanü ko mo-e (2)

Kahrü le no okre yi-o hrü-o (2)

Sübvü moli kohrü mu mo-e (2)

Ho-e lobvü kohrü mu mo-e

He-e he-en

Translation

My beloved bachelor brother (2)

The person I like, the person I love (2)

Do you still think or you stopped thinking (2)

I cried thinking about you (2)

If you are sad, I will be sad with you (2)

If you are happy, I will be happy with you (2)

You don‟t leave, I will be lonely (2)

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 If you leave, I don‟t want to stay (2)

I will go where you go, I will be where you will be (2)

You don‟t leave, wait for me (2)

We will be together till death (2)

Even in death we will live together (2)

After death we will not know (2)

After death we will not see (2)

When you are alive live on good terms (2)

There is no point of living if not like that (2)

Ho-e singers/maidens, there is no point of living (2)

He-e he-en

Analysis of the Text

The second song is titled Ikhru Apro-o literally translated as „Bachelor

Brother‟. The song is about a bachelor who had left his beloved for another

place. The woman laments for her man in this song.

One feature of this genre of Mao folksong is the love theme which

most of the composers indulge in (if it is not a duel song). Many of these

compositions are dedications to their loved ones or lovers or friends, living or

dead. The engagement of emotional attachment is very personal in these songs

that make them different from the other genres of Mao folksongs.

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 This song is about a man who leaves his lady love and goes away. The

woman wants her man back to be with her, she uses all the calmly loving

words to express her deepest feelings for she wants to be always together with

him. The songster begins the song by calling on her man as „beloved bachelor

brother‟. The person whom she really loved, she misses him as he had left her

and gone away from her. She expresses her thoughts and asks if he still thinks

of her or he had stopped thinking about her. As for her she thinks about him

often and breaks down and cries over and over again for him.

The songster‟s continuous infatuation with the man she loves brings

out the deepest emotional concern she has for the man who had left her. This

is sung in her expression of love in the following lines:

‘Ni mazhe li mazhe azhule

Ni chovo li chovo azhule’

Translation

„If you are sad and weary, I will be sad and weary likewise

If you are happy, I will be happy likewise

The sentences clearly indicate the emotional attachment the songster

has for her man. She is concerned for his well being, she want to share his

burden, his joy and sorrow, his good days as well as bad days wherever he

might be. She wants to be there for him no matter what the situation is, to

share with him everything that he goes through.

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 She asks him not to leave, for if he leaves she would be lonely and if

he leaves she will not want to stay either. She says that she would go wherever

he goes and be wherever he will be. Therefore she pleads with him to stay, but

if he has to go, then to wait for her so that she could be where he would be.

She pledges that they will be together until separated by death.

The Maos believe in life after death or lifeafter. Life on earth is the

first life that is lived and when the body undergoes a physical death the spirit

gets separated from the body and travels to the land of the dead or world of the

spirit. There in the land of the dead, life begins afresh for a second time. Death

will bring to an end the first life which is the earthly or temporal life. And

once this is over and as one enters the second life or the lifeafter in the land of

the dead, life begins anew once again.

In this song the songster continues by saying that life does not end in

this earthly world, and expresses her wish to live with him even in the next

life. It is at this stage that the songster reveals another aspect of her feelings in

the song. Her longing for the man she love all through and the desperation that

is overtaking her. She brings in into the song the theme of death. And now it is

clear that the man she loves and longed to be with is dead and therefore her

earnest wish is to be with him:

‘Katthe tthesü kosü ko mo-e

Katthe thesü kanü ko mo-e’

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Translation

„One will not know after death

One will not see after death‟

She is left alone in this world, and now that she is alone she wishes for

his company and to join him in the next world, the land of the dead. Therefore

she says „after death the dead will not know, nor will the dead see after death‟.

So it is pertinent to live a well-meaning life and on good terms with other

people. The songster brings to an end the song with lines that indicates a life

that may not have been well lived, so the songster wishes and emphasizes „a

well-meaning life is worth living‟, the absence of which would be futile.

Imai Hrü Hi

Nichi ikhrumai (2) ikhru kalai le

Achilomai (2) ilo kalai le

Ho-e lobvü (2) ilo kalai le

He-e he-en

Ikhru kalai (2) ilo mokru-o

Ilo kalai (2) ikhru mokru-o

Ho-e lobvü (2) ikhru mokrule

He-e he-en

Khrulo hrü hi (2) ohrü koso mo-e

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Hi mocholo (2) ole mazhe shue

Ho-e lobvü (2) ole mazhe shue

He-e he-en

Lopfu ni mo-e (2) lopfu tati le

Napfü ni mo-e (2) napfü tati le

Ho-e lobvü (2) napfü tatile

He-e he-en

Lopfu tili (2) oputto sa-a

Napfü tili (2) ozütto sa-a

Ho-e lobvü (2) ozütto sa-a

He-e he-en

Oputto no (2) apfu tto kule

Ozü tto no (2) apfü tto shale

Ho-e lobvü (2) apfü tto shale

He-e he-en

Lopfu tili (2) mai kata tahra

Napfü tili (2) mai kovu vu hra

Ho-e lobvü (2) mai kovu vu hra

He-e he-en

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 Lopfu tili (2) mahe momü le

Napfü tili (2) mahe itsü le

Ho-e lobvü (2) mahe itsü le

He-e he-en

Khrulo hrü hi (2) motuta ni mo-e

Motu ni mo-e (2) chilu no vu tie

Ho-e lobvü (2) chilu no vu tie

He-e he-en

Opropa ti (2) akrü tati-e

Pra ikri lo-a (2) mü ikri lowe

Ho-e lobvü (2) mü ikri lowe

He-e he-en

Imai hrü hi (2) the tati lisü

Hrithu lohro (2) the ta kochu ti-e

Ho-e lobvü (2) the ta kochu ti-e

He-e he-en

Hi mocho lo (2) ole mazhe shu-e (2)

Hi mocho lo (2) ole mazhe shu-e (2)

Ho-e lobvü (2) ole mazhe shu-e

He-e he-en

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Translation

You bachelors (2) when you are still bachelors

We maidens (2) when we are still maidens

Ho-e singers/maidens (2) when we are still maidens

He-e he-en

When you are still bachelors (2) go along with maidens

When we are still maidens (2) go along with bachelors

Ho-e singers/maidens (2) will go along with bachelors

He-e he-e

Life of youth (2) is not a long life

When we think of this (2) we really feel sad

Ho-e singers/maidens (2) we really feel sad

He-e he-e

Even if we don‟t want to be a married man (2) have to be a married man

Even if we don‟t want to be a married woman (2) have to be a married woman

Ho-e singers/maidens (2) have to be a married woman

He-e he-en

When you are a married man (2) with your dear child

When you are a married woman (2) with your dear child

Ho-e singers/maidens (2) with your dear child

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 He-e he-en

The dear child (2) will call as daddy

The dear child (2) will call as mummy

Ho-e singers/maidens (2) will call as my mummy

He-e he-en

When you are a married man (2) can‟t go where others go

When you are a married woman (2) can‟t come where others come

Ho-e singers/maidens (2) can‟t come where others come

He-e he-en

When you are a married man (2) will long and want

When you are a married woman (2) will want and become unforgettable

Ho-e singers/maidens (2) will want become unforgettable

He-e he-en

Life of youth (2) don‟t want to let it pass

Don‟t want to let it pass (2) but time has come

Ho-e singers/maidens (2) but time has come

He-e he-en

The flower (2) though it withers away

It blooms again (2) as it grows again

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 Ho-e singers/maidens (2) as it grows again

He-e he-en

The life of man (2) if it dies

Will not come to life again (2) it really dies

Ho-e singers/maidens (2) it really dies

He-e he-en

Thinking of this (2) we feel very sad

Ho-e singers/maidens (2) we feel very sad

He-e he-en

Analysis of the Text

The third song is about the daily routine of a man‟s life. The title of the

song Imai Hrü hi meaning „Life of Man‟ is self explanatory. We see a

different form of song, the content of the song is dialogic in nature between

males and females. They enquire about each other‟s well being, and about the

process of life the will undergo from phase to phase and thus sing out the song

in the form of a turn-taking conversation between them.

The Maos believe that bachelor‟s days are the best part of a man‟s life.

It is this time when one should enjoy life to the maximum and treasure it for

the rest of one‟s life. The best phase of a man‟s life is his bachelor days, a time

when everything is refreshing and beautiful. Once this phase is over, life

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changes dramatically and is not the same anymore. The central idea of this

song is this. In this it echoes many a universal sentiment found in examples of

the kind the world over.

The song begins by calling on the male bachelors and the maidens and

encourages them to mix and enjoy each others‟ company. This is the only

phase when they can go about mixing freely with each other (the Maos have

some restrictive rituals in childhood days like „Ritual of Initiation‟ and after

bachelorhood comes family commitments) and thus call on the bachelors to

mix and fraternize with the maidens and vice versa. The bachelorhood phase

is not very long and transient and therefore when one thinks of it, it inspires

some degree of sadness. The bachelor days are the best part of one‟s life

therefore nobody wants to let it go, therefore it is saddening when one thinks

of one‟s bachelor days.

A day will come when one has to let go of one‟s bachelor days and

maiden days. One has to get married and start a family. As a social

requirement, there is no choice other than to marry. When a bachelor and a

maiden is married they will have offspring, and they will have to take care of

their dear young ones. The young ones will call him daddy and the young one

will call her mummy. When the once bachelor and maiden are called daddy

and mummy respectively by their toddlers, it would be in turn producing the

ultimate joy in the life of the parents.

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 Once offspring become the man or the woman‟s responsibility,

movements are limited although the craving for travel and mobility becomes

overwhelming. The song is also an exhortation to the young man and women

to not let go of opportunities that comes their way because those are the very

things which will constitute a treasure of memories for them when they are

settled. The youthful age is one thing that nobody wants to part with; the

beauty of youth is something that you cannot exchange for anything. It is

priceless therefore nobody want to let it pass as the following lines in the song

will attest;

‘Khrulo hrü hi motuta ni mo-e

Motu ni mo-e chilu no vu tie’

Translation

„Youthful life you don‟t want to let it pass

Don‟t want to let it pass but time has come‟

The bachelor days or maiden days, a time when that side of youthful

exuberance comes with no baggage. The precious moments of youth becomes

so priceless that people do not want to let them go but as time and age catch

up one has to move on to the next phase of life and other responsibilities.

The bachelor days or maiden days are contrasted with that of flowers:

‘Opropa ti akrü tati-e

184
 Pra ikri lo-a mü ikri lowe …

Imai hrü hi the tati lisü

Hrithu lohro the ta kochu ti-e’

Translation

„The flower though it withers

Blooms again, as it grows again …

The life of man if it dies

Will not come to life again, it really dies‟

The song relates that a flower withering but when the seasons revolve

and come full circle again, it grows and blooms again. But a man‟s life is

different from that of a flower. For if a man dies that is the end of it, he does

not grow and live again like that of a flower‟s life cycle. So, if he dies once,

that is the end of his life and he does not come back to life again.

Therefore it is sad that a bachelor or a maiden does not get a second

chance to relive the life of a bachelor or a maiden for a second time. So it is

important that one enjoys and treasure the days of bachelorette. Make the most

of this stage of life, for this will not be repeated in this life again. So it is

pertinent to say that bachelorette days are the best in one‟s life and on this note

the song conclude.

Ikhru Ilo Hrü

Ilo khru ti mokru le ho mo-e

Ikhru khru ti tavu mokru-o

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 Sübvü keli ole chovo-e

Ho-e lobvü ole chovo-e

He-e he-en

Nichi khrumai izho buwo nho-e

Ichi lomai ive le khru-e

Ho-e lobvü ive le khru-e

He-e he-en

Ive lekhru adai yi so-e

Ive lekhru opropa hra-e

Ho-e lobvü opropa hra-e

He-e he-en

Propa sü pfo athi yi pile

Propa sü pfo nichilo (yi) pile

Ho-e lobvü nichilo (yi) pile

He-e he-en

Sü sü pfolo ni itsü sole

Chithuni khro adai yi sowe

Ho-e lobvü adai yi sowe

He-e he-en

186
Mabvü kalai makhe kebu nhü

Sü sü kochu-e süsü majimo-e

Ho-e lobvü sü sü majimo-e

He-e he-en

Chidu chiko kape tale sa

Pfuzü khro sü kape tati le

Ho-e lobvü kape tati le

He-e he-en

Sale khro sü odo shuti le

Kotu ruhu arali so-e

Ho-e lobvü arali so-e

He-e he-en

Sü sü cholu ochizho kochue

Sü theku sü onhi anole

Ho-e lobvü onhi anole

He-e he-en

Sübvü keli adai mocho we

Ale kashi alle le buse

Ho-e lobvü alle le buse

He-e he-en

187
 Pfuttomai sü inule bule

Inule bu kathe sü ttule

Ho-e lobvü kathe sü ttule

He-e he-en

Nittomai sü oshuli chita

Inu lemai yi mara ta nimo

Ho-e lobvü mara ta nimo

He-e he-en

Mara nimo-e mara ta tile

Hi mocholo-o ole chovo moe

Ho-e lobvü ole chovo moe

He-e he-en

Translation

Those maidens should we sit together or not

Those bachelors come and sit together

If it is so the heart is warm

Ho-e singers/maidens the heart is warm

He-e he-en

Your bachelor groups were you at home or in the field today

Our maiden group we went up to the forested jungle

Ho-e singers/maidens we went up to the forested jungle

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 He-e he-en

Up in the forested jungle what did you do?

Up in the forested jungle we pluck flowers

Ho-e singers/maidens we pluck flowers

He-e he-en

Those flowers to whom will you give?

Those flowers will be given to your maiden group

Ho-e singers/maidens will be given to your maiden group

He-e he-en

Those we will take and consider it as you

What is done in the month of Chitthuni?

Ho-e singers/maidens what is done?

He-e he-en

We go roaming blowing the trumpet and the horn-trumpet

That is true that is not false

Ho-e singers/maidens that is not false

He-e he-en

When will the summer season start?

The summer season will start in the month of Pfuzü

Ho-e singers/maidens summer season will start

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 He-e he-en

In the month of Sale we will start the plantation

The cuckoo sings in different ways

Ho-e singers/maidens sing in different ways

He-e he-en

Hearing that it is truly heartwarming

The next year proposal will start

Ho-e singers/maidens proposal will start

He-e he-en

If it is like that what are you thinking?

My love one is in my heart

Ho-e singers/maidens is in my heart

He-e he-en

The man will stay in the village

The man will stays in the village till death

Ho-e singers/maidens in the village till death

He-e he-en

The woman goes to different stranger‟s villages

Don‟t want to part away from fellow villagers

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 Ho-e singers/maidens don‟t want to part

He-e he-en

Have to part even if don‟t want to

Thinking of it does not feel good

Ho-e singers/maidens do not feel good

He-e he-en

Analysis of the Text

The fourth song is titled Ikhru Ilo Hrü, which can be translated as „Life

of Young Bachelorette‟. In this song the young people discuss about the spring

season and the summer time, what they do in those times and finally on the

difference of the outcome of marriage for the male and female.

This song is based on the life of the youths, the kinds of life they lived

and the day to day chores they are engaged in. The social life that is prevalent

amongst the Maos of that era is the focus in the song. The lives the male and

female youths spend in each other‟s company bring out the intimate best of the

desire and want in their lives. For the Maos life is always in a sequence, of one

stage or phase leading to another. Even their youth days are in a string of

sequence paved out to follow one event after the other. The world of the youth

before their marriage is the best part of their life and this is one phase that due

importance is accorded as it is the most happening phase of their life. This

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phase of their life is cherished and treasured for life. This song is a sequence

of event of the youthful life of the Maos before their marriage set in.

The best part of the youths‟ life is spending time in the company of the

opposite sex in their leisure. This particular song is in the form of a dialogic

text, exchange of pleasantries and subject of conversation is in the form of the

song. The song begins in the form of the male youths calling out to their

female friends to ask if they have the time to be in one another‟s company;

‘Ilo khru ti mokru le ho mo-e

Ikhru khru ti tavu mokru-o

Sübvü keli ole chovo-e …’

Translation

„… maidens should we sit together or not

bachelors come and sit;

If it is said so, the heart will be warm …‟

The very courtesy of the male friends calling out to their female friends

seeking their time and company is to show the kind of respect and standing the

Mao woman enjoy within the community. This is not undue respect but the

respect the woman enjoys as sisters and mothers in the society. The male

themselves respond to their own request to their female counterpart. This

indicates the longing of the male to spend their time together with the female,

192
saying; “it will be heartwarming if it is positively responded like, bachelors

come and sit together in our company”.

The dialogic form of turn-taking conversation in the song begins with

the male asking their female friends to invite them to spend their time in each

others‟ company. This is followed by the females asking their male

counterpart, what they did that day, in the following lines;

‘Nichi khrumai izho buwo nho-e

Ichi lomai ive le khru-e’

Translation

„You bachelor group, today were you at home or in the field

Our maiden group we went to the up forested jungle‟

The female group asks their male friends where they were on that day,

at home or out in the field and at the same time affirms that their maiden

friends were out to the up forested jungle. The dialogue continues with the

inter-change of conversation between the two groups. The males ask the

females what for were they out in the up forested jungle and to this the

females replied that they were out into the up forested jungle to pluck flowers.

The males ask the females as to whom would they give the flowers?

The females replied that they would give it to their friends77, we will take and

193
keep it as your representation. This is by way of the females teasing the male

friends.

Here in the next stanza the females enquire from their male

counterparts as to what they do during the Chithuni month? Chithuni is the

month when the Chithuni festival considered as the biggest and the most

important of festivals for the Mao community is celebrated. It is a festival of

thanksgiving for the bountiful harvest and also a blessing seeking festival in

the coming agrarian cycle. The month of Chithuni is often filled with

festivities and that youth of the community celebrate it with lots of feast and

social get together, especially amongst the youths. During this month the

males go from house to house collecting varieties of dishes and rice-beer each

evening and bring it to the place of public gathering and the youths feast over

it. In the course of making the collection of food and drinks they go blowing

trumpets and thus enjoy themselves. This one rason why the male friends

replied to their female friends saying that during the Chithuni month they go

roaming blowing the makhe trumpet and the horn-trumpet and that is the truth.

The sequence of events is been unfolded one after the other. The

friends make enquires of when the plantation season would set in, and in

response someone said the plantation season would set in, in the month of

Pfuzü78. And by the month of Sale79 paddy plantation will be carried out.

During this season the cuckoo bird would be heard singing in different ways,

and hearing that is truly heartwarming. To the Maos the coming of the cuckoo

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bird is an indication to the change of season and the harbinger of good

summer.

The Maos generally practice three types of marriage namely; Love

marriage, arrange marriage and love-arrange marriage. Here in the song the

event of arranging marriages for the female is brought in. The female in

retrospect to the marriage arrangement or proposal says;

‘Ale kashi alle le buse’

Translation

„My love is in my heart‟

The Maos practice the patrilineal form of marriage; that is the girls

follow their husband and go to stay in their in-laws home after their marriage.

There are girls who are married off to unknown person and far off land

without considering the welfare of the girl. Therefore the above line is an

indication of the girls longing to be considerate to them and arrange their

marriage in consultation with them, arrange at least to someone who is known

to them as „love is in one‟s heart‟ and marriage be considered based on love.

The female continues to relate the fact that man will stay in the village

as is the tradition of the community. They will continue to stay in the village

till death, meaning only death will separate them from their village. But that is

not the case with the woman folk, they could be married off to man from

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different stranger‟s villages. They hate to part away from their fellow villagers

but they have to even if they do not want, thinking of these circumstances

makes them sad and forlorn. This infers that marriage is not always the best of

event for all, it brings no joy but rather it brings pain and sadness.

Thus, the song from a dialogic text goes on to end with a sad soliloquy

of pain and sadness in marriage, by the female character in the song.

3.2 Do Kochu Lo or Duel Song

The second category of Odolo is the Do Kochu lo which literally

means „Songs of Choice‟, the phrase does not mean the choice of songs but

that songs are use to choose someone or group for the purpose of dueling.

Therefore these songs are „Duel Songs‟ for the purpose of dueling in the form

of conversational exchange of pleasantries, insults or duels through songs in

place of verbal debates and it is known as Kodo chu. Kodo chu is sung during

agrarian works or on fishing trips but chiefly in the dormitory. These songs are

usually sung in two groups or in the ratio of 1:1, 2:2 or 4:4 persons each on

two sides. The uniqueness‟ of Kodo chu is that, if group „A‟ sing in

appreciation of group „B‟, group „B‟ humbles themselves and more praise is

heaped on group „A‟. In the same manner if group „A‟ sing in insulting or

demeaning lyrics, then group „B‟ would choose a more heated or intense lyrics

to outdo the other group. In most times Duel Songs are used to flatter, cajole

and tempt the others, even if the song is not true it is sung as though it is true

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in order to create a congenial atmosphere which would further lead to the

singer‟s own well being.

The duel songs can be in the form of one line, or two lines, a stanza or

a number of verses that would be the source for different types of message that

is communicated to the hearer. There are other means of conveying a message

through ululation, verbally conveying, hollers that spread messages in and

outside the community or village but the difference is that folksong brings

forth altogether a different form and a different expression, it is not just the

melody or the rhyme, which are common feature for all songs but also the

content of the lyrics that often than not gives us a message. Songs brings in the

fascination to learn, unlike words that are heard and forgotten soon after. This

is how folksongs play the role of the media to communicate messages across,

in the Memai world in earlier times.

The duel songs are also not just songs but they are a medium that

conveys messages in a different form. Exchanges through songs are surely

more romantic then verbal communication. Often mild teasing of one another

through songs develops into lovelorn exchanges between young man and

woman. It is said that on most occasion love is never expressed in words but it

is expressed best through a song. And that is what the Memai of the past did.

Herein we see the folksongs as a medium of expression and exchange. This is

a case where a song is used to express the innermost feeling of a person. The

pain and the desire that one feels is thus best expressed through a song text.

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 There was a time when youngsters gather in maidens‟ dormitories and

do engaged in song singing sessions, this is in the form of singing duel

between two groups, usually it is between the sexes and this is where and how

folksong singing was practiced and preserved in the past. Often male

bachelors sit on one side and the maidens on the other side. It is not speeches

that take the form of communication but songs form the basis of

communication. The song could be a single sentence, a stanza or a song of

several stanzas. The thematic content of the songs will depend in accordance

with the mood or preparedness of the group or the context or the setting. Often

the male bachelors of one dormitory come to one of the girls‟ dormitory. From

the outside the male bachelors ask if they would be allowed to come in and

this could be in the form of speech or a single sentence song. The girls from

the inside would respond in the same manner in the form of speech or song.

Once inside conversation start through speech or through a song from either of

the groups.

The dormitory is the best place where songs play as the main catalyst

for the boys to be with the girls in the girl‟s dormitory. On their visitation the

boys come prepared with songs to sing with the girls. And at other times there

are song duels between the boys and the girls. This brings out the best of

expression in the form of songs in the groups, their feelings for each other. Is

it love, hate, like or dislike? The message is clearly communicated through the

content of a song sung in the course of their meeting and not words of

expression.

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 The starting part of song dueling session is cordial and in praise and

often flattery of the other group. They would sing to please, in the same vain

the other group too would sing in consonance with the theme of their

counterpart. Often the singing session would end cordially and the bachelors

go back to their dormitory to rest for the night. But at times all does not end in

cordiality. The song singing sessions are often long and in due course flattery

and flirtation becomes part of the long song singing duels. This is when the

atmosphere inside the dormitory gets charged up and what started as a cordial

singing becomes a game of heated debate and choicest of abuse, but all this in

the form of singing and never in verbal speech. When this happens the night

ends in acrimony for the two groups and the song exchanges are taken over to

the next night or the next meeting of the groups. The next meeting would

begin afresh in the least of tension of the previous meeting, but the debate or

duels of the previous meeting often takes over and goes on and on till the

debate is resolve or till one group gives in to the other.

Often there are not pre set lyrics in this form of singing, it is the spur of

the moment to meet the demand of the situation, to retort or rebate the dueling

opponent. It is in this form of singing that helps in preserving the tradition of

singing folksong. The skill of the singer/s, the aptitude and the attitude is

tested to the fullest. The singers‟ verbal repertoire of rustic intelligence

appears in its purest form in this song singing duels. This is something what

William Wordsworth calls „spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings‟.

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 The dueling songs of the Mao can be seen in the provided song texts

that are likely to differ from one to another.

Ikhru-Ilo Rashi

Chohro-e chitthu kayi liri nhopra

Nhopra lehi Khridzü no rashi hra koto nisü

Ikhru rashi ttho no mazhe

Iloa rashi ttho no khriedzü

Translation

On the good summer morn we ventured to the country side

On the day we ventured out onto Khredzü mountain

The bachelor‟s fruit was (spitefully) bitter

And the maiden‟s fruit was tastily sour

Analysis of the Text

This prosaic of a song is a reflection of the kind of seasonal activity

that is part of the life of the Mao community. Maos have two seasons; Chaka80

and Chohro 81 . Spring and summer are clubbed together to form the wet

season82. Wet season is an activity filled season.

The song text above is a song that is normally sang by the females to

their male counterpart to chide them if the things they do is not proper or

badly done. The song also could be sang by the males chiding the females in

the same manner as the females chiding the males. The words in the song can

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be interchange and thus sung. The song is titled as Ikhru-ilo Rashi meaning

„the Fruits of the Bachelors and Maidens‟. It is a duel song about male and

females venturing out into their workplace on a clear summer morning.

The earth is adorned with new life and it is on one such good and clear

summer morn that unmarried youths ventured out on to the Khredzü

Mountain. The song relates that on that day when they ventured out onto

Khredzü to pluck and eat fruits, the bachelor‟s fruit was mazhe, meaning

spitefully bitter and the maiden‟s fruit was khriedzü meaning tastily sour. The

song can thus be construed that whatever the bachelors do was bad like the

spitefully bitter taste of a fruit, whereas whatever the maidens do was proper

and tastily sour in accordance with that beautiful clear summer day. The word

mazhe is often associated with negativity and dislike whereas the word

khriedzü could mean something tasteful and nice.

Ni Phi Yi

Achi elo

Ni phi yi, ni phi-i to zii mo

Ni zhu yi, ni zhu-u to zii mo

Osa chikhe ena a-ho

Lota de Kochu no

To le jii achi elo/chi ekhru

Translation

Fellow Maiden

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 You may have a beautiful leg, but you can‟t eat your leg

You may have a beautiful face, but you can‟t eat your face

Put on your sarong

And start doing your agrarian works.

Then only you can eat, fellow Maiden

Analysis of the Text

This song is titled Ni Phi Yi meaning „your good leg‟. The song is a

duel song sung by the males to their female counterpart. The Maos are

basically an agrarian society and their life revolves around the agricultural

cycle of the year. Their concept of life is to work, eat and live till the recent

past. For them nothing was more important than the ability to work at all

stages of their agricultural cycle and sustain their life. This song basically says

exactly that.

The song tells beautiful maidens not to be lazy and the need to do their

agrarian work. Beauty may be a good thing to possess, they may have a

beautiful leg but that leg cannot be eaten nor will it sustain them. They may

have a beautiful face but that beautiful face will not feed them for beauty is

not a thing to be eaten but only to be admired. The males thus sing to all those

beautiful lazy females that they should put on their sarong and do their

agrarian works, for only work will help them with their livelihood and sustain

them. Only if you will work can you also eat, and so one cannot be lazy fellow

Maiden.

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 Maino Yire Yire

Maino yire yire ti pi-e

Ahru kani-u, avu kani-u

Avunho niho sheha le jii

Translation

When you are praised

You tend to over-do yourself

You turn and twist, which

Ultimately will throw you down

And you will break your nose

Analysis of the Text

There are duel songs that can be sang by both the male and the female.

This song titled as Maino Yire Yire can be translated as „Other say it is Good‟

is sung to any person irrespective of gender.

This particular song is sang to a person who does not know what

he/she is doing and often act on what someone else says and often over-do.

The more the person is heap with praise the more he/she gravitate on the

praise without reasoning. And ultimately through his /her unreasoning act to

over-do lead to his/her downfall. That is why the Mao maxim Onho she Kanha

meaning „to break the nose‟ is largely applicable to anyone who acts

unreasoningly as presented in this duel song.

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 Chanitto Kayipai

Eloro maka no niyi hi ne sii yire

Yire onhii kanhii-e sii

E-sii takhe piko ti ko so

Eloro totu-a siishi koku e-sii

E-sii nizhu ti yire

Ano ni tthu-e sii ni soku ti-o

Ti-o obe rujii ti rai jii

Translation

From afar you look beautiful

But getting closer you look

Like a broad-head keg.

When you sit and pick the chips of wood

You look beautiful

But when you get up, your bum look like a

Broad base barn

Analysis of the Text

The song is titled as Chanitto Kayipai meaning „the Good Lady‟. This

duel song is sung by the male to taunt at the female on their looks.

Here in this song the male sings to the females casting aspersion on

their looks. The males sing to the females about their looks comparing them to

different agricultural based articles depending on the posture whether sitting or

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standing. If they females are seated the males sing to them as, „when seen

from afar they look beautiful but as the draw closer they look like a Keg that is

broad-headed‟. If the females are seated they are taunted like „when you are

seated you look beautiful, but the moment you get up your bum look like a

Broad base barn‟.

As one understand the females may not look like the items they are

compared to in the song but it is just to taunt and provoke or belittle the

females with the kind of song, like this one.

Ilo Pai

Chanitto! Saba ahra lu-e sii

Asii onga no yire, nghii zii no yire

No zho ikhru-u alu moe sii

Asii zho ilo nghiila kadjii sii-a jii

Translation

O girl! When you dress up,

You look beautiful and soothing to the eye,

Yet when you dislike a male friend

You become the big wide-eyed ugly girl.

Analysis of the Text

The song is titled as Ilopai meaning „bachelorette‟. The song is sung

by the males to taunt at the females.

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 The song is sung by the males to the females. This kind of duel song is

particularly sang to females who adorn themselves to look beautiful and try to

get the attention of the males. The males sing that when she likes a person she

is beautiful with all the beautiful clothing. But the males knowing the intention

of the females taunt them by calling the female as „the big wide-eyed ugly

girl‟.

This is one duel song which is sung to the girls to shame them at some

point of time when they become enamoured with their male counterpart and

try to ensnare them by dressing themselves up without being natural.

Napfii Kochuti

Napfii kochuti attheshu-o da

Nopfu kochu ti attheshu-o da

Oda lopfii khru lopfu lu kohro khru, ekhai pfuva leshe

Translation

Do not be envious of a lady‟s marital status

Do not be envious of a man‟s marital status

You who could not get married, come on let us be working mates this year

Analysis of the Text

The song is titled Napfii Chuti can be translated as „that married life‟.

The man asks his probably lady-love to remain so and not be enamoured by a

woman‟s married life or a man‟s married life.

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 The duel song is thus sung by the man to the woman desirous of

getting married and settling down to a family life. The man is not interested in

getting married but is simply happy to continue to have a fun life with no

responsibility. That is why the man asks the woman not to envy a person‟s

married life. And that is how the man tries to dissuade the maiden from getting

married. The man thus persuades the woman by saying „you who could not get

married, let us be working mates‟. He encourages the unmarried people to

continue to be in that status so that they could continue to be working mates

even in the following year.

Olo hi Soli-e

Olo hi soli-e itsii hole mo

Olo hi soli-e mozho zii mo

Ziimo lokoso ochu kapemai lephro no jii e-mai

Translation

You will not lost your power of thinking, if you learned to sing

Nothing goes in waste, if you learned to sing

Man who sings and speaks are knowledgeable and broad minded

Analysis of the Text

This song encourages one to sing or rather encourages one to learn to

sing. The song is titled as Olo hi Soli-e which literally means „If You Sing‟.

This song is sung in a dueling situation by either of the group or individual.

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When a situation arises and in situation when one of the party are lost for

words or are not able to conjure up a dueling verse this song is sang to ridicule

the other group. The song gives the message that if you learn to sing, you will

not lost anything but develop your power of thinking. Nothing goes in waste in

learning to sing. People who learn to sing develops their singing repertoire as

well as their ability to speak well, which means they become more

knowledgeable and intellectually developed. People who sing well can speak

well, their reasoning and wit develops thus making them knowledgeable and

broad minded.

There are dueling songs interchanges between groups or individuals

that goes on and on in a conversational form. Here is on such exchange

between a group of male and a group of female;

Male; Ilo atuze nizu ti-o sü monhü oda

Ana onhü koki-i niru ti-o chipho tiku ji

Translation

Maiden sister your face is not so ugly

But when I get near, your bum is like a brewing basket

Female; Apro dojü-u ni khomai ti khomai tishu-o da

Opa kalile ko-a shelo komole no khomai ti shu-o da

Translation

My brother tricky one, don‟t call your pestle a pestle

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 Before you pound it into even a single mortar

Exchange of feelings, pleasantries or insults or duels through songs in

place of verbal conversation is known as Odolo, meaning „songs of

pleasantries‟.

The underlying message is that the boy is teasing the girl about her

looks. And the girl rebukes the boy telling him that he is not man enough, as

he has not been able to deflower even a single maiden. The kind of dueling

can go on and on and it can become vulgar and abusive in every aspects of

sexuality as well. The participant teases each other and looks to develop

relationship between them. In the long run the acrimony does not remain so

forever, and through this kind of harsh exchanges the youths get to know each

other better, their likes and dislikes and at the same time develop their skills in

song dueling and songs in general. It is said that on most occasion love is

never expressed in words but it is expressed best through a song. And that is

what the Memai of the past did. Herein we see the folksongs as a medium of

expression.

3.3 SHANGAILO

3.3.1 Shangailo

These songs are based on war, acts of bravery and events which took

place in the past. They also concern people, places and happenings or

calamities caused by nature. Unlike the Lochu In the Shangailo folk song the

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1st person character always remain hidden and the singer assumes the place of

the 1st person.

These songs are sung on festive occasions. The lyrics of these songs

may share common element with that of other songs but the tune employed is

a completely different one. The tune of Shangailo does not have free flow in

one octave. It rises and falls instantly. Not all singers can adapt to this

particular genre of folksong, as it requires a high degree of expertise to render

the songs with ease. Yet the literary context and contents are similar to that of

the Lochu folksongs.

Here is a Shangailo folksong telling us about the war between two

villages, but in reality it turned out to be an exchanged between a warrior and

an unsuspecting victim;

Isho-Izho Maina

Isho-izho maina rizho maina amai sori

Lu nho ko izho namai lu to bu ke kohu ni

Pfuva kali ti hu phro zü,

Jü ichu ilona kayi kali hu

Rehru le ti mo tthoe shijü amai

I-aba mate mosü pfuthu zho

Ilo vajü koro heku

Apro-o ni ayi zü-u le-u

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 Achisamai phrülo oda

Oda tu-e ko zü-e pe-o shuro

Are khumai rolu oda

Omai no robvü ttu phudu-ae i

No mikri chi chanha re-ima ahrü nohulo zho-e

Rumai tsü eno kheko

Khekojü zhe so-vu prale

Translation

The children of Isho-Izho, when we went for the war

The day we went to the Namai land to sit and chase

We chased out one group of join-workers

Now chase one nice maiden

Chase into the gorge my people

When I spit into my palm and rise

And aim at the maiden

Brother you are getting me killed?

Do take out and take my bangle

Do not say you kill your sister

Do face the warrior guards

If people kill the precious bull, and me

„Mikri’ buffalo bargain and chase

And it will be hairy on the bottom/buttock

And it will come in the manner of the tiger

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Analysis of the Text

In the past duels between two warrior individuals or war between

warring villages or different communities are common. The war as such is not

fought out in the open, but stealthily the warriors also hunt down unsuspecting

victims who more or less has little to do with the warring groups. The warriors

lay in wait looking for opportunity for a kill not only warriors but also

common people. The wars are man‟s games but often young maidens or

woman becomes the war trophy of the warriors.

This song tells us about a war fought out between the Isho-Izho and the

Namai people. The characters in the song are all not warriors, and the victim

of the war in this case is a young maiden. The warriors laid in wait for likely

victims. The warriors are selective in choosing their victims. Of course the

killing is not rampant but the victim is not a warrior but a young maiden. She

is hunted out from her group of friends by the warriors and into the deep gorge

she falls. The warrior raises his hand to strike down the maiden with his

spear, but the maiden confront him saying;

‘Apro-o ni ayi zü-u le-u

Achisamai phrülo oda

Oda tu-e ko zü-e pe-o shuro

A rekhumai rolu oda’

Translation

„Brother you are getting me killed?

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 Do take out and take my bangle

Do not say you kill your sister

Do face the warrior guards‟

In the lines above the maiden tries to win over the warrior by playing a

mind game first by offering her bangle, having no chance of escape asked the

warrior if he is going to kill her and if he is then to take her bangle. This

offering of the bangle is a show of love in the context of Mao social life. Items

like bangles and necklaces are precious tangible items for the Maos in the

bygone past. A girl gifting anything to a man is considered as a „love-gift‟.

She also try to cast doubt and fear into the mind of the warrior by pronouncing

the consequences, that if others come to know the manner she was hunted into

a gorge and killed, she says that he would have to face almost like the dreadful

fury of a ferocious tiger. But if he take the bangle and let her live he would not

have to face any of these troubles.

The maiden also advises the warrior not to tell to others that he killed

her and be on the lookout and be weary of the warrior-guard83. She says that

she is referred by others as a well bred bull, but she was hunted down like the

mikri buffalo that can be bargain, chased about and be bought. Therefore the

maiden tells the warrior that if her folks know how she had been treated and

killed they would avenge her death in the manner like that of a bottom-haired

ferocious tiger mulling and killing a prey.

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 The next song is titled Apfü-apfu meaning „mommy and daddy‟. It

talks about the life of a man in general, from the time he is conceived to the

time he achieve the feast of merit.

Apfü-apfu

Apfü-apfu chitthu

Tthu chilo hrolu kazhü lozho pfu

Anhi khapi cho-e

Apfü-apfu chitthu

Tthu chilo hrolu morü mai hu pra

Machi mozü cho-e

Apfü-apfu ora ka-

Jü yi ttholo ayi hrülu cho-e

Apfü-apfu no mono mayi pie

Apai-ape no dzükhrü mayi pie

Apfü-apfu no nhoto sopi

Le apai-ape no nhoto shupi

Le hudzü romoro pfü li pfuki tu kapra ni

Okhe ko chi chi ba pfu ni ba pfulo

Ape tokhu-eh apfu tokhu (necklace) nolo

Aru solu cho-e

Akhra mai-o ozhe mai zhe ottu tthovu mai vu

Ayi – a ozhe mai zhe ottu tthovu mai vu

Akhra mai-o osa zhojü so inho tuu shu

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 Ayi – a okra zhojü so inho tuu shu

Tuu shu amai thina doko chapfude-o so-e solu hro-e

Translation

My parents early morning

Get up open the door‟s cross pole and take the good ways

And mustered it for me

My parents early morning

Get up open the door‟s cross pole and let out the livestock

Make them shit and urinate

My parents the big god

Worship and beget me

My parents gave me a good birth

My grandparents gave me good bath

My parents made me necklace

And my grandparents added more

That day when I went across that mountain carrying the caged cock

And caught an animal and bring over

My grandfather and my father stone platform

My village folk take the meat

My age-group jump the long jump and threw the shot put

Me too I jump the long jump and threw the shot put

My age-group gives the long feast of merit and erects the stone

Me too I give the proud feast of merit and erects the stone

Erects the stone whose child is it who obstructs but cannot do it

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Analysis of the Text

The song tells us how a child is begotten out of god favoured grace and

his benevolence. The song also tells us that the good intention of the godly

ways of the grandparents and the parents of the boy is an added goodwill in

begetting the boy. The song text primarily relates the inter relationship of God

and man in this world. This song text gives us a glance into the early life of a

Mao male child. The song begins by giving us a peep into the life and daily

chores of the people. The song is descriptive with the central character

narrating the events that go on around his life.

The song begins with the narrator saying that, the moment his parents

get up in the wee hours of the morning and unlock the household gate, they

hold unto the good ways and grab it for me. Then they let out the livestock to

relieve themselves. The narrator continues by saying;

‘Apfü-apfu ora ka-

Jü yi ttholo ayi hrülu cho-e’

Translation

„My parents the big god

Worship and beget me‟

He was conceived after his parents worshiped and supplicated their

will to the supreme God; his parents gave him a decent birth and his

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grandparents bathed him dotingly; his parents made for him a necklace and his

grandparents added necklaces for him.

The early stage of the narrator‟s life is over and the second stage or the

bachelorhood begins. It is at this age that the need to proof oneself within the

community and among the peers to be counted and recognized arises. He

achieved that and so he says;

‘Le hudzü romoro pfü li pfuki tu kapra ni

Okhe ko chi chi ba pfu ni ba pfulo’

Translation

„That day when I went across that mountain carrying the caged cock

And caught an animal and bring over‟

On that eventful day, the protagonist goes across the mountain with a

cock caged up, and returned with an animal which was not an easy task and

thus proving to be a worthy person among his peers and within the

community. And there at the stone platform of his grandfather and his father

he made his battle ground. Stone platforms are erected in recognition of one‟s

lifetime achievements; and here the protagonist making the stone platforms of

his grandfather and his father his battleground after capturing the animal is to

show that he is a worthy son by his own merit and not by anyone‟s approval to

the family‟s legacy.

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 The narration in the song continues saying that the protagonist is

capable of doing everything that his peers are capable of, he says that his peers

jumped the long jump and he jumped too. His peers hurled the shot-put and he

did the same. His peers hosted the feast of merit and erected the monolith, and

he too hosted the proud feast of merit and erected the monolith. And who is to

obstruct what he can do, only a person who cannot do what he does and is

jealous of his achievement would only rise to obstruct; what can he do?, is the

self assurance that the protagonist gives himself as the song conclude.

This song thus showcases the few stages of man from the time he is

conceived in the womb of his mother to the life that he live in the community.

It shows some of the things that a Mao male do at different stages in his

lifetime.

The song is titled as Nolu kalaile meaning „When I was Young‟. The

song tells us about the life of a child at a tender age. The different chores the

child performs as is required of a child in the family as a learning process of a

growing up life.

Nolu Kalaile

Nalu kattai do ti morü khu

Khusü dai phi-eno rashi kopfu

Kophro-i khruno phroma-u

Zü ilona bo khriso ikhru ko

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 Do-e ne chole shi

Lesü ye chilo ottho she

Ye bakho zuyi choye

Le odzü mai pfü loye pfovu mo ji chikhrai no nhü

Nonhü kola mapra konü va

Te chohu hudzü no ashu khe

Kobu ti shu sü ere shupo shuna shuli shudzü

Shüna ru ala bure chaka

Lulu dabo ludabo pfulai tai-e

Bure dzü nho khu khu dzüli-eno pfuzhu

Kotoku marai iloro

Dodene cho leshi

Translation

When young and small look after livestock

Look after and collect fruit beneath the green tree

Count and miscount it

Acts like the maidens and bachelors

Those acts are endearing

When comes back and pound the paddy

It is nice to see the pounding momentum

When others go to fetch water the wind blows over

And blows over on to them

And the cock crew over and again

That was known single stranger the single bystander

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 The stranger is all alone

Don‟t want to be with to be with black hearted

Awaits the spring‟s mouth awaits for clear water and his name

O lover maiden!

Looks very endearing

Analysis of the Text

The song narrates about a man who recollects about his life as a young

child. Fond memories return as he recollects his young days in the family. He

says he gets up and goes to tend to the family‟s livestock. This he thus is not

an exception to his life alone but common to all growing children in families

who possesses livestock in the community. Thus children grow up tending to

the livestock of the family, which is never considered as a task but as a fun

thing and as duty towards the family.

The narrator says that while tending to the family‟s livestock he

collected fruits beneath the green tree and counted and miscounted them. He

also divulged that growing up children play-acted like the maiden and the

bachelor or as lovers or as couples or family which was fun and lovely. The

following lines reveal this;

‘Zü ilona bo khriso ikhru ko

Do-e ne chole shi’

Translation

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 „Acts like the maidens and bachelors

Those acts are endearing‟

This in a way reveals that those tending to the family livestock were

never alone but with playmates of both the sexes. Kids always love playing the

grownups. And so this simulation of life was always very endearing.

Once they returned home with the livestock, they would pound paddy.

Pounding paddy was more fun than a chore, the rhythmic paddy pounding was

a sight they love watching. And as kids one has to attend to different chores at

home and pounding paddy and fetching water were such chores that one

attends to at home. Therefore it is not surprising to know that in the rural areas

of the Mao community most children by the age of ten are capable of fulfilling

all the household chores including cooking meals for the family, even these

days.

The narrator continues by saying that when they go to fetch water, they

do not splash water on themselves, but the breeze does. The breeze blows it

back upon us. The cock repeatedly crows; which is a signal from the animal

world that it is getting late and the need to be back home.

There are instances when they would come across stranger all by

themselves and not wanting to be with anyone for fear that they may come in

contact with some bad intentioned people. The singer refers this to like

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„waiting at a water spring‟s mouth to clear up for some clean clear water‟. And

the narrator says, „O lover maiden, it looks very lovely and endearing.

This is another version of the Shangailo folksong by the same title

Nolu Kalaile meaning „When I was Young‟. Let us see what this version is

about.

Nolu Kalaile

Ayi nolu katai tto le marali

Ti pfuni here iko kotsü cho

Sü cho kotsü no kre

Amü lobo ikobu tikoku

Ikotsü ni moe nolu khili zho

Apfü kakra toro nivu machini-e

Translation

When I was very small and young different play things

Want to take that and I was older

And does not want to be older

When it does not want to enter my mouth

I don‟t want to be older I will be younger today

My white mother I want to kiss your face

Analysis of the Text

This version of the folksong by the same title Nolu Kalaile meaning

„When I was Young‟ relates to us, „life as a young child‟ and not wanting to

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grow old. The singer narrates that as a child he played different child games.

And playing in those different child games he wants to be the older one. But

getting older and getting to know the responsibility of the older person, he

does not want to get older, which is like an exchange of role–play in the life of

that person. He compares this „want of getting older, and not wanting to get

older‟ to like „eatables not wanting to enter the mouth‟. He continues the

narration and says that he do not want to grow old, but want to stay young and

be with his mother and kiss her like children often do all through.

The next Shangailo song is the third version by the same titled Nolu

Kalaile meaning „When I was Young‟. This song has very little difference

form that of the first version. One variable difference is the length of the song.

Let us take a look into this version of the song, by the same titled as the earlier

two.

Nolu Kalaile

Ayi nolu katai tto le morü khu

Khu südai phi-eno rashi kophro

Kophro-i khruno phroma-u

Jü esu ilona bo khreso ikhru ka

Da-u ne chole shi

Osü sü dai phi

Luno ada lu-e azhulu orüpfu orüpe

Suru suru turu turu

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 Hushe de kakhai ni

Dohene chole shi

Translation

When I was small I look after livestock

From beneath the green tree counts the fruits

And I mistake counting

Used to see the maidens been pursued

In love by bachelors

And from beneath the green tree

Used to look out for the warriors

Goes about, run about

When the plough (digging) is less

Used to see the field

Analysis of the Text

This particular song has different versions with slight variations in the

lyrics of the song. There are a few changes or variation from that of the earlier

two versions. The song is titled Nolu Kalaile meaning „When I was Young‟

the same as that of the two earlier versions. The content words of this song are

almost the same as the first version. Let us take a look into this version of a

song.

The song is sung as; when I was young I tended the livestock and

played around beneath the green tree. There I counted and miscounted the

fruits. And from beneath the green tree we watch young maidens being

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pursued by young bachelors as though they are much in love. From beneath

the green tree we watch out for warriors who roamed the land. And when the

field was not fully ploughed we run about all along the field. Thus this song is

almost like the earlier version of the same title, except for a little variation in

the content of the song.

The next Shangailo folk song is titled as Chithu Inalo meaning „The

early morning work‟, a song that describes about the shawl worn by supposed

to be the lady-love of the man.

Chitthu Inalo

Chithu inalo kolo dzü ko pili zhe

Lupro vudo molulu

Alapra ochi koro va

Heno marai ro inho idaie

Marai rono zho osa baso

Khupfo khutsü eno lele tai

Taite taivu lekosho-e saleke ku-e

Ti-o ahraye sa hrü cho

Hrücho katai sa tto ko sa nho de

Lu ororai ttoko no

Abammotto mozho pfü-e vato

Aji ana aji chayi deku dema deku chayi deku

Chayi madeko rai likho

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 Toto lu-o odzü pfulu ohaprai ra ku thuprai

Thuprai pfu chipi khu chini khuchi no okhrai bu

Mochi-e bu kochu

Translation

Early morning got up and went and washes my head

Wear the Lupro vudo

Goes back and on the village gate

There awaits for my lover

Today my love wears the long shawl

Inside out and from edge to edge everything is black

Very black as black as the bamboo wing scale

That is like living with me

Living „black shawl‟ weave little edge of it

With a little bit of straw-rope

With my fingers I hold and

And beautiful motifs spread across everywhere

Good motifs hold the likho water container

Eat well carry the bottle gourd mug look anew

Anew and above the house when the sunlight come thro‟ the red sorrel plant

Was really there

Analysis of the text

The song is titled as Chitthu Inalo meaning „The early morning work‟.

The song begins with the man waking up early in the morning and going out

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for an early morning work. Here the early morning work was not any labour or

work but the morning work is of going and washing his head. Then he put on

the Lupro vudo a kind of a scented grass, and he returned and is seated on the

village gate to watch out for his lady-love.

The central theme of the song start at this point when the man sings;

„Marai rono zho osa baso

Khupfo khutsü eno lele tai

Translation

„Today my love wears the long shawl

Inside out and from edge to edge everything is black‟

The song is pattered with the look of the shawl worn by the lady-love

of the man. And the description of the shawl goes as „the shawl being black

from edge to edge and inside-out‟. The shawl is so black it is compared to the

scale of the bamboo pattered with black dust. The shawl clings on to the lady

as an inseparable item of her and stays on her. And the black shawl is woven

with a little bit of straw-rope cut and pulled into with my finger. The motifs of

the shawl are exquisitely designed and the lady wearing the shawl makes it

looks all the more beautiful and when the shawl flows to the edge of the likho

(bottle gourd water container) and touches it, it look as though the likho is

hanging on the edge of the shawl. The likho looks new and as the lady carried

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it home walking past by the red sorrel plant the man gets a view of his lady-

love through the sunlight that comes in from between the red sorrel plants.

The song text is such it begins on a very personal note of the singer

washing his head. But there on the content of the song shift to the „shawl of

his lady-love‟ that makes the song an interesting one.

The Shangailo folk song as Olele Ikanhie Achacho meaning „The

Swearing in our Hearts‟, relates to us about a couple whose relationship was

floundering and the man trying to make it work. The song text can thus be

seen as below.

Olele Ikanhie Achacho

Olele ikanhie achacho mozoe

Bure eloro tipai

Arü luda nepro-o ohe

Ho-a arü lu-o ivu krole

Le-o lu zü zhomo oshuro

Shuro lopai shudzü

Lai nhü orai luku kono

Khenho kadeleshe ti-a kade le moshi

Ezho sü otuu

Zhosü otuu no ozho züli-e pfumarako

Buti katthe otsü

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 Katthe tino zhepi vai

Ojü va mali pfo

Leko kongai kia ko kongai-a ta

Krako buti sü le-u nele-u le mari le-o

Kre kayi ti dumo

Dumo ohele saro-o sani-o

Le mai no rai-a azhu ko apfüko

Zü-e Lu tto-e ti lulu hroli

Esü era vulu choe

Translation

Sworn within our hearts are lighter

The seated maiden over there

Turn towards your brother

Do turn it will be fulfilling

O that outsider maiden

Maiden outsider that outsider

And if on the side lines

Even if someone insists to meet, still do not meet

Today wood and stone

Today wood and stone if work is good they separate

Is like death

Death that is above the lake

Walks above the land

Overlap here and overlap there and go

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 Will you stay crying, will you look forward for it

Nothing better than cordiality

Better the insider Saro-o and Sani-o

Even if others are jealous call one another that are of the same mother

Good or bad if they cannot be got

Then they will be scared of our being.

Analysis of the text

The song text relates to us the relationship between a man and a

maiden. The song is titled as Olele Ikanhie Achacho meaning „The Swearing

in our Hearts‟. In the Mao community or for that matter any community,

swearing is never considered as an appropriate etiquette. There are two ways

of swearing; swearing at other people and swearing to oneself. Whatever it

may be the kind of swearing, a person who is prone to swearing at people or to

oneself is never thought of highly by the society at large. This Shangailo folk

song text opens with the line;

‘Olele ikanhie achacho mozoe’

Translation

„Sworn within our hearts are lighter‟

The song begins by saying that swearing is not a good thing to do. It is

bad and hurtful when one swears at another person. Therefore swearing should

be avoided to have good and cordial relationship with one‟s fellowman. The

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above line means that swearing is bad at the same time swearing within one‟s

heart unknown or unheard to the other people is lighter and less hurtful than

swearing at people in the face. But the man in no way indicates or condones to

say that swearing is good. In the context of the song the lady who is seated is

facing the opposite side and not to the side of the man which is again a show

of disrespect to the man, and so whatever the lady may be saying or swearing

as is the indication „swearing is not so hurtful or it is lighter if it is within

oneself unknown to the second person.

The man asks the maiden who is seated on the other side to turn over

to him, saying that if she does so it would be fulfilling. He calls her an outsider

which is an indication that she had not known him and he had not known her

and that is one probable reason why she was showing her back to him and him

wanting to see her. The man compares the maiden and him as two imageries

as seen in the lines below;

‘… sü otuu’

Translation

„… wood and stone‟

‘… katthe otsü’

Translation

„… like death‟

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 This comparison of the man and the woman to „wood and stone‟ and

then to „dead‟, the first been animate, tangible object and the second to

inanimate intangible abstract makes the comparisons an interesting one. The

man compares himself and the maiden to wood and stone, saying that

whatsoever it is the two items are different and therefore the two will be taken

apart. The man continues by saying that „it is like death‟; that is the two are

different like the dead and the living and therefore the two cannot be together

and that they have to be separated. That is the deceased been separated from

the living.

These two comparisons bring in another angle to the animosity

between the man and the woman. The compatibility angle that crack up the

relationship been strain between the couple. Thereby they being together

would be more of a problem then they being separated. This sharp compelling

imageries thus reveals the possibility of the man and woman been

incompatible husband and wife.

The Maos believe in the philosophy of life after death. The man relates

that the spirit walks the land and on the water that also means the spirit of the

death will roam about and not stay still at a place till his time to depart to the

land of the dead arrives. He sings that death wipes the surface of the water as

it walks on the water and at the same time walks on land, which means that

after a person‟s death his spirit moves about everywhere from water to land.

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 The man chides the woman and asked her to stop crying or if she will

stay on crying. He says that there is nothing better than cordiality. The man

continues to tell the woman that it is „better to be an insider than an outsider‟

meaning it is better to be cordial and be on good terms with family and friends

so that even in times of needs „people of the same womb‟ meaning close

relatives or clansman can be depended upon. Good or bad it is always „better

to be with somebody from near‟ which means having near relatives and

persons who are from geographically nearby place.

The following song text is of two parts, titles as Oshi Otthu Kajü-o

meaning „Dog the big Pretender‟. It begins with the man admonishing the dog

in the first part. In the second half of the song text a lady comes into a picture

who is also chided by the man for different reasons.

Oshi Otthu Kajü-o

Hu-u oshi otthu kajü

Hu-u oshi oru kani oshi

Kono phiphi oshi

Kono dzü dzü kodzü ko

Ashi ochi ozhu rai oda

Chithu inalo pithe kosü dzüle ora so

Lu okhrai so lu pfu-e nholu chikhrai no nhü

Nhü kola mapra-e konü ra

No chohu hudzü no ashu khe

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 Shu khe ko ochi shu sü nhirai

Shupfu shuna shuli shudzü

Shina roala lore chaka

Lu leda bo lu dabo pfulu tai

Burai dzü nhoku

Ledzülo khru ano pfu zhu

Koto pfu mara iloro

Avazü na mojü

Translation

Hu-u dog great pretender

Hu-u dog you naïve-rich dog

You breathy dog

You alert for a little time

My dog, look after the house first

Early morning planting three stone for cooking and to perform rituals

Lighting the fire by blowing so hard

Blown over and burn the ear

And the house cock crew over and again

And walk into the backyard of the house

Stranger friend stand all alone

Think of being neighbour the following year

Stubborn it is and black hearted

Seated by the water spring‟s mouth

Bended keeps on drawing water

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 The mad maiden from „Koto‟

Will not be good

Analysis of the text

The song at the beginning tells us about a dog that the man calls a great

pretender who is good for nothing and does nothing. The song also brings in

the presence of a lady in the end of the second part of the song and seems to be

the love-interest of the narrator.

The song is titled as Oshi Otthu Kajiio which can literarily be

translated as „Dog the big Pretender‟. Dog is believed to be the best friend of

man from the animal world and it also could be the first animal to be

domesticated by man. Dogs are faithful animals and the companion of our

forefathers since time immemorial. They are supposed to be among the most

active and loyal animal. Even to these days dogs are commonly domesticated

as pets by the Maos at home.

Here in the song the credibility or the utility of the dog is questioned

by the man. The song thus begins with the dog been questioned;

‘… oshi otthu kajü

… oshi oru kani oshi’

Translation

„… dog great pretender

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 … dog you naïve-rich dog‟

The dog is been called „a pretender‟ and is labeled as „very naïve‟. The

man describes the dog as breathy which happens to be similar to a man‟s

breathing situation when he does something fast and labourious and the

breathing becomes heavy. But the man did not ascribe any quality of the cause

of breathiness to the dog as would be to man. Instead the man chides the dog

for been lazy and inactive and of being alert only for a short duration of the

day and thus tell the dog that the dog should first look after the house. The

man continues to admonish the dog by saying that starting from early morning

it gets up and straight away go to the furnace where the three stones are

erected –which is the furnace- as though it is a daily ritual. The Maos normally

erect three stone poles (a foot high) in their hearth for the purpose of cooking.

The man says that the fire in the furnace is blown over and thus its ear is burnt.

The second part of the song begins with the cock crowing over and

again. And as the man walked into the backyard of the house, in there he

found his stranger friend alone, as the lines from the song text indicates;

‘Shupfu shuna shuli shudzü

Shina roala lore chaka’

Translation

„Stranger friend stand all alone

Think of being neighbour the following year‟

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 The man asks the stranger to think of becoming neighbours the

following year. But the stranger did not pay heed to the suggestion of the man.

This show of unresponsiveness on the part of the stranger to what the man said

show signs of stubbornness and of being black hearted. The stranger seated by

the spring water mouth, bended and kept on drawing the water. This made the

man to remark that „The mad maiden from Koto, will not be good.

The song is about a dog and a wild cat. The first half is on the dog

being questioned through the folk song. The second half of the song is on the

wild cat who is also questioned through the song.

Oshi Kohu-o

Oshi kohu-o

Chi-a ko solu zho ni-o

Anhü kopu chore

Chore-a io chonho so

Lu morai do le

Izhoni chiko ki

Ohu kokro krai padai ko mache

Chonho solu more

Ochi ozhongo neo chi-

Zho ko solu zho nio

Anhü kopu chore

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 Nhi apai ape no okupai

To ohaipai tolu ore chi ka

Dati azho here

Translation

Dog, you chaser

How much did you do today?

And you are sitting beside me

Me I did nothing

Did not do anything

Today at home

Make around four hundred white chicken crew

Did not do anything

And you wild cat

How much did you do today?

And you are sitting beside me

My grandparents the flesh

And the skin ate, and the bones

Eating that is what my labour.

Analysis of the text

Oshi kohu-o the title of the Shangailo folksong can be translated as

„The Chaser Dog‟ but the meaning of Oshi kohu-o is „The Hunting Dog‟. The

song is titled as Oshi kohu-o translated as „The Chaser Dog‟ but semantically

referred to hunting dog when a dog is termed as Oshi kohu-o meaning a dog

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that chases. Like many indigenous communities the Mao‟s too are very fond

of hunting and it was a common thing that every single group that venture out

into the jungle to hunt animal is accompanied by hunting dogs. The song

begins with the man questioning the dog;

‘Oshi kohu-o

Chi-a ko solu zho ni-o’

Translation

„Dog, you chaser

How much did you do today?‟

The dog is questioned as to how much it achieved that day and thus

seated near him. The dog responded by saying;

‘… io chonho so

Lu morai do le

Izhoni chiko ki

Ohu kokro krai padai ko mache

Chonho solu more

Translation

„Me I did nothing

Did not do anything

Today at home

Make around four hundred white chicken crew

Did not do anything‟

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 The dog‟s response was a humble submission that it was not able to

achieve anything. He continues by saying that he was just able to chase out

only four hundred white chickens and so did nothing. Here the number quoted

by the dog means that he was busy the entire day chasing after the chicken but

humbly claims that he did nothing and therefore tired and breathy.

The second part of the song is on the wild cat who was also

questioned. The man question the wild cat, asking the wild cat what he did that

day and what he achieved and thus seated next to him.

‘… chi ozhongo neo chi-

Zho ko solu zho nio

Anhü kopu chore’

Translation

„And you wild cat

How much did you do today?

And you are sitting beside me‟

The wild cat too responded by saying;

‘… apai ape no okupai

To ohaipai tolu ore chi ka

Dati azho here’

Translation

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 „My grandparents the flesh

And the skin ate, and the bones

Eating that is what my labour‟.

The wild cat responded in right earnest that the grandparents ate the

flesh and the skin and threw the bones to him. Therefore for him the labour for

that day was to eat the bones. And that was what the wild cat did the entire

day.

3.4 OKRO-KOLU

3.4.1 Okro-Kolu or Dirge

Dirge comes from the Latin word dirige meaning „direct‟. Dirges are

songs that are used to lament or mourn the dead of a person. The art of

lamentation, singing or chanting of dirges can be found among many

communities in different parts of the world.

The art of singing and composing dirges can be found among the

Chinese, the Irish, and communities like the Abanyole of Kenya and the Tarao

of Venezuela. The dirges or songs of lamentations are always central elements

to the death rituals for these people. There are communities like the Taraos

and Irish where only women perform the dirge. But there are communities like

the Abanoyle where both men and women take part in the singing of the

dirges. In this regard Ezekiel Alembi writes, „the singing or chanting of dirges

serves some important psychological and social functions psychologically,

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they provide emotional support to the bereaved family and serve as an outlet

for venting grief and emotion which if suppress may lead to some

complication on the health of a mourner and socially the mourners or singers

express solidarity with the bereaved family in the time of grief‟.

A dirge can be sad and mournful in its expression, in other word dirge

is the highest and deepest expression of one‟s feeling for a deceased person.

Dirge is the equivalent term for the words Okro kolu. Okro is the last month of

the Mao lunar calendar and kolu means unwinding. The word Okro is often

associated with death or the month of the dead, it is the last month of the Mao

lunar calendar. Here, Okro kolu means „recollecting or unwinding the

memories of the deceased‟. This is altogether a different genre of song sung

during funeral, and comes at the spur of the moment. Dirge to the Maos is

always oral and there are no pre-set lyrics in the Mao dirge. The oral lyrics are

spontaneous inner feelings, reflections that are stirred within the cognitive

process of the person in relevance to the deceased that is expressed in the form

of a dirge, composed at the moment by the singer. As there are no pre-set

lyrics, it is always sung solo.

To the Maos death is a phase, the end of life on earth that leads to

another life beyond earth. Death is an occasion where the experience is solemn

accompanied by lots of wailing by friends, relative and well-wishers

irrespective of gender or age. Mourners cry their heart out and it is during this

phase that individuals who are adept or persons who are closely attached with

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the deceased culls out a dirge. The dirge to the Maos comes from the deepest

emotional attachment with the deceased. And it is at this stage that the

mourner is able to express his or her feelings in the form of a dirge. The Maos

holds a belief that on the death of a person if not a single mourner culls out a

dirge, the deceased feels unwanted and comes back to haunt the living. But if a

dirge is culled out for the deceased the deceased feels loved and wanted and

thus be on good terms with the living. This is so because of the language that

is used to express the innermost feelings of the heart. Therefore dirge to the

Maos is not just a question of an art or performance alone but something that

is associated with their belief system as well as the psychological implications

associated with it. Below is a sample of a Mao dirge.

Ni hi opro zü koli aino khrie kho pfolo le

Ni propa tonü kayi koli aino niyi khrie lole

Alu hi mangai lo tie

Alu hi khramo nhie

Anhie chidu no vu kade kele.

Translation

If you are a young shoot of a plant, I would pluck and cuddle you

If you are flower of sweet fragrance, I would pluck and take you

My heart is wrenching

My heart has not had enough

When will we meet again?

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 This is the type of dirge that is often culled out at the death of a near

and dear person. Symbolism is often used to represent the deepest of

expressible feeling. Here the mourner long that had the deceased been a young

shoot of a plant, she/he would pluck and cuddle it. Young shoot of plants are

the most tender and lovable thing which in this case is a reference to the

deceased person. This shows the tender love the mourner had for the deceased.

And the used of symbolism of flower of sweet fragrance indicates the long

lasting remembrance the mourner wish to cherish, the moments, the time they

spent together during their being together when the deceased was still alive.

The mourner continues to say that she/he is feeling the pain of the loss at the

death of her/his dear one and that the time they spent together is not sufficient

and that she/he still wants to be together and thus conclude by asking when

they can be together again. This indicates the irreparable loss and separation

that the mourner endures and the longing to be together again.

Another sample of a Mao dirge is as follows;

Ruhu koli, ozhe azhu le

Ruhu komo ozhe azhu hro

Olai koli todzü azhu le

Olai komo todzü azhu hro

Korü le odzü koli akua krü le

Korü le odzü komo krü azhu lo hro

Pfuva leshe onho azhu leshe

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 Adai amagai ko so

Kaliko azhu lo hro

Translation

If we are birds we will fly together

But we are not birds, we cannot fly together

If we are bees we will collect nectar together

But we are not bees we cannot collect together

If we are water in the river we will flow together

But we are not water we cannot flow together

Let us go and work together in the same place

What heartfelt disappointment

We cannot be together even in anyone

This particular dirge relates to us about the deep regret of loss for the

living. The representation of different animate and non-animate symbols from

nature to express the heartfelt feelings of wanting to be together is unparallel.

The songster brings in the birds saying that if they are together they would fly

together on the same flight. Had they been bees they would collect nectar

together and if they are water of the river they would flow together. The truth

of longing to be together and the pain of separation are obvious. Different

symbolisms are used to cull out the deepest feelings of the heart but at the

same time nothing can be realized to fulfill the longing to be together as they

are two different entities in two different worlds; of the death and the living. In

furtherance to the impossibility of being together, it dawns upon the songster

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that one has to accept the reality of separation which is of the physical.

Emotional stress and pangs continues to linger and so the songster as a matter

of acceptability request the deceased to go and work in the same place. Here

„the place‟ is not any geographical location but it is the bonding of emotion

between the living and the death, which takes us to a place which is ethereal

something that is out of this world.

In the last two lines of the dirge the songster accepts the truth, of the

deceased and the living inability to congregate together physically. The

anguish and the distressing disappointment of separation, the inability of been

together even in one of the symbolism mentioned culled out in the dirge.

3.5 Reference

Arya, S.P. 1975. A Sociological Study of Folklore. Calcutta: Indian

Publication.

Athikal, Joseph. 1992.Maram Nagas: A Social-Cultural Study. New Delhi:

Mittal Publication.

Bakhtin, M.M. 1981. The Dialogic Imagination. Austin: University of Texas

Press.

Baveja, J.D.1982. The World of Naga: New Horizons of North East.

Guwahati: Western Book Depot.

Choudhury, A.B.K. 1984. Tribal songs of North East India. Calcutta:

Firma KLM Private Ltd

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Dorson, Richard M. 1972: Folklore and Folklife Studies. Chicago:

University of Chicago Press.

Dundes, Alan.1965. The Study of Folklore. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, INC

Eaglewood- Cliffs.

Ghosh, G.K. 1992. Tribals and their culture in Manipur and Nagaland.

Vol. 3. New Delhi: Ashish Publishing house.

Haleng, Richard. 2000. The Naga Rapport, A Tribute to the Naga Youth.

Guwahati: A.M.E.U.Y.A. Publication.

Horam, M. 1992. Naga Polity. Delhi: Low Price Publication.

Hudson, T.C. 1911. The Naga Tribes of Manipur. Delhi: B.R Publishing.

Johnstone, James. 1971. Manipur and the Naga Hills. Delhi: Vivek Publishing

House.

Lit‟ Committee, Nagas.1990. Nagas -90 All Things Become New. Guwahati.

Lokho, Paul. 1991. Customary Laws of the Mao Nagas. (Unpublished M Phil

Thesis) Shillong: NEHU.

Saleo, N. (n.d.). Imemi Kohrϋ Ko–Mao Naga Lives. Imphal: S.M. Press.

Sanyu, Visier. 1996. A History of Nagas and Nagaland-Dynamics of Oral

Tradition in Village Formation. Commonwealth Publication.

Shimray, R.R. 1986. Origin and Culture of the Nagas. New Delhi: Samsok

Publication.

Ezekiel Alembi; The Abanyole Dirge: “Escorting” The Dead with Song and

Dance http://www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol38/alembi.pdf

Galina Misharina; Funeral and Magical Rituals among the Komi

http://www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol38/alembi.pdf

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 CHAPTER FOUR

ONHÜ KONHÜ AND MADA KAVE

4.1 ONHÜ KONHÜ

Songs are the common outlet for the Memai people. They are fond of

singing and this is shown in the types of songs that they reproduce at different

platforms and contexts. The songs could be of varied themes and different

genres. There are songs that have pre-set lyrics and another genre that does not

have a pre set lyrics which again are verbal or non-verbal.

4.1.1 Onhü konhü

The genre of songs that we are engaged in this chapter is „on the spot

compositions‟ during different functional activities that are undertaken by the

people. One of the most prominent of this genre is the Onhü konhü which

again is divided into two varieties with the first being oral non-verbal phonetic

rendering and the second, oral verbal rendering.

The Memai are mostly agriculturist, one may find the Mao people in

different professions yet at heart there is still an element of the cultivator in

him/her. So it is not surprising that different work songs are used and sung in

the community. Why are the Onhü konhü performed or what is its importance?

The Onhü are basically work songs. The Onhü is performed to enliven the

people who are at work, it also brings people together and creates a bond of

camaraderie amongst the people and creates a sense of collective feeling and

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accomplishment after the work. Elders often remind the younger generation

that during work if one does not perform Onhü the work is not properly done

at its best and people tend to be lazy and the work do not get accomplished. It

is not that everyone can perform the Onhü but person who are good at it

perform the Onhü and the work force follow up with the work.

4.1.2 Non-verbal Onhü konhü

The oral non-verbal phonetic rendering is onomatopoeic in nature. The

rendering of Onhü, be it the verbal or the non-verbal, takes place during the

course of some form of work. Onhü performance is not agriculture-centric.

Apart from being performed during agricultural work it is also performed on

other occasions like Otu kosü or dragging of monolith, Okho kotsü or fishing

trip, Oru nhü during war and during Asoto or signing of peace treaty.

4.1.3 Otu kosü nhü

In the past Otu kosü or dragging of the monolith normally takes place

when a man hosts the feast of merit. There are several stages in hosting the

feast of merit and erecting a monolith in one‟s honour is one such stage.

Normally a stone is identified and selected, than preparations are made to

bring home the stone. Food and rice-beer is prepared, creeper ropes are

gathered, and a wooden toboggan is made ready to drag home the stone. An

auspicious day is named and the people are informed. The stone is loaded on

to the toboggan, an individual ululates and the crowd responds by saying zhü.

This is repeated for the second time and every male present takes a hold of the

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rope and the dragging of the stone begins. The first two or four who takes the

end of the rope leads the Onhü and start the Onhü as shown below;

One person: (Ululate)

First two/four at the tip of the rope: Holeloho

Two/four in the middle of the rope: Holekohoe

Children and female: Ahn

All the other adult participants: Houm

The dragging of the stone and the Onhü goes on hand in hand till the

immediate vicinity of the village and when nearing the spot of where to leave

the stone the Onhü gathers pace and becomes faster and faster and the Onhü

changes into;

The adult participants: Houhoum

Children and female: Ahn

Once the stone is brought to the spot and of complete rest the Onhü

conclude:

Every participants yelling: Hou … houm

Many: (Ululate)

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 This is how the non-verbal phonetic rendering of Otu kosü nhü is

performed during the dragging of the stone to erect the monolith for the host

of the feast of merit.

4.1.4 Okho kotsü nhü

In the past there were times of community fishing expeditions. A day

is fixed and the whole community joins for fishing. During this expedition,

from the village to the water body of fishing and from the spot of fishing back

to the village the people goes performs the holler. The holler performed during

this fishing trip is known as the Okho kotsü nhü.

4.1.5 Oru nhü

The Nagas in general and the Memai in particular are known to be

head-hunters in the long past. Head-hunting was commonly practice a fact

which has been well documented in colonial monographs. War skirmishes

were a common feature among the communities or within the community.

Inter-village feuds were common to the people and on this occasion the

victorious side performs the holler as the return to their village, and this

performance is known as the Oru nhü.

Wars at different levels were fought between individuals or clans or

villages or different tribes. The wars were for revenge or for head-hunting or

for any other reason. It is tenable that these wars go on for long period at

times, but war was not the means to end the war but interestingly there are

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platforms for reconciliation at different levels to end the war. In most cases of

reconciliation between different villages and tribes peace reconciliations and

settlements for the Memai is carried out in the vernacular month of Khrana

and ultimately conclude with what is known as Asoto that is to rest and feast,

after taking the oath of peace by the men with spear in hand for the Memai.

This final act of agreement not to continue the war or to end the war is

celebrated with a feast hosted by one of the village or tribe concern and

reciprocated in the same manner the following year. The village that makes its

way to the other village for the celebration performs the war holler on their

way and also does the same on their return as well. This performance of the

holler on this occasion is known as the Asoto nhü.

The holler performed during the Okho kotsü, Oru and Asoto are known

as Okho kotsü nhü, Oru nhü and Asoto nhü. This is so taking into account the

context of the performance of the Onhü. There are slight variations in the tune

of how the Onhü is performed depending on the context stated above. The

performance of the Onhü in this context is non-verbal rendering interspersed

with occasional ululation.

4.1.6 Verbal Onhü konhü

The Memai are hard working by nature. Irrespective of the generations

of the past or the present, the Memai are always engaged in some work and

this makes them self sufficient and self reliant economically. Even today 75%

of the Memai populations are engaged in agrarian sectors and they are well

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advanced in their agricultural practices. Therefore as the Memai are long

associated with the agrarian sectors for many generations it is not surprising to

find that different types of Onhü konhü are generated amongst the Memai

community.

No doubt the non-verbal Onhü konhü is very interesting but when one

gets to listen and witness the verbal Onhü konhü, the actual testament of pure

verbal art and aesthetics is witnessed in the form of „on the spot compositions‟

or what one may call the „spur of the moment‟ in the context of „here and

now‟ situation. The verbal Onhü konhü does not follow any preset lyrics and

with hardly any pre-conceived idea, and to quote the great English Romantic

poet William Wordsworth, it is the „spontaneous overflow of powerful

feelings … ‟ that set apart the verbal Onhü konhü from other genres of the

Mao folk songs.

It is said that in the past individuals who are expert in Onhü are hired

during Chokhro-pfuva kasa; that is when an individual seek help from

relatives, friends and well wishers to help out in a particular work which he is

unable to accomplish it himself. During this type of work some will not work

seriously, others being lazy, some going about without working and so on. So,

experts in the Onhü practice performed in such a manner that those who are

lazy are chided and admonished whereas those who work hard are praised and

encouraged. The performer acts as a deterrent to people, who are not serious in

the work but rather participating in the work for the sake of food and drinks.

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Thus the performer acts as a guiding factor to the entire workforce and

creating social awareness that work is important and not the person they are

working for. Even the person who hosts the work also comes into focus, often

on the quality and quantity of the refreshment served. During this type of

work, there are times when the food and drink runs short or becomes surplus,

the songs are created to reflect this situation and the host earns ridicule or

praise, according to the generosity or parsimony displayed in treating the

workers.

The performer could also add different facets of the work into his

repertoire and conjure up words of encouragement to the work force by

cracking jokes, giving direction to the work, asking the people to continue

with the work or to stop for a moment of rest, to have a drink of rice-beer or

stop the work for lunch and anything that will keep the workforce occupied for

the entire duration of the work. This is how work of different nature is

accomplished without realizing the enormity of the task at hand or the physical

strain that one endures throughout the work. Therefore during this common

goodwill work the accomplishment of the work also largely depend on the

Onhü performer.

A sample of verbal Onhü konhü is shown below;

One performer male/female: Anon ho lu (bend down)

Everybody: O-ha

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 One performer male/female: Sote solu (do your best)

Everybody: O-ha

One performer male/female: Sote moli (if you do not try)

Everybody: O-ha

One performer male/female: Baile modu (we will not stop)

Everybody: O-ha

One performer male/female: Chari modo (not thirsty)

Everybody: O-ha

One performer male/female: Mozü modo (not hungry)

Everybody: O-ha

One performer male/female: Arü shu da (do not look around)

Everybody: O-ha

One performer male/female: Odji tonhü (smell the mud/ground)

Everybody: O-ha

One performer male/female: Sütto moli (if not like that)

Everybody: O-ha

One performer male/female: Chulo hrodo (will not complete)

Everybody: O-ha

One performer male/female: Ahrele do (will feel ashamed)

Everybody: O-ha

A one liner song by an individual goes on uplifting the spirit of the

entire workforce. The more interesting aspect is that everyone takes part in the

verbal Onhü konhü with a common resounding ‘o-ha’ after every line is been

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sang. The verbal Onhü konhü can thus go on and on in the same strain. This

goes on and on for the entire day with occasional break in between and the

periodic ululation lacing it. And ululation by many brings to an end the entire

proceeding of the work and the signal for a rest.

The beauty of this Onhü konhü is the simple bucolic intelligence that is

displayed in the song. The song begins by asking everyone to bend that is to

start the work. The performer asked the work force to give their best and not if

they do not give their best they will not stop as their work will remain

unaccomplished. He says they shall not be thirsty or hungry meaning the work

will not suffer for want of food and drink as the food and the rice-beer is there

and whosoever is thirsty or hungry should eat and drink. They should not be

wandering around but concentrate on the work and continue to do work. The

performer also ask the work force to smell the ground, here the language is

metaphorical and not literal, here smelling the ground means to look to the

ground and continue doing the work and not wander about or be lazy. The

song ends by saying that after the food and drink if the work is not

accomplished it will be a shame for all the work force and so everyone should

work hard.

4.2 MADA KAVE

4.2.1 Mada kave

Mada kave literarily means „to lie and tag‟; mada kave is very much a

part of the Onhü konhü. It is in the course of the work that Onhü performance

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is done and the kind of expertise and exposition by the performer of the Onhü

is such one gets carried away and immersed oneself in the performance and

work, is known as mada amayi.

Verbal dueling is another feature during Chokhro-pfuva kasa. The duel

songs can be of one line, or two, a stanza or a number of verses that would be

the source for different types of message that is communicated to the hearer. It

is not the melody or the rhyme but the content of the lyrics that is important.

The duel is not an argument or quarrel nor speech or war of words but dueling

is through songs. These songs are usually sung in two groups. The beauty of

mada kave is that, if the first group sings in appreciation of the second group,

the second group humbles itself and more praise is heaped on the first group.

In the same manner if the first group sings insults or demeans the second

group, the second group chooses more insults and is cast on the first group. In

most times duel Songs are used to flatter, cajole and tempt the others.

During the course of the work, work may become monotonous thereby

making the people lazy. In such case the group is divided into two equal

groups comprising both male and female and the dueling begins. And the

interesting part is that everybody takes part in the duel with a common

resounding ‘o-ha’ after every a line is been sang. Here is a sample of a song

duel between two groups in the course of the work.

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Group - I

Leader male/female: Sote luda (try hard)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Leader male/female: Sote moli (if you don‟t try)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Leader male/female: Krunü ledo (others will laugh at us)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Leader male/female: Bahro kolu (let your hand be heavy)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Leader male/female: Maiye raishu (don‟t be like others)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Leader male/female: Monhü shuda (don‟t be lazy)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Leader male/female: Aria shuda (don‟t escape)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Group – II

Leader male/female: Mada shuda (don‟t lie)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Leader male/female: Sote modu (did not try hard)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Leader male/female: Aphevü da (you are lazy)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Leader male/female: Ichikhrumai (my male colleague)

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 The rest of the group: O-ha

Leader male/female: Vatta hro na (cannot compete)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Leader male/female: Ahre sama (it‟s a shame)

The rest of the group: O-ha

Here in the verbal dueling song between the groups, the first group

says, „try hard, if you don‟t try others will laugh at you; here the word „others‟

is referred to the other group, and „heavy hand‟ means „to work hard‟. The

leader goes on to say that they should not be like the other group who are lazy

and are delinquent.

The second group retaliates by saying that, what the first group says

about their group is nothing but lies. And that they did not even try to work

hard and that they are lazy and conclude by saying that it is a shame that they

cannot compete in the work.

The above sample is an example of song dueling in the course of the

work. Such dueling takes place to improve the work and also have fun by

belittling each other. It is not done with any intention of hurting one another

but are rather fun squabbles between the groups at work.

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4.3 References

Ao, Temsula. 1999. The Ao-Naga Oral Tradition. New Delhi: Basha

Publication.

Bascom, William R. 1955. The Verbal Art, Journal of American Folklore. 68,

(269): 245-252.

Bauman, Richard. 1984. Verbal Arts as Performance. Illinios: Waveland Press

Inc.

Karpeles, Maud. 1973. An Introduction to English Folk Song. London: OUP.

Lanong, Rimika. 2012. A Study of Traditional and Modern Khasi Riddles.

(Unpublished Ph D Thesis) Shillong: NEHU.

Lomax, Alan. 1915. Folks Song Style and Culture. New Jersey: New

Brumswick: Transaction Books.

Melia, Daniel F. 1971. A Cross Culture Note on Verbal Dueling Games.

Journal of American Folklore. 84. (334): 449.

Momady, N. Scott. 1997. The Man Made of Words: Essays, Stories, Passages.

New York: St. Martin Press.

Mutun, Bokul. 2002. Megalithic Culture of Mao and Maram Nagas of

Manipur, in Sengupta Sarthak‟s (ed.) Tribal Studies in North

East India. New Delhi: Mittal Publication.

Tylor, Edward B. 1924. Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development

of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Language, Art and

Custom. New York: Brentano Publishers.

Westermarck, Edward. 1930. Wit and Wisdom in Morocco. London: George

Routledge & Sons.

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 CHAPTER FIVE

MAKAI AND MOVU

5.1 MAKAI and MOVU

The Maos, individually or as a community are very expressive in their

actions and performances. It is said that the Memai were very independent,

hard-working, self reliant, brave and fun-loving community. Their love for

festivities and cultural activities in their day to day life for generations is a

verbally well documented fact. The expressions in performing arts during

these social activities are both verbal and non-verbal. It is observed that a

performed item has a better qualification for transmitting its essence and

meaning to the spectators and audience. This statement is made with the

explicit intention of considering two kinds of traditional utterances of the

Memai community viz. Makai and Movu. These are two oral non-verbal

phonetic renderings which have their own significance and appeal in the

cultural life of the Memai. The acts or performances are very expressive and

purely oral and they are performed with no lyrics. The absence of a

conventional lyric system has been responsible for making scholars to be

influenced to regard these sub-genres as meaningless. It is therefore

imperative that the performances of the Makai and Movu be observed and

minutely witnessed by researchers to appreciate the aesthetics of the

performance and understand what these non-verbal phonetic renderings are all

about.

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 There are no verbal expressions in Makai and Movu and so

syntactically it is void in the realm of linguistics. To an outsider this may

sound strange but to the Nagas and particularly the Memai community it is

perfectly normal and understood as an important cultural performance, calling

attention to put one‟s house in order and to proceed to the next act. It is an

exhilarating expression of self and a necessity in the sphere of cultural activity

and social milieu. And so when viewed at a deeper level in the realm of

semantics, the importance of Makai and Movu performances connotes

semantics in accordance with its usages and context.

Therefore let us look into how and why Makai and Movu are important

or what is its significance or importance in the culture or the social milieu of

the Memai community.

5.1.1 Makai or Ululation

Ululation is defined as „an expression of strong emotions‟84. Different

communities across the world use ululation for different reasons and contexts.

Ululation will mean different thing or interpretation to different communities

across the world. According to Moshen Subhi a Palestinian performer and

song arranger, ululation is incorporated in the wedding song „Zaghoreed‟. It is

an expression of strong emotions and the pure essence of celebration during

wedding in some part of the Arab world. At the same time in contrast to the

ululation of celebration, it is also a part of the funeral ritual to honour the dead

among some Middle East countries. Ululation is also performed in multiples

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among some of the African tribes and this too is performed as a celebration

especially during weddings. Nearer home, in India too ululation is performed

in celebratory mould. During wedding ululation is performed to welcome the

bride or the groom to their house as a couple, it is also performed during

auspicious occasion. In almost all cases ululation is performed by women. For

the Memai ululation is performed strictly by men and it is taboo for woman to

ululate unlike in other parts of the world.

Ululation could be the equivalent term for Makai. Ululation can at best

be described as an attention caller85. The act of Makai is an attention caller to

an individual, a group or the general public present within the hearing limit of

the performer. This expression of ululation is of very high pitch that a human

can produce in an orderly manner86. It also goes without saying that not many

people can perform the ululation even after considerable practice bouts.

Makai is an important element of the social and cultural usage in the

life of the Memai community. It is performed during social get-togethers or

during cultural programmes. Elders would often say that only the healthy and

the expert in the art should ululate. The contention is that only the healthy can

perform ululation as it requires a long stress at very extremely high pitch

without breathing or holding the breath for a long time at a go, so health

becomes necessary to achieve that and which in a sense shows the exuberance

of life of the performer. Only an expert can ululate and at the same time

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ululation is not performed by all. Therefore in the given circumstances only

the expert and the healthy persons ululate.

Customarily it is ululation by an individual which starts the Movu.

Ululation plays a vital part in the performance of the oral non-verbal phonetic

rendering Movu when it is performed. This is the one single most important

performance to carry forward the rhythmic Movu of the whole group. Often

the elders of the group would ask the whole group to listen attentively to the

ululation so as not to disturb the rhythm of the Movu at a later stage by not

catching up his or her part in the performance. Therefore when a person

ululates to start the Movu the whole group maintains a studied silence. The

ululation is acknowledged by the whole group with a deep throated sound zhü

ü ü ü, which is the sound of approval by everyone that they are ready for the

Movu to be performed. The rhythmic Movu of the group starts with different

people taking different parts and it goes on. At the ending part of the Movu

one or many individuals ululate to signal the conclusion of the Movu.

Therefore the ululation acts as a catalyst to begin the Movu as well as

signalling the conclusion of the Movu.

Words are not the only means to facilitate communication. There are

other different means through which humans and other living beings interact

with each other. In the olden days, ululation was also deployed as a location

marker for an individual who wants to announce his presence to another man.

There are reasons to believe that in those days, highly specialized forms of

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ululation of the location marker were developed which takes terrain,

topography and area characteristics into consideration. However, traces of

these have been difficult to retain and therefore, impossible to enact in the

present time. Ululation acts as a means of communication between two

individuals and this is particularly true in the case of individuals when they go

hunting for birds and animals in the jungle. There are times when friends go

their separate ways and are out of sight, they ululate to let the other know in

which direction or how far they have gone apart. The friend who hears the

ululation, ululate back to let his friend know that his message is received. Thus

ululation also acts as an area or location indicator as well. The friends would

know from which direction the ululation is coming or could as well roughly

determine the distance between them by the loudness of the ululation or could

as well determine whether the ululation is of his friend‟s or of another person

through the uniqueness as in length and sharpness or the sounding of the

ululation. This is possible as voice quality of two people often differs in pitch,

sound, the length or the stress of the ululation and the quality of the ululation.

Anyone and everyone can ululate but only an expert can at best ululate at very

high pitch, yet when it is two individuals ululating to communicate with each

other it could be in any form of ululation provided the message is conveyed

which in fact is the purpose or the motive.

Ululation is performed as a war-cry especially related to the practice of

head-hunting in earlier times. Sudden ululation at the peak of battle is said to

cast fear and confusion on the foe. It is said that during war opponents ululate

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and counter ululate to rally the spirit of warriors, encourage and motivate

comrades, display and demonstrate courage in the face of stiff opposition and

danger. On the whole, by ululating an individual imposes his self on the

fighting scene showing fearlessness and grit, thus making his presence felt

through his ululation. Thus ululation is not just a simple act of customary or

traditional utterance but it is much more than that. Ululation in times of

combat is a matter of life and death, of loss and victory, of honor and

humiliation. It is an effective psychological weapon which when used properly

becomes crucial.

Ululation is also a prominent feature in the agrarian practice of the

Memai community. It is not surprising to hear someone ululating on his way to

the fields. When a person ululates on his way to the field in the morning, this

is a message to his fellowmen that it is time to move out of the house and to go

for ones‟ respective work and that he (the person who ululate) is on his way

bound for the field or work. One will find plenty of ululation especially when

there are community‟s work as well as when there is Chokhro-pfuva kasa.

Under this system, an individual may request his clansmen, neighbours or

friends and acquaintances to help him perform a particular work which he may

not be able to get it done all by him. No wages are paid to the workforce

except for food and drinks which are provided free in plenty. During Chokhro-

pfuva kasa the people work wholeheartedly with the singing of mada-kave, a

category of agrarian work songs and ululation. Ululation and mada-kave have

a special effect in lifting the flagging strength and spirit of the tired workforce.

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Therefore, mada-kave goes on and on for the entire day with occasional breaks

in between and periodic ululation lacing it. And ululation by many brings to an

end the entire proceedings of mada-kave and work, signalling the resting

period. This shows the importance of ululation during agrarian work which

enjoys fixity of time and place in the duration of the work. This also reveals

the functional utility of the act of ululation as well.

All the above elaboration indicates that „Ululation‟ create space and

time within the functional unit of other social activities which may be

momentary but significant in that context. The attributes that ululation exhibits

is multi-dimensional and so one need to know the functional time and space

that ululation creates in the customary social activities of the Memai. To

understand the semantic propositions that ululation brings along with its

purpose and usage is one aspect that one may have to know and understand the

Memai cultural activities to truly appreciate the significance of ululation. The

one dimensional sound87 with multi-dimensional semantic attributes attached

to it also shows the other side of its complexity. That is, when ululation is used

as a form of psychological weapon by warriors in times of head-hunting wars.

Thus ululation amplifies its utility characteristics in the many social activities

of the Memai in the context of time and space. Further, ululation that seems to

be a meaningless yell on many an occasion rather carries critical contextual

importance within the parameters of space and time in the Memai cultural life.

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5.2 MOVU – HOLLER

5.2.1 Movu - Holler

The different Naga communities have their own signature identity to

identify them and for the Memai Movu is one such that identifies them from

the rest of the other Nagas. Movu is a new genre, a phonetic rendering of non-

verbal sound like the Makai. Movu has no lyrics of any kind. This is a song-

like genre performance and it is the tune is performed at different pitch levels

or parts, like any other song. Movu is one of the most thrilling and exhilarating

performance to witness or to be a part of the performance during festive or

socio-cultural gatherings of the community.

There are two varieties of Movu that is performed by the Memai

community namely Shinga-nhü and Ime-nhü. Shinga-nhü literarily means

Movu with the sound performed similitude to that of the neighbouring Shinga

people88. The Shinga-nhü performance of the Movu is slow rhythm and the

stress of the holler is shorter in beats and slow paced. This slowness of the

whole process of hollering allows the performers to catch up more easily on

the performance. The Ime-nhü meaning the Movu of the Memai style is

normally faster in pace and harder to catch up. Therefore the performance

itself is more lively but at the same time more prone to mistakes. According

to the belief of the Memai people once a Movu get started with the ululation

and the first note of the Movu is struck it cannot be stopped till the

completion of the whole process of a proper hollering with all the parts of the

Movu going on for at least a good duration of five to ten minutes. Therefore

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the Movu of the Memai community is very pleasant to witness with ululation

by an individual beginning the holler and with multiple or many ululation

closing the whole process of hollering amidst gunfire.

There is no institution that teaches the art of performing the Movu

formally. Movu is a performance which is rarely taught but one get to know it

by taking part or by being part of the group that practices it. The people

experience exhilarating joy participating in it. It is one of those expressions of

the vibrant lifestyle of the Memai community.

To perform a Movu what is usually required is for the crowd to pick up

the different parts of the rendering by different persons as leaders of the packs.

When people gather to perform the Movu, a single person ululate signaling or

calling attention to the gathering to begin the Movu. When the person ululates

to start the Movu the crowd responds to it with a deep throated sound of zhü ü

ü ü. The person who performed the first ululation ululates once again. From

here the rhythmic Movu of the group begins with different people taking

different parts and it goes on. In the Movu a set of sound pattern is adhered to

in its performance. The Movu continues for some period, and when Movu is

closing to the end, the momentum of the Movu goes faster and faster and

people start ululating by the dozens and the Movu concludes with multi

ululation and often with interspersed gunshots as guns are fired into the air.

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 Sample;

By one person – (Ululation)

By the whole group – Zhü ü ü ü ü …

2 Person – ā - oh …

Children and women – áĥ …

2 Person – á - oh …

Children and women – áĥ ...

By elderly man or in group – ā - hò or hoi

This hollering goes on for a good length of time and concludes with a

lot of ululation and gunfire into the air.

These are the different parts taken up by different people at different

times in the process of performing the Movu. Looking at the sample given

above the performance presents a seemingly simple rendering but in reality the

performance is beset with complexity depending on the flow of the

performance and the maintenance of which are very important. One slight

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mistake from the starters89 would break up the whole performance. The start

has to be perfect to carry forward the flow of the Movu which has to be

sustained through the middle to the end. Only then will the pleasure of

listening to the rendering be obtained.

Movu is performed at different places and time. Social gatherings

provide the most common platform and opportunity for the Movu to be

performed. The social gathering could be of the whole community coming

together for a festive occasion or a social cause. During this type of gathering

Movu could be performed to generate a feeling of camaraderie and instill a

sense of being and belonging to the community.

During community works as well as when there is Chokhro-pfuva kasa

- where an individual seek the help of his clansman, neighbours or well

wishers to help him out in a particular work which he may not be able to do it

all by himself – the people on their way to the field and when they are

returning from the field are inclined to perform the Movu. This performance in

fact starts from the place of work when the work is done or when the work

closes for the day. Once the tools are packed and they are ready to head back

home, the Movu begins. The Movu goes on for a good duration as the distance

covered during this work trip is also usually considerably long. There are

occasional breaks in between the place of work and the village to enable the

workers to catch their breath and to rest for some time. After few minutes of

rest they pick up the Movu and resume their journey. This goes on till they

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reach their locality where all the Movu comes to a stop and a round of rice-

beer concludes the day. The Movu is performed to de-stress the work force

after a tiring day of punishing labour. On the other hand Movu in fact signifies

that a community service has been performed for the common good or towards

the benefit of a needy member of the community, words are not uttered but

through their performance the message is indirectly conveyed to the others

who may not have known the reason for the performance of the Movu.

When the male folk of a locality or the village go hunting much is

expected from them by the people back home by ways of game killed or

captured. On the return the male folk from the hunting expedition come back

with Movu on their lips. This is especially so when they bring home a good

number of game. The Movu used on these occasions are loud and lasting. In

this situation the hunters when they reach the village, place the animals in the

middle of the village and the hunters go on encircling the game and continue

to perform the Movu for a long time. This Movu is an expression of joy to

feast on the meat of the animals and gamesmanship of having made several

kills.

Movu is also associated with stone-dragging for the man of

consequence or for that matter when a stone is to be erected in

commemoration for an occasion. On the day of the stone dragging ceremony,

the male folk dressed in their traditional attires or costumes with spear, gun or

machete in hand go to the place from where the stone is to be dragged. Once

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the people are assembled they began the Movu with an ululation. As the stone

is dragged along by the people, the Movu continues with occasional break to

catch breath and rest. Once they are rested the Movu starts all over again as the

men continue to drag the stone as well. The role of Movu is crucial when

dragging a big stone. The pulling of the stone will have to match the rhythm of

the Movu by all who has a hand on the rope90. It is this rhythm of the Movu

which allows the pullers to drag the stone at one pace and rhythm at a time. It

is also believed that a stone can be lulled to sleep by the rhythmic sound of the

Movu and this facilitates the movement of the stone. It implies that the pullers

will concentrate on the rhythm of the Movu and not think of the energy

sapping task of dragging the huge stone.

The mountain-tracking event locally known as Pfoki kapra of the

Memai is observed with great festivity. On this day even people who have

migrated to other parts of the country trace their roots back to their place of

origin and be with their love and dear ones for the day. The day is fixed by the

Chiefs of the two regions inhabited by the Memai community. The day may

thus differ between the two regions based on how the Chief of a particular

region trace the moon91. The mountain-tracking event takes place in the post-

harvest festival called Chitthuni, which is celebrated for a week. This is one

event which takes place once in a year and the people especially the youths

look forward to celebrate it attired in all their traditional colourful dress and

costumes. Both male and female go tracking in one big group to a particular

mountain and where rituals are performed and folk games like long jump and

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Oshu-atu92 for male and Kade93 for female are competed. On this occasion the

Movu begins from a place called Asofü within the village. The people from the

farthest corner of the village join in with the others, and different localities

join in and the crowd swells in number to go for the mountain-tracking. The

people are usually dressed in traditional fineries and the men with guns, spears

and machetes in hand and the women with their back-basket load with

refreshment makes the sight a delightfully pleasing pleasure for the eyes. The

Movu start with ululation and different persons picks up different parts of the

Movu and they go forth towards the mountain. The Movu goes on with

occasional breaks for rest but soon after the Movu pick up again till they

crowd reaches the peak of the mountain. When the rituals are performed, the

games competed and the various activities done, descent from the peak of the

mountain begins. Descent too is accompanied by Movu, again with occasional

breaks and rest. Often the downward journey is difficult yet the Movu is never

stopped abruptly. The Movu comes to an end at the place where it all began in

the morning.

There are certain beliefs that are associated with the performance of

the Movu. When the Movu is not performed in a proper manner or when Movu

comes to an abrupt end without completing its full cycle there is bound to be

trouble within that year in the village. Often epidemics break out in the village

and many precious lives are lost. Thus often elders scold the younger

generation when Movu is performed badly or improperly.

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 The above description of Movu tells us its different usages and utility,

its importance and at various stages its capacity to coordinate the social

activities of the Memai at different point of time. Movu is a performance

which needs patience, coordination and liveliness to perform. It is an

exhibition of the social exuberance and the exhilarating life that the Memai

people live.

Though Makai and Movu in many ways differ from the usual types of

songs it has a standing of its own in the social milieu of the Memai people.

The implicit and explicit significance that mark the performance and practice

is a telling commentary on the socio-cultural life of the people. Thus the genre

which is devoid of lyrics, an oral yet non-verbal phonetic-rendering sure adds

a dimension to the different performing arts in the sphere of folklore genre.

References

Bascom, William R. 1955. The Verbal Art, Journal of American Folklore. 68,

(269): 245-252.

Bauman, Richard. 1984. Verbal Arts as Performance. Illinios: Waveland Press

Inc.

Karpeles, Maud. 1973. An Introduction to English Folk Song. London: OUP.

Goswami, Roshmi. 1995. Meaning in Music. Shimla: IIAS. Rashtrapati Nivas.

Haleng, Richard. 2000. The Naga Rapport, A Tribute to the Naga Youth.
Guwahati: A.M.E.U.Y.A. Publication.
Lomax, Alan. 1915. Folks Song Style and Culture. New Jersey: New
Brumswick: Transaction Books.

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 CHAPTER SIX

CONCLUSION

Oral narratives encompass a large number of folkloric genres or features. Folk

genres like the folktale, folk song or oral poems, proverbs, riddles, tongue-

twisters, word games and others make up the gamut to the study of oral

tradition of a community. Simply put oral narratives are genres of verbal art

which is transmitted orally by word of mouth. Oral narratives are transmitted

from one generation to the next which is at the heart of a community‟s cultural

practice. This form of knowledge dissemination stems from the need of a

community who aspire to keep alive their oral history, their age old tradition,

the knowledge of the community for future generations to relive them in their

time.

Folk songs are the elements that later came to be known as oral poetry. For at

one point of time folk songs and folk tales exist and what we today called oral

poetry or poetry came later, at least as far as the terminologies are concerned.

What was called poetry was sung once upon a time, they were either sung

individually or in group. Singing is then perhaps as old as mankind, often it

has been linked to rituals, works and celebration of life‟s events that surrounds

man. Thus it is possible that man sang and expressed himself and his emotions

much before he could make speeches and statements. Perhaps singing of songs

that are close to one‟s heart makes man to forget or allowed him to forget the

harsh economic reality in many cases and give him an anchorage to go on with

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the vagaries in life. Thus singing was in fact central to the entire business of

living. Folk song singing or simply singing is something that came naturally to

the Mao people. The subject of this study on the folk songs of the Mao

community was thus a worthwhile task. The aim of the study was to unravel

the lore of the community. Different genres of the folk songs offered different

challenges. In the second chapter, the different categories of the folk songs

brought out the full range of the oral history of the Mao people of the past.

The different facets of their livelihood in times of peace and war were

displayed aplenty in the song texts and which was further substantiated in the

analysis of the song texts in the chapter. It also goes to acknowledge that the

oral narratives of the community are valuable ethnological source-materials

that open up traits of individuals and the value-system of the community. They

reveal a compact nature of the mysteries of life and death, of love and anger,

of hope and despair, of dreams and frustration. These song-poems speak

honestly, silently and unassumingly. And they are deeply rooted in the

emotions and the social-cultural milieu of the community. The language of the

oral poems takes on the flavor of the soil, that is the simple expressive

vocabulary of the simple folks, but often in those words lies the gems of

wisdom that have been accumulated over hundreds of years in their memory.

The song-poems are thus difficult to translate and often the essence of the

content of the oral text is diluted or lost. The songs are laced with levels of

meanings which we may term it as the surface level and the deep level

meaning to the songs. Often taking into account of the surface level meaning

the deep level meaning is not culled out thereby missing out the rightful

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meaning of the folk songs. This was taken care with utmost respect and

diligence in this study.

The third chapter offers three different kinds of folk songs. Odolo; consisting

of two varieties categorized as Odolo and Do kochu lo. Odolo is songs of

pleasantries, whereas Do kochu lo is songs of choice. The beauty of these

songs lies in the themes on which these songs are based. The two most

common themes are recapitulation of the past and imagining of the present or

future, which are based upon the life of people. Often the past is relived in the

form of those songs. The second category brings out the best of song dueling.

In fact this category of folk songs take us back to the days of the dormitory

system where song dueling takes place in the girl‟s dormitory when the boys

comes on visitation. The beauty of this category of folk songs form is the

absence of pre set lyrics. It is the wit and spur of the moment to retort or

reprove the opponent that is displayed in the duels. The skill, the aptitude and

the attitude of the singers are tested all through. The singers‟ verbal repertoire

of rustic intelligence and wit appears in its purest form in these song dueling.

Shangailo is the other variety of the Mao folk songs in this chapter. Songs are

based on people and their surroundings, animals, places and happenings or

calamities caused by nature. The tune employed in this song is completely

different from other folk songs. The tune rises and falls instantly and

consistently. It requires a high degree of expertise to render these songs. The

next genre of folk song in the chapter is the Okro kolu or the dirge. This genre

of song is sung during funerals only. There are no set lyrics attributed to the

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Mao dirge. The lyrics are spontaneous inner feelings, reflections, composed at

the moment by the singer. It is the highest and deepest expression of one‟s

feeling for a deceased person. The lyrics are impromptu expression of inner

feelings, reflections that are stirred within the cognitive process of the person

in relevance to the deceased.

The fourth and the fifth chapters offer work songs as well as a non-verbal

phonetic rendering of song like performance which does not have set lyrics.

These performances are either work songs or performed while engaged in

some form of work. Onhϋ konhϋ and Mada kave are genres of song like

performance based on „on the spot compositions‟. They are performed to

enliven the work force and to create a bond of camaraderie and a sense of

collective feeling in the work force. The non-verbal Onhü konhü or oral aural

non-verbal phonetic rendering is onomatopoeic in nature and performed

during the course of the work.

Makai and Movu are oral non-verbal phonetic renderings. Their significance

and appeal is in the expressive nature of the performance without lyrics. The

absence of lyrics bemuses an observer. No words are expressed in Makai and

Movu performance and so, syntactically it is void. Yet the exhilarating

expression of self and a necessity in the sphere of cultural activity and social

milieu for the Maos is where the importance of this performance lies.

Therefore when viewed from the perspective of semantics at a deeper level,

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the importance of Makai and Movu performances is deduced in terms of its

usages and context.

The aesthetics of the Mao songs is the ability of the composers to put different

events and history, war and duels, the total social-cultural milieu, or their very

life into the songs that makes them special. The usage of folk metaphors and

symbolism in the folk songs and understanding of them makes it a worthwhile

challenge while undertaking this study. It is to be seen that there is no

consciousness or design to weave symbols or metaphors into the text of the

songs but the life-experience of several centuries crystallize into symbols.

Thus refinement of massive experiential contexts adds up to metaphors. So

they are thus genuine terms of life‟s experiences without any attempt either to

be cleaver or embellish to the song texts.

One may ask why the communities need to conserve or preserve their oral

narratives in today‟s fast changing world. One need not look beyond their

surroundings to know or answer to the question. For many communities

around the world globalisation and socio-economic compulsion have eroded

the memory culture or expressive verbal arts because of their assimilation to

more dominant ways of life or community. The transmission of cultural

knowledge encoded largely in the human minds becomes threatened when

knowledgeable elders perished with the knowledge without disseminating it or

not been able to disseminate their knowledge to the disenchanted youngsters

who are disinclined to acquire the oral narratives of the community.

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This study is a small beginning in trying to help document the song texts in

particular and the oral narratives in general of the Mao community. As the

pace of modernization gears up, there are bound to be changes in every sphere.

So we should do our parts in conserving our oral narrative from going into

oblivion in the foreseeable future. It is important, therefore, that our oral

traditions are documented for posterity so that at least in the years to come we

know their contours through records.

Endnotes

1
Tracking up the Khrüdzü mountain
2
Persons who are more elderly than himself
3
Return without wedging war on the Memai clans
4
Meaning his two wives
5
Refers to the Memai‟s large population
6
Meaning weak and cowardly as a female is considered to be the weaker sex in the Mahra
patriarchal society
7
The vernacular months spring
8
A sickle like knife
9
The parents of Akajü referred to him as „thin and bony‟ which in the tribal world is a term of
endearment and not the literal sense of the word.
10
The morung where the youngsters of the village go and sleep
11
Manners here cannotes sexual activity, an euphemism for sex
12
Dirt here cannotes menstrual cycle of the female
13
The village of Arüjü and Kapaini
14
The first Poumai village
15
The four clans of the Memai of those days were represented
16
Male-gun – it is believed that no men could defeat the Memai while they possessed this gun
17
These were the days of head-hunting
18
This is so for the ladies as Memai is a patrilineal society
19
Literally means the central or main pillar of a house
20
A type of sea-shell necklace
21
A euphemistic use of the term „sprout‟ in reference to the female genitalia
22
The local term for the Barak river
23
The bamboo divination
24
Another divination by killing a cock and observing the leg of the cock
25
The shortened form of Athili
26
A war game where the opponents try to spear each other with a liribi which is a slim slender
plant that substitute the spear in the game
27
A particular holler performed only during war, when one is victorious
28
Warrior‟s meat gift

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29
The term bachelor is randomly or humorously used to address even a married man or elders
to compliment them in good humour.
30
The central pillar of a house
31
In the far past the Mao community were known to practice slavery. There has been
mentioned of slaves been owned in different folk songs and folk stories.
32
Sky –the upward power that is upright. Earth or ground –the lesser power that would tend to
fall
33
The Mao‟s acknowledge the sky as the father and the earth as the mother
34
A traditional attire
35
A decorative plume that is used by man to hoist it into the head-gear as a traditional material
36
The precious human assets –wisdom of the elderly
37
A non-verbal phonetic rendering of a work song
38
Believed to be the first Tenymia village located in the Mao area
39
The village from where the Tenymia people dispersed and where the great „wild pear tree‟
stand to these day
40
The Tenymia people
41
Migration
42
The Maram people
43
Storm and thunder are said to be the guardian deity of the Charanho village
44
Today the Charanho people has amassed fields and lands far beyond their boundaries into
the land of the Mahra and Namai -Poumai
45
The local term for Mao
46
A mythical gun that is said to fire and always hit its target and the bullet always returns to
the master
47
Denoting the unceasing fearsome continuity of the attack of the Mao warriors
48
A neighbouring Poumai village
49
Implying the god, tiger and man brotherhood myth
50
The children of Shipfu-u, a forefather of the Maos
51
The Mao village know today as Makhel, believed to be the first village of the Tenymia
people
52
Name of a folk jewelry
53
A folk attire made of hair
54
Name of a folk jewelry
55
Immigration
56
Tenymia Nagas
57
Literally means the „tree of the barn filled of paddy‟. Here it is referred to the Wild Pear
Tree
58
A fibrose plant
59
Name of a Mao shawl
60
Presently the Angami people
61
In today‟s context it is the same as winning a beauty contest
62
The festival Chüjüni is celebrated by the Mao community on the onset of the paddy
plantation in the summer
63
Mara shawl was considered to be more prestigious than khelo shawl
64
The vernacular term for the Angamis
65
A ritually restrictive day
66
The wild pear tree revered by the Tenymai people and commonly known as the dispersal
tree by the Nagas
67
Supposed to be a wild beast
68
An outsider
69
An hundred legged animal
70
Supposed to be a wild beast
71
A family member or best friend
72
Between couples or friends
73
Often friends and peer circle
74
Under these sub-titles are said to consists of thirty (30) or more songs each

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75
Unlike the other category of folksongs –Lochu which are full of archaic words
76
Chopfuza
77
Referring to themselves
78
The lunar month of Mao, Pfuzü = June
79
The Mao lunar month of Sale = July
80
The dry season
81
The wet season
82
It is associated with the start of a new spell of life in a year, not necessarily the rain
83
Warriors who roam the village to safeguard it from external attack
84
Wikipedia.org
85
Similar to Mobo an attention caller used by the Maos
86
In an orderly set pattern
87
Ululation
88
The Angami people
89
The two persons - Leaders
90
Usually creeper plants are used
91
The lunar calendar
92
A folk game
93
A dance form that is competed in the ratio of 1:1 or 2:2

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