Guy Fawkes Night

“Fifth of November” redirects here. For the date, see 5 large organised events, centred on a bonfire and extrav-
November.
Guy Fawkes Night, also known as Guy Fawkes Day,
agant firework displays.
Settlers exported Guy Fawkes Night to overseas colonies,
including some in North America, where it was known
as Pope Day. Those festivities died out with the onset
of the American Revolution. Claims that Guy Fawkes
Night was a Protestant replacement for older customs like
Samhain are disputed, although another old celebration,
Halloween, has lately increased in popularity, and accord-
ing to some writers, may threaten the continued obser-
vance of 5 November.

1 Origins and history in England

Festivities in Windsor Castle by Paul Sandby, c. 1776

Bonfire Night and Firework Night, is an annual com-

memoration observed on 5 November, primarily in Great
Britain. Its history begins with the events of 5 November
1605, when Guy Fawkes, a member of the Gunpowder
Plot, was arrested while guarding explosives the plotters
had placed beneath the House of Lords. Celebrating the
fact that King James I had survived the attempt on his life,
people lit bonfires around London, and months later the
introduction of the Observance of 5th November Act en-
forced an annual public day of thanksgiving for the plot’s
failure.
Within a few decades Gunpowder Treason Day, as it was
known, became the predominant English state commem-
oration, but as it carried strong religious overtones it also
became a focus for anti-Catholic sentiment. Puritans
delivered sermons regarding the perceived dangers of
popery, while during increasingly raucous celebrations
common folk burnt effigies of popular hate-figures, such
as the pope. Towards the end of the 18th century reports
appear of children begging for money with effigies of Guy
Fawkes and 5 November gradually became known as Guy
Fawkes Day. Towns such as Lewes and Guildford were
in the 19th century scenes of increasingly violent class-
based confrontations, fostering traditions those towns cel-
ebrate still, albeit peaceably. In the 1850s changing at- An effigy of Guy Fawkes, burnt on 5 November 2010 at Billericay
titudes eventually resulted in the toning down of much in Essex
of the day’s anti-Catholic rhetoric, and the Observance
of 5th November Act was repealed in 1859. Eventually, Guy Fawkes Night originates from the Gunpowder Plot
the violence was dealt with, and by the 20th century Guy of 1605, a failed conspiracy by a group of provincial En-
Fawkes Day had become an enjoyable social commemo- glish Catholics to assassinate the Protestant King James
ration, although lacking much of its original focus. The I of England and replace him with a Catholic head of
present-day Guy Fawkes Night is usually celebrated at state. In the immediate aftermath of the 5 Novem-

1
2 1 ORIGINS AND HISTORY IN ENGLAND

ber arrest of Guy Fawkes, caught guarding a cache of son, the future Charles I, married the Catholic Henrietta
explosives placed beneath the House of Lords, James’s Maria of France. Puritans reacted to the marriage
Council allowed the public to celebrate the king’s sur- by issuing a new prayer to warn against rebellion and
vival with bonfires, so long as they were “without any Catholicism, and on 5 November that year, effigies of
danger or disorder”.[1] This made 1605 the first year the pope and the devil were burnt, the earliest such
the plot’s failure was celebrated.[2] The following Jan- report of this practice and the beginning of centuries
uary, days before the surviving conspirators were exe- of tradition.[nb 1][14] During Charles’s reign Gunpowder
cuted, Parliament passed the Observance of 5th Novem- Treason Day became increasingly partisan. Between
ber Act, commonly known as the “Thanksgiving Act”. 1629 and 1640 he ruled without Parliament, and he
It was proposed by a Puritan Member of Parliament, seemed to support Arminianism, regarded by Puritans
Edward Montagu, who suggested that the king’s apparent like Henry Burton as a step toward Catholicism. By 1636,
deliverance by divine intervention deserved some mea- under the leadership of the Arminian Archbishop of Can-
sure of official recognition, and kept 5 November free terbury William Laud, the English church was trying to
as a day of thanksgiving while in theory making atten- use 5 November to denounce all seditious practices, and
dance at Church mandatory.[3] A new form of service was not just popery.[15] Puritans went on the defensive, some
also added to the Church of England's Book of Common pressing for further reformation of the Church.[9]
Prayer, for use on that date.[4]
Little is known about the earliest celebrations. In settle-
ments such as Carlisle, Norwich and Nottingham, corpo-
rations provided music and artillery salutes. Canterbury
celebrated 5 November 1607 with 106 pounds of gun-
powder and 14 pounds of match, and three years later
food and drink was provided for local dignitaries, as well
as music, explosions and a parade by the local militia.
Even less is known of how the occasion was first com-
memorated by the general public, although records indi-
cate that in Protestant Dorchester a sermon was read, the
church bells rung, and bonfires and fireworks lit.[5]

1.1 Early significance

According to historian and author Antonia Fraser, a study
of the earliest sermons preached demonstrates an anti-
Catholic concentration “mystical in its fervour”.[6] Deliv-
ering one of five 5 November sermons printed in A Mappe Revellers in Lewes, 5 November 2010
of Rome in 1612, Thomas Taylor spoke of the “general-
ity of his [a papist’s] cruelty,” which had been “almost Bonfire Night, as it was occasionally known,[16] assumed
without bounds”.[7] Such messages were also spread in a new fervour during the events leading up to the English
printed works like Francis Herring’s Pietas Pontifica (re- Interregnum. Although Royalists disputed their interpre-
published in 1610 as Popish Piety), and John Rhode’s A tations, Parliamentarians began to uncover or fear new
Brief Summe of the Treason intended against the King Catholic plots. Preaching before the House of Commons
& State, which in 1606 sought to educate “the simple on 5 November 1644, Charles Herle claimed that Papists
and ignorant ... that they be not seduced any longer by were tunnelling “from Oxford, Rome, Hell, to Westmin-
papists”.[8] By the 1620s the Fifth was honoured in mar- ster, and there to blow up, if possible, the better foun-
ket towns and villages across the country, though it was dations of your houses, their liberties and privileges”.[17]
some years before it was commemorated throughout Eng- A display in 1647 at Lincoln’s Inn Fields commemorated
land. Gunpowder Treason Day, as it was then known, “God’s great mercy in delivering this kingdom from the
became the predominant English state commemoration. hellish plots of papists”, and included fireballs burning in
Some parishes made the day a festive occasion, with pub- the water (symbolising a Catholic association with “in-
lic drinking and solemn processions. Concerned though fernal spirits”) and fireboxes, their many rockets sugges-
about James’s pro-Spanish foreign policy, the decline of tive of “popish spirits coming from below” to enact plots
international Protestantism, and Catholicism in general, against the king. Effigies of Fawkes and the pope were
Protestant clergymen who recognised the day’s signifi- present, the latter represented by Pluto, Roman god of
cance called for more dignified and profound thanksgiv- the underworld.[18]
ings each 5 November.[9][10] Following Charles I’s execution in 1649, the country’s
What unity English Protestants had shared in the plot’s new republican regime remained undecided on how to
immediate aftermath began to fade when in 1625 James’s treat 5 November. Unlike the old system of religious
1.2 Guy Fawkes Day 3

feasts and State anniversaries, it survived, but as a cele-

bration of parliamentary government and Protestantism,
and not of monarchy.[16] Commonly the day was still
marked by bonfires and miniature explosives, but for-
mal celebrations resumed only with the Restoration, when
Charles II became king. Courtiers, High Anglicans and
Tories followed the official line, that the event marked
God’s preservation of the English throne, but generally
the celebrations became more diverse. By 1670 London
apprentices had turned 5 November into a fire festi-
val, attacking not only popery but also “sobriety and
good order”,[19] demanding money from coach occu-
pants for alcohol and bonfires. The burning of effigies,
largely unknown to the Jacobeans,[20] continued in 1673
when Charles’s brother, the Duke of York, converted
to Catholicism. In response, accompanied by a proces-
sion of about 1,000 people, the apprentices fired an ef-
figy of the Whore of Babylon, bedecked with a range
of papal symbols.[21][22] Similar scenes occurred over the
following few years. In 1677 elements of Elizabeth I's
Accession Day celebration of 17 November were incor-
porated into the Fifth, with the burning of large bonfires,
a large effigy of the pope—his belly filled with live cats
“who squalled most hideously as soon as they felt the
fire”—and two effigies of devils “whispering in his ear”. The restoration of the Catholic hierarchy in 1850 provoked a
Two years later, as the exclusion crisis was reaching its strong reaction. This sketch is from an issue of Punch, printed in
zenith, an observer noted the “many bonfires and burning November that year.
of popes as has ever been seen”. Violent scenes in 1682
forced London’s militia into action, and to prevent any
repetition the following year a proclamation was issued,
memorations. From the 19th century, 5 November cel-
banning bonfires and fireworks.[23]
ebrations there became sectarian in nature. Its celebra-
Fireworks were also banned under James II, who be- tion in Northern Ireland remains controversial, unlike in
came king in 1685. Attempts by the government to tone Scotland, where bonfires continue to be lit in various
down Gunpowder Treason Day celebrations were, how- Caledonian cities.[27] In England though, as one of 49 of-
ever, largely unsuccessful, and some reacted to a ban ficial holidays, for the ruling class 5 November became
on bonfires in London (born from a fear of more burn- overshadowed by events such as the birthdays of Admiral
ings of the pope’s effigy) by placing candles in their win- Edward Vernon, or John Wilkes, and under George II
dows, “as a witness against Catholicism”.[24] When James and George III, with the exception of the Jacobite Ris-
was deposed in 1688 by William of Orange—who im- ing of 1745, it was largely “a polite entertainment rather
portantly, landed in England on 5 November—the day’s than an occasion for vitriolic thanksgiving”.[28] For the
events turned also to the celebration of freedom and reli- lower classes, however, the anniversary was a chance to
gion, with elements of anti-Jacobitism. While the earlier pit disorder against order, a pretext for violence and un-
ban on bonfires was politically motivated, a ban on fire- controlled revelry. At some point, for reasons that are
works was maintained for safety reasons, “much mischief unclear, it became customary to burn Guy Fawkes in ef-
having been done by squibs”.[16] figy, rather than the pope. Gradually, Gunpowder Trea-
son Day became Guy Fawkes Day. In 1790 The Times
reported instances of children "...begging for money for
1.2 Guy Fawkes Day Guy Faux”,[29] and a report of 4 November 1802 de-
scribed how “a set of idle fellows ... with some horrid fig-
William’s birthday fell on 4 November, and for ortho- ure dressed up as a Guy Faux" were convicted of begging
dox Whigs the two days therefore became an important and receiving money, and committed to prison as “idle
double anniversary.[25] William ordered that the thanks- and disorderly persons”.[30] The Fifth became “a polyse-
giving service for 5 November be amended to include mous occasion, replete with polyvalent cross-referencing,
thanks for his “happy arrival” and “the Deliverance of our meaning all things to all men”.[31] Lower class rioting
Church and Nation”.[26] In the 1690s he re-established continued, with reports in Lewes of annual rioting, intim-
Protestant rule in Ireland, and the Fifth, occasionally idation of “respectable householders”[32] and the rolling
marked by the ringing of church bells and civic din- through the streets of lit tar barrels. In Guildford, gangs
ners, was consequently eclipsed by his birthday com- of revellers who called themselves “guys” terrorised the
4 1 ORIGINS AND HISTORY IN ENGLAND

local population; proceedings were concerned more with
the settling of old arguments and general mayhem, than
any historical reminiscences.[33] Similar problems arose
in Exeter, originally the scene of more traditional cele-
brations. In 1831 an effigy was burnt of the new Bishop
of Exeter Henry Phillpotts, a High Church Anglican and
High Tory who opposed Parliamentary reform, and who
was also suspected of being involved in “creeping pop-
ery”. A local ban on fireworks in 1843 was largely ig-
nored, and attempts by the authorities to suppress the cel-
ebrations resulted in violent protests and several injured
constables.[34]
abolished, and in March 1859 the Anniversary Days Ob-
servance Act repealed the Observance of 5th Novem-
ber Act.[40][41][42] As the authorities dealt with the worst
excesses, public decorum was gradually restored. The
sale of fireworks was restricted,[43] and the Guildford
“guys” were neutralized in 1865, although this was too
late for one constable, who died of his wounds.[37] Vi-
olence continued in Exeter for some years, peaking in
1867, when incensed by rising food prices and banned
from firing their customary bonfire, a mob was twice
in one night driven from Cathedral Close by armed in-
fantry. Further riots occurred in 1879, but there were no
more bonfires in Cathedral Close after 1894.[44][45] Else-
where, sporadic instances of public disorder persisted late
into the 20th century, accompanied by large numbers of
firework-related accidents, but a national Firework Code
and improved public safety has in most cases brought an
end to such things.[46]

1.3 Songs, Guys and decline

One notable aspect of the Victorians’ commemoration

of Guy Fawkes Night was its move away from the cen-
tres of communities, to their margins. Gathering wood
for the bonfire increasingly became the province of
working-class children, who solicited combustible mate-
rials, money, food and drink from wealthier neighbours,
A Guy Fawkes effigy built by a London costermonger, c.1876–77.
Photograph by John Thomson. often with the aid of songs. Most opened with the familiar
“Remember, remember, the fifth of November, Gunpow-
der Treason and Plot”.[47] The earliest recorded rhyme,
On several occasions during the 19th century The Times from 1742, is reproduced below alongside one bearing
reported that the tradition was in decline, being “of late similarities to most Guy Fawkes Night ditties, recorded
years almost forgotten”, but in the opinion of histo- in 1903 at Charlton on Otmoor:
rian David Cressy, such reports reflected “other Victo-
rian trends”, including a lessening of Protestant religious
zeal—not general observance of the Fifth.[29] Civil un-
rest brought about by the union of the Kingdoms of Great
Britain and Ireland in 1800 resulted in Parliament pass-
ing the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829, which afforded
Catholics greater civil rights, continuing the process of
Catholic Emancipation in the two kingdoms.[35] The tra-
ditional denunciations of Catholicism had been in de-
cline since the early 18th century,[36] and were thought
by many, including Queen Victoria, to be outdated,[37]
but the pope’s restoration in 1850 of the English Catholic
hierarchy gave renewed significance to 5 November, as
demonstrated by the burnings of effigies of the new Spectators gather around a bonfire at Himley Hall near Dudley,
Catholic Archbishop of Westminster Nicholas Wiseman, on 6 November 2010
and the pope. At Farringdon Market 14 effigies were
processed from the Strand and over Westminster Bridge Organised entertainments also became popular in the late
to Southwark, while extensive demonstrations were held 19th century, and 20th-century pyrotechnic manufactur-
throughout the suburbs of London.[38] Effigies of the ers renamed Guy Fawkes Day as Firework Night. Sales
12 new English Catholic bishops were paraded through of fireworks dwindled somewhat during the First World
Exeter, already the scene of severe public disorder on War, but resumed in the following peace.[49] At the start
each anniversary of the Fifth.[39] Gradually, however, of the Second World War celebrations were again sus-
such scenes became less popular. With little resistance pended, resuming in November 1945.[50] For many fam-
in Parliament, the thanksgiving prayer of 5 November ilies, Guy Fawkes Night became a domestic celebration,
contained in the Anglican Book of Common Prayer was and children often congregated on street corners, ac-
1.4 Similarities with other customs 5

companied by their own effigy of Guy Fawkes.[51] This

was sometimes ornately dressed and sometimes a barely
recognisable bundle of rags stuffed with whatever filling
was suitable. A survey found that in 1981 about 23 per-
cent of Sheffield schoolchildren made Guys, sometimes
weeks before the event. Collecting money was a popular
reason for their creation, the children taking their effigy
from door to door, or displaying it on street corners. But
mainly, they were built to go on the bonfire, itself some-
times comprising wood stolen from other pyres; “an ac-
ceptable convention” that helped bolster another Novem-
ber tradition, Mischief Night.[52] Rival gangs competed to
see who could build the largest, sometimes even burning
the wood collected by their opponents; in 1954 the York-
shire Post reported on fires late in September, a situation
that forced the authorities to remove latent piles of wood
for safety reasons.[53] Lately, however, the custom of beg-
ging for a “penny for the Guy” has almost completely
disappeared.[51] In contrast, some older customs still sur-
vive; in Ottery St Mary men chase each other through the
streets with lit tar barrels,[54] and since 1679 Lewes has
been the setting of some of England’s most extravagant 5
November celebrations, the Lewes Bonfire.[55]
Generally, modern 5 November celebrations are run by A fireworks display on 5 November 2010
local charities and other organisations, with paid admis-
sion and controlled access. Author Martin Kettle, writing
in The Guardian in 2003, bemoaned an “occasionally lighting celebratory bonfires, the idea that the commem-
nannyish” attitude to fireworks that discourages people oration of 5 November 1605 ever originated from any-
from holding firework displays in their back gardens, and thing other than the safety of James I is, according to
an “unduly sensitive attitude” toward the anti-Catholic David Cressy, “speculative nonsense”.[59] Citing Cressy’s
sentiment once so prominent on Guy Fawkes Night.[56] work, Ronald Hutton agrees with his conclusion, writing,
David Cressy summarised the modern celebration with “There is, in brief, nothing to link the Hallowe'en fires of
these words: “the rockets go higher and burn with more North Wales, Man, and central Scotland with those which
colour, but they have less and less to do with memories appeared in England upon 5 November.”[60] Further con-
of the Fifth of November ... it might be observed that fusion arises in Northern Ireland, where some commu-
Guy Fawkes’ Day is finally declining, having lost its nities celebrate Guy Fawkes Night; the distinction there
connection with politics and religion. But we have heard between the Fifth, and Halloween, is not always clear.[61]
that many times before.”[57] Despite such disagreements, in 2005 David Cannadine
commented on the encroachment into British culture of
late 20th-century American Hallowe'en celebrations, and
their effect on Guy Fawkes Night:
1.4 Similarities with other customs

Historians have often suggested that Guy Fawkes Day

served as a Protestant replacement for the ancient Celtic
and Nordic festivals of Samhain, pagan events that the
church absorbed and transformed into All Hallow’s Eve
and All Souls’ Day. In The Golden Bough, the Scottish
anthropologist James George Frazer suggested that Guy
Fawkes Day exemplifies “the recrudescence of old cus-
toms in modern shapes”. David Underdown, writing in
his 1987 work Revel, Riot, and Rebellion, viewed Gun-
powder Treason Day as a replacement for Hallowe'en:
“just as the early church had taken over many of the
pagan feasts, so did Protestants acquire their own rit-
uals, adapting older forms or providing substitutes for
them”.[58] While the use of bonfires to mark the occa-
sion was most likely taken from the ancient practice of
Nowadays, family bonfire gatherings are
much less popular, and many once-large civic
celebrations have been given up because of in-
creasingly intrusive health and safety regula-
tions. But 5 November has also been over-
taken by a popular festival that barely existed
when I was growing up, and that is Halloween
... Britain is not the Protestant nation it was
when I was young: it is now a multi-faith so-
ciety. And the Americanised Halloween is
sweeping all before it—a vivid reminder of just
how powerfully American culture and Ameri-
can consumerism can be transported across the
Atlantic.[62]
6 2
Reporting on the same topic, in 2012 the BBC’s Tom de Zealand and Canada.[65] Although initially the com-
Castella concluded:
It’s probably not a case of Bonfire Night de-
cline, but rather a shift in priorities ... there are “an underground tradition of commemorating the Fifth
new trends in the bonfire ritual. Guy Fawkes
masks have proved popular and some of the
more quirky bonfire societies have replaced the
Guy with effigies of celebrities in the news – in-
cluding Lance Armstrong and Mario Balotelli
– and even politicians. The emphasis has
moved. The bonfire with a Guy on top – in-
deed the whole story of the Gunpowder Plot
– has been marginalised. But the spectacle
remains. [63]
Another celebration involving fireworks, the five-day
Hindu festival of Diwali (normally observed between
mid-October and November), in 2010 began on 5
November. This led The Independent to comment on the
similarities between the two, its reporter Kevin Rawlin-
son wondering “which fireworks will burn brightest”.[64]
2 In other countries
1768 colonial commemoration of 5 November 1605
Gunpowder Treason Day was exported by settlers to
colonies around the world, including Australia, New
IN OTHER COUNTRIES
memoration was paid scant attention, the arrest of two
boys caught lighting bonfires on 5 November 1662 in
Boston suggests, in historian James Sharpe’s view, that
existed”.[66] In parts of North America it was known as
Pope Day, celebrated mainly in colonial New England,
but also as far south as Charleston. In Boston, founded in
1630 by Puritan settlers led by John Winthrop, an early
celebration was held in 1685, the same year that James
II assumed the throne. Fifty years later, again in Boston,
a local minister wrote “a Great number of people went
over to Dorchester neck where at night they made a Great
Bonfire and plaid off many fireworks”, although the day
ended in tragedy when “4 young men coming home in
a Canoe were all Drowned.” Ten years later the raucous
celebrations were the cause of considerable annoyance to
the upper classes and a special Riot Act was passed, to
prevent “riotous tumultuous and disorderly assemblies of
more than three persons, all or any of them armed with
Sticks, Clubs or any kind of weapons, or disguised with
vizards, or painted or discolored faces, on in any man-
ner disguised, having any kind of imagery or pageantry,
in any street, lane, or place in Boston.” With inadequate
resources, however, Boston’s authorities were powerless
to enforce the Act. In the 1740s gang violence became
common, with groups of Boston residents battling for the
honour of burning the pope’s effigy. But by the mid-
1760s these riots had subsided, and as colonial Amer-
ica moved towards revolution, the class rivalries featured
during Pope Day gave way to anti-British sentiment.[67]
In author Alfred Young’s view, Pope Day provided the
“scaffolding, symbolism, and leadership” for resistance
to the Stamp Act in 1764-1765, forgoing previous gang
rivalries in favour of unified resistance to Britain.[68]
The passage in 1774 of the Quebec Act, which guaran-
teed French Canadians free practice of Catholicism in
the Province of Quebec, provoked complaints from some
Americans that the British were introducing “Popish prin-
ciples and French law”.[69] Such fears were bolstered by
opposition from the Church in Europe to American in-
dependence, threatening a revival of Pope Day.[70] Com-
menting in 1775, George Washington was less than im-
pressed by the thought of any such resurrections, forbid-
ding any under his command from participating:[71]
As the Commander in Chief has been ap-
prized of a design form'd for the observance
of that ridiculous and childish custom of burn-
ing the Effigy of the pope—He cannot help
expressing his surprise that there should be
Officers and Soldiers in this army so void of
common sense, as not to see the impropri-
ety of such a step at this Juncture; at a Time
when we are solliciting, and have really ob-
tain'd, the friendship and alliance of the peo-
ple of Canada, whom we ought to consider as
Brethren embarked in the same Cause. The de-
 7

fence of the general Liberty of America: At [4] Edward L. Bond, Spreading the gospel in colonial Virginia
such a juncture, and in such Circumstances, to (Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 2005), p. 93
be insulting their Religion, is so monstrous, as
[5] Sharpe 2005, p. 87
not to be suffered or excused; indeed instead of
offering the most remote insult, it is our duty [6] Fraser 2005, p. 352
to address public thanks to these our Brethren,
as to them we are so much indebted for every [7] Sharpe 2005, p. 88
late happy Success over the common Enemy in [8] Sharpe 2005, pp. 88–89
Canada.[72]
[9] Cressy 1992, p. 73
Generally, following Washington’s complaint, American [10] Hutton 2001, pp. 394–395
colonists stopped observing Pope Day, although accord-
ing to The Bostonian Society some citizens of Boston cel- [11] Cressy 1992, pp. 83–84
ebrated it on one final occasion, in 1776.[73] The tradi-
[12] Fraser 2005, pp. 356–357
tion continued in Salem as late as 1817,[74] and was still
observed in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, in 1892.[75] [13] Nicholls, Mark, “The Gunpowder Plot”, Oxford Dictio-
In the late 18th century, effigies of prominent figures nary of National Biography (Oxford University Press), re-
such as two Prime Ministers of Great Britain, the Earl trieved 4 November 2010 (subscription or UK public li-
of Bute and Lord North, and the American traitor Gen- brary membership required)
eral Benedict Arnold, were also burnt.[76] In the 1880s
[14] Sharpe 2005, p. 89
bonfires were still being lit in some New England coastal
towns, although no longer to commemorate the failure [15] Sharpe 2005, p. 90
of the Gunpowder Plot. In the area around New York,
stacks of barrels were burnt on election day eve, which [16] Hutton 2001, p. 395
after 1845 was a Tuesday early in November.[77] [17] Cressy 1992, p. 74

[18] Sharpe 2005, p. 92

3 See also [19] Cressy 1992, p. 75

• Bonfire toffee [20] Cressy 1992, pp. 70–71

• Gunpowder Plot in popular culture [21] Cressy 1992, pp. 74–75

• Push penny [22] Sharpe 2005, pp. 96–97

• Sussex Bonfire Societies [23] Sharpe 2005, pp. 98–100

• West Country Carnival [24] Hutton 2001, p. 397

[25] Pratt 2006, p. 57

[26] Schwoerer, Lois G. (Spring 1990), Celebrating the Glori-

4 References
Notes
[1] Nationally, effigies of Fawkes were subsequently joined
by those of contemporary hate figures such as the pope,
the sultan of Turkey, the tsar of Russia and the Irish
leader Charles Stewart Parnell. In 1899 an effigy of the
South African Republic leader Paul Kruger was burnt at
Ticehurst, and during the 20th century effigies of mili-
tant suffragists, Kaiser Wilhelm II, Adolf Hitler, Margaret
Thatcher and John Major were similarly burnt.[11][12][13]
Footnotes
ous Revolution, 1689–1989, Albion: A Quarterly Journal
Concerned with British Studies (The North American Con-
ference on British Studies, hosted at jstor.org) 22 (1): 3,
JSTOR 4050254
[27] Rogers 2003, pp. 38–39
[28] Cressy 1992, p. 77
[29] Cressy 1992, pp. 79–80
[30] The great annoyance occasioned to the public by a set of
idle fellows, The Times (hosted at infotrac.galegroup.com)
D (5557), 4 November 1802: 3, retrieved 7 November
2010 (subscription or UK public library membership re-
quired)

[1] Fraser 2005, p. 207 [31] Cressy 1992, p. 76

[2] Fraser 2005, pp. 351–352 [32] Cressy 1992, p. 79

[3] Sharpe 2005, pp. 78–79 [33] Cressy 1992, pp. 76–79
8 4 REFERENCES

[34] Sharpe 2005, pp. 157–159 [64] Rawlinson, Kevin (5 November 2010), Guy Fawkes vs Di-
wali: Battle of Bonfire Night, independent.co.uk, retrieved
[35] Sharpe 2005, pp. 114–115 22 March 2011
[36] Sharpe 2005, pp. 110–111 [65] Sharpe 2005, p. 192
[37] Hutton 2001, p. 401 [66] Sharpe 2005, p. 142

[38] Sharpe 2005, p. 150 [67] Tager 2001, pp. 45–50

[39] Sharpe 2005, p. 159 [68] Young 1999, pp. 24, 93–94

[40] Cressy 1992, pp. 82–83 [69] Kaufman 2009, p. 99

[41] Fraser 2005, pp. 354–356 [70] Fuchs 1990, p. 36

[71] Sharpe 2005, p. 145

[42] Anon 1859, p. 4
[72] Fitzpatrick, John C., ed. (5 November 1775), The Writ-
[43] Cressy 1992, pp. 84–85
ings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript
[44] Bohstedt 2010, p. 252 Sources, 1745–1799, memory.loc.gov, retrieved 9 Novem-
ber 2010
[45] Sharpe 2005, pp. 159–160
[73] George Washington Expresses Surprise, dis-
[46] Hutton 2001, pp. 405–406 play.5thofnovember.us, archived from the original
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6 External links
5 Further reading
• For information on Pope Day as it was observed in
Boston, see 5th of November in Boston, The Bosto-
nian Society
• For information on Bonfires in Newfoundland and
Labrador, see Bonfire Night, collections.mun.ca
• To read further on England’s tradition of Protes-
tant holidays, see Cressy, David (1989), Bonfires
and Bells: National Memory and the Protestant Cal-
endar in Elizabethan and Stuart England, Berkeley:
University of California Press, ISBN 0-520-06940-
4. Cressy covers the same topic in Cressy, David
(1994), “National Memory in Early Modern Eng-
land”, in John R. Gillis, Commemorations – The Pol-
itics of National Identity, Princeton: Princeton Uni-
versity Press, ISBN 0-691-02925-3
• For anecdotal evidence of the origins of Guy Fawkes
Night as celebrated in the Bahamas in the 1950s,
see Crowley, Daniel J. (July 1958), 158. Guy
10 7 TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

7 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

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Kchishol1970, JohnOwens, Cameron Dewe, Paul Benjamin Austin, Tregoweth, Ahoerstemeier, Snozzwanger, Ronz, Jimfbleak, Docu,
Darkwind, Lee M, JASpencer, Dragons flight, Adam Carr, Jon Roland, Riddley, Sjorford, AlainV, Owain, Chrism, PBS, Moncrief,
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charoth, Brentdax, Gowdy, Sdgjake, Frungi, SDC, Doco, Joe Roe, SqueakBox, Ashmoo, Graham87, BD2412, 345th, RxS, Loris Ben-
nett, Rjwilmsi, Coemgenus, The wub, Pruneau, Ian Pitchford, SchuminWeb, RobertG, Gurch, Pharzo, Verybigfish86, Revolving Bugbear,
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Theprez98, Hairouna, Addshore, KittyRainbow, Jmlk17, Weirdy, Amphytrite, Retinarow, Oanabay04, Doberman Pharaoh, Celardore,
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Darkieboy236, Lostintheforest, SieBot, Prowebpromo, StAnselm, Bryan Duggan, Whitehatnetizen, Korax1214, Rockerdudeman, Smsar-
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7.2 Images
• File:6_november_bonfire_from_flickr_user_sjnikon.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c0/6_
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