IRAQ

AFTER THE MUSLIM

CONQUEST

MICHAEL  G.  MORONY  

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 Resources 

MATERIALS 

Problems  and  Possibilities 

When this project was begun over ten years ago there were no guides 
to  follow.  The first problem was to identify the usable materials.  With 
few  exceptions  modern scholarship  tends  to  be  confined  by  dynastic, 
religious,  and  linguistic  boundaries.  For  specialists  in  the  Sasanian 
period,  early  Islamic  history  is  a  Fortleben; for  students  of  Islamic 
history,  the period just before Islam is  a  preparatio. The only contem-
porary  scholar  with  substantial  publications  on  both  Sasanian  and 
Islamic Iran is  Richard Frye; no one has published extensively on both 
Sasanian  and  Islamic  Iraq.  Those  who  have  studied  more  than  one 
religious  tradition /have  usually  done  so  for  comparative  purposes; 
they  have  used  the  similarities  they  discovered  to  argue  for  the  "in-
fluence"  of one  tradition on another, generally  without showing how 
it  occurred. 
What  follows  is  a  discussion  showing  how  one  can  penet'tate  the 
materials  used  for this  study  and  how to  put them  to other  uses.  The 
discussion  is  not  intended  to  be  exhaustive.  Virtually  everything  per-
taining  to  the  period  under  study  is  evidence  of either  continuity  or 
change.  But  some  materials  are  more  useful  and  some  subjects  more 
significant  than  others.  Much  more can  be  done  with  these  materials 
than has been done here, and in  this  respect this study only represents 
a  beginning.  These materials  can  be  used  for subjects  other than con-
tinuity and  change.  Materials that often  are concerned primarily with 
other  or  broader  regions  have  also  been  used  for  what  they  have  to 
say  about  Iraq.  For  instance,  because  Iraq  was  part  of  the  Sasanian 
empire,  much  of  the  literature  on  Sasanian  Iran  is  a  good  source  of 
information,  especially  since  much  of the  evidence  used  for  generali-
zations  about the  Sasanian  period  pertains  to  Iraq.  At  the  same  time 
it is  important to remember that conditions in Sasanian Iraq were not 
necessarily  the  same  as  those  on  the  Iranian  plateau. 

Bibliographies 
Nevertheless,  one  can  start  with  works  such  as  ].  D.  Pearson's  A
Bibliography of Pre-Islamic Persia (London, 19 75 ), which lists articles 
as  well  as  books  concerning  Sasanians,  Magians,  Manichaeans,  and 

537 
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comparative religions.  Although  it contains only minimal  citations  of  (Paris, 1952-65 ) puts authors into an historical context and is a con-
the  literature  on  Christians  under  the  Sasanians,  it  cites  excavations  venient place to identify poets. An indispensable guide to articles is
that include sites  in  Iraq. A great part of the surviving literature which  J. D. Pearson's Index Islamicus, 1906-1955: A Catalogue of Articles on
was  composed  in  Iraq  in  the sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  centuries  was  Islamic Subjects in Periodicals and Other Collective Publications
written in Syriac, and one can use surveys such as  W.  Wright 's A Short (Cambridge, 1958), with supplements at five-year intervals thereafter
History of Syriac Literature (London,  1894) and A.  Baumstark's more  until 1977, when it was succeeded by the Quarterly Index Islamicus.
updated  authoritative  Geschichte der syrischen Literature (Bonn,  1922)  C. Cahen's Jean Sauvaget's Introduction to the History of the Muslim
to  identify  the  major  Syriac­writing  authors  whose  works  should  be  East (Berkeley and Los Angeles , 1965) is a critical bibliography which
consulted.  These  works  also  put their  authors  into  an historical  con- is organized both topically and chronologically and is still a good
text. More specifically, many of the thirty-four east Syrian authors guide to the older literature. A more extensive introduction to the
identified and discussed by A. Scher in his "Etude supplementaire SUr literature on Islam is provided by C. L. Geddes in An Analytical Guide
les ecrivains Syriens orientaux," ROC 11 (1906): 1-33, are sixth, to the Bibliographies on Islam, Muhammad, and the Qur'an (Denver,
seventh, and eighth-century writers. A more detailed guide is provided 1973 ). The bibliography by R. M. Savory and G. M. Wickens called
by I. Ortiz de Urbina 's Patrologia Syriaca (Rome, 1958; superseded Persia in Islamic Times (Toronto, 1964) covers a much longer chron-
by the 2nd ed., 1965), in which pages 45 to 201 contain a bibliography ological period and is somewhat peripheral to this study but includes
of east Syrian Christian authors with references to manuscripts, edi- references to works on early Islamic Iran.
tions of texts, and studies regarding them. This is brought up to date
and narrowed down to the seventh century by S. P. Brock's "Syriac Cultural Legacies
Sources for Seventh-Century History," in Byzantine and Modem Greek
Compared to the frequency of the phrase "continuity and change"
Studies 2 (1976), pp. 17-36, which provides an indispensable descrip-
in the titles of modern works, little theoretical consideration has been
tion of editions and translations of texts. Brock's " Syriac Studies 1960-
given to the nature of either. A useful and suggestive theoretical dis-
1970: A Classified Bibliography," Parole de I'Orient 4 (1973 ): 393-
cussion is provided by A. Gerschenkron's essay, "On the Concept of
465, is an equally useful guide to published books and articles, in-
Continuity in History," in his Continuity in History and Other Essays
cluding editions and translations of texts.
(Cambridge, Mass., 1968), pp. 11-39, even though his comments were
Arabic-writing authors have a great deal to say about the sixth and
generated by the modern argument over whether industrialization was
seventh centuries; therefore Arabic literature is second only to Syriac
a gradual or abrupt historical phenomenon.
for an understanding of Iraq in this period . From the eighth century
Questions of cultural transmission pertaining to Islamic civilization
onward, Arabic literature becomes predominant. Early Arabic literary
have tended to be concerned more with details of cultural content
sources can be identified in C. Brockelmann's monumental two volume
than with theoretical explanations for diffusion. They have also con-
. Geschichte der arabischen Literature (Weimar, 1898-1902). Although
centrated on two issues: what "older" civilizations "contributed" to
Brockelmann is still worth consulting, F. Sezgin's equally monumental
Islamic civilization, and what Islamic civilization "contributed" to
Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums (Leiden, 1967-79) is more up
western Europe. There is an immense literature on the latter question,
to date and easier to use. References to early Arabic-writing historians
but much of it tends to be apologetic in nature. Within this literature,
and to quotations of their work in Arabic literature, as well as the
two works stand out for their use of the idea of receptivity in diffusion
location of fragments, manuscripts, editions, and translations, are found
theory, similar to the use of reinforcement for continuity in this study.
in the section on "Geschichtsschreibung" in vol. I (Leiden, 1967), pp.
One is H.A.R. Gibb's "The Influence of Islamic Culture on Western
235-389. Christian Arabic-writing authors are surveyed and discussed Europe," Bulletin of the John Ryland's Library 38 (1955-56): 82-
in the second volume of P. Kawerau's Christlich-Arabische Chresto- 98. The other is T. Glick's Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early
mathie aus historischen Schriftstellern des Mittelalters, CSCO, Sub- Middle Ages (Princeton, 1979). Although Glick's theoretical discussion
sidia, 53, (Louvain, 1977). R. Blachere's Histoire de la litterature arabe is impressive, he has a much better command of the literature and

538 539
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issues  concerning  Christian  Spain  than  for  Muslim  Spain.  Conse-
quently, the validity of his comparative conclusions suffers from the
use of secondary sources for his material on Islamic Spain.
Nevertheless, no treatment of the Islamic east or of the former
question of cultural legacies in early Islamic civilization compares to
that of Glick. A. von Kremer's Culturgeschichte des Orients unter den
Chalifen (Vienna, vol. I, 1875; vol. II, 1877; Eng. tr. S. Khuda Buksh,
The Orient under the Caliphs, Calcutta, 1920) is the fountainhead for
the modern discussion of such matters. Although it has been considered
premature, it has cast a long shadow. For most modern scholars, von
Kremer is the source of the theory that the ' Abbasis were responsible
for an Iranian cultural revival. The arguments of C. Becker in favor
of Hellenistic influences in the formation of Islamic civilization may
be found in the articles collected in the first volume of his fslamstudien
(Leipzig, 1924-32). The view of Islamic civilization as an Hellenistic
cultural revival was also elaborated by A. Mez in Die Renaissance des
Islams (Heidelberg, 1922; Eng. tr. S. Khuda Buksh, The Renaissance
of Islam, London, 1937, repr. 1968). But R. Levy's "Persia and the
Arabs," in The Legacy of Persia, ed. A. J. Arberry (Oxford, 1963) is
simplistic and disappointing, being little more than a summary of the
ideas of others. The survival of pagan traditions in Islamic culture was
discussed in terms of the mythic background of certain Qur'anic figures
(such as Dhii l-Qarnayn) , Muslim appropriation of ancient gods and
heroes, and their survival in local cults and in place names in C. E.
Dubler's sixteen-page published lecture, Das Weiterleben des altern
Orients in Islam (Zurich, 1958 ). His article, "Survivances de l'ancien
Orient dans l'Islam (Considerations generales)," Sf 7 (1957): 47-75,
is more substantial and has a bibliography. J. Kraemer's Das Problem
der islamischen Kulturgeschichte (Tubingen, 1959) treats the transi-
tion from pre-Islamic to Islamic culture and balances the "Hellenic"
nature of that culture against other elements. More recently, and from
the point of view of survivals from late antiquity is the disparate
collection of articles assembled by R. Stiehl, ed., in Festschrift Franz
Altheim, Beitrage zur alten Geschichte und deren Nachleben (Berlin,
1970). The realization that the culture of the western part of the
Sasanian empire was not solely Iranian is reflected in the contributions
of Widengren, Brock, Drijvers, and others to a symposium held at
Gottingen in 1971 and published by A. Dietrich, ed., as Synkretismus
im syrisch-persischen Kulturgebiet (Gottingen, 1975).
In one way or another, these works help to identify the main in-
540
terpretive themes which have been emphasized with regard to the
cultural history of western Asia during Late Antiquity and in early
Islamic history. Since much of their content pertains directly to Iraq,
they are also useful sources for bibliography.
Surveys and General Works
The same can be said of a number of general works which provide
an interpretive outline and structure for understanding Iraq in this
period. Although this study was not concerned primarily with survivals
from ancient Iraq, some aspects of indigenous administrative and re-
ligious tradition proved to be of great antiquity or were worth com-
paring with ancient native precedents. A convenient introducation to
the earliest literate culture in Iraq with translations of some of its
literature is provided by S. N. Kramer's The Sumerians: Their History,
Culture and Character (Chicago & London, 1963). Ancient Iraq (Har-
mondsworth, Middlesex, 1964) by G. Roux is still a useful survey
down to the Neo-Babylonians (or Chaldaeans) and has a bibliography
by chapters. L. Oppenheim's Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait ofa Dead
Civilization (Chicago and London, 1964) is also considered to be a
good introduction with a rather critical interpretation.
There is no literature on the Sasanian period which deals with Iraq
as such. Cultural uniformity throughout the Sasanian empire during
its entire four-hundred-year existence appears to be assumed by most
scholars; so the available information on Iraq is put into a general
Sasanian context. The classic treatment of the Sasanian period is
A. Christensen's L'Iran sous les Sassanides (Copenhagen, 1944). After
thirty-five years of subsequent research it is now badly out of date.
Unfortunately no single work of comparable status has replaced it and
it continues to be treated as authoritative (including Christensen's own
mistakes and the French misspelling of Sasanid) . The value of F. Alt-
heim and R. Stiehl's Ein asiatischer Staat, Feudalismus unter den Sa-
saniden und ihren Nachbarn (Wiesbaden, 1954) is compromised by
Altheim's obsession with feudalism, but it must be consulted. It is
balanced by N. Pigulevskaja's Les villes de l'etat iranien aux epoques
parthe et sassanide (Paris, 1963) whose main thesis, put in a Marxist
framework, is that Sasanian Iran had a slave rather than a feudal
economy (she may be right, but her evidence is slim). R. N. Frye's
The Heritage of Persia (London, 1962) is a survey of the pre-Islamic
history of Iran to A.D. 640. Although the book is mostly concerned
with ancient dynasties, pages 207 to 255 cover the Sasanians and the
541
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

early  Islamic period.  The contributions  to a  conference held  in  Rome  Muslim conquest of Iraq in the general context of early Islamic ex-
in  1970  and published as  Atti del Convegno Internationale sui Tema: pansion may be found in F. Gabrieli's Mohammad and the Conquests
La Persia nel Medioevo (Rome,  1971)  are  uneven  but  more  up  to  of Islam (New York, 1968 ), pp. 118-34, and D. R. Hill's The Ter-
date.  Most recently  B.  Brentjes's  Das alte Persien: Die iranische Welt mination of Hostilities in the Early Arab Conquests A.D. 634-656
vor Mohammed (Vienna,  1978)  is  a  survey  of  ancient  history  which  (London, 1971), pp. 99-159. A substantial part of 'A. H. Zarrinklib's
covers  the  Sasanians  from  pages  213  to  264,  but  it  should  be  used  "The Arab Conquest of Iran and Its Aftermath," in The Cambridge
critically. The standard starting point for identifying material remains  History of Iran (Cambridge, 1975), IV: 1-56, deals with the conquest
from  the Sasanian period is  part V (the entire second volume) of A.  U.  of Iraq. The most recent, extensive, critical evaluation of the Arabic
Pope's  monumental  A Survey of Persian Art from Prehistoric Times materials is F. M; Donner's The Early Islamic Conquests (Princeton,
to the Present (London,  1938­39;  repr.  1964­65),  which  includes  1981), pp. 157-250.
Iraqi  monuments  and  artifacts.  The  entire  eighth  volume  of  Ars Is- The subsequent history of Iraq under Muslim rule tends to be or-
lamica (1941)  is  devoted  to  reviews  of  the  contributions  to  Pope's  ganized along dynastic lines and reflects the assumption that the re-
Survey. Of the two  articles  which  deal specifically  with the end of the  placement of the Marwani (Umawi) dynasty by the 'Abbasi dynasty
Sasanian  period,  J.  c. Coyajee's  "The House of Sasan:  The Last Phase,"  in the middle of the eighth century marked a significant historical
jCOI35 (1942): 43­51, tends to be nationalistic and apologetic, while  change. C. H. Becker's "Studien zur Omajjadengeschichte," Zeitschrift
B.  Faravashi's  "Les  causes  de  la  chute  des  Sassanides,"  in  La Persia fur Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archaologie 15 (1900): 1-36,
nel Medioevo, pp.  477­84,  is  uncritical  and  imaginative.  is an influential study which helped to define this "period." L. Caetani's
Since  the  region  of  the  upper­middle  Tigris  and  the  eastern  Jazira  Chronografia Islamica (Paris, 1912) was intended as a continuation
was included in this  study, works on the eastern part of the Byzantine  of his Annali dell' Islam in five volumes down to A.H. 132 (A.D. 750),
empire,  especially  on  Byzantine  Mesopotamia  and  the  Byzantine-Sa- but his selection and evaluation of information was based on ques-
sanian frontier, proved to be useful. However, the only general treat- tionable judgments about the reliability or unreliability of Arabic
ment of this region during Late Antiquity is J. B. Segal's " The Mes- transmitters. It can be used to identify some of the passages concerning
opotamian Communities from Julian to the Rise of Islam," Proceedings particular events but should not be used as a source of information
of the British Academy 41 (1955): 109-39, but it suffers from having itself. J. Wellhausen's Das arabische Reiche und sein Sturz (Berlin,
been put into a Cold War context. A good introduction to Byzantine 1902), translated into English by M. G. Weir as The Arab Kingdom
history in the Sasanian period is The Later Roman Empire 284-602 and its Fall (Calcutta, 1927; repr. Totowa, N.J., 1973 ) is the classic
(Norman, 1964) by A.H.M. Jones. The Persian War of the Emperor presentation of the Umawi dynasty as an Arab state. His assertion
Maurice (582-602 ) (Washington, 1939) by M. J. Higgins, affords that tribal conflict among the Arabs led to the fall of the dynasty
entree to Sasanian political history of the late sixth century. The in- became part of the standard interpretation. This was elaborated by
dispensable survey for the seventh century is the multivolume study, H. Lammens in a series of articles which emphasized the secular,
To Byzantion ston hebdomon aiona (Athens, 1965 onwards ), by A. N. worldly aspects of the Umawi regime and were published in his "Etudes
Stratos, which reached its fifth volume and the year A.D. 685 by 1974. sur Ie regne du calife omaiyade Mo' awia ler," Melanges de l'Universite
The first twO volumes, which cover the years from 602 until 634, have Saint-joseph 1-3 (Beirut 1906-1908) and Etudes sur Ie siecle des
been translated into English as volume 1 by M. Ogilvie-Grant (Am- Omayyades (Beirut, 1930). Together the works of Wellhausen and
sterdam, 1968) and identify all the primary sources for the Byzantine- Lammens represented the standard interpretation of the Umawi "pe-
Persian war in the early seventh century. The third volume, from 634 riod" for almost forty years (and still do in some quarters). Although
until 641, which covers the Muslim conquest of Syria and Egypt, has aspects of his interpretation remain controversial, the first scholar to
been translated into English as volume 2 by H. T. Hionides (Amster- challenge Wellhausen systematically and to really argue for assimi-
dam, 1972). lation between Arabs and non-Arabs before the advent of the 'Abbasi
Recent treatments of the circumstances and consequences of the dynasty was M. A. Shaban in his Islamic History A.D. 600-750 (A.H.

542 543
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132): A New Interpretation (Cambridge,  1971 ).  ' A.  A.  Dixon's study  istrative usage. Part III of the Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum (Lon-
of  the  reign  of  'Abd  ai­Malik  and  the  last  years  of the  second  fitna
called  The Umayyad Caliphate: 65-86/684-705 (A Political Study)
(London,  1971 )  is  revisionist  in  its  argument that ' Abd  ai­Malik was  and seals with short introductions that identify some of the published
a  serious  Muslim.  It contains  an  extensive  bibliography  of  Arabic  editions and literature. E. Herzfeld's Paikuli, Monument and Inscrip-
sources  and  has  been  translated  into  Arabic  as  al-Khilafah al-uma-
wiyah: dirasah siyaszyah (Beirut,  1973).  M.G.S.  Hodgson's  The Ven-
ture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization (Chi-
cago, 1974) is also revisionist in tone but much broader in scope. The
first volume, The Classical Age of Islam, includes the Sasanian back-
ground. But Hodgson's choice of terminology and emphasis has been
charitably described as idiosyncratic and his discussion of matters is
at the level of high culture in spite of his own denials. One should
consult the reviews such as those by C. Geertz in The New York Review
of Books 22, no. 20 (Dec. 11, 1975): 18-26, or E. Burke Ill, "Islamic
History as World History: Marshall Hodgson 'The Venture of Islam',"
IJMES 10 (1979 ): 241-64.
Since some of the most crucial developments in the first century of
Islamic history took place in Iraq, all of these works pay some attention
to that region. For more closely focused treatments of early Islamic
Iraq, see A. H. al-Kharbutli , Ta'rzkh al- 'Iraq fi :r,ill al-hukm al-Umawz
(Cairo, 1959); M. an-Najjar, ad-Dawla al-Umawiyya fi-sh-sharq (Cairo,
1962); and T. l. ar-Rawi, al- 'Iraq fi-l- 'Asr al-Umawz (Baghdad, 1965).
All of these studies discuss matters in the framework of the standard
interpretation.
For the reasons given above, and because Iraqi Muslim forces cam-
paigned in Iran in the seventh and eighth centuries, works on early
Islamic Iran reflect conditions in Iraq. This applies to B. Spuler's Iran
in friihislamischer Zeit (Wiesbaden, 1952), especially pages 5 to 34;
' A. l:f. Zarrinkub's Do qarn sokiAt (Teheran, 1344) ; and even C. E.
Bosworth's Szstan under the Arabs, from the Islamic Conquest to the
Rise of the Saffarids (30-250/651-864) (Rome, 1968). The best treat-
ment of early Islamic Iran in the previous decade is R. N. Frye's The
Golden Age of Persia: The Arabs in the East (London, 1975), which
has an instructive introductory chapter on Sasanian Iran.
Middle Persian Inscriptions
Monumental Sasanian inscriptions appear to be confined to the early
Sasanian period and are found outside of Iraq, but they are indispen-
sable sources of information about early Sasanian history and admin-
544
don, 1955 onward ) is devoted to Pahlavi inscriptions and contains
photographic plates of the inscriptions, ostraca, papyri, and some coins
tion of the Early History of the Sasanian Empire (Berlin, 1924) has
very useful notes that range much further than the inscription itself.
R. N. Frye's "Remarks on the Paikuli and Sar Mashad Inscriptions,"
Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 20 (1957 ): 702-9, should also be
consulted, as well as V. Papp and H. Humbach, "Die Paikuli-Inschrift
im Jahr 1971," Baghdader Mitteilungen 6 (1973 ): 99-109. There are
also articles by Frye on "The Middle Persian Inscription of Kartir at
Naqs-i Rajab," in the Indo-Iranian Journal 8 (1964-65): 211-25, and
"The Persepolis Middle Persian Inscription from the Time of Shapur
II," in J. P. Asmussen and J. Laess0e, eds., Iranian Studies, Presented
to Kaj Barr (Copenhagen, 1966), pp. 83-94. For the importance and
use of inscriptions as historical sources, see Frye's " History and Sa-
sanian Inscriptions, " in La Persia nel Medioevo, pp. 215-24.
Seals
Seals and seal impressions (bullae ) are more important than inscrip-
tions as artifacts and primary sources for the late Sasanian period.
Private seals contain images and symbolic devices, sometimes with the
owner's name; administrative seals contain inscriptions which identify
officials with their administrative jurisdictions. As historical evidence,
bullae are more significant than the seals themselves because they are
proof that those seals were used and give some indication of how they
were used . The images on seals are important for Sasanian art history,
although the significance of certain images is still debated. The in-
scriptions are invaluable contemporary evidence for the development
of Pahlavi orthography and usage, especially in the late Sasanian pe-
riod. The local background for the use of seals and a basis for com-
parison are provided by M. Gibson and R. D. Biggs in Seals and Sealing
in the Ancient Near East (Malibu, 1977).
A great many Sasanian seals in museums and private collections
have been published in illustrated catalogues. P. Horn's "Sasanidische
Gemmen aus dem British Museum," ZDMG 44 (1890): 650-78, gives
a brief description of 149 seals, their motifs, and the personal names
inscribed on them. The seals in the Berlin Museum were published by
P. Horn and G. Steindorff in Sassanidische Siegelsteine (Ki:inigliche
545
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES 

Museen  zu  Berlin ),  Mitteilungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen Inscriptions on seals amount to contemporary primary sources. They
4  (1891),  organized  by  motif  with  inscriptions  of  priests,  men,  and  are especially valuable because of the absence of other kinds of in-
women.  A.  J. Boriso v  and  V.  G.  Lukonin  published  the  seals  in  the  scriptions in Middle Persian in the late Sasanian period generally or
H ermitage  Museum,  Leningrad,  as  Sasanidskii gemmy: Katalog ob- in Iraq in particular. Inscribed seals that provide evidence for the
raniya gosudarstvennogo ermitazha (Leningrad,  1963 ). The definitive  religious significance of Iranian names and for the administrative struc-
catalogue of British  Museum  seals  is  A.D .H.  Bivar's  Catalogue of the ture of the Sasanians and of the Magian priesthood have been found
Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum , Stamp Seals, II: The in Iraq. Administrative seals are included along with all the others in
Sassanian Dynasty (London,  1969);  and  C.  J. Brunner  has  published  the catalogues noted above. Among early studies one should consult
a  catalogue  of  Sasanian Stamp Seals in the Metropolitan Mus eum o f P. Casanova's "Sceaux Sassanides," Revue d'Assyriologie 22 (1925 ):
Art (New  York,  1978).  Shorter  notices  of other collections  are  given  135-40, and E. Herzfeld's " Notes on the Achaemenid Coinage and
by  J.  M.  Unvala's  " Report  on  the  Examination  of Sasanian  Seals  of  Some Sasanian Mint-names," in Transactions of the International
the  Indian  Mu seum,  Calcutta,"  JNSI 12 (1950):  98­102,  and  by  Numismatic Congress, 1936, J. Allan and H. Mattingly, eds. (London,
P.  Gignoux,  "Les  collections  de  sceaux  et  de  bulles  sassanides  de  la  1938 ), pp. 413-26. Unfortunately C. Torrey's readings in " Pehlevi
Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris," in  La Persia nel Medioevo, pp.  535- Seal Inscriptions from Yale Collections, " JAOS 52 (1932): 201-7,
42 . One should now consult P. Gignoux, Catalogue des sceaux, camees tend to be unreliable, but the plates are good and the seals at Yale
et bulles sasanides (Paris, 1978) in the Bibliotheque Nationale and the are identified. Two of the administrative seals pertain to Iraq , as do
Louvre. two of the excellently illustrated seals in A. Maricq's "Classica et
The tendency has been to categorize seals according to motif in Orientalia. 10. Cachet administratif sassanide," Syria 39 (1962): 104-
order to discuss the significance of their images. See N. C. Debevoise, 5. The importance of such seals for Sasanian history is discussed by
"The essential characteristics of Parthian and Sasanian Glyptic Art," J. Harmatta in "Die sassanidischen Siegelinschriften als geschichtliche
Berytus 1 (1934): 12-18. P. Ackerman's "Sasanian Seals," in Pope's Quellen," A cta Antiqua A cademiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 12 (1964):
Survey, part V, pp. 784-815, organizes seals by motifs or symbols 217-30 .
and argues for their astrological meaning. J. M. Un vala 's "Sassanian By far the most important work on Sasanian inscribed seals and
seals and Sass anian monograms ," in M. P. Khareghat Memorial Vol- seal impressions over the last two decades has been done by R. Frye,
ume (1953 ), I: 44-74, is similar. The most ambitious attempt to ca- whose attention to seal impressions goes beyond the inscribed gems
tegorize Sasanian seals by motif is that by R. Gobi, Der sasanidische in museum collections and includes sealings found in situ at archae-
Siegelkanon: Handbiicher der mittelasiatischen Numismatik , IV ological sites. His article on " Die Legenden auf sassanidischen Sie-
(Brunswick, 1973 ), who proposed a typology of eleven basic motifs. gelabdriicken," WZKM 56 (1960): 32-35, concerns western Iran . It
For a criticism of Gobi 's categorization of certain motifs, see the review is followed by a series of articles on particular collections, such as
by J. Lerner, IjMES 7 (1976): 313-15. "Sasanian Clay Sealings in the Collection of Mohsen Foroughi," Ira-
Some of the personal seals are not Magian but Jewish or Christian. nica Antiqua 8 (1968 ): 118-132, also published as part II, vol. VI,
Both J. A. Lerner 's Christian Seals of the Sasanian Period (Istanbul, portfolio II, Seals and Coins of the Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum
1977) , and S. Shaked's, "Jewish and Christian Seals of the Sasanian (London, 1971 ); "Sassanian Clay Sealings in the Baghdad Museum,"
Period, " in Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet, ed. M. Rosen-Ayalon Sum er 26 (1970): 23 7-40; " Inscribed Sasanian Seals from the Nayeri
Uerusalem , 1977 ), pp. 17-31 , identify seals which seem to have Chris- Collection," Forschungen zur Kunst Asiens (Istanbul, 1970), pp. 18-
tian or Jewish significance. But since Biblical themes could be either 24; and on the seals found near Shiraz in his Sasanian Remains from
Jewish or Christian or perhaps both, the religious provenance of such Qasr-i Abu Nasr: Seals, Seatings, and Coins (Cambridge, Mass., 1973 ).
themes remains ambiguous. For a critique of Lerner, see P. Gignoux, He has published at least three general discussions on the use of seals
"Sceaux chn!tiens d'Epoque sasanide," Iranica Antiqua 15 (1980): in the Sasanian period: " Sasanian Seal Inscriptions," in Festschrift
299-314. Franz Altheim, pp. 77-84; "Sasanian Seals and Sealings," in Memorial

546 547
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
Jean de Menasce, ed.  P.  Gignoux  and  A.  Tafazzoli  (Louvain,  1974),  Sumer 25 (1969):127-29, notes important evidence that the Sasanians
pp.  155­61; and "The Use of Clay Sealings in Sasanian Iran," in  Textes
et Memoirs, Y,  Varia 1976,  Acta Iranlca (Leiden,  1977),  pp.  117-
124.
Seals and seal impressions have a great deal of information to offer
on art history, religious symbolism, naming patterns, and administra-
tion for the late Sasanian period. Unfortunately, they contain no in-
formation about where and when they were made and must be used
in conjunction with coins.
Coins
Coins are at least as important as seals as primary SOurces. In the
first place, since late Sasanian coins are dated by year of a ruler's reign,
the orthography of their inscriptions helps to date inscribed seals. In
the second place although Sasanian seals were used by Muslims who
sometimes put Arabic inscriptions on them, early Islamic seals have
not been studied enough to enable one to make valid comparisons,
and early Muslim administrators do not seem to have used or made
administrative seals of the Sasanian type. In contrast, continuities and
changes in coins are clearly and easily traceable from the late Sasanian
to the early Islamic period on coins struck in Iraq. Coins thus provide
the only "hard" contemporary, datable evidence for the nature of
continuity and change in early Muslim Iraq, and what is learned from
them may be applied usefully to other kinds of materials.
Silver coins from the late Sasanian and early Islamic periods are
fairly common, and the typologies by year and mint location for each
ruler are fairly complete. The standard listing is F.D.]. Paruck's Sa-
sanian Coins (Bombay, 1924), which may be supplemented by R.
Yasmer's "Sassanian Coins in the Hermitage," Numismatic Chronicle
(1928), pp. 297-308, and by N. Nakshabandi and F. Rashid's "The
Sassanian Dirhems in the Iraq Museum (ad-Darahim as-Sasaniyya min
al-mt~f al-'Iraqi)," Sumer 2 (1955): 155-76. The most important
recent work on Sasanian coins has been done by R. Gobi, who con-
tributed a substantial chapter called "Aufbau der Munzpragung" to
Altheim and Stiehl's Asiatlscher Staat, pp. 51-128, and a notice on
"Die Munzen der Sasaniden im koniglichen Munzkabinett, Haag, par
P. Naster," to Iranica Antlqua 3 (1963): 82-84. Gobi's Sasanidische
Numismatik (Brunswick, 1971) is the most up-to-date general study
of all aspects of Sasanian coinage. W. al-Qazzaz, "A Rare Sassanid
Dinar in the Iraq Museum (Dinar Sasani nadir fi-Imat~ al-'Iraql),"
548
struck at least some gold coins. 1. Salman's "Coins Presented to the
Gulbenkian Museum," Sumer 29 (1973): 101-10, includes several
late Sasanian and post-reform Islamic coins.
Coins can supply many kinds of information. The images on coins
provide evidence for official symbolism as shown by V. G. Loukonin's
"Monnaie d' Ardachir I et l'art officiel sassanide," Iranica Antiqua 8
(1968): 106-17. Discussions of the astrological significance of the stars
and crescents on Sasanian coins go back at least to E. Drouin's "Les
symbols astrologiques sur les monnaies de la Perse, "La Gazette nu-
mismatlque 5 (Brussels, 1901) : 71-74, 87-91. The inscriptions on
coins are official expressions of political and religious ideology, as
shown by O. Klima's "Uber zwei Aufschriften auf den Munzen des
sassanidischen Konigs Chosroes I," in Festschrift fur Franz Altheim,
I: 140-42. The metallic content of coins can suggest possible sources
of ore and provide evidence of debasement applicable to economic
history. Comparisons between the metallic content of Sasanian and
Islamic dirhams have been made on the basis of the percentage of gold
that occurs naturally in silver ore by J. Bacharach and A. Gordus in
"Studies on the Fineness of Silver Coins," JESHO 11 (1968): 298-
317, and by A. Gordus in "Non-Destructive Analysis of Parthian,
Sasanian, and Umayyad Silver Coins," in D. Koumjian, ed., Near
Eastern Numismatics, Iconography, Epigraphy and History: Studies
In Honor of George C. Miles (Beirut, 1974), pp. 141-62. Greater
precision with the same technique was achieved by P. Meyers et al.,
"Major and Trace Elements in Sasanian Silver," in Archaeological
Chemistry, Advances in Chemistry Series 138 (Washington, D.C., 1974),
pp. 22-33, by using trace elements that occur in silver only in parts
per million or per billion.
Mint-marks occur on Sasanian coins in the form of abbreviations
consisting of twO or three consonants which are believed to stand for
the administrative centers where the coins were struck. The problem
has always been how to identify the mint-marks. Since post-reform
Islamic coins have their mint location written out in Kufic script, it
has been assumed that, because of administrative continuity, Sasanian
mint-marks could be identified with known Islamic mints. One of the
first to do this was O. Blau in "Istandara de Meschon. Ein Beitrag zur
Munztopographie der Sassaniden," Numismatische Zeitschrift 9 (1877 ):
273-83. This procedure was also sanctioned by Herzfeld. The first
reasonable listing and proposed identification of Sasanian mint-marks
549
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES 

is  F.D.]. Paruck's "Mint­marks on Sasanian and Arab­Sasanian coins,"  logia Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld (Locust Valley, N.Y.,
INSl 6  (1944):  79­151.  A.  R.  Bellinger  may  have  been  the  first  to  1952), pp. 235--43, and "Monnaies sassanides et arabes provenant
suggest  the  existence  of  a  mint  at  Veh­Ardashir  in  "A  Note  on  the  des fouilles de Blchiipour," in Fouilles de Chapour, vol. II of R. Girsh-
Sasanian Mint monograms,"  Numismatic Review 3  (1946):  48,  while  man's, Les Mosaiques sassanides (Paris, 1956), pp. 185-91. The hoards
]. T.  Milik  argued  for  a  mint  for  Adiabene in  "A propos  d'un  atelier  published by M. A. al-'Ush in The Silver Hoard of Damascus (Da-
monetaire  d'Adiabene:  Natounia,"  Revue Numismatique 4  (1962):  mascus, 1972) and in Tresor de monnaies d'argent trouve a Umm
51­58.  A.D.H.  Bivar included  a  study of Sasanian  mint­marks  in  "A  Hajarah (Damascus, 1972) contain both Sasanian and early Islamic
Sasanian Hoard from Hilla,"  Numismatic Chronicle (1963), pp.  157- coins. P. Schinaja's "A Coin Hoard from Choche," Mesopotamia 2
68. R . GobI has discussed several such theoretical issues concerning (1967 ): 105-33, concerns 205 Sasanian silver coins.
the interpretation of Sasanian coins in "Der Sasanidische Munzfund The Arab-Sasanian coins struck by the Muslims in the Sasanian style
von Seleukia (Veh-Ardaser) 1967," Mesopotamia 8-9 (1973-1974): following the conquest provide unique contemporary evidence for the
229-60. M. I. Mochiri's Etudes de numismatique lranienne sous les complexities of continuity and change. Serious scholarship appears to
Sassanides (Teheran, 1972 ) speculates on the identification of several begin with J. Walker's "Notes on Arab-Sasanian Coins," Numismatic
mint-marks. Substantial disagreement still exists over the identification Chronicle (1934) and]. M. Unvala's "Quelques monnaies arabes a
of a significant number of mint-marks. For the time being it is probably legendes pehlevies et quelques autres monnaies bilingues pehlevie-
best to follow Gobi's suggestion (which was originally pointed out by arabes," Numismatic Chronicle (1937), pp. 280-96. However, the
Herzfeld) that the abbreviations on coins are most likely to correspond classic presentation of such coins is J. Walker's A Catalogue of the
to the administrative jurisdictions which are written out fully in the Arab-Sassanian Coins (London, 1941) for coins in the British Museum.
Pahlavi script in the Middle Persian language on contemporary Sa- A. Guillou's Les monnayages pehlevi-arabes (Paris, 1953) does the
sanian administrative seals. Obviously the coins and administrative same for such coins in the Cabinet des Medailles of the Bibliotheque
seals need to be used together. Nationale, but it was reviewed unfavorably by G. Miles in Ars Ori-
However, there is sufficient agreement on the identification of enough entalia 2 (1957): 591. More up-to-date general treatments are provided
mint-marks to justify drawing tentative conclusions about how far the by N. Naqshabandi in ad-Dirham al-islami, al-Guz' al-awwal: ad-
coins found in hoards and at archeological sites had traveled. At the Dirham al-islami al-macirub 'ala t-tiraz as-sasani (Baghdad, 1389/
same time, we cannot assume that coins traveled in a straight line 1969), and H. Gaube's Arabosasanidische Numismatik (Brunswick,
from where they were struck to where they were found or that they 1973).
traveled no further. Sasanian coins are found together with Islamic More specialized studies include R. Girshman's "Une monnaie de
coins in hoards and at sites; the maximum difference in dates among Zyad I. Abu Safian, Gouverneur du Fars," in Melanges Syriens offerts
coins found together indicates that silver coins could circulate for a a Monsieur Rene Dussaud (Paris, 1939), II: 697-701; ]. Walker's
century or more. So excavation coins and hoards provide suggestions " Some New Arab-Sassanian Coins," Numismatic Chronicle (1952),
about the distance, direction, and length of circulation of coins. In pp. 106-110; and G. Miles's "Some Arab-Sasanian and Related Coins,"
addition to the hoard from Hilla published by Bivar and the coins for ANSMN 7 (1957): 187-209. The three studies by R. Curiel called
Veh-Ardashir published by Gobi, a hoard of coins struck in the twelfth "Monnaies Arabo-Sasanides," in Revue numismatique (1965 ), pp.
year of Khusraw II (602) has been published by P. J. Seaby in "A 321-28; (1966), pp. 61-69; (1967 ), pp. 103-16, are particularly use-
'Year 12' Hoard of Khusrau II, Sassanid King of Iran," Seaby's Coin ful in discussing the historical significance of certain coins. For Arab-
and Medal Bulletin (1971, no. 11), pp. 397--400, andW. B. Warden, Sasanian coins struck at Basra, see W. al-Qazzaz, "an-Nuqud al-is-
]r. in "Supplementary Hoard of 'Year 12' Drachms of Xusro II, Sas- lamiyya al-maqruba bi-IBa~r ' ala qiraz as-sasani," Sumer 24 (1968):
sanian King of Iran," Seaby's Coin and Medal Bulletin (1973, no. 2), 127-29. Such a coin struck by Ibn al-Ash'ath during his rebellion and
pp. 50-52. Excavation coins were published by ]. Walker in " Some now in the Iraq Museum is discussed in the article by al-Qazzaz on
Early Arab and Byzantine-Sassanian Coins from Susa," in Archaeo- "ad-Dirham al-islami al-maqrub 'ala qiraz as-sasani Ii- 'Abd ar-Ra\:l-

550 551
 RESO U RCES 
man  Mubammad al­Ash 'ath  [sic)  fi­I­matbaf  al'Iraq,"  Sumer 26  (1 970):  Husayni, " al-Kuna wa-I-alqab 'ala nuqud al-Kufa," Sumer 26 (1970 ):
285­89. 
The  major  catalogu es  of  post­reform  Islamic  coins  are  those  by].  The information which may be extracted from these coins has not
Walker,  A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umayyad
Coins (London, 1956 ) for those in the British Museum, and N . Naqsh-
a bandi's "ad-Dirham al-Umawi al-mac;lrub 'ala qiriiz al-islami al-
kha~," Summer 14 (1958 ): 101-24. For early Islamic coins in general,
H. Lavoix, Catalogue des monnaies musulmanes de la Bibliotheque
nationale: Khalifes orientaux (Paris , 1887) is still worth consulting.
The standard reference work for all Islamic coins is E. von Zambauer's
Die Miin z pragungen des Islams, zeitlich und ortlich geordnet (Wies-
baden , 1968 ).
One should also consult specialized studies such as Rare Islamic
Coins, Numismatic Notes and Monographs, no . 118 (New York, 1950)
by G. Miles and his articles on "The Earliest Arab Gold Coinage,"
ANSMN 13 (1967): 205-29, and "Dirham," EI (2 ), II: 319-20. His
article on "Islamic and Sasanian Numismatics: Retrospect and Pros-
pect," Rapports, Co ngres International de Numismatiqu e (1953 ), I:
129--44, is a useful survey of the issues and problems. See also I.
Salman 's articles on " A Rare dirham of ' Abdul Malik Ben Marwan
(Dirham nadir li -I-khalifati I-Umawi 'Abd ai-Malik ibn Marwan ,"
Sum er 26 (19 70 ): 163-67; "An Earliest dirham Struck in Arabic Style
by Abdul Malik ibn Marwan (Aqdam dirham mu 'arrab li-I-khalifati
'Abd aI-Malik ibn Marwan," Sumer 27 (1971 ): 147-52; and the Abu
Sayda hoard in "Majmu'a dananir Umawiyya: kanz Abi Sayda," Su-
m er 28 (1972): 113-20.
Discussions of the activity of Islamic mints goes back to Arabic
literature. A. Mari's an-Nuqud al-'arabiya wa 'ilm an-numiyat (Cairo
and Baghdad, 1938 ) contains Baladhuri's Kitab an-nuqud excerpted
from his Futiih al-buldan and Maqrizi's Kitab al-qadtma al-islamiyya.
' A. Fahmi 's Fajr as-sikka al-'arabiyya (Cairo, 1965 ) deals with the
origin and early development of the Islamic mint. A. Ehrenkreutz 's
" Dar al-c;larb," EI (2 ), II: 117-18, is a brief description of mint activ-
iti es. A more recent treatment is J. Stepkova 's "A Contribution to the
Minting Techniques of the Umayyad Coinage," Annals ofth e N dprstek
Mus eum (Prague), 8 (1975 ): 147-56. For particular Islamic mints in
Iraq , see G. Miles, " Abarqubadh, a new Umayyad mint," ANSMN 4
(1950 ): 115-20; W. Welin , " Wasit the Mint-Town," B-.lletin de la
Societe Royale des Lettres de Lund 4 (1 955-56 ): 127-69; and M. al-
552
RESOUR C ES
169-235.
yet been used as extensively or as effectively as it might be. The most
important works based on the evidence from coins are G. Miles, "The
Iconography of Umayyad Coinage," Ars Orientalis 3 (1959 ): 207-
13, and P. Grierson, " The Monetary Reforms of 'Abd ai-Malik,"
jESHO 3 (1960): 241-64. The Arabic inscriptions on epigraphic Is-
lamic coins are an unmined source for political and religious ideology.
Several hundred such slogans and the coins on which they are found
are listed by M. al-Husayni in "Dirasa ib~a i ' y a li-sh-shi' arat 'ala-
n-nuqud fi-l ' a ~ r al-islami," al-Maskiikat 6 (1975 ): 102--41. The best
introduction to thi s field and its issues and problems is the state-of-
the-art article by M. Bates called " Islamic Numismatics," MESAB 12,
no . 2 (1978): 1-16; 12, no. 3 (1978 ): 2-18; 13, no. 1 (1979): 3-21;
13, no. 2 (1979): 1-9. It is impossible to understand the transition
from Sasanian to Islamic rule in Iraq without reference to the coins.
They not only bear their own burden of information but they are
indispensable for dating the contexts in which they are found .
Archaeology and Monuments
Physical evidence of past material culture abounds in Iraq but the
hundreds of sites datable to Late Antiquity and the Islamic period
have barely been touched. Since the remains from these periods lie on
or near the surface, there is a great deal that could be done with a
minimum of effort compared to earlier periods. That which has been
done has contributed to our knowledge of architecture, art, domestic
life, and material culture. Pottery, glass, and jewelry contain clues
about technology, manufacturing, and changing styles that are im-
portant for economic and social history. Animal and vegetable remains
tell us about diet and rural products; hum an remains tell us about
burial customs and diseases. Above all, isolated objects out of context
do not reveal as much as the juxtaposition of objects at a particular
site.
Why do these materials remain relatively unexploited compared to
what has been done for ancient Iraq? The answer lies partly in prior-
ities, in the prestige accorded to "spectacular" finds, to objects with
intrinsic artistic merit, to great antiquity, and to larger, denser urban
sites. Formerly post-antique materials nearer the surface were merely
removed, sometimes with bulldozers, as an undesirable " overburden '
553
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
in  order to get  to  more  valuable,  older  levels  below.  When  later ma-
terials were collected, they were the last to be studied or published.
Much that has been done remains unpublished or has been published
very slowly and in obscure places. In some places the more recent
levels are so close to the surface that they have eroded away. Recently
priorities have been determined by development projects which threaten
sites, making "salvage" archaeology necessary.
What has been done so far is extremely valuable. But since these
excavations represent such a small fraction of what remains in the
ground, conclusions based on them can only be tentative. The exca-
vations at Hira were reported by D. Talbot Rice with a map in "Hira,"
jRCAS 19 (1932 ): 254-68, with plans and photographs in "The Ox-
ford Excavations at Hira, 1931," Antiquity 6 (1932): 276-91, together
with G. Reitlinger in "Oxford Excavations at Hira," jRAS 2 (1932):
245-69, and in "The Oxford Excavations at Hira," Ars Islamica 1
(1934): 51-73. Two fifth-century Sasanian palaces were published by
S. Langdon and D. B. Harden in "Excavations at Kish and Barguthiat
1933," Iraq, 1 (1934): 113-36. D. and J. Oates, "Nimrud 1957: The
Hellenistic settlement," Iraq 20 (1958 ): 114-57, is important here
mainly for what the authors have to say about the destruction of
surface materials.
The vicinity of the Sasanian imperial capital at Mada'in has received
relatively greater attention than other sites. The first real archaeology
on the Sasanian remains was reported by O. Reuther in "The German
Excavations at Ctesiphon," Antiquity 3 (1929): 434-51; by E. Kuhnel
and F. Wachtsmuth in Die Ausgrabungen der zweiten Ktesiphon-Ex-
pedition (Winter 1931132) (Berlin, 1933); by J. Upton in "The Ex-
pedition to Ctesiphon 1931-32," The Bulletin of the Metropolitan
Museum ofArt 27 (1932): 188-97; and by J. Schmidt in " L'Expedition
de Ctesiphon 1931-32," Syria 15 (1934): 1-23. Since Tell Umar had
already been identified as the site of the Seleucid and Parthian city of
Seleucia, the round walled city was identified as Ctesiphon. S. Shah!
discussed some of the Sasanian remains east of the Tigris around the
Iwan Kisra in "A Sassanian Canal at al-Madain (Saqiyya sasaniyya fi-
I-Mada'in)," Sumer 11 (1955): 209-11. More thorough excavations
have been undertaken by an Italian team beginning in the fall of 1964.
Early results were published by G. Gullini in "First Report of the
Results of the First Excavation Campaign at Seleucia and Ctesiphon
(lst October - 17th December 1964)," Sumer 20 (1964): 63-65, and
in his "First Preliminary Report of Excavations at Seleucia and Cte-
554
 
siphon," Mesopotamia 1 (1966) : 1-88, with sixteen plates and thirty--
four illustrations. Pages 7 to 38 of the latter contain Gullini's "Prob-
lems of an Excavation in Northern Babylonia." One of their first
discoveries was that the round city was Veh-Ardashir (the Coche or
"Seleucia" of late Sasanian Christian literature) instead of Ctesiphon.
Further reportS by G. Gullini et al. have appeared in Mesopotamia 2
(1967): 7-133; 3-4 (1968-69): 7-158; 5-6 (1970-71): 4-104; 7
(1972): 9-41; and 12 (1977): 7-14. The discovery of a late Sasanian
fort at Tell Umar is reported by A. Invernizzi in "The Excavations at
Tell 'Umar," Mesopotamia 5-6 (1970-71): 13-19. Excavations at
the only part of the round city where Islamic period remains are likely
to survive are reported by R. Venco Ricciardi in "Trial Trench at Tell
Baruda (Coche )," Mesopotamia 8-9 (1973-74): 15-20. General re-
sults are summarized by T. Madhloom in "al-Mada'in Cfisfun 1970-
1971)," Sumer 27 (1971): 129-46, and by A. Invernizzi, "Ten Years
Research in the al-Mada'in Area: Seleucia and Ctesiphon," Sumer 32
(1976): 167-75.
The two most important excavations at early Islamic sites in Iraq
are those at Wasit and Kufa. The results from Wasit were published
by F. Safar in Wasit: The Sixth Season's Excavations (Cairo, 1945).
Those from Kufa were published by M. Mustafa in "Excavations at
Kufa (Taqrir awaliyya 'an at-tanqib fi-I-Kufa li-I-mawasim ath-thani),"
Sumer 10 (1954 ): 73-85; "Excavations at Kufa (Third Season) (Taqrir
awaliyya ' an at-tanqib fi-I-KUfa li-I-mawsim ath-thalith)," Sumer 12
(1956): 3-32, English translation by C. Kessler, "Preliminary Report
on the Excavations in KUfa during the Third Season," Sumer 19 (1963):
36-65, with an excellent foldout plan of the Dar al-Imara; and "Dar
AI-Imara at Kufa," Sumer 13 (1957): 207-8 (Arabic text pp. 191-
92). There have been no systematic excavations at Mawsil, but see
S. El-Daywachi's " Umayyad Mosque at Mosul (al-Jami ' al-umawi fi-
l-Maw~i)," Sumer 6 (1950) : 211-19 . The only real attempt to use
material evidence as the basis for a general synthesis of the continuity
of social and artistic forms from Late Antiquity to the Islamic period
is by U. Monneret de Villard, Introduzione allo studio dell' archeologie
islamica (Venice, 1966), but the results are more suggestive than con-
clusive.
Archaeology also provides information about site occupation, which
has implications for demographic and ecological changes. "Tell Abu
Sarifa, a Sassanian-Islamic Ceramic Sequence from South Central Iraq,"
Ars Orientalis 8 (1970): 87-119, by R. Adams records the results of
555
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

the  only  excavation  of  a  village  site  spanning  the  late  Sasanian  and  104, and "Sasanian Pottery from Tell Mahuz (North Mesopotamia ),"
early  Islamic  periods.  It was  done  in  order  to  establish  a  diagnostic  Mesopotamia 5-6 (1970-71) : 427-82. The latter contains a review
ceramic sequence to date sherds collected from the surface over a larger  and bibliography of the literature on pottery. The most recent attempt
region.  One of the main contributions by  Adams  has  been  to  develop  to understand "Islamic" pottery is M. Rosen-Ayalon's La poterie is-
techniques  of  inference  from  surface  materials  for  regional  surveys.  lamique (Paris, 1974).
His survey of the Diyala plains was published in  Land Behind Baghdad Glass is as important a source as pottery but has received relatively
(Chicago,  1965);  surveys  of  lower  central  Iraq  were  published  by  little attention. Sasanian glass has been published by D. Harden in
Adams  and  H.  Nissen  in  The Uruk Countryside: The Natural Setting "Excavations at Kish and Barguthiat 1933," pp. 131-36, and in
of Urban Societies (Chicago  and  London,  1972),  and  by  Adams  in  R. Girshman's "Appendice sur les fouilles de Medain," in H. de Ge-
Heartland of Cities: Surveys of Ancient Settlement and Land Use on nouillac, Fouilles de Telloh (Paris, 1936), pp. 139-50 (from Medain
the Central Floodplain of the Euphrates (Chicago and London,  1981 ).  Ruqba near Warka ). More recently M. Negro Ponzi has published
See  also  M.  Gibson,  The City and Area of Kish (Miami,  1972),  and  "Sasanian Glassware from Tell Mahuz (North Mesopotamia )," Mes-
H.  Nissen,  "Sudbabylonien  in  parthischer  und  sasanidischer  Zeit,"  opotamia 3-4 (1968-69): 293-384; "Islamic Glassware from Seleu-
Baghdader Mitteilungen 6  (1973):  79­86.  To their credit,  Adams and  cia," Mesopotamia 5-6 (1970-71): 67-104; and "Jewellery and Small
his colleagues included everything from the prehistoric to the Ottoman  Objects from Tell Mahuz (North Mesopotamia)," Mesopotamia 5-6
periods, so their results proved very useful for this study. In  the process  (1970-71): 391-425. The appearance of ubiquitous, small, long-necked
of  developing  diagnostic  tools,  they  have  defined  the  difference  be- bottles associated with the early Islamic period and the existence of
tween "Sasanian" and "Islamic" pottery and differences in the size industrial-sized glassworks noted by Girshman at Medain Ruqba and
and weight of bricks and in the composition of mortar. However, by Negro Ponzi at Seleucia are important for economic history.
there is no way of showing that these changes occurred abruptly at The Iraqi landscape is still dotted with the remains of structures
the moment of conquest, although they tend to be interpreted that from the Sasanian and early Islamic periods. The earliest substantial
way. In particular, where or when the distinctive blue or blue-green studies of monumental buildings are C. Preusser's Nordmesopota-
glazed "Islamic" poetry originated or how it spread is still unknown. mische Baudenkmaler altchristlicher und islamischer Zeit (Leipzig,
One must remember that such pottery was arbitrarily dubbed "Is- 1911), and F. Sarre and E. Herzfeld's Archaologische Reise im Eu-
lamic" by modern scholars and that this designation has influenced phrat-und-Tigris-Gebiet, vols. I, III (Berlin, 1911), vols. II, IV (Berlin,
the dating of the sites where it was found. Worse still, in recent cases 1920). More recently, pre-Islamic Iranian architecture has been sur-
even reputable scholars have assumed that the presence of such pottery veyed by G. Gullini in Architettura iranica degli Achemenidi ai Sasanidi
on a site meant that the former inhabitants had been Muslims. (Turin, 1964). D. Oates's "Qasr Serij: A Sixth-Century Basilica in
The best presentation to date of typologies of "Sasanian" and "Is- Northern Iraq, " Iraq 24 (1962): 78-89, is an important study of a
lamic" pottery by shape, composition and decoration for lower central particular monument and is included in his Studies in the Ancient
Iraq is that by Adams in "Tel Abu Sarlfa." The gradual shift that he History of Northern Iraq (London, 1968).
indicates from very diverse, high-quality locally made wares to stand- For examples of fifth-century Sasanian palaces in lower-central Iraq,
ardized, wheel-made, imported wares during this period has important see L. Watelin, "The Sasanian Buildings near Kish," in Pope's Survey,
implications for economic history. Earlier publications of pottery in- II: 584--92. The White Palace of the Sasanians at Mada'in was de-
clude D. Harden, in "Excavations at Kish and Barguthiat 1933," pp. stroyed to build an ' Abbasi palace in the ninth century, but remains
124--30, and R. Ettinghausen, "Parthian and Sasanian Pottery," in of the palaces built by Khusraw II at Dastagerd and Qasr-i Shirin
Pope's Survey, II: 646-80. F. Day's "Mesopotamian Pottery : Parthian, survive, as does an impressive part of the Iwan Kisra at Mada 'in. The
Sassanian, and Early Islamic" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Michigan, 1940) mound called the Zindan which is surrounded by remains of half-
remains unpublished but is still cited. More recently R. Venco Ricciardi round towers at Dastagerd is discussed in Sarre and Herzfeld, II: 76-
has published "Pottery from Choche," Mesopotamia 2 (1967): 93- 93. For the palace at Qasr-i Shirin, see O. Reuther, "Sasanian Archi-

556 557
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

tecture,  A.  History,"  in  Pope's  Survey II;  539­43.  This  section  also  discussed in O. Grabar's "The Architecture of Power: Palaces, Citadels
has  a  plan  of  the  Iwan  Kisra  (Taq­i  Kisra ),  pp.  543­45 .  One  should  and Fortifications," in Architecture ofthe Islamic World, ed. C. Mitch-
also  compare  the  remains  at  Istakhr  in  D.  Whitcomb,  "The  City  of  ell (London, 1978 ), pp. 48-79. Impressed by the number of fortified
Istakhr  and  the  Marvdasht  Plain,"  in  Akten des VllI Internationalen rural palaces from the early Islamic period, Grabar argues that urban
Kongresses fur Iranzsche Kunst & Archaologie, 7-10 Sept. 1976,  pp.  citadels developed later. If so, the Kufan citadel is an important ex-
363­70.  ception.
Although  the  rock  carving  at Taq­i  Bustan,  located  approximately  The field of art history has so far made the most extensive use of
10  km.  northeast  of  Kirmanshah,  is  not  in  Iraq,  it  is  the  only  such  material remains. In addition to Pope's Survey, one can consult
monument attributed  to  Khusraw  II  which,  along  with  its  differences  K. Erdmann's Die Kunst Irans zur Zeit der Sasaniden (Berlin, 1943 )
from  early  Sasanian  reliefs,  makes  it  particularly  important.  The  in- and R. Girshman's Persian Art: The Parthian and Sassanian Dynasties,
dispensable early discussions are those in E. Herzfeld's Am Tor von 249 B.C.-A.D . 651, tr. S. Gilbert and]. Emmons (New York, 1962 ).
Asien (Berlin, 1920 ), pp. 57-103; K. Erdmann's "Das Datum des Taqi Specialized studies include J. Schmidt's "Figurlich sasanidische Stuck-
Bustan, " Ars Islamica 4 (1937); 79-97, where the monument is at- dekorationen aus Ktesiphon," Ars Islamica 4 (1937): 175-84; R. Venco
tributed to Peroz (Flriiz, A.D. 457-83 ); and Herzfeld's "Khosraw Par- Ricciardi 's "Note sull' arte tessile sasanide," Mesopotamia 3-4 (1968-
wiz und der Taqi Vastan," Archeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran 9 69); 385-415; and especially C. Bier's comments on "Textiles" in P.
(1933 ); 91-158, whose attribution of the monument to Khusraw II Harper's Royal Hunter: Art of the Sasanian Empire (New York, 1978),
tends to hold the field. For recent discussions and interpretations of pp. 119-40. P. M. Costa, "The Mosaic from Tell Khwaris in the Iraq
this monument, see P. Soucek, "Farhad and Taq-i Biistan ; The Growth Museum," Iraq 33 (1971 ): 119-24, concerning a late Sasanian or very
of a Legend," in Studies in Honor of R. Ettinghausen, ed. P.]. Chel- early Islamic floor mosaic from the region of the lower Zab, should
kowski (New York, 1974), pp. 27-58, and M. C. Mackintosh, "Taqi be compared with M. Taha's "A Mural Painting from Kufa," Sumer
Bustan and Byzantine Art; A Case for Early Byzantine Influence on 27 (1971 ): 77-79, which reveals important continuities in decoration.
the Reliefs of Taq-i Bustan, Iranica Antiqua 13 (1978); 149-77. Of all the vast literature on Islamic art, the most important for a study
B. Finster and ]. Schmidt's Sasanidische und fruhislamische Ruinen such as this are R. Ettinghausen's From Byzantium to Sasanian Iran
im Iraq (Berlin, 1977) is an important and useful study of the mon- and the Islamic World: Three Modes of Artistic Influences (Leiden,
uments along the Iraqi-Arabian frontier, especially in the region be- 1972), and O. Grabar's The Formation of Islamic Art (New Haven,
tween Anbar and Hira. For buildings from the early Islamic period, 1973 ). Fortunately, in their concern for how objects were made, art
see K.A.C. Creswell, "A Bibiliography of Muslim Architecture of Mes- historians have led the way in recent years in discovering the techniques
opotamia," Sumer 12 (1956 ); 51-65, and his Early Muslim Archi- of artisanal production.
tecture vol. I, part I (Oxford, 196 9).
The fortified eighth-century palace at Ukhaydir is a major early Arabic Inscriptions and Documents
Islamic monument east of 'Ayn Tamr on the edge of Iraq. W. Caskel It is no secret that the Arabic language began to be written in the
identified it with the late Sasanian fortress called Qasr Muqatil and Kufic script in the sixth century. The earliest inscriptions appear to
suggested that it was rebuilt by ' Isa ibn ' Ali beginning in A.H. 145/ be those at Zebed (A.D. 512) and at Harran (A.D. 568). There are
A.D. 762 in "al-Ubaic;lir," Der Islam 39 (1964); 29-37. M. B. al-
contemporary written sources in Arabic from the seventh and eighth
Husaynl described the excavations there with plans, photographs, and centuries in the form of inscriptions on buildings, tombstones, coins,
artifacts in "al-Ukhaydir," Sumer 22 (1966); 79-94. For the discovery seals, and weights, and on papyri which contain doctrinal, chrono-
of a bath on the site, see R. Pagliero et al., "Ubaydir, an Instance of logical, administrative, paleographic, and onomastic information.
Monument Restoration," Mesopotamia 2 (1967 ); 195-217. Ukhaydir N. Abbott pioneered the interpretation and use of these materials in
is also presented in Creswell's Early Muslim Architecture, vol. II (New The Rise of the North-Arabic Script and Its Kur'anic Development
York, 1979), pp . 50-98. The general significance of such buildings is (Chicago, 1939 ). For an early criticism of her position and counter-

558 559
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
VIews,  see  A.  Jeffery's  review  in  MW  30  (1946):  191­98.  For  her  selection of texts. Grohmann's Arabische ChronologielArabische Pa-
response see  pp.  73­79  of her  "Arabic Paleography,"  Ars Islamica 8  pyruskunde, Handbuch der Orientalistik, supp. vol. II (Leiden, 1966)
(1941):  65­104.  A.  Grohmann's Arabische Palaographie (Vienna,  1967-
71), the product of decades of work, is the standard reference for this
subject.
For early Arabic texts, one can consult B. Moritz, Arabic Palaeog-
raphy: A Collection of Arabic Texts from the First Century of the
Hidjra till the Year 1000 (Cairo, 1905); M. Van Berchem, Materiaux
pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum (Jerusalem, 1922); and
E. Combe, J. Sauvaget, and G. Wiet, Repertoire chronologique d'e-
pigraphie arabe (Cairo, 1931). H. EI-Hawary's "The Most Ancient
Islamic Monument Known Dated A.H. 31 (A.D. 652) from the Time
of the Third Calif 'Uthman," jRAS (1930), 321-33; "The Second
Oldest Islamic Monument Known Dated A.H. 71 (A.D. 691) from the
Time of the Omayyad Calif 'Abd-el-Malik ibn Marwan," jRAS (1932),
289-93; and Steles funeraires (Cairo, 1932) concern early Islamic
tombstones now in Egypt. N. Abbott's "The Ka~r Kharana Inscription
of A.H. 92 (A.D. 710): A New Reading," Ars Islamica 11-12 (1946):
190-95, which testifies to the companionship of at least one Muslim
and one Jew; G. Miles's "Early Islamic Inscriptions Near Ta'if in the
Hijaz," jNES 7 (1948): 236-42, which includes Mu'awiya's building
inscription on a dam dated A.H. 58 (A.D. 678); and C. Kessler's "'Abd
ai-Malik's Inscription in the Dome of the Rock," jRAS (1970), pp.
2-14, should all be consulted. Although none of these inscriptions are
from Iraq, they are evidence of contemporary Arabic usage and provide
a context for understanding an inscription dated A.H. 64 (A.D. 683)
found in the desert west of Karbala. This inscription was published
by 'I. ar-Rassam, "Hagar Hafnat al-'Ubayyid," Sumer 2 (1955): 213-
17. For early inscriptions from Iraq, one should now consult I. Salman,
ed., Texts in the Iraq Museum, vol. VIII, Arabic Texts (Baghdad,
1975).
Arabic papyri are indispensable documents for understanding the
administration and social and economic life of early Islamic Egypt.
They are proof in themselves of the use of written Arabic in early
Islamic administration and provide examples of what administrative
communications were like. They thus serve as a control on the letters
and other documents from early Islamic Iraq that are quoted in later
Arabic literature. The best survey and introduction to the papyri in
English is still A. Grohmann's From the World of Arabic Papyri (Cairo,
1952), which has an extensive guide to collections of papyri and a
560
is more up to date; his Arabic Papyri from ljirbet el-Mird (Louvain,
1963) contains some important early documents. N. Abbott's The
Kurrah Papyri from Aphrodito in the Oriental Institute (Chicago,
1938), and "A New Papyrus and a Review of the Administration of
'Ubaid Allah ibn al-Habhab," in Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honor
of Hamilton A. R. Gibb, ed. G. Makdisi (Leiden, 1965) are equally
important. Arabic papyri from the early Marwanl period were also
published by C. J. Kraemer in Non-Literary Papyri (Princeton, 1958).
On the controversial issue of the use of Arabic writing for literature,
see N. Abbott's Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri (Chicago and Lon-
don, 1957-72), and M. J. Kister, "On the Papyrus of Wahb b. Mu-
nabbih," BSOAS 37 (1974): 545-71.
Chronicles
For the most part, a sense of the succession of events in a temporal
framework rests on a series of overlapping chronicles. Although the
Sasanian royal annals do not survive in their original form, contem-
porary Byzantine chronicles serve as part of the basis for reconstructing
Sasanian political history. Since they are primarily concerned with
Byzantine matters, they tend to provide information about the Sa-
sanians only when they were involved with them. Byzantine chroniclers
tend to be better informed about the border region and western parts
of the Sasanian empire than about eastern Iran; this makes the chron-
icles somewhat useful in studying Iraq. The Rerum gestarum libri qui
supersunt of Ammianus Marcellinus covers the years from 284 until
376. Since he participated in Julian'S invasion of Iraq, his eyewitness
account is a primary source for conditions existing on the middle
Euphrates in the fourth century. The Latin text was published with
an English translation by J. Rolfe in the Loeb Classical Library (Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1935-39). The Syriac chronicle of Joshua the Stylite to
the end of A.D. 506 contains the only contemporary account of the
Mazdaki movement as well as an account of the campaigns of Qubadh
I in Byzantine Mesopotamia. It survives in the chronicle of Dionysius
of Tell Mahre, from which it was extracted and published by W. Wright
(Cambridge, 1882). Prokopios (Procopius) of Caesarea was also an
eyewitness and participant in the campaigns of Belisarios against the
Persians under Justinian. The first two books of his History of the
Wars cover the Persian wars from 408 until 549 and are full of gossip
561
 RESOURCES
RESOURCES 

II. It was published with a Latin translation as Historiarum, CSHB

about  the  Persian  court  obtained  from  envoys.  The  Greek  text  was 
12 (Bonn, 1834) . The Greek text alone was published by C. De Boor
published  with  an  English  translation  by  H.  B.  Dewing  in  the  Loeb 
as Historiae (Stuttgart, 1972 ). By far the best local contemporary
Classical  Library  (London  and  New  York,  1914).  G.  Carratelli  eval-
source for Iraq in the early seventh century is a chronicle compiled or
uates the kind of information which Ammianus and Prokopios provide
redacted by an anonymous Nestorian monk in the 670s (the so-called
about the Sasanians, especially Prokopios' account of the Mazdakis,
Khuzistan chronicle), which covers the reigns of Hurmizd IV and
in "La Persia dei Sasanidi nella storiografia romana da Ammiano a
Khusraw II and the period of the Muslim conquest through the 640s.
Procopio," in La Persia nel Medioevo, pp. 507-604. See also A. Per-
The text was published by l. Guidi as Chronica Minora I, CSCO, Scr.
tusi, "La Persia nelle fonti bizantine del secolo VII," ibid., pp. 605-
Syri, 1 (Louvain, 1955): 16-39, with a Latin translation in CSCO,
32.
Scr. Syri, 2 (Louvain, 1955): 13-32, from a modern copy of a four-
Two Syriac chronicles cover local events in northern Iraq in the
teenth-century manuscript. T. Noldeke's annotated German transla-
fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries. The History of Karka dhe Beth Selok
tion, "Die von Guidi herausgegebene syrische Chronik," Sitzungsber-
is a local history of fifth-century Kirkuk composed in the sixth century
ichte der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-Hist. Klasse
and is mostly an account of Christian martyrs; but it contains im-
portant information about Sasanian administration. The text, edited (Vienna, 1893), 128: 1-48, is utterly reliable. This period is also
covered up to 661 by the history of Heraclius in Armenian, ascribed
from a seventh- or eighth-century manuscript, was published by
to Sebeos. It was edited and translated by F. Macler in Histoire d'He-
G. Moesinger in Monum enta syriaca ex Romanis codicibus collecta
raclius par /'eveque Sebeos (Paris, 1904); but since its main concern
(Innsbruck, 1878 ), II: 63- 75; in P. Bedjan's Acta martyrum et sanc-
torum (Leipzig, 1891 ), II: 507-37; and in the Chrestomathie of
is Armenian ecclesiastical matters, it is only peripheral to Iraq. A
contemporary account of events in the late seventh century from north-
K. Brockelmann's Syrische Grammatik (Berlin, 1899). It is translated
ern Mesopotamia is given by the Nestorian monk and native of Beth
in G. Hoffmann's Auszuge aus syrischen Akten persischer Miirtyrer
(Leipzig, 1880), pp. 43-60. For a positive evaluation of this text, see Zabhde, Yobannan bar Penkaye. His Ketabha dh e Resh Melle is a
summary of world history until 686 and was composed in the 690s.
J. M. Fiey, "Vers la rehabilitation de l'histoire de Karka d'Bet Slob,"
The last two books (XIV and XV) cover the seventh century but are
AB 82 (1964): 189-222. M eshiba-Z<kha's ecclesiastical history of Adi-
highly partisan and prone to exaggeration . This text was published in
abene (the Chronicle of Arbela) was composed in about the middle
A. Mingana's Sources syriaques (Leipzig, 1907), I: 1"'-171 *, with a
of the sixth century. It has been published with a French translation
French translation of book XV (pp. 172 *-97*). An account of books
by A. Mingana as "Histoire de l'eglise d'Adiabene sous les Parthes et
XIII-XV is given by A. Scher in "Notice sur la vie et les oeuvres de
les Sassanides," Sources syriaques, I (Leipzig, 1908 ), and by F. Zorelli
Yohannan bar Penkaye," fA, 10th ser., 10 (1907): 161-78. See also
as "Chronica Ecclesiae Arbelensis," Orientalia Christiana Num. 31,
P. G. Sfair, "II nome e I'epoca d'un antico scrittore siriaco," Bessarione
vol. 8, no. 4 (1927): 145-204. The argument over the reliability of
31 (1915 ): 135-58, and " Degli scritti e della domina di Bar Pinkaie,"
this text concerns the flagrant anachronisms in its account of early
ibid., pp. 290-309 . For a more recent discussion, see T. jansma's
Christianity during the Parthian period. There does not seem to be
"Projet d'edition du Ketaba de Resh Melle de Jean bar Penkaye,"
such a problem with its account of late Sasanian conditions and the
anonymous continuation added in about 820 provides useful infor- L'Orient Syrien 8 (1963 ): 87-106.
Several later Syriac minor chronicles and fragments of chronicles
mation about the monastery of Beth Qoqa in the seventh and eighth
cover the seventh and eighth centuries. They consist mostly of lists of
centuries (Mingana, Sources syriaques, I: 171-267).
events by year or of lists of rulers and are identified in Brock's "Syriac
A contemporary account of the reign of the Byzantine emperor
Sources," pp. 18-22. An anonymous chronicle of world history from
Maurice (582-602) was provided by the Egyptian Theophylactus Si-
creation until 774 was compiled in northern Mesopotamia in about
mocatta . His Greek text in eight books is a good source of information
775 and has been falsely attributed to Dionysius of Tell Mahre. Part
for events in the western part of the Sasanian empire, especially the
4 which begins with the death of Justin II, was edited, with a French
revolt of Bahram Chiibin and the flight and restoration of Khusraw

563
562
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
translation,  by  ].  B.  Chabot  as  Chronique de Denys de Tell-Mf:lhre,
quatrieme partie (Paris,  1895 );  he  later  published  an  edition  of  the  ai-Furs wa-l- 'Arab (Mss. Cambridge Qq 225 , Cairo Ta'rikh 4505 ),
entire  text  as  Incerti auctoris chronicon pseudo-Dionysianum vulgo
dictum, CSCO,  Scr . Syri, 53  (Louvain,  1933 ).  Another  anonymous  Work entitled 'Nihayatu' I-irab [sic] fi akhbari'I-Furs wa'I- ' Arab,'
chronicle  until  819  from  northern  Mesopotamia  survives  in  a  local  particularly of that part which treats of the Persian Empire," jRAS
ninth­century manuscript.  This text is  edited  by  A.  Barsaum as  Chro-
nicon Anonymum ad annum 819  pertinens, CSCO,  Scr. Syri, 36  (Lou-
vain, 1920): 3-22, with a Latin translation by]. B. Chabot, Anonymi
auctoris Chronicon ad AC 1234 pertinens, I. Praemissum est Chro-
nicon anonymum ad AD 819 pertinens, CSCO, Scr. Syri, 56 (Lou vain,
1937) : 1-16. This chronicle is followed closely by another anonymous
universal chronicle until 846 that survives in a tenth-century manu-
script. This chronicle is edited by E. W. Brooks as Chronicon ad
Annum Domini 846 pertinens, Chronica Minora II, CSCO, Scr. Syri,
3 (Louvain, 1955): 157-238, with a Latin translation by J. B. Chabot,
CSCO, Scr. Syri, 4 (Louvain, 1955): 121-80.
Although portions of the XVatay-namak may survive as separate
Middle Persian works, none of these deal with the late Sasanians. J. c.
Tavadia identified such works in Die Mittelpersisch e Sprache und
Literatur der Zarathustrier (Leipzig, 1956 ), pp. 135-38 . There is also
a Middle Persian summary of Sasanian history which probably came
from the X Vatay-namak in the Bundahishn (T. D. Anklesaria, Bombay,
1908 ), pp. 214-16.
The Sasanian royal annals were translated into Arabic by ' Abdullah
ibn al-Muqaffa' (723-59), a Persian bureaucrat employed in Muslim
administration in Iraq. His translation survived at least until the elev-
enth century but is no longer extant. However, his surviving shorter
works and fragments were collected and published in Athar Ibn al-
Muqaffa' (Beirut, 1966), and are worth consulting. Ibn al-Muqaffa '
also translated Katila wa-Dimna, ed. ' A. ' Azzam (Beirut, 1973) from
Middle Persian into Arabic. For his life and works see E. Ross , "Ibn
Muqaffa' and the Burzoe Legend," jRAS (1926 ); F. Gabrieli, "L'opera
di Ibn al-Muqaffa '," RSO 13 (1931-32): 197-247; P. Kraus, "Zu Ibn
al-Muqaffa'," RSO 14 (1934): 14-20; D. Sourdel, " La biographie
d'Ibn al-Muqaffa' d'apres les sources anciennes," Arabica 1 (1954):
307-23; ]. Ghurayyib, 'Abdullah ibn al-Muqaffa ' (Beirut, n.d.); and
' A. Hamzah, Ibn al-Muqaffa ' (Cairo, 1965 ). Whether derived from
the Middle Persian text directly or from the translation by Ibn al-
Muqaffa', material from the annals was used by those Arabic-writing
universal chroniclers who covered the Sasanians and are noted below.
564
 
This material also appears in the anonymous Nihayat ai-arab {t akhbar
which is summarized by E. G. Browne in " Some Account of the Arabic
(1900), 195-259}. It is also the basis of the Ghurar akhbar muliik al-
Furs wa siyaruhum by Abu Man~ur 'Abd ai-Malik ibn Mu\:lammad
ath-Tha 'alibi (350196 1-42911038), which was edited with a reliable
French translation by H. Zotenberg as Histoire des rois des Perses
(Paris, 1900).
The earliest surviving Arabic chronicle is the Ta'rtkh of Khalifa ibn
Khay~ (d. 240/854-55), which has been edited by A. al-'Umari in
two volumes (Najaf, 138611967) and covers Islamic history until 2321
846-47. For an evaluation see]. Schacht, "The Kitab al-Tarib of
Ijalifa b. Hayyar," Arabica 16 (1969): 79-81. The earliest surviving
Arabic account of the Muslim conquests is the Kitdb futiih al-buldan
of A\:lmad ibn Yal,1ya ibn Jabir al-Baladhurl (d. 279/892), ed. M.]. de
Goeje (Leiden, 1866 ). The conquest of Iraq is treated on pages 110
to 113 and 241 to 289 of this text, which is translated into English
by P. K. Hitti as The Origins of the Islamic State (New York, 1916;
repr. Beirut, 1966 ). The Kitab al-akhbar aHiwal (Leiden, 1912 ) of
Abu Hanifa A\:lmad ibn Da 'ud ad-Dinawari (d. 2811894 ) and the
Ta'rtkh (Leiden, 1883 ) of A\:lmad ibn Abi Ya ' qub ibn Wadi\:l al-
Ya ' qubi (d. 284/8 97 ) are the earliest surviving connected narrative
"universal" histories in Arabic. AI- Ya ' qubi covers Sasanian history
less extensively than Dinawarl, although the obvious anachronisms in
Dinawari's account of the Sasanians must be balanced against the fact
that he is clearl y well informed about the local history of his region
of origin in western Iran.
The massive, three-part Ta'rtkh ar-rusul wa l-muliik of Abu Ja'far
Mu\:lammad ibn Jarir a~-Tbri (224/839-3101923 ) is probably the
single most important Arabic source for early Islamic history. It was
edited in fifteen volumes by M. ]. de Goeje (Leiden, 1879) and by
M. Ibrahim (Ca iro, 1960). Universal in form and scope, it includes a
section on Sasanian history derived from the lost royal annals and was
reliably translated into German by T. Noldeke as Geschichte der Perser
und Araber zur Z eit der Sasaniden (Leiden, 1879). Although this is a
connected narrative, Tabari's account of Islamic history is not; it is
composed of quotations and excerpts of varying lengths from works
of earlier authors. In Tabari one finds the accounts of early Islamic
565
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

history  by  eighth­century  Arabic­writing  authors  such  as  the  Kufan  of this text with a French translation was published in nine volumes
Abu  Mikhnaf  Lu~ ibn  Yaryya  al­Azdi  (d.  15 7/774)  and  Abu  I­Hasan  by C. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille as Les prairies d 'or
'All  ibn  Muryammad  al­Mada'ini  (135 /752­235 /850),  who  was  born  (Paris, 1861-77). Unfortunately this edition was based on only five
in  Basra,  lived  in  Mada'in,  and  died  in  Baghdad.  Such  authors  are  manuscripts in Paris and Leiden, and the French translation tends to
also  cited  by  Dinawari  and  Ya'qubi,  but  not  nearly  so  extensively.  be rather free and imaginative, sometimes ignoring entire phrases and
The  Persian  summary,  prepared  by  Abu  Muryammad  ibn  'Abdullah  clauses of the Arabic text. Consequently the use of this French trans-
Bal'ami in  about 352/963  and translated into French  by H. Zotenberg  lation by non-Arabists interested in the Sasanian period from Chris-
as  Chronique de Abou-Djafar-Mo 'hammed-ben-Djarir-ben- Yezid Ta- tensen onward, has resulted in some strange interpretations of Sasanian
bari, traduite sur la version persane d'Abou- 'Ali Mo 'hammed Bel'ami history and in the emergence of pseudo-issues. Many more manuscripts
(Paris,  1938)  in  four  volumes,  is  full  of  tenth­century  anachronisms  of this text are now known; but when C. Pellat undertook to do a
and  is  no  substitute  for  Tabari's  Arabic  text.  revised edition and translation in the 1960's he claimed that a quick
The Kitab al-Futuh (Ms.  Topkapisaray, Ahmet III,  no.  2956), com- survey convinced him that these manuscripts were not worth the effort
posed in 819 by Arymad ibn 'Uthman ibn A' tham al-Kufi (d. 314/ for either the text or the translation so he collated only two additional
926), is not as authoritative as Baladhuri but should be consulted. manuscripts. Pellat's revised translation was published first in five
There is a Persian translation by M. al-Mustawfi al-Harawi (Bombay, volumes (Paris, 1965-74), but he did little more than "modernize"
1300/1882), but so far the only published Arabic edition consists of the French of the previous translation. All seven volumes of his revised
an inferior text with gaps filled in by the Persian translation (Hay- text were published in Beirut by 1979, but he was concerned mainly
darabad, 1975). with correcting the form of foreign names. Consequently Pellat's edi-
Arabic universal histories continued to cover the Sasanians along tion and translation represent little significant improvement, and there
with Islamic history in the tenth century. The Ta'rzkh sinz muluk al- is still no real edition of this text based on all known manuscripts. In
arc;i wa-l-anbiya' (Beirut, 1961) of Hamza ibn ai -Hasan al-I~fhni (fl.
order to discourage the use of either of these editions or translations,
904-61) contains some unique details about the end of the Sasanian
Y. Daghir's four-volume Beirut (1965-66 ) edition has been cited here.
period, as well as descriptions of the physical appearance of Sasanian
For evaluations of Mas'udi as an historian, see C. Pellat, "Was al-
monarchs that appear to come from portraits. This text was also edited
Mas'udi a Historian or an Adib?" jPHS 9 (1961): 231-324, and
by ]. Gottwaldt in two volumes as Tawarzkh sinz muLUk al-arc;i wa-l-
]. Ali, "Sources of Al Mas'udi's History Work (Mawarid ta'rikh al-
anbiya' (Leipzig, 1844, 1848). The Kitab al- 'Unwiin, written before
Mas'udi)," Sumer 20 (1964): 1-48. Mas ' udi has recently been the
945 by the Christian Agapius of Manbij, took the Syriac tradition of
universal history into Arabic. This text was published by S. ]. Cheiko subject of two important monographs, each valuable in its own way :
as Agapius Episcopus Mabbugensis, Historia Universalis, CSCO, Scr. T. Khalidi's Islamic Historiography: The Histories of Mas 'udz (Al-
Arabici 10 (Louvain, 1954), and with a French translation by A. A. bany, 1975), and M . Shboul's Al-Mas 'udz and His World: A Muslim
Vasiliev in PO, V:4; VIl:4; VIII:3 (Paris, 1909-12). Humanist and His Interest in Non-Muslims (London, 1979).
Among the major Arabic-writing historians, Abu I-Hasan 'All ibn The Opus Chronologicum of Elias of Nasibin (Elias bar Shinaya,
al-Husayn al-Mas ' udi, a native of Baghdad who died in Egypt in 345/ 975--ca. 1049) is a bilingual, interlinear Arabic and Syriac text with
956, is second only to Tabari in importance. His Kitiib muriij adh- events for each year and calendrical tables until 1018; it survives in
dhahab wa-ma'adin al-jawhar, written in about 943, is a major uni- an autograph manuscript dated 1019 (BM Add. 7197). The text was
versal chronicle. His section on the Sasanians has been used widely published by E. W. Brooks and]. B. Chabot in CSCO, Scr. Syri, 21,
along with Tabar! in modern interpretations of Sasanian history. An 22 (Louvain, 1954), with a Latin translation in CSCO, Scr. Syri, 23,
English translation was published in three volumes by A. Sprenger as 24 (Louvain, 1954). The chronological part contains important details
El-Mas 'udi's Historical Encyclopaedia, Entitled " Meadows of Gold concerning upper Iraq and Mesopotamia in the early Marwani period ;
and Mines of Gems " (Muriij al-Dhahab) (London, 1841). An edition the Islamic section has been published with a German translation by

566 567
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
F.  Baethgen as  Fragmente syrischer und arabischer Historiker (Leipzig,  which were available to them but which no longer survive; this of
1884).  course means that there is no way to verify such information, which
The  anonymous  chronicle  of  Si'irt  is  a  tenth­ or  eleventh­century  is complicated in the case of Bar Hebraeus by his inclusion of material
Arabic translation of a lost, earlier Syriac chronicle. There is  no  agree-
ment among scholars on which one it is, but the second part covers
the years from 484 until 650 and parallels the so-called Khuzistan
chronicle very closely. The second part was published as "Histoire
nestorienne" with a French translation by A. Scher in PO, VII:2 (1950)
and XllI:4 (1919).
The main value of the chronicle of Michael the Syrian (1166-99)
is that his account of the sixth through eighth centuries is based on
otherwise lost earlier sources. This text was edited in four volumes
with a French translation by ]. B. Chabot as the Chron/que de Michel
Ie Syrien (Paris, 1899-1910; repr. Brussels, 1963 ).
The summary of political theory and Islamic history through the
fall of Baghdad to the Mongols in 1258 by MUQammad ibn 'All ibn
Tab~ (or Ibn a~-Tiq, b. ca. 1262), called al-Kitab al-fakhrtfi-
l-adab as-su/taniyya wa-d-duwal al-islamiyya (Paris, 1895; Beirut, 13861
1966), is worth consulting only because it appears to contain some
unique details about early Islamic history. There is an annotated French
translation by E. Amar called Histoire des dynasties musulmanes de-
puis la mort de Mahomet jusqu'a la chute du Khalifat 'abbaside de
Baghdad (Paris, 1910 ), and an English translation by C.E.]. Whitting
called al-Fakhri: On the Systems of Government and the Moslem
Dynasties (London, 1947).
Without question, the most important thirteenth-century Arabic
universal history is the fo urteen-volume al-Kamil fi-t-ta 'rtkh (Leiden,
1866-71; Beirut, 138511965 ) by ' Izz ad-Din ibn al-Athir (1160-1233 ).
The most important universal history in Syriac is the chronicle of Bar
Hebraeus (d. 1286). The first part of it, called the Chronicon syriacum,
covers secular history but relies heavily on the chronicle of Michael
the Syrian. The best edition of this part is P. Bedjan 's Gregorii Bar-
hebraei Chronicon Syriacum (Paris, 1890). There is an English trans-
lation by E.A.W. Budge called the Chronography of Gregory Abu 'I
Faraj ... Known as Bar Hebraeus (Oxford, 1932). The second part
is an ecclesiastical history of both the Jacobite and Nestorian churches
and is based on earlier so urces. It was edited in two volumes with a
Latin translation by ]. B. Abbeloos and T. ]. Lamy as Gregorii Bar-
hebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum (Louvain, 1872, 18 77). Both Ibn
al-Athir and Bar Hebraeus include information from earlier sources
568
which is highly partisan or clearly legendary. These thirteenth-century
chronicles thus represent the point of diminishing returns in the search
for vestiges of earlier chronicles covering the late Sasanian and early
Islamic periods.
Because Muslim armies based in Iraq conquered Iran in the seventh
century, local histories in the New Persian language contain infor-
mation bearing on conditions in Iraq. They are either later Persian
translations of earlier Arabic compositions or made use of earlier
materials referring to the seventh and eighth centuries which no longer
survive. The Fars Nameh of Ibn al-Balkhi was completed before 1116
and is edited by G. Le Strange and R. A. Nicholson (London, 1921 ).
The Ma~sin I~fahn (Teheran, 1949) of MufacJcJal ibn Sa'd al-Ma-
farrukhi was written in Arabic in 42111030 and survives in a Persian
translation of 729 /1349. The Tartkh-i Qumm was originally written
in Arabic by Hasan ibn MUQammad ibn Hasan Qummi in 378 /988-
89 and translated into Persian by Hasan ibn ' Ali ibn Hasan ibn ' Abd
ai-Malik Qummi in 805-611402-3. The surviving Persian translation
was edited by S. Tehrani (Teheran, 131311 934 ). The contents are
discussed in A.K.S . Lambton's "An Account of the Tarikhi Qumm,"
BSOAS 12 (1948 ): 587-96. The Tartkh-i Ntshabiir of MUQammad
ibn 'Abdullah ai-Hakim an-Nisaburi (321 /933-40511014) survives in
an epitome edited by B. Karimi (Teheran, 133911960) and by R. Frye
as The Histories of Nishapur (Cambridge, Mass., 1965). The Tartkh-
i Tabaristan, ed. 'A. Iqbal (Teheran, 1942) of MUQammad ibn al-
Hasan ibn Isfandiyar was compiled in about 61311216 and was trans-
lated into English by E. G. Browne as An Abridged Translation of the
History of Tabaristdn (Leiden and London, 1905). The anonymous
Tartkh-i Szstan , ed. M . S. Bihar (Teheran, 131411935 ) covers the period
of conquest on pages 80 to 127 and is particularly useful. The Tarzkh-
i Bukhara, ed. Razavi (Teheran, 1938 ) of Abu Bakr MUQammad Nar-
shaki covers the conquest on pages 8 to 12 and 45 to 73 and is available
in a French translation by C. Schefer, D escription topographique et
historique de Boukhara, avant et pendant la conquete par les Arabes
par Mohammad Nerchaky, 943 (332 H.) (Paris, 1892; repr. 1975 ),
and in an English translation by R. Frye, Th e History of Bukhara
(Cambridge, Mass., 1954). All of these local histories contain some
information about Iranian captives and boory that were taken to Iraq
569
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
or Arabia and about Muslim emigration from  Iraq to Iran in  the early  940), who compiled his encyclopedia from eastern sources which were
Islamic  period.  available in Spain. The reliability of his information is questionable,
Adab
A great deal of information about the  past is  preserved in  works of  Muphhar ibn Tahir al-Maqdisi (fl. ca. 355 /966), which was edited
Arabic  literature  which  were  intended  to  serve  as  references  for  bu-
reaucrats and scholars. Letters, documents, and speeches are quoted
in this literature as examples of style to be emulated by scribes; as
sources of historical, genealogical, and biographical information for
allusions and comparisons; and as guides to practical ethics and rules
of conduct for standards of behavior.
Such information is organized and classified by topic in these works
in an encyclopaedic fashion for ease of reference. The earliest is al-
Adab al-kabtr wa-I-adab a?-?aghtr of Ibn al-Muqaffa ' (Beirut, 1956).
The works of 'Amr ibn Bahr al-J:ti~ (ca. 160/776-77-255/868-69)
are dominated by stylistic expression, but his Kitiib al-bayiin wa-t-
tabytn (Cairo, 1948-49, Beirut, 138811968) is worth consulting. A
sampling of the range of subjects he covered is given in C. Pellat's The
Life and Works of jiihi!-: Translations of Selected Texts , tr. D. M.
Hawke (Berkeley, 1969), which includes selections from unpublished
manuscripts along with the major works of Jal:ti~. His younger con-
temporary 'Abdullah ibn Muslim ibn Qutayba (828-889?) produced
two such works: the ten-part Kitiib 'uyun al-akhbiir, published in four
volumes (Cairo, 1964) and a one-volume manual called the Kitiib al-
ma'iirif (Cairo, 1969). For modern introductions to his work and
evaluations thereof, see l. Huseini, The Life and Works of Ibn Qutayba
(Beirut, 1950), and G. Lecompte, Ibn Qutayba, l'homme, son oeuvre,
ses idees (Damascus, 1965 ). The Kitab al-kiimil (Leipzig, 1864-92) of
Mul:tammad ibn Yazid al-Mubarrad (d. 898 ) is a useful historical
encyclopedia, with topics arranged in a general chronological frame-
work; on the other hand, the Kitiib al-muhabbar (Haydarabad, 1943)
of Mul:tammad ibn Habib (d. 860) organizes historical and geneolog-
ical information by categories of people with particular attributes in
the pre-Islamic and early Islamic periods. The first part of the Kitiib
akhbiir az-zamiin has been attributed to al-Mas'lidi. There is an edi-
tion by ' A. a~-Swi (Cairo, 135711938), as well as a French translation
by B. Carra de Vaux called L'abrege des merveilles (Paris, 1898).
One of the major works of this type from the tenth century is the
multivolume Kitab al- 'iqd al-fartd (Cairo, 1367-7211948-53) of Abu
Al:tmad ibn Mul:tammad ibn 'Abd Rabbihi al-Andalusi (246/860-328 /
570
but he appears to have preserved much of what would otherwise have
been lost. The same applies to the Kitiib ai-bad' wa-t-ta'rtkh of al-
with a French translation in six volumes by C. Huart (Paris, 1899-
1919). The Kitiib al-fihrist of Abu I-Faraj Mul:tammad ibn I~haq ibn
Mul:tammad ibn Isl:taq an-Nadim (d. 380/990- 91) presents authors
and their works organized by subject. It is an invaluable source for
identifying some of the early works that have not survived, especially
those by sectarian Muslims and by non-Muslims. The canonical edition
is that by G. Flugel (Leipzig, 1871-72). A two-volume English trans-
lation by B. Dodge is called The Fihrist of al-Nadtm: A Tenth-Century
Survey of Muslim Culture (New York, 1970).
Miscellaneous information can also be found in eleventh-century
compilations such as the Latii'if al-ma 'iirif of 'Abd aI-Malik ibn Mu-
l:tammad ath-Tha 'alibi. This text was edited by l. al-Abyari and H.
K. a~-Syrfi (Cairo, 1960) and it has been translated into English by
C. E. Bosworth as The Book of Curious and Entertaining Information
(Edinburgh, 1968).
Poetry and Poets
Arabic poetry is potentially a primary source for information on
the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries. The poems ascribed to poets
who are said to have lived in these centuries purport to commemorate
events, express feelings, and allude to current customs. However, be-
cause of the problems of transmission and interpretation and charges
of false attribution, it is not wise to take poetry at face value. Nor is
it wise to ignore it entirely, since the fragments of poetry embedded
in the narrative historical tradition may, in fact, be authentic. For
instance, the Dtwiin (Baghdad, 1965 ), or collected poems, of ' Adi ibn
Zayd al-'Ibadi would be invaluable primary material if it could be
verified that they were an authentic expression of a Christian Arab
poet of late pre-Islamic Hira. If the poems are only a representation
of what later poets and compilers circulated under his name, then we
at least know what kind of poetry was thought to be attributable to
him. We appear to be on surer ground with the poets of the Marwani
period whose expressions probably tell us what their audiences wanted
to hear. The poems by 'Ubaydullah ibn Qays ar-Ruqayyat (d. ca. 85 /
704) in praise of Mu~ ' ab ibn az-Zubayr were edited by N. Rhodo-
571
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES 

kanakis as  Der Diwan des 'Ubaid-Allah Ibn Kais ar-Rukajjat (Vienna,  on poetry, or that discounted information which had passed through
1902).  The poems of the Christian Ghayath ibn Ghawth al­Akhral  (d.  an anti-Umawl filter in the 'AbbaSI period. T. Noldeke's arguments
92/710)  in  praise of contemporary  rulers  were  edited  by  Houtsma  as  for the latter view in "Zur tendentosen Gestaltung der Urgeschichte
Encomium Omayyadarum (Leiden,  1878),  and his  Drwan was edited  Islams," ZDMG 52 (1898): 16-53, are still quoted. The arguments
by  A.  Salhani et al.  (Beirut,  1891).  The Drwiin (Beirut,  1960)  of Jarir  of J. Schacht in favor of a rather late date for a written Arabic literature
ibn  'Ariyya  al­Kharafa  (d.  114/732)  and that of l:fammam ibn  Ghalib  and for the identification of a chain of transmitters (Ar. isnad) in "A
ibn  Sa'~ al­Farazdaq  (641­728)  contain  references  to  events  and  Revaluation of Islamic Traditions," jRAS (1949 ), pp. 143-54, have
circumstances  in  Iraq  which  supplement  the  prose  accounts  and  ex- enjoyed widespread influence. More recently, A. Noth has based his
press a point of view. The text of al-Farazdaq's drwan was published criticism of Arabic accounts of the Muslim conquest on the repetition
with a French translation by R. Boucher as Divan de Ferazdak (Paris, of motifs in "I~fahn-Niwd. Eine quellenkritische Studie zur frlih-
1870). J. Hell's Divan des Farazdaq (Munich, 1900) is a facsimile of islamischen Historiographie," ZDMG 118 (1968): 274-96; "Der
the Istanbul manuscript. 'A. a~-Swl's Shar~ drwan al-Frzd~ (Cairo, Charakter der ersten gross en Sammlungen von Nachrichten zur frlihen
135411936) is a useful aid. The scurrilous poetic competition between Kalifenzeit," Der Islam 47 (1971): 168-99 ; and Quellenkritische Stu-
the latter two poets was published by A. Bevan as The Na~i'd of dien zu Themen, Formen und Tendenzen fruhislamischer Geschichts-
jarrr and al-Farazdak (Leiden, 1905-12) and contains informative uberlieferung (Bonn, 1973).
prose passages as well as variants of the poems in the drwiin. The Meanwhile, a countertrend of revisionist historiography opposing
Naqii'id alone were translated into English by A. Wormhoudt (Os- this tradition of hypercritical skepticism has emerged over the last
kaloosa, Iowa, 1974) . F. Krenkow's edition and translation of The three decades. This includes a more serious consideration of accounts
Poems of Tufail ibn 'Auf al-Ghanawr and at- Tirimmiih ibn Hakim concerning early Islamic history in Arabic literature, based partly on
al-Tii'yr (London, 1927) is also worth consulting. There are many the internal evidence for the early existence and use of written texts.
more, but the single most efficient introduction to them is through the The arguments of N. Abbott in "Early Islamic Historiography," in
Kitiib al-aghiinr of Abu l-Faraj al-I~bhni ( al-I~fhn, 284/897-360/ Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri, Historical Texts (Chicago, 1957),
967). The twenty-volume Bulaq (12851168-69) edition of this text is I: 5-31; of A. A. Duri in "Al-Zuhrl: A Study on the Beginnings of
the classic one, but there have been many more since then. This work History Writing in Islam," BSOAS 19 (1957): 1-12, and "The Iraq
contains biographical information about pre-Islamic and early Islamic School of History to the Ninth Century-A Sketch," in Historians of
poets, samples of their poetry and incidental historical references in the Middle East, ed. B. Lewis and P. Holt (London, 1962); of C. Cahen
anecdotal form, which means that such information should be weighed in "Considerations sur l'utilisation des ouvrages de droit musulman
critically against everything else. par l'historien," in Atti del Terzio Congresso di Studi arabi ed islamici
(Naples, 1967); of U. Sezgin in Abu MiJ:naf: Ein Beitrag zur Histo-
Historiographical Problems riographie der umaiyadischen Zeit (Leiden, 1971 ), and others have
There is a difference between being critical and being skeptical. The sought to restore confidence in the usability of the Arabic literary
authenticity of the entire Arabic literary corpus, when it deals with sources, and have pushed back the beginnings of historical composition
matters concerning the first one and one-half centuries of Islamic his- to the eighth or ninth decades of the first century of the Hijra. Noth
tory, has been undermined by the skepticism of Western scholars based is commonly and easily criticized for failing to recognize that ster-
on its internal contradictions, on the partisan biases of the transmitters, eotyped formulas and topoi can be used to describe separate but similar
on the anachronous retrojections of later issues and legal theories back real events. But to be fair, he should be given credit for arguing that
on to an earlier period, on the fictional and legendary qualities of its there is something fundamentally authentic behind these literary ac-
anecdotal elements, and on assumptions about the nature of oral com- counts and that those with an ad hoc character can be used to recon-
position and transmission. Such criticism has led to views that Islamic struct the arrangements between Muslims and non-Muslims at the
historical composition originated in commentaries on the Qur'an or time of the conquest; see "Die literarische iiberlieferten Vertrage der

572 573
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
Eroberungszeit  als  historische  Quellen  fUr  die  Behandlung der  unter-
worfenen Nicht-Muslime durch ihre neuen muslimischen Oberher-
ren," in T. Nagel et aI., Studien zum Minderheiten-problem im Islam
(Bonn, 1973), I: 312).
The rehabilitation of these sources argues mainly for their authen-
ticity. However, for two reasons even authentic material may not
necessarily be reliable. In the first place, even genuine original accounts
by eyewitnesses possess a subjective partisan quality and present a
point of view often intended to justify or to condemn. In the second
place, authentic early accounts have been transmitted selectively, some-
times in a way reflecting the biases of the transmitters, so the surviving
accounts are not necessarily complete. In general, the problems of
interpreting early Islamic history have less to do with the lack of
authentic information than with its partisan nature.
Non-Arabic literature and non-Muslim literature in Arabic is useful
for- three reasons. Its major importance lies in the vantage point it
provides: an outlook on events that reveals the reactions of the native
populations and their internal problems. Second, such material alone
makes it possible to go beyond matters affecting the Muslim, Arab
ruling elite. Third, it contains additional information about political
history and incidental references to social and economic conditions .
J. B. Segal was too discouraging about the general usefulness of Syriac
chronicles in "Syriac Chronicles As Source Material for the History
of Islamic Peoples," in Historians of the Middle East, ed. B. Lewis
and P. M. Holt (London, 1964), pp. 246-58. The communal orien-
tation of these materials, including Muslim Arabic literature, reflects
a major contemporary trend in itself; but they all contain information
useful for social, economic, and intellectual history, and must be con-
sulted if we are to understand this period as a whole rather than only
one of the ruling or subject communities within it. However, there is
no use pretending that by appealing to Syriac, Greek, or Hebrew
literature, one can escape the problems of Arabic literature. Non-
Arabic literatures present the same problems of partisanship and
anachronism, and whatever standards of criticism are applied to Ar-
abic literature should be applied to the others as well.
But a sensitive and perceptive researcher can turn the subjective
quality of all of these materials into an advantage. Multiple versions
of an event can be used to identify attitudes, gauge feelings, and chart
the development of issues in a way which would be impossible with
truly objective sources. Arabic literature will yield to sophisticated
574
 
techniques such as isnad criticism in order to identify the time when
and place where an account was probably circulated and to relate its
content to contemporary issues, as has been shown by E. L. Petersen
in 'All and Mu 'awiya in Early Arabic Tradition (Copenhagen, 1964;
Odense, 1974), and by M. Muranye in Die Prophetengenossen in der
fruhislamische Geschichte (Bonn, 1973 ). The very size of the literary
corpus makes extensive collation possible so that biases in different
accounts of the same event can be identified and the underlying facts
on which they all agree can be discovered, as has been done by M. Hinds
in " The Siffin Arbitration Agreement," JSS 17 (1972): 93-129, and
by W. Schmucker in Untersuchungen zu einigen wichtigen boden-
rechtlichen Konsequenzen der islamischen Eroberungsbewegung (Bonn,
1972).
Such methods open up a huge body of literature which may be used
for the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries. It is possible to deal with
all of the old questions more effectively; but, what is more important,
new questions asked of even the standard Arabic literary sources will
yield important answers about social and economic history and his-
torical anthropology. The materials that have been discussed thus far,
as well as the incantation bowls and geographical and biographical
literature that will be discussed below, contain information about
multiple topics. In the following chapter-by-chapter treatment of re-
sources pertaining more specifically to particular subjects, it should
not be necessary to repeat that "all of the above" can be applied to
most of these subjects.
SUBJECTS
Administrative Theory and Practice
For the theory and symbols of Sasanian monarchy, it is best to start
with H. L'Orange's Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship
in the Ancient World (Oslo, 1953 ); G. Widengren 's "The Sacral King-
ship of Iran," in Studies in the History of Religions, supp. to Numen,
no.4 (1959), pp. 242-57; and R. Frye's "The Charisma of Kingship
in Ancient Iran," lranica Antiqua 4 (1964): 36-54. M . Kanga 's "King-
ship and Religion in Iran," Acta Iranica 3 (1974): 221-31, contains
the texts with translation of chapters 58, 133, and 134 of the third
book of the Denkart. The primary treatment of the takht-i taqdls is
E. Herzfeld's "Der Thron des Khosro," Jahrbuch der Preuszischen
575
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
Kunstsammlunge n 41  (1920):  1­24,  103­147.  It  was  followed. by  Kitab at-taj
A.  Pope et a1.,  "The Institute'S Survey of Persian  Architecture:  PrelIm-
inary Report on Takht-i SuJayman," Bulletin o( the American Institute
(or Iranian Art and Archaeology 5 (1937): 71-109. K. Erdmann's
"Die Enrwicklung der Siisanidischen Krone," Ars Islamica 15-16 (1951):
87-123, is based on coins and· relief sculptures. A. Pertusi's "La Persia
nelle fonti bizantine del secolo VII," in La Persia nel Medioevo, pp.
605-35, identifies the main contemporary Byzantine sources for late
Sa san ian symbols of monarchy. One may also consult G. Gnoli's "Po-
litica Religiosa e concezione della regalita sotto i sassanidi," on pages
225 to 253 of the same volume.
For Sasanian political ethics, one should see j. de Menasce's "Le
protecteur des pauvres dans l'Iran Sassanide," Melanges o((erts aHenri
Masse (Teheran, 1963), pp. 282-87, which relies on primary materials.
Otherwise, traditional statements of practical ethics survive in Middle
Persian ardarz literature. Two such works were published by P. B.
Sanjana in Ganjeshayagan Andarze Atrepat Maraspandan Madigane
Chatrang and Andarze Khusroe Kavatan (Bombay, 1885). The Andarz
i Khusru i Kavatan was also published by Casartelli in "Two Dis-
courses of Chosroes the Immortal-Souled," Babylonian and Oriental
Record 1 (1887): 97-101. The andarz of Aturpat-i Mahraspandan
was discussed by F. Muller in Beitrdge zur Textkritik und Erkldrung
des Andarz i Aturpat i Mahraspandan (Vienna, 1897). The text of the
Pand-Namak was published with a German translation by A. Freimann,
Pand-Namak i Zaratust. Der Pahlavitext mit Ubersetzung, Kritischen
und Erlauterungsnote (Vienna, 1906). Six such texts were published
with English translations in J. Tarapore's Pahlavi Andarz-Namak
(Bombay, 1933). There is a survey of Middle Persian andarz literature
in j. Tavadia's Die Mittelpersische Sprache und Literatur der Zara-
thustrier (Leipzig, 1956), pp. 103-11. Examples still in manuscript
form are noted by M. Grignaschi in "Quelques specimens de la lit-
terature sassanide conserves dans les bibliotheques d'Istanbul," jA
(1966), pp. 1-142. See also the comments of j. Asmussen in "Einige
Bemerkungen zur sasanidischen Handarz-Literature," La Persia nel
Medioevo, pp. 269-76.
Other vestiges of Sasanian political literature have survived. The
Middle Persian text published with an English translation by J. Tavadia
as "Sur Saxvan, or Dinner Speech in Middle Persian," JCOI 29 (1935):
1-99 contains a list of titles of major Sasanian officials. A lost Book
of the Crown (Taj namak) may be the basis of the anonymous Arabic
576
fI akhlaq al-muluk (Cairo, 132211914), falsely attributed
to ja\:li?, which describes the customs of Sasanian kings. A French
translation of this text was published by C. Pellat as Le livre de la
couronne (Paris, 1954). Concerning this text, one should now see
G. Schoeler's, "Verfasser und Titel des Ga\:li? zugeschriebener sog.
Kitab at-Tag," ZDMG 130 (1980): 217-25.
Whether the Sasanian state was administered in a feudal or bu-
reaucratic fashion has been something of a live issue. On the profeudal
side are j. Wolski, "L'aristocratie parthe et les commencements du
feodalism en Iran," Iranica Antiqua 7 (1967): 134-44, and G. Wi-
dengren, Der Feudalismus im alten Iran (K61n and Opladen, 1969 ),
who finds the origins of feudalism in pre-Islamic Iran in a combination
of ancient Mesopotamian and Indo-Iranian traditions. The problem
with "feudal" interpretations is that they fail to come to terms with
centralizing administrative changes in the late Sasanian period. There
is an attempt to deal with this in F. Altheim and R. Stiehl's "Staats-
haushalt der Sasaniden," La Nouvelle Clio 5 (1953): 267-321, which
was also published as a chapter in their Asiatischer Staat. M. Hossain's
"The Civil Administrative Set-up in Persia on the Eve of the Muslim
Conquest," The Dacca University Studies 8 (1956): 36-51, puts mat-
ters in bureaucratic terms but is only a compilation from the works
of earlier modern scholars.
There is also a difference of opinion over whether the centralizing
administrative changes of the late Sasanian period were inspired by
contemporary Byzantine practices or were indigenous. Since the spe-
cific arguments concern taxation, such works will be noted in that
section. But in order to make comparisons, it is a good idea to know
what Byzantine administration was like in the sixth century. Both
D. Claude's "Die byzantinische Stadt im 6. jahrhundert," Byzantin-
isches Archiv 13 (1969) : 107-61, and T. Carney's Bureaucracy in
Traditional Society (Lawrence, Kansas, 1971), which is about sixth-
century Byzantium, are such works. It is also a good idea to know
what the indigenous precedents may have been; this information can
be gained in part from works such as j. Brinkman's "Provincial Admin-
istration in Babylonia under the Second Dynasty of Isin," jESHO 6
(1963): 233-43. A proper understanding of what the available By-
zantine and Sasanian administrative precedents were by the seventh
century can also serve as an antidote to such simplistic approaches as
G. Wier's "L'empire neo-byzantin des Omeyyades et l'empire neo-
sassanide des Abbassides," Cahiers d'histoire mondiale 1 (1953-54):
577
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

63­71,  whose point of departure was  merely  that the imperial capital  this literature, especially for comparative purposes, has been based on
of one dynasty lay in former Byzantine territory while that of the other  the French translations without consulting the Arabic text, so it pre-
lay  in  former  Sasanian  territory.  His  conclusions  seem  to  have  gone  sents the usual problems. More seriously, beginning with von Kremer,
unchallenged  ever  since.  Mawardi's abstract legal constructs have been treated as having been
Islamic  political  theory  was  a  mixture  of  Arab  ideas  of leadership  in operation throughout the previous four centuries and have been
and responsibility,  Islamic  doctrine,  and Sasanian  tradition combined  used as "descriptions" of Islamic political institutions in the seventh
in  different  proportions  by  different  people.  The  earliest  systematic  and eighth centuries. Although Mawardi is not the best source for
expression  of  Islamic  statecraft from  the  point of view  of l:fanafi law  early Islamic statecraft, he does provide an important statement of
was  probably the political section of the  Kitab as-siyar al-kabrr of the  political theory in the eleventh century and belongs in any discussion
Iraqi  scholar  MuIJammad  ibn  al­l:fasan  ash­Shaybani  (132/750­189/  of the intellectual history of the eleventh century.
804)  who  was  born  at  Was it  and  raised  in  Kufa.  This  work survives  The same applies to the Siyasat Nameh, which was composed in
embedded in  its  commentary  by  the  later l:fanafi scholar MuIJammad  New Persian for the Saljuq Sulran Malikshah by the Ni?am al-Mulk
ibn  AIJmad  ibn  Sahl  as­Sarakhsi  (d.  48311090) called  SharI? kitab as- (1018-1092 ) in 47911086. This is an early and influential example of
siyar al-kabrr li-sh-Shaybanr (Cairo,  171­72).  Shaybani's  work  has  the Islamic genre of "mirrors for princes" and includes instructive
been  extracted  and  translated  into  English  by  M.  Khadduri  as  the  anecdotes about Sasanian monarchs which should not be taken lit-
Islamic Law o( Nations: Shaybanl's Siyar (Baltimore,  1966).  The first  erally. The text is edited by j. Shi'ar as Siyasatnamah; siyar al-muluk
book  (Kitab as-sultan ) of  Ibn  Qutayba's  'Uyun al-akhbar concerns  (Teheran, 134811969). It was also edited with a French translation by
political theory and administrative principles. So  does the anonymous  C. Schefer as Siassetnameh, traite de gouvernement, compose pour Ie
Kitab al-imama wa-s-siyasa (Cairo,  1937, 1967),  which  is  sometimes  Sultan Melik-Chah, par Ie vizir Nizam oul-Moulk (Paris, 1891-97).
falsely  ascribed to Ibn Qutayba. The first  book of Ibn  'Abd  Rabbihi's  There is a German translation by F. von Schowingen, Siyasatnama,
'Iqd al-(arrd is  also  about politics  and  administration.  Gedanken und Geschichten (Freiburg, 1960), and an English trans-
Unfortunately  early  modern  scholarship  comparing  Sasanian  and  lation by H. Darke, The Book o( Government or Rules (or Kings
Islamic political institutions has tended to pass over these earlier works  (London, 1960). As with Mawardi, these translations have been used
and  to  concentrate  on  two  eleventh­century  works.  AI-Ahkam as- widely, even for Sasanian institutions.
sultaniyya wa-I-wilayat ad-drniyya (Cairo,  1966,  1971 )  by  ' Ali­ ibn  Modern studies of Islamic statecraft tend to concentrate on law,
MuIJammad  ibn  l:fabib  al­Mawardi  (974?­1058 )  is  a  summary  and  religious theory, and abstract structure. Less attention is given to his-
abstraction  of four  hundred  years  of Islamic  political  theory  and  ad- torical change within that tradition, the development of these theories
ministrative practice from a legal point of view. It also seems to have in the context of an imperial state, or the theories to which Muslim
been part of the propaganda of the 'Abbasi Commander of the Faithful rulers themselves actually appealed . They also tend to present Islamic
during the collapse of the Buwayhi principalities, for which Mawardi statecraft as a monolithic tradition and differ mainly over which "in-
drew on historical precedents. There are two French translations of fluences" were most important for that tradition. An important early
this work, one by L. Ostrorog, EI-Akham Es-Soulthaniya Traite de statement defining Islamic statecraft in terms of precedents set by
droit public musulman d'Abou 'I-Hassan All ibn Mohammad ibn Ha- MuIJammad is H. Sherwani's Studies in Muslim Political Thought and
bIb EI-Mawerdl (Paris, 1901, 1906) and the other by E. Fagnan, Les Administration (Lahore, 1945 ), which is based on several of his earlier
statuts gouvernementaux ou regles de droit public et administrati( articles. A classic definition of Islamic statecraft in terms of law is
(Algiers, 1915). The ideas are available in Q. Khan's al-Mawardi's E. Tyan's Institutions du droit public musulman, vol. I, Le cali(at
Theory o( the State (Lahore, n.d. ) and J. Mikhail's "Mawardi, a Study (Paris, 1954); vol. II, Sultanat et cali(at (Paris, 1957). E.!.]. Rosenthal
in Islamic Political Thought" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard Univ., 1968 ). Ma- emphasized the Hellenistic tradition of political theory as elaborated
wardi has been used widely by orienta lists seeking a touchstone and by Muslim philosophers in Political Thought in Medieval Islam (Cam-
a single version for Islamic political theory and institutions. Much of bridge, 1958 ). R. Walzer's "Aspects of Islamic Political Thought,"

578 579
 RESOUR C ES  RESOURCES

Oriens 16  (1963 ):  40­60,  is  no  more than that and is  along the same  EI(2 ), I: 435; and " Amlr, " EI(2 ), 1:438-39 . The best way to discover
lines as  Rosenthal.  W . Montgomery Watt's Islamic Political Thought: what provincial administration was like in early Islamic Iraq is to
The Basic Concepts (Edinburgh ,  1968; repr.  1980) is a textbook survey  study the governors themselves, especially, but not only, Ziyad ibn
which  includes  several  traditions  of political  theory  among  Muslims  Abihi and al -I-:Iajjaj ibn Yusuf. Bur the classic study on Ziyad by
but still  tends  to  deemphasize  the  pragmatic tradition.  'A.  ' Uthman's  H. Lammens, "Ziad ibn Abihi vice-roi de l'Iraq," RSO 4 (1911-12):
an-Ni?:am as-siyastfi-I-Islam (Beirut,  1388/1968) is organized around  1-45, 199-250, 653-93 , surprisingly omits some important things.
an  abstract structure,  while M.  ' Azlz  A\:lmad's  The Nature of Islamic K. Fariq's "A Remarkable Early Muslim Governor, Ziyad ibn Abih,"
Political Theory (Karachi,  1975 ) derives  general  principles from  early  Islamic Culture , 26 no . 4 (1952): 1-31 , tends to be idealistic. J. Perier's
Islamic  precedents,  but  with  an  obvious  modern  interest.  The  many  Vie d'al-Hadjdjddj Ibn Yousof d'apres les sources arabes (Paris, 1904)
articles of A. K.S.  Lambton on Perso­Islamic political ideas are collected  is badly out of date but has not really been replaced by D. $ali\:l's al-
in her Theory and Practice in Medieval Persian Government (London,  Ijajjaj ibn Yusuf ath -Thaqafl (Beirut, 1966).
1980 ). One should also consult her State and Government in Medieval Studies of the early Islamic d"iwan system have concentrated on its
Islam. An Introduction to the Study of Islamic Political Theory : The origins in terms of etymology and " influence." They tend to confuse
jurists (Leiden,  1981 ).  ' Umar 's institution that paid graduated stipends based on Islamic
A  major  subtheme  in  this  literature  has  been  an  argument over the  priority to noncombatants at Madina with the military dtwan.
meaning  of  khaltfa when  used  for  the  early  Islamic  head  of  state.  M. Moosa's "The D/wan of 'Umar Ibn AI-Khaqab," Studies in Islam
Considerable  intellectual  acrobatics  have  gone  into  arguing  that  the  2 (1965 ): 67-78, is a fairly simple description. G. Puin argues for the
phrase khaltfat-Allah when appplied to the head of state meant some- influence of circumstances at Madina in Der D"iwan von 'Umar b . al-
thing other than its literal meaning would suggest. This tendency seems If-attab (Bonn, 1970). Both assume that they are also talking about
to go back to antiabsolutist circles in early Islamic society whose the Muslim military dtwan. No one seems to have tried to pin down
interpretation appears to have triumphed in the area of theory. Modern exactly what happened to ' Umar's dtwan at Madina after 'Umar, or
discu ssions have taken place in the shadow of l. Goldziher's " Du sens how long it lasted. Nor have the operations of the early Muslim
propre des expressions Ombre de Dieu, Khalife de Dieu pour designer military dtwan or the places such dzwans existed at first really been
les chefs dans l' Islam," RHR 35 (1897). For a different view, see investigated . A. Tritton's " Notes on the Muslim System of Pensions, "
A. Abel , "Le Khalife, presence sacree," SI 7 (1957): 29-45. R. Paret BSOAS 16 (1954): 170-72, is a small mass of undigested information.
argues for the meaning of "successor" in his "Signification coranique C. Cahen's article on " 'A!a '," EI(2 ), I: 729-30, concerns mostly the
de £lalIfa et d 'autres derives de la racine £lalafa," SI 31 (1970): 211- stipends of the soldiers and the problems in the 'Abbasi period. For
17. The first real use of the poetry from the Marwanl period to suggest the general bureaucratic structure of the Muslim dtwan system, see
what the rulers may have wanted to hear is published in W . Thomson 's A. A. Duri et al. , "D/wan," EI(2 ) II: 323-37.
"The Character of Early Islamic Sects" in the Ignace Goldziher Me- Information on military administration is available in the literature
morial Volum e (Budapest, 1948 ), 1:89-116, followed by W. Mont- on warfare and the organization of armies. On the Sasanian side one
gomery Watt 's " God 's Caliph. Qur'anic interpretation and Umayyad can start with A.D.H . Bivar's " Cavalry Equipment and Tactics on the
Claims, " in Iran and Islam, Minorsky Mem orial Volum e, ed. C. E. Euphrates Frontier, " DOP 26 (1972): 284-86 , and W. F. Paterson's
Bosworth (Edinburgh, 1971 ), pp. 565-74 . The thrust of the argument discussion of Iranian traditions of archery in "The Sassanids, " jSAA
on either side tends to overshadow the importance of other terms used 12 (1969): 29-32. On early Muslim armies, see N . Fries, Das Heer-
by early Muslim rulers for themselves, while the use of khaltfa for a eswesen der Araber zu Zeit der Omaijaden, nach Tabart (Tubingen,
subordinate official in provincial administration appears to have gone 1921 ), which is still a good account; H. Glidden's " A Note on Early
unnoticed. Arabian Military Organization," JAOS (1936 ), pp. 88-91 ; and
Considerations of early Islamic provincial administration should L. Beckmann, "Die muslimischen Heere der Eroberungszeit, 62~51 "
start with the definitions in A. A. Duri's short articles on " ' Amil, " (Ph.D. diss., Univ . of Hamburg, 1953). A French summary of A. Kubbel 's

580 581
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

Russian  article  on  the  Umawi  military  system  (Palestinskii sbornik, Mzik in Bibliothek arabischer Historiker und Geographen, I (Leipzig,
67, no. 4 [1959J: 112­32) has been published by M. Canard in  Arabica 1926 ). The first part is translated into German by J. Latz as Das Buch
7  (1960):  219­21.  One  should  also  consult  A.  ' Awn's  al-Fann al- der Wezire und Staatssekretare von Ibn 'Abdus al-GahsiYiirl. Anfange
harM fi ~adr al-Isliim (Cairo,  1961),  and  the  articles  in  the  Encyclo- und Umaiyenzeit (Bonn, 1958 ). The encyclopedia of sciences called
paedia of Islam by  S.  El­Ali,  " 'ArIf,"  EI(2) I:  629­30;  C. Cahen,  Mafiiti/; al- 'ulum (Leiden, 1895; Cairo, 134211923-24), completed
"Djaysh,"  EI(2) , II  504­9;  D.  Sourdel,  "Djund,"  EI(2 ), II:  601­2;  in about 977 by Abu ' Abdullah Mul;ammad ibn Al;mad al-Khwarizmi
F.  Lekkegaard,  "Ghanima,"  EI(2), II: 1005­6;  and  M.  Khadduri  et  (d . 387/997) who was employed in the Samani administration in Buk-
aI.,  "I:Jarb,"  EI(2 ), III: 180­98.  For  examples  of the  employment of  hara, contains a section on bureaucratic terminology that has been
military slaves  in  early  Muslim  armies,  see  D.  Ayalon's  " Preliminary  translated by C. E. Bosworth in "Abu 'Abdallah al-Khwarazmi on
Remarks on the  Mamluk Military Institution in Islam," in  War, Tech- the Technical Terms of the Secretary's Art," jESHO 12 (1969 ): 113-
nology and Society in the Middle East, ed.  Parry and  Yapp  (London,  64.
1975 ), pp. 44­58, and D.  Pipes,  Slave Soldiers and Islam: The Genesis Some of the circumstances and issues concerning early Islamic bu-
of a Military System (New  Haven,  1981 ). The  best  treatments  of the  reaucratic administration are treated in M. Sprengling's vitriolic ar-
Muslim  military  review  are  C. E.  Bosworth's  articles  on  "Isti'ra<;l,"  ticle, "From Persian to Arabic," AjSLL 56 (1939): 175-224, 325-
EI(2), IV:  265­69,  and on "Recruitment,  Muster and  Review  in  Me- 36. M. Mu 'id Khan's "The Literary and Social Role of the Arab
dieval Islamic Armies," in War, Technology and Society, pp. 59-77. Amanuenses," IC 26 (1952): 180-203, deals with the mechanics of
The main document from the Sasanian bureaucratic tradition is a the early correspondence department, the development of Arabic lit-
reference work for administrative secretaries called the Frahang-i Pah- erary style, and technical terms; but the details are somewhat mis-
lavik, which lists Aramaic logograms with their Middle Persian equiv- leading and he tends to be apologetic. Lists of individuals who held
alents. The form of this text which survives is probably from the early various administrative posts can be found in D. Biddle's, "The De-
eighth century. This text was edited by H. Junker as The Frahang i velopment of the Bureaucracy of the Islamic Empire during the Late
Pahlavik (Heidelberg, 1912); he also published a German translation, Umayyad and Early Abbasid Period" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Texas,
Das Frahang i Pahlavlk in zeichengemdsser Anordnung (Leipzig, 1955) . 1972). The best treatments to date of the emergence and nature of the
There is also a German translation with suggested Akkadian etymol - position of wiiZlrare those of S. D. Goitein, "The Origin of the Vi-
ogies for the Aramaic terms published by E. Ebeling as "Das Ara- zierate and Its True Character," IC 16 (1942): 255-62, 380-92, and
maisch-Mittel-Persische Glossar Frahang-i-Pahlavik im Lichte der As- "On the Origin of the Term vizier," JAOS 81 (1961) : 425-26, both
syriologischen Forschung," Mitteilungen der Altorientalischen of which are reprinted in his Studies in Islamic History and Institutions
Gesellschaft 14 (1941 ): 1-114. (Leiden, 1968 ), pp. 168-96, and of D. Sourdel in Le vizirat 'abbiiside
Arabic literature on bureaucrats and their duties is fairly extensive. de 749 a 936 (Damascus, 1959-{)0).
The essay of al-J;i~ concerning the responsibilities of bureaucrats, The best treatment of the Sasanian office of chamberlain based on
"Dhamma al-kuttab," is translated into French by C. Pellat in "Une Middle Persian inscriptions is M. Chaumont's " Chiliarque et Curo-
charge contre les secn!taires d'etat, attribuee a Gal;i~," Hesperis 43 palate a la cour des Sassanides," Iranica Antiqua 10 (1973 ): 139-65.
(1956): 29-50. Ibn Qutayba's Adab al-kiitib (Cairo, 1300/1882, 1963; For proper comparisons one must know how Sasanian and Byzantine
Leiden, 1900; Tanta, 132811910) is a handbook of major importance. chamberlains differed; this may be discovered in A. Boak and J. Dun-
There is also a section on secretaryship and official correspondence in lap's Two Studies in Later Roman and Byzantine Administration (New
vol. IV, pp. 155ff. of Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi's al- 'Iqd al-fartd (Cairo, 1367- York, 1924), which is about the Master of Offices and the Grand
6811948-49). The Kitiib al-wuzarii' wa-l-kuttiib of Mul;ammad ibn Chamberlain. For chamberlains at Islamic courts, see D . Sourdel, et
'Abdus al-Jahshiyari (d. 942 ) is a chronological account of officials aI., "I:Jadjib," EI(2 ), III: 45-49. The Kitiib al-Hujjiib of al-J;i~ lists
who served as secretaries during the reign of each Muslim ruler and persons who held this position and describes their duties; it is included
is very useful for the early period. It is published in facsimile by H. von in the Rasii'il al-jii/;i?:, ed. Harun (Cairo, 1964), II : 29-85. The later

582 583
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

theory  of  the  ma?:alim court  is  treated  by  H.  F.  Amedroz  in  "The  cerning possible relationships between the control of resources by
Ma?:alim  Jurisdiction  in  the  Abkam  Sul~aniy of  Mawardi,"  jRAS
(1911),  pp .  635­74.  For  early  Islamic  audience  procedures,  see  native to Iraq are identified by J. Postgate in Taxation and Conscription
O.  Grabar, "Notes sur les  ceremonies umayyades," Studies in Memory
of Gaston Wiet, ed.  M.  Rosen­Ayalon  Uerusalem,  1977), pp.  51­60.  and the State in Ancient Mesopotamia: An Introduction to the Prob-
The  literature  on  enforcement,  surveillance,  and  communication  is  lems of Land Tenure (Philadelphia, 1976).
rather  scattered.  A  list  of  the  heads  of  the  shurta from  the  time  of  Most of the detailed information on late Sasanian taxation survives
' Uthman  to  al­Mutawakkil  can  be  found  in  Ibn  Habib's  Kitab al-
Muhabbar, pp.  373­77.  W.  Behrnauer's  early  "Memoire  sur  les  in-
stitutions de police chez les arabes, les persans, et les turcs," jA, 5th
ser. 15 (1860): 461-508; 16 (1860): 114-190, 347-92; 17 (1861):
5-76, is still worth consulting. So is C. Fries, "Zur babylonischen
Feuerpost," Klio 4 (1904): 117-21. For city informers in sixth-century
Edessa, see F. Burkitt's Euphemia and the Goth (London, 1913).
F. Dvornik's Origins of Intelligence' Services: The Ancient Near East,
Persia, Greece, Rome, Byzantium, the Arab Muslim Empires (New
Brunswick, N.]., 1974) is a survey, based mostly on secondary modern
scholarship, which includes the Achaemenids but overlooks the Sa-
sanians. For proper comparison and contrast one must consult speCialist
works on how early Byzantine agents were employed, such as
A. Audollent's "Les Veredarii emissaires imperiaux sous les Bas Em-
pire," Melanges d'archeologie et d'histoire 9 (1889): 249-78, and
O. Hirschfeld's "Die agentes in rebus," in Akademie der Wissenschaf-
ten, Sitzungsberichte (Berlin, 1893), pp. 421-41. A. Sprenger's pi-
oneering work on the Islamic bartd called Die Post- und Reiserouten
des Orients (Leipzig, 1864) is still cited, but there is a more modern
treatment by N. Sa'dawi, Ni?:am al-bartd fi-d-dawla al-Isliimiyya (Cairo,
1953).
Taxes
Early Islamic taxation tends to attract perennial attention. A wealth
of detailed information collected in easily accessible administrative
legal handbooks promises to reveal the nature of the state's fiscal
system, the impact of the system on subject, non-Muslim populations,
and land tenure relationships, and promises to provide quantifiable
data for economic history. These promises have been only partly ful-
filled because of the legal orientation of the materials themselves and
because of the kinds of questions that have been asked of them. Even
though most of this material pertains to Iraq, there are pitfalls in using
it for direct comparisons with late Sasanian taxation.
One should gain some sort of perspective at the beginning con-
rulers and the persons and property of their subjects. Possibilities
in the Assyrian Empire (Rome, 1974), and by M. Ellis in Agriculture
only in Arabic literature and raises questions of anachronism. There
is a full discussion of Sasanian taxation in Altheim and Stiehl's Asia-
tischer Staat, pp. 3-11,38-46, and in their Finanzgeschichte der Spat-
antike (Frankfurt a. M., 1957). But Altheim's obsession with feudalism
appears to have affected M. Grignaschi's judgment of the value of the
Arabic material in "La riform tributaria di Hosro I e il feudalesimo
sassanide," in La Persia nel Medioevo, pp. 87-147. He provides a
good survey of most of the pertinent, schematic Arabic material on
this subject but seems to argue that since the Sasanian system was
"feudal" it must have been incompatible with the central fiscal bu-
reaucracy which existed, according to Arabic literature, in the sixth
and early seventh centuries.
Among those who take the existence of a bureaucracy seriously
there is an argument over whether the Sasanian fiscal bureaucracy was
inspired by Byzantine practices or developed independently. N. Pi-
gulevskaya emphasized the relationship between the late Sasanian and
contemporary Byzantine systems in "K vosposu 0 potatnoi reforme
Chosroa Anushervana," Vestnik Drevnei Istorii 1 (1937): 141-53
(French summary, p. 154), while I. Hahn argued for an independent
development of the two systems in "Sassanidische und spiitromische
Besteuerung," Acta Antiqua 7 (1959): 149-60.
Muslim Arabic legal literature from the early ' Abbasi period cites
numerous circumstances from earlier Islamic history as precedents on
which to base fiscal theory. One of the earliest such treatises is the
Kitab al-kharaj of the Hanafi q(i(jt and disciple of Abu Hanifa, Abu
Yusuf Ya'qub ibn Ibrahim (113/732-182/798 ). The third edition (Cairo,
1382/1962) was used for this study, but E. Fagnan's French transla-
tion, Livre de l'imp6t foncier (Kitab el-Kharadj) (Paris, 1921) has been
cited here for convenience after comparing it with the Arabic text.
The Kitab al-amwal (Cairo, 1969) of Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim ibn Sallam
(154/770-2241838) is an equally important early work. Yabya ibn
Adam ibn Sulayman's Kitab al-Kharaj is translated into English by
A. Ben Shemesh as the first volume of his Taxation in Islam (Leiden,

584 585
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1958,  1967).  The  Kitiib al-khariij of  Qudama  ibn  Ja'far  was  edited  medan Theories of Finance (New  York,  1916)  has  the  advantage  of 
by M. J.  de Goeje in  BGA 6  (Leiden,  1889), and part seven is translated  distinguishing  between theory and practice and is  still  a  good place to 
into  English  as  the  second  volume  of A.  Ben  Shemesh's  Taxation in identify some of the most important sources. But M. Fateh's "Taxation 
Islam (Leiden,  1965).  In  spite of their  titles,  these  works  are not con- in  Persia,"  BSOAS 4  (1926­28):  723­43,  which  covers  the Sasanians 
fined  to  the  land  tax  alone.  For the  various  etymologies  proposed  for  on  pages  729­32  and  early  Islam  through  the  MarwanlS  on  pages 
the  word  khariij, see  W.  Henning's  "Arabisch  ~arg," Orientalia 4 732­37,  puts  matters  into  a  simplistic  interpretive  framework  and  is 
(1935):  291­293;  T.  Juynboll,  "KharaQi,"  EI(I), II:  902­3;  and  well  out of date now. F.  L0kkegaard's  Islamic Taxation in the Classic
C.  Cahen,  "Kharadj,"  EI(2), IV:  1030­34.  Period with Special Reference to Circumstances in Iraq (Copenhagen, 
It  is  impossible to separate the land tax from matters of land tenure.  1950),  although poorly  organized,  is  detailed,  ranges  widely,  and has 
A.  N.  Poliak's  "Classification  of  Lands  in  the  Islamic  Law  and  its  become a  standard reference.  L0kkegaard was one of the first  to  point 
Technical Terms,"  AjSLL 57 (1940): 50­62, presents a fairly abstract  out  that  much  of  the  content  of  Islamic  Arabic  literature  on  early 
typology  with  a  legal  orientation.  Because  of  its  convenience  it  has  Islamic taxation pertained to Iraq and that it was unwise to generalize 
been  cited  widely.  Pages  10  to  52  of A.K.S.  Lambton's  Landlord and much  further.  H.A.R.  Gibb's  "The Fiscal  Rescript  of 'Umar II,"  Ara-
Peasant in Persia (London,  1953)  are more pertinent, reasonable, and  bica 2  (1955):  1­16  is  also  worth  consulting.  A.  A.  Duri  identifies 
closer  to  the  mark.  For a  more  up­to­date  discussion  of early  Islamic  precedents set in  the  Hijaz in  his  "Notes on Taxation in  Early Islam," 
taxes  and agriculture  in  Iraq,  see  J.  'All,  "Siyasata d­dawlati  z­zira'iyyati  jESHO 17  (1974):  136­44. 
fi­s­sawadi  fi­I­qarn  al­awwal  al­hijri,"  Majallat Dirasat al-Khalij al- The  poll  tax  tends  to  have  a  literature  of  its  own.  D.  Goodblatt's 
Arabi (Basra ,  1979),  pp.  299­324.  "The Poll  Tax in  Sasanian  Babylonia:  The Talmudic Evidence,"  jESHO
The retrojection of later legal  constructs continues  to  be a  problem.  22  (1979):  233­95  is  a  closely  argued  text­critical  study  of  all  the 
One  issue  concerns  Shafi'l's  theory  which  justified  attaching peasants  Talmudic references.  It has the incomparable advantage of being based 
to  the  land  they  worked,  as  if  they  were  slaves  included  as  part of an  on a  primary source for  the Sasanian period,  but the  references  in  the 
endowment. This served as the basis of M. Van Berchem's La propriete Babylonian  Talmud  belong  to  the  third  and  fourth  centuries.  Unique 
territoriale et l'impot foncier sous les premiers califes: Etude sur l'im- outside  corroboration  from  the  very  end  of  the  Sasanian  period  is 
pot du kharag (Geneva,  1886), which has enjoyed widespread influence  provided by a comment made by the Chinese Buddhist traveler Hsuan-
and  was  revived  by  P.  Forand  in  "The  Status  of  the  Land  and  the  tsang  (Tripitaka)  who  passed  through  Afghanistan  between  629  and 
Inhabitants  of  the  Sawad  during  the  First  Two  Centuries  of  Islam,"  648.  His account was translated into French by M. Julien as  Memoires
jESHO 14  (1971):  25­37.  However,  circumstances  which  Van  Ber- sur les contrees occidentales (Paris,  1857)  and into English  by  S.  Beal, 
chern  explained  in  terms  of endowment  (Ar.  waqfJ are  explained  by  Buddhist Records of the Western World (London,  1884),  and A.  Yu, 
W.  Schmucker  in  terms  of  permanent  booty  (Ar.  fay') in  Unter- The journey to the West (Chicago,  1977). 
suchungen zu einigen wichtigen bodenrechtlichen Konsequenzen der Discussions of the  poll  tax  under Muslim rule are  invariably linked 
Islamischen Eroberungsbewegung (Bonn,  1972).  Schmucker  also  ar- to matters concerning the status of the non­Muslim subject population. 
gues  that  the  legal  distinction  for  purposes  of  taxation  between  ter- A.  S.  Tritton's  The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects (London, 
ritory  taken  by  force  and  that  taken  by  treaty  developed  somewhat  1930)  presents  it  this  way  but  has  been  out  of date  for  a  long  time. 
later  than  the  earliest  conquests.  A.  Noth  seems  to  agree  with  this  D.  Dennett's  Conversion and the Poll Tax in Early Islam (Cambridge, 
view in his "Zum Verhaltnis von kalifaler Zentralgewalt und Provinzen  Mass.,  1950) marked an important turning point by effectively refuting 
in  umayyadischer  Zeit:  Die  'Sull;'­'Anwa'­Traditionen  fur  Agypten  the older view that there were early mass conversions to Islam  by  non-
und  den  Iraq,"  WI 14  (1973):  150­62.  Arab  native  subjects  so  they  could  escape  paying the  poll  tax. 
For  a  general  study  of  Islamic  taxation,  one  can  start  with  the  The origin  and  meaning of the  term  jizya has  also  been  the  subject 
definitions  provided  by  A.  Grohmann,"  'Ushr," EI( I), IV:  1050­52,  of  debate.  On  the  use  of  this  term  in  the  Qur'an  see  pages  68  to  72 
and J.  Schacht,  "Zakat,"  EI(1), IV:  1202­5.  N.  Aghnides's  Moham- of F.  Rosenthal's contribution to the  Conference on jewish Relations:

586  587 
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The joshua Starr Memorial Volume (New  York,  1953)  called  "Some  that of the past at all. Historical events must be understood in their
Minor  Problems  in  the  Qur'an,"  pp.  67­84.  M.  Khan's  "Jizyah  and  proper physical setting lest one commit blunders in understanding the
Kharaj  (A clarification  of the meaning of the  terms  as  they were  used  course of those events. Incidental geographical references in all sorts
in  the  1st century  H .),"  jPHS 4  (1956) :  27­35  contains  a  survey  of  of historical sources should be noted and used to reconstruct the
the  literature on this  subject.  Although  Khan  tends  to follow Dennett,  contemporary setting. For Iraq we are blessed, and cursed, with an
he  argues  that  terms  such  as  jizya and  kharaj should  be  understood  extensive descriptive geographical literature. We are blessed because
from  the  context in  which  they  occur.  C. Cahen  dealt with  Qur'anic  this literature includes demographic, social, and economic information
usage  in  his  notes  on  "Coran  IX­29:  Hatta  yu ' ra  I­gizyata  'an  yadin  not only for the major political centers, but for towns and villages
wa  hum  ~agirun," Arabica 9  (1962):  76­79,  and  more  generally  in  throughout the countryside, making it a major kind of historical source.
his  article  on  "J2.iizya,"  EI(2 ), II: 559­62.  M.  M.  Bravmann  argued  We are cursed because the very schematic presentation and circum-
that the pre­Islamic Arabs used  jizya to mean ransom in  "The Ancient  stantial detail in this literature makes it too convenient to rely on it
Arab  Background  of  the  Qur'anic  Concept  al-gizyatu 'an yadin," in  alone, and to forget that information accumulates in such a literary
The Spiritual Background of Early Islam (Leiden,  1972),  pp .  199- tradition so that what an author records may not belong to the period
212. A. Abel's "La djizya: tribut ou ranc;on?" SI 32 (19 70): 5-19, is in which he wrote. Fortunately incidental references in a chronological
an important restatement of these issues, while Schmucker (Unter- setting provide a useful control.
suchungen) relates jizya to other terms signifying the degradation of The geographical literature itself encourages belief in a high degree
non-Muslim subjects in the early eighth century. A. Noth's article on of continuity, if not stability, in administrative geography. Although
"Die Iiterarische uberlieferten Vertrage der Eroberungszeit als histo- Arabic-writing geographers have considerable information about Sa-
rische Quellen fur die Behandlungen der unterworfenen Nicht-Mus- sanian administrative geography, it is best to start with what is left
lime durch ihre neuen muslimischen Oberherren," in T. Nagel et aI., of a contemporary description of the structure of the late Sasanian
Studien zum Minderheitenproblem im Islam (Bonn, 1973) I: 282-314, empire. In its oldest surviving form, from around A.D. 600, this de-
is actually about references to jizya and kharaj in the Arabic accounts scription is incorporated into the Armenian Geography once falsely
of the early conquests. Noth's argument that from the point of view ascribed to Moses of Chorene. The section listing the provinces in
of the Muslim conquerors both terms signified tribute at first and only each of the four quarters of the late Sasanian empire was published
came to have distinct meanings later as the result of centralization and with an extensive topographical and historical commentary by J. Mar-
integration with Byzantine and Sasanian fiscal traditions has much to quardt as "Eransahr nach der Geographie des Ps. Moses Xorenac'i,"
recommend it. AKGWG, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, 2nd ser., III, no. 2 (1899-1901 ): 1-358.
For definitions of weights and measures pertaining to Islamic tax- It is included and translated into English in R. Hewsen's four-volume
ation, J. Decourdemanche's Traite practique des poids et mesures des "Introduction to the Study of Armenian Historical Geography" (Ph.D.
peuples anciens et des Arabes (Paris, 1909) has been effectively superseded diss., Georgetown Univ., 1967). A Middle-Persian text called the Sha-
by W. Hinz, Islamische Masse und Gewichte, Handbuch der Orien- troiha-i-Eran listing the capital cities of the provinces in the quarters
talistik (Leiden and Cologne, 1970), I: 1-66. of the Sasanian empire survives in its present form from about the
middle of the eighth century. It was published by J. Jamasp Asana in
Administrative Geography
Pahlavi Texts (Bombay, 1897), 1: 18-24, and by J. J. Modi in "The
A knowledge of historical geography-the locations, distances, and Cities of Iran as Described in the Old Pahlavi Treatise of Shatroiha-i
directions of places in respect to one another-is indispensable in Airan," in his Asiatic Papers, Bombay 1905, pp. 147-82. It was also
studying the past. Places sometimes change their names and place- published with an English translation and notes by J. Markwart as A
names sometimes shift their locations over time. In Iraq settlements Catalogue of the Provincial Capitals of Eranshahr (Rome, 1931), and
have come and gone, and the lower riverine and canal courses have the text is included in the reading selections of H. Nyberg's A Manual
shifted so that the modern topography in some places hardly resembles of Pahlavi (Wiesbaden, 1964), I: 113-17.

588 589
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Arabic  geographical  literature  includes  Iraq  along  with  the  rest  of  of this text (Leiden, 1873; BGA , II ) has been superseded by J. Kra-
the  world  known  to  Muslims.  The  Kitiib surat al-ard (Leipzig,  1926;  mers's edition (Leiden, 1938 ). It is available in a French translation
Baghdad,  1962,  BGA, III )  of  Mu\:!ammad  ibn  Musa  al­Khuwarizmi  by J. Kramers and G. Wiet, Configuration de la terre (Beirut, 1965 ).
(fl. ca.  825)  appears to  be the earliest such  work.  The  Kitiib al-buldan The A&san at-taqastm (I ma 'rifat al-aqaltm (Leiden, 1885, 1906; BGA,
(Leiden,  1891,  BGA, VII)  of Ahmad ibn Abi Ya'qub ibn Wadi\:!  (called  III) of Shams ad-Din Mu\:!ammad ibn A\:!mad ibn Abi Bakr al-Muqad-
Ya'qubi,  224/839­310/925)  was  written  in  276/889  and  is  a  good  dasi (ca. 946-1000) is contemporary but independent. It was trans-
source for ninth ­century Iraq. There is  a French translation by  G. Wiet  lated into English by G. Ranking and R. Azoo (Calcutta, 1897-1901).
called  Les pays (Cairo,  1937).  The  Kitab al-masalik wa-l-mamalik The Mu'jam rna ista'jam of Abu 'Ubaydullah ibn 'Abd al-Aziz al-
(Leiden,  1889;  BGA, VI)  of Abu  I­Qasim  'U baydullah  ibn  'Abdullah  Bakri al-Andalusi (d. 48711094 ) explains geographical and tribal ref-
ibn  Khurradadhbih  (205/820  or 211/825­300/911 ),  who was  head of  erences in pre-Islamic Arabic poetry and in &adtth. Although it mostly
the  bartd under  al­Mu ' tamid,  is  a  "road  book "  which  gives  the  dis- concerns the Arabian peninsula, it contains important information
tances from one place to the next along each route. It also lists th e about Arabs in pre-Islamic Iraq and the geography of the Iraqi-Arabian
administrative districts in Iraq and the taxes assessed on them. The border region. It was edited by F. Wustenfeld as Das geographische
Kitab al-buldiin of Ibn al-Faqih al-Hamadani, completed in about 903, Worterbuch (Gottingen , 1876-77), and published in four volumes by
was used by al-Muqaddasi and served as one of the main sources for Saqqa' (Ca iro , 1945-51).
Yaqut. These later quotations are important because they include in- The geographical dictionary of Yaqut ibn 'Ab dullah al-Hamawi
formation which would not have survived otherwise since Ibn al- (57511179-62611229) called the Kitab mu'jam al-buldan (Leipzig,
Faqih's work is only preserved in an eleventh-century abridgement 1866) was completed in 1228. Its alphabetical organization makes it
called the Mukhtasar kitab al-buldiin (Leiden, 1885; BGA, III ). very convenient to use once the place-names are known. The longer
By the tenth century, Arabic geography was becoming scientific, entries include historical information going back to the Sasanians and
ethnographic, and historical. A\:!mad ibn 'Umar ibn Rustah's al-A 'liiq the Muslim conquest. The Kitiib 'ajii'ib al-makhLUqiit, ed. F. Wusten-
an-na(zsa (Leiden , 1891; BGA, VII) combines geographical and his- feld, Kosmographie, I (Gottingen, 1849) of Zakariyya' ibn Mu\:!am-
torical information going back to the Sasanians. There is a French mad ibn Ma\:!mud (ca. 60011203-68211283) is scientific cosmography.
translation by G. Wiet called Les Atours pricieux (Ca iro, 1955). The His Kitiib athiir al-buldiin, Kosmographie, II (Gottingen, 1848) is his-
key to reconstructing th e riverine and canal system of lower Iraq is in torical geography.
the hydrography section of the Kitiib 'aja'ib al-aqiillm as-sab 'a (Leip- Reconstructions of the historical geography of Iraq in Sasanian and
zig, 1930), composed between 289/902 and 334/945 by Suhrab ibn early Islamic times go back to A. Neubauer's La geographie du Talmud
Sarabiyun and based on al-Khuwarizmi. The text of this section is also (Paris, 1868), which covers Iraq on pages 320 to 368, and A. Berliner's
published with an English translation by G. Le Strange as "Description Beitriige zur Geographie und Ethnographie babyloniens im Talmud
of Mesopotamia and Baghdad Written about A.D. 900 by Ibn Sera- und Midrasch (Berlin, 1883). The classic survey based on Arabic geo-
phion," jRAS (1895), pp. 1-76,255-315. Mas'udi's Kitiib at-tanbth graphical literature is The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate (Cambridge,
wa-l-ishriif (Leiden, 1894; BGA, VIII; Beirut, 1965) combines geog- 1890; repr. Barnes & Noble, 1966) of G. Le Strange. The second and
raphy with history and ethnography. It was translated into French by third chapters (pp. 24-85) deal with Iraq. Although Le Strange's maps
B. Carra de Vaux as Le livre de l'avertissement et de la revision (Paris, are useful, they are overly schematic and need badly to be brought up
1896 ). to date. M. Streck's two-volume Die alte Landschaft Babylonien nach
The Kitab masiilik al-mamalik (Leiden, 1927; BGA, I) of Abu Is\:!aq den arabischen Geographen (Leiden, 1900-1901 ) and J. Obermeyer's
Ibrahim ibn Mu\:!ammad al-I~tkhri, which was composed in about Die Landschaft Babylonien im Zeitalter des Talmuds und des Gaonats
the mid-tenth century, is another road book. It was extensively pla- (Frankfurt a.M., 1929) used Arabic geographical literature to identify
giarized by Abu I-Qasim ibn ' Ali ibn Hawqal an-N~ib for his Kitab and locate places in Sasanian Iraq. A bibliography of modern Arabic
surat al-arcj which was finished in about 378/988. The de Goeje edition works on the historical geography of Iraq is provided by G. Awad's

590 591
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"Ma ~ubi'a 'an  buldan  al­'Iraq  bi­I­Iughati­I­'arabiyyati,"  Sumer 10 fi-I-masadir al-'arabiyyati," Sumer 23 (1967): 47-65, which is partly
(1954):  40­72.  translated into English as "AI-Mada'in and Its Surrounding Area in
Several  works  help  to  define  the  western  borderlands  during  the  Arabic Literary Sources," Mesopotamia 3-4 (1968-69): 417-39, and
Sasanian  period.  For  a  late  Roman  perspective,  see  V.  Chapot's  La of J. Fiey, "Topographie chretienne de Mahoze," L'Orient Syrien 12
Frontiere de I'Euphrate de Pompee ala conquete arabe (Paris,  1907).  (1967): 397-420, and "Topography of Al-Mada'in," Sumer 23 (1967):
The  region  along  the  upper  Tigris  river  is  treated  in  J.  Markwart's  3-38.
Sudarmenien und die Tigrisquellen nach griechischen und arabischen A. Musil's The Middle Euphrates (New York, 1927) is a pioneering
Geographen (Vienna,  1930). For the  Khandaq Sabur see  H.  Nyberg's,  work which includes remarks on the geography of this part of Iraq in
"Die sassanidische Westgrenze  und ihre Verteidigung,"  in  Septentrio- early Islamic times. Musil's attempt to identify historical place names
nalia et Orientalia (Stockholm, 1961), pp. 316­26, and R.  Frye's "The  with modern sites is suggestive but subject to revision. For this region
Sasanian System  of Walls  for  Defense,"  in  Studies in Memory of Gas- in the Sasanian period, see L. Dillemann, "Ammien Marcellin et les
ton Wiet (Jerusalem,  1977),  pp.  7­15.  pays de l'Euphrate et du Tigre," Syria 38 (1961): 87-158, which has
The  best  treatment of the  eastern Jazira, complete with  topograph- a map. S. El- 'Ali exploited Arabic literature fairly thoroughly to de-
ical maps, is L. Dillemann's Haute Mesopotamie orientale et pays scribe the environs of Hira and Kufa in "Mintaqat al-Hira," jam 'at
adjacents (Paris, 1962). J. Piey's "Balad et Ie Beth 'Arab aye irakien," Baghdad Kulliyat al-A dab, Majallat 5 (1962), 17-44, and "Min~aqt
L'Orient Syrien 9 (1964): 189-232, should also be consulted. There al-KUfa," Sumer 21 (1965): 229-53.
is still no adequate study of early Islamic Mawsil, but S. EI-Daywachi's S. A. Jamal ad-Din's "Mu'jam jughrafiyyat Wasi~," Sumer 13 (1957):
topographical article called "Khi~a al-Mw~i fi-I- 'ahd al-Umawi," 119-47, is a geographical dictionary of the Wasit region. S. EI-'Ali's
Sumer 7 (1951): 222-36, and P. Forand's "The Governors of Mosul "Min~aqt Wasi~," Sumer 26 (1970): 237-62; 27 (1971): 153-83, is
According to al-Azdi's Ta'rikh al-Mw~i," JAOS 89 (1969): 88-105, a very useful topographical survey based on Arabic literature.
are useful starting points. Unfortunately the beginning of Azdi's history Historical geography in the region below Wasit goes back to A.- J.
has been lost, so his governors start in the early eighth century. Con- Saint-Martin's Recherches sur l'histoire et la geographie de la Mesene
cerning Takrit and its environs, see J. Kramers, "Takrit," EI(1), IV: et de la Characene (Paris, 1838) and J . Reinaud's "Memoire sur Ie
632, and J. Piey, "Tagrit," L'Orient Syrien 8 (1963): 289-342, which commencement et la fin du royaume de la Mesene et de la Kharacene,"
has a simple map. But Fiey's theory that Takrit remained under By- jA 18 (1861): 161-262. For a more modern treatment, see S. Nodelman,
zantine rule in the 630s has no convincing evidence to support it; in "A Preliminary History of Characene," Berytus 13 (1960): 83-121,
fact, there is a great deal of counterevidence. which is based on coins. One should also consult J. Hansman's "Charax
Information on Baghdad in the late Sasanian and early Islamic pe- and the Karkheh," Iranica Antiqua 7 (1967): 21-58. On the swamps
riods may be found in the opening pages of the Ta'rtkh Baghdad of lower Iraq, see M. Streck, "al-Ba!iha," EI(1), I: 692-97, which is
(Cairo, 1931) of Abu Bakr A~mad ibn 'Ali al-Kh~ib aI-Baghdadi brought up to date by S. EI-'AIi, "Ba~ih, EI(2), I: 1093-97. Streck's
(1002-71) . Early descriptions of the Mada'in region are given by "Maisan," EI(1), III: 146-54, should also be consulted, along with
M. Streck in "Seleucia und Ktesiphon," Der Alte Orient 16 (1917); Y. Sarkis, "Madlnat Bayth Rima hiya bigarbi khara'ib Tello ash-sha-
in his article on "al-Mada'in," EI(1), III: 75-81; and in E. Meyer's hira," in his Mabahith Iraqiyah (Baghdad, 1955), II: 103-13. For
"Seleukia und Ktesiphon," Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient Ge- maps which accompanied the Arabic geographical literature, see
sellschaft 67 (April, 1929): 1-27. Although the actual site of Volo- A. Susa's al- 'Iraq {i-l-khawarit al-qadtma (Baghdad, 1959).
gesias has never been found, A. Mariq argued for an identification
with Sabat (Balash-Abad) in "Vologesias, I'emporium de Ctesiphon," Aramaeans
Syria 36 (1959): 264-76, which was also published in his Classica et Arabic-writing geographers have a great deal to say about ethnog-
Orientalia (1965), pp. 113-25. Most of what can be said about Mada'in raphy but have been unevenly exploited. When populations are not
on the basis of literature is in the articles of S. EI-'Ali, "al-Mada'in treated according to religious categories in modern scholarship, they

592 593
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

tend  to  be  treated  as  nationalities.  For  instance,  I. Lichtenstader's  such as P. Gignoux, "Sur quelques noms propres iraniens transcrits
"From Particularism to Unity:  Race,  Nationality and Minorities in  the  en syriaque," in Melanges offens au R. P. Franc;ois Graffm, Parole de
Early Islamic Empire," IC 23  (1949 ): 251­80, suffers from retrojecting  l'Orient, 6-7 (1975-76): 515-23, and "Les nomS propres en moyen-
modern  nationalist  issues  of  race  and  minorities  onto  early  Islamic  perse epigraphique," in Pad nam t yazdan, Etudes d'epigraphie, de
history.  A.  Miquel's  La geographie humaine du monde musulman numismatique et d'histoire de l'Iran ancien (Paris, 1979), pp. 69-71.
jusqu'a milieu du 11 e siecie: Geographie et geographie humaine dans The most explicit statement concerning Iranian social structure and
la litterature arabe des origines a 1050  (Paris,  1967)  covers  a  broader  social issues ascribed to the Sasanian period is in M. Boyce's The
region  than  Iraq  over  a  longer  period  of time.  Letter of Tansar (Rome, 1968). For the inferior social status of some
Virtually  no  literature  is  devoted  to  the  Aramaic­speaking popula- Iranians and of others in early Muslim society, see D. Sourdel and
tion in Iraq as such, although this population is covered extensively C. E. Bosworth, "Ghulam," EI (2), II: 1079-84. The most sophisti-
in the literature on Jews, Christians, and Mandaeans. Otherwise there cated treatment so far of this subject is by D. Pipes in "Mawlas: Freed
is scholarship on the languages themselves. T. Noldeke's, "Die Namen Slaves and Converts in Early Islam," Slavery and Abolition 1 (1980):
der aramaischen Nation und Sprache," ZDMG 25 (1871): 113-31, 132-77, which cites the pertinent literature. The only treatment of the
has served to define this subject for over a century. F. Nau's "L'Ara- Iranian diaspora in the early Islamic world, even in general terms, is
meen chretien (syria que) . Les traductions faits du grec en syriaque du C. Cahen's, "L'emigration persane des origines de l'Islam aux Mon-
VIle siecle," RHR 99 (1929): 232-87, notes one of the uses to which gols," in La Persia nel Medioevo, pp. 181-94.
Syriac was being put in the seventh century. J. M. Fiey's "Les com-
munautes syriaques en Iran des premiers siecles a 1552," Acta Iranica Arabs: Natives
3 (1974): 279-97, reprinted as Communautes syriaques en Iran et Compared with Aramaeans and Persians, there is a fairly extensive
Irak des origins a 1552 (London, 1979), is a brief survey which tends literature on Arabs in Iraq. The best place to start is M. Rodinson's
to concentrate on Syriac-speakers as an intrusive "western" element updated article, "A Critical Survey of Modern Studies on Muham-
rather than as part of the native population. For the possibility that mad," in M. Swartz, tr. and ed., Studies on Islam (New York, 1981 ),
the Arabic orthography of place-names may reflect contemporary Ar- which reviews the literature on pre-Islamic Arabia on pages 29 to 39.
amaic pronunciation, see A. Martinet, "La palatalisation 'spontanee' A convenient early Arabic survey is provided by the anonymous Ta'rtkh
de G en arabe," Bull. de la Soc. de Ling. 54 (1959): 90-102. For an al- 'Arab qabl ai-Islam, ed. M. H. Al Yasin (Baghdad, 1379/1959),
argument against such influences on pronunciation, see W. Cowan, ascribed to al-Asma' i. The Kitab al-ishtiqaq, ed. F. Wlistenfeld (Got-
"Sound Change in Central Asian Arabic," Der Islam 43 (1967): 34- tingen, 1854) of Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn ai-Hasan (837-934) is a
38. compendium of information about Arab tribes. The first volume of
S. EI- 'Ali's Muhacjarat ft ta'rtkh al- 'Arab (Baghdad, 1959) covers the
Persians
pre-Islamic Arabian states and bedouin life. '0. Ka~lh's Mu 'jam
Literature specifically on Iranians in Iraq is as sparse as that on qaba'il al- 'Arab (Damascus, 1949 ; Beirut, 1968-75) is a handy al-
Aramaeans. The chapter on Persians is based on the author's article phabetical guide to ancient and modern Arab tribes but should be
on "The Effects of the Muslim Conquest on the Persian Population used critically. J. 'Ali's eight-volume Ta 'rtkh al- 'Arab qabl ai-Islam
of Iraq," Iran 14 (1976): 41-59. The best treatment of the linguistic (Baghdad, 1950-60), republished in ten volumes as al-Mufassal ft
situation is that of G. Lazard, La langue des plus anciens monuments ta'rtkh al- 'Arab qabl ai-Islam (Beirut, 1971 ), is a major reference work
de la prose persane (Paris, 1963), and his "Pahlavi, Piirsi, Dari: Les which compiles the information from Arabic literature and presents
langues de I' lran d'apres Ibn al-Muqaffa'," in Iran and Islam, ed. it topically but with almost no interpretation. F. Altheim and R. Stiehl's
C. E. Bosworth (Edinburgh, 1971), pp. 361-91. The standard refer- Die Araber in der alten Welt (Berlin, 1964-69) is based on both
ence for Iranian names is still F. Justi's Iranisches Namenbuch (Mar- classical and Arabic sources, but their emphases tend to be contro-
burg, 1895), but it should be supplemented by reference to articles versial. J. Trimingham's Christianity among the Arabs in pre-Islamic

594 595
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
Times (London,  19 79) is  a  recent surve y  which  takes  account of  po-
litical history and tribal migrations along with religious issu es.
For the Arab presence in Sasanian Iraq, it is useful to go back to
the kingdom of Hatra in upper Iraq in the second and third centuries.
One can consult the articles of A. Maricq, "Hatra de Sanatrouq,"
Syria 32 (1955): 273-88; and J. Teixidor's "Notes hatreennes," Syria
41 (1964): 273-84; 43 (1966) : 91-97, and "The Kingdom of Adi-
abene and Hatra ," Berytus 17 (1967-68): 1-12. F. Safar's articles on
" Inscriptions of Hatra," Sum er 9 (1953 ): 7-20; 17 (1961 ): 9-35; 18
(1962 ): 21-64 ; 21 (1965 ): 31-43; and 24 (1968 ): 3-36, culminate
in his article on " The Lords and Kings of Hatra," Sumer 29 (1973 ):
8 7-98, and his book al-Hac/ar madtnat ash -shams (Baghdad, 1974 ).
The third to fifth centuries in central Iraq and adjacent parts of
northern Arabia are covered by S. Krauss in "Talmudische Nach-
richten i.iber Arabien," ZDMG 70 (1916): 325-53, and E. I. Szad-
zunski 's "Addenda to Krauss," AjSLL 49 (1932- 33 ): 336-37. Sa-
sanian-Arab relations in the fourth century are treated by F. Altheim
and R. Stiehl in "Sapor II und die Araber," in Die Araber in der alten
Welt, II : 344-56. The first volume of 'I. Shahid 's forthcoming By-
zantium and the Arabs will also deal with the fourth century.
The classic statement of Arab involvement in th e conflicts between
the Sasanians and the Byzantines at the end of Late Antiquity is
R. Devreese's " Arabes-Perses et Arabes-Romains. Lakhmides et Ghas-
sanides," Vivre et Penser, 2nd seL, (Paris, 1942 ), pp. 263-30 7. Alt-
heim and Stiehl's "Mohammeds Geburtsjahre," La Nouvelle Clio 7-
9 (1955-57 ): 113-22, contains a sketch of the extension of Sasanian
power in Arabia in the sixth century. These relation ships are also
treated by N. Pigulevskaja in Araby u granits Vizantii i Irana v IV-
VII vv (Moscow and Leningrad, 1964 ).
For the pre-Islamic Arab kingdoms themselves, one can consult the
ansab al- 'Arab section of Ibn Qutayba's Kitab al-ma'arif. His account
of the kings of Hira was published on pages 178 to 203 of J. Eichhorn's
Monumenta Antiquissimae Historiae Arabum (Gotha, 1775 ). The
standard account of the Banu Lakhm is still G. Rothstein's Die Dy-
nastie der LaJ:miden in al-fj.tra (Berlin, 1899), but additional infor-
mation on social conditions in Hira can be found in J. Horovitz, "'Adi
Ibn Zeyd-The Poet of Hira ," IC 4 (1930): 31-69; Y. R. Ghanima,
al-ff.lra, al-madtna wa'l-mamlaka al- 'arabiyya (Baghdad, 1936 );
M. ' Ali, "Tanqibat fi -I-Mira, " Sumer 2 (1946 ): 29-32; M. J. Kister,
" AI-Mira: Some Notes on Its Relations with Arabia ," Arabica 15
596
(1968 ): 143-69; and 'I. Shahid, "ai-Mira," EI(2 ) Ill : 4 78-7 9. For the
Kinda confederation, see G. Olinder's Th e Kings ofKinda ofthe Family
of Akil al-Murar (Lund, 1927) .
The literature on pre-Islamic Arab pastoralism is extensive in itself.
It is best to start with H. von Wissmann and F. Kussmaul et al.,
"Badw," EI (2 ), I: 872-92. AI-Bakri's Mu 'jam was partially translated
by F. Wi.istenfeld as "Die Wohnsitze und Wanderungen der arab.
Stamme," AKGWG 14 (1868-69 ): 93-172. The most important gen-
eral studies are M . von Oppenheim's four-volume Die Beduinen (Leipzig
and Wiesbaden, 1939-1968 ), the last two volumes of which were
edited by W. Caskel, and F. Gabrieli's (ed. ) L 'antica societa beduina
(Rome, 1959). The best recent study of the tribes along the Iraqi-
Arabian border is F. Donner's "The Bakr b. Wa 'il Tribes and Politics
in Northeastern Arabia on the Eve of Islam," 51 51 (1980): 5-38.
Arabs: Immigrants
Arabic biographical and genealogical literature is a rich and exten-
sive source of information which remains virtually unmined for early
Islamic social history. One type of work consists of collections of
individual biographies arranged by generation or in roughly chrono-
logical order according to the date when the subject died. Two such
works are particularly useful for early Islamic Iraq. One is the Kitab
at-tabaqat, ed. S. Zakkar (Damascus, 1966), ed. A. al -'Umari (Bagh-
dad, 1967) , of Abu 'Amr Khalifa ibn al-Khy~ al-'U~furi (d. 2401
854), which contains biographies of Muslims who lived in early Basra
and Kufa. The other is the Kitab ar-tabaqat (Leiden, 1904-40) of
Muhammad ibn Sa'd (ca. 168 /784-230/845 ), of which volume VI
(1909 ) concerns Kufa and volume VII (1918 ) concerns Basra . Dis-
cussions of the o rigin and significance of this type of. literature are
available in O. Loth's "Ursprung und Bedeutung der Tabaqat, vor-
nehmlich der des Ibn Sa'd," ZDMG 23 (1869 ): 593-{J14, and I. Hafsi's
"Recherches sur Ie genre Tabaqat dans la litterature arabe, " Arabica
24 (1977): 1-41, 150-86.
A second type of literature is organized according to a genealogical
framework, but the content tends to be biographical and sometimes
historical in nature. The earliest surviving such work seems to be the
jamharat an-nasab of the Kufan Hisham ibn Mubammad al-Kalbi (ca .
120/73 7-204/819 or 206/821 ), which has been published by W. Cas-
kel as Gamharat an-Nasab . Das genealogis che W erk des Hisam ibn
Muhammad al-Kalbt (Leiden, 1966 ). For an evaluation of the author
597
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
and his works, see  H. Samarra 'i,  "Hisham ibn  Mul1ammad al­Kalbi,"  of Iraq" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton Univ., 1975), and J. JUdah, al- 'Arab
Majalat Kuliyyat ash -sharta (Baghdad,  1966),  pp.  1­48.  By  far  the  wa-l-art;l fi-l- 'Iraq {t ~adri-lIsm
most important work of this type, and a major source for early Islamic  settlement in Iraq following the Muslim conquest tend naturally to be
history,  is  the  monumental  Ansab al-ashraf of Al1mad  ibn  Yahya  al-
Baladhuri (d. 279/892). Those parts of it which have been published
are based on the Asir Efendi manuscripts, nos. 597-598, in the Su-
leymaniye Kutuphanesi, Istanbul, although other manuscripts are now
known to exist. The following volumes have been published to date:
I, ed. M. Hamidullah (Cairo, 1959); II, ed. M. B. al-Mal1mudi (Beirut,
139411974 ); III, ed. ' A. 'A. Duri (Beirut, 139811978 ); IVa, ed.
M . Schloessinger and M . Kister (Jerusalem, 1971); IVb, ed.
M . Schloessinger (Jerusalem, 1938); V, ed. S. D. Goitein (Jerusalem,
1936); and XI, as Anonyme arabische Chronik , ed. W. Ahlwardt
(Griefswald, 1883). An Italian translation of volume IVa concerning
Mu'awiya by G. Levi Della Vida and O . Pinto is called II Califfo
Mu 'awiya secondo il " K/tab Ansab al-Asraf' (Rome, 1938). The jam-
harat ansab al- 'Arab (Cairo, 1971 ) of Abu Mul1ammad 'All ibn Al1-
mad ibn Sa'id ibn Hazm al-AndalUsi (384/994-456/1064) is a third
work of this type worth consulting.
A third kind of biographical literature is represented as local history.
For eighth-century Iraq one can consult Baghdad {t ta'r"ikh al-khilafa
al- 'Abbasiyya of Al1mad ibn Abi Tahir Tayfur (819 or 820-893 ),
which has been edited with a German translation by H. Keller as Das
Kitab Baghdad (Leipzig, 1908 ); the Ta'r"ikh Wasit (Baghdad, 1967)
of Aslam ibn Sahl ar-Razzaz al-Wsi~ (Bal1shal); and the Ta'r"ikh al-
Maw~il (Cairo, 1967) of Abu Zakariyya' Yazid ibn Mul1ammad ibn
Iyas ibn al-Qasim al-Azdi (d. 334/945-46), the surviving part of which
starts in 101 /719-20 with the governor Yal1ya ibn Yal1ya al-Ghassani.
The most important works among the later biographical literature
are the Usd al-ghaba {t ma'rifat a~-hb (Cairo, 1964) of ' Izz ad-
Din ibn al-Athir (1160-1233 ) and the Kitab wafayat al-a 'yan wa
anba' abna' az-zaman (Cairo, 1881; Beirut, 1968-72), which was
completed in 67211274 by Al1mad ibn Mul1ammad ibn Khallikan (d.
68111282). There is a four-volume English translation of the latter by
M. de Slane called Ibn Khallikan 's Biographical Dictionary (Paris and
London, 1843-71; repr. New York and London, 1961 ). These works
are worth consulting mainly for details obtained by their authors from
sources which have since been lost.
The best recent treatments of Arab settlement in early Islamic Iraq
are those by F. Donner, " The Arab Tribes in the Muslim Conquest
598
(Amman, 1979). Studies of Arab
focused on their major concentrations in the garrison cities they founded.
However, many of the issues of urban topography , social organization,
and migration were defined in three early articles by L. Massignon,
one on al-Mada'in called "Salman Pak et les premices spirituelles de
l'Islam iranien," Soc. etudes iraniennes, no. 7 (Paris, 1934); one on
Kufa called "Explication du plan de KGfa (lrak )," in M elanges Mas-
pero 3 (1940): 33 7-61, and in his Opera Min ora (Beirut, 1963 ), III:
35-60 ; and one on Basra called "Explication du plan de Ba~r (lrak ),"
in W estostliche Abhandlungen: Rudolf Tschudi zum 70. Geburtstag,
ed. F. Meier (Wiesbaden, 1954), pp. 154-74. Unfortunately all three
articles are unreliable, diffuse, and imaginative. Massignon's claims
are unsupported by the passages he cites-which sometimes have noth-
ing to do with the subject at hand or contain contrary information-
more often than charity would allow. These articles should not be
used without checking Massignon's references.
A more reliable picture of early Basra is provided by C. Pellat's Le
milieu ba~ri e n et la formation de Gahiz (Paris, 1953), and by S. El-
' All's "Khi~a al-B~r ," Sumer 8 (1952 ): 72-83, 281-302, and his
at- Tanz"imat al-ijtima '"iya wa-liqt~d"y fi-l- Ba~r fi-l-qarn al-awwal
min al-hijra (Baghdad, 1953 ). For early Kufa, see K. al-Janabi, Takhtit
mad"inat al-Kufa (Baghdad, 1967), and M . H. az-Zabidi, al-Hayah al-
ijtimatya wa - l-iqt~ady fi-l-Kufa fi-l-qarn al-awwal al-hijr"i (Cairo,
1970). M. Hinds, "Kufan Political Alignments and Their Background
in Mid-Seventh Century A.D.," IjMES 2 (1971 ): 346-67, and H. Djait,
"Les Yamanites a Kufa au ler siecle de l'hegire, " jESHO 19 (1976):
148-81 , treat Kufan social conflicts in the seventh century in terms
of tribal identities and Islamic priority, but neither gives adequate
attention to the economic roots of such conflicts. The listing of Iraqi
ashraf with short biographical sketches which often trace families over
three generations in P. Crone's Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of
the Islamic Polity (New York, 1980), pp. 109-23, is incomplete but
useful nevertheless.
Arabs: Assimilation and Social Change
One of the first to argue for mutual assimilation between Arab
conquerors and the native population instead of the replacement of
one population by the other was A. Poliak in "L'Arabisation de l'orient
semitique, " REI 12 (1938 ): 35-63. This issue is put in terms of the
599
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

competing  pressures  of  acculturation  and  Arabism  by  R.  Blachere  Islamic history. There are, however, separate bodies of literature on
in"Regards sur I'acculturation  des  Arabo­Musulmans  jusque vers  40/  specific religious communities which often contain implicit if not ex-
661," Arabica 3  (1956):  247­65.  For  suggestions  about  the  role  of  plicit explanations of the formation, structure, and function of such
Islamic legal  ideas  in  the  detribalization of Arabs, see  R.  Brunschvig's  communities without attempting much comparative analysis. One of
"Considerations  sociologiques  sur  Ie  droit  musulman  ancien,"  SI 3 the most useful and suggestive theoretical statements about ascriptive
(1955):  61­73,  and his  article on  "A~ila, EI(2), I:  337­40.  Standard  social groups is in the introduction (pp. 9-38) of F. Barth, ed., Ethnic
treatments  of  the  unequal  relationships  between  Arabs  and  mawali Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Cultural Differ-
are provided by M. T. an­Najjar's  al-Mawaltfi-l- 'asr al-umawt (Cairo,  ence (Bergen-Oslo, London, 1969, 1970). R. Bulliet identifies a set of
136811949) and  M.  B.  Sharif's  Beitriige zur Geschichte der Mawali- features for religious communities specifically for Late Antiquity and
Bewegung im Osten des Chalifenreiches (Basel,  1942),  especially  its  as precedents for Islamic society in Conversion to Islam in the Medieval
expanded  Arabic  form,  a~-Sir' bayna-l-mawali wa-l- 'arab (Cairo,  Period: An Essay in Quantitative History (Cambridge, Mass., 1979) .
1954).  The new kind of religious leadership around which such communities
coalesced is discussed by P. Brown in "The Rise and Function of the
Other Ethnic  Groups  Holy Man in Late Antiquity," Journal of Roman Studies 61 (1971):
Since  scholars  and  historians  tend  to  overlook  the  ethnic  diversity  80-101, while the importance of ritual for establishing boundaries in
of  late  Sasanian  and  early  Islamic  Iraq,  it  is  not  surprising  that  very  a close, authoritarian, conformist community is treated in a theoretical
little  literature is  devoted  to  the smaller ethnic populations. For Kurds  way by M. Douglas in Natural Symbols (London, 1970).
one can  consult  B.  Nikitene's  "Les  Kurds  et  Ie  Christianisme,"  RHR Non-Muslim populations are almost always treated in terms of
85  (1922):  147­56;  V.  Minorsky,  "Kurds,"  EI(l), II:  1132­55;  and  " status" compared to Muslims and in terms of their treatment by
pages  20  to  47  of W.  Jwaideh's  "The  Kurdish  National  Movement:  Muslim rulers. Two of the most useful studies from this point of view
Its  Origins  and  Development"  (Ph.D.  diss.,  Syracuse  Univ.,  1960)  on  are S. D. Goitein's "Minority Selfrule and Government Control in
early history and religion.  T. Bois, "Bulletin raisonne d'etudes Kurdes,"  Islam," 51 31 (1970): 101-116, and T. Nagel et al., 5tudien zum
Mashriq 58  (1964):  529­70,  is  a  topical  bibliography  and  survey  of  Minterheiten-Problem im Islam (Bonn, 1973).
literature  and  issues  which  includes  early  history.  W.  Behn's  bibliog- Magians are almost always treated in terms of a fairly uniform set
raphy called The Kurds in Iran (London, 1977) identifies work on the of religious beliefs and practices, partly because their literature has
Kurdish language, literature, and society. Although its emphasis is been widely used for comparative religion, which seems to need static
heavily modern, there are some works which cover the early history models. The result has been to minimize historical change among them,
of Kurds. Some idea of Byzantine cultural influences in Sasanian Iran and this has been used in applying the information from later Magian
via commerce is provided by N. Pigulevskaja's Vizantiw na putwkh literature to the reconstruction of Sasanian conditions. L. C. Casartelli
v Inditu (Moscow, 1951), which is translated into German as Byzanz made fairly judicious use of this literature for a schematic presentation
auf dem Wege nach Indien (Berlin, 1969), and by J. Duneau's "Quel- of Mazdaean doctrine in La philosophie religieuse du Mazdaisme sous
ques aspects de la penetration de I'hellenisme dans I'empire perse les Sassanides (Paris, 1884), which was translated into English by F. J.
sassanide," in Melanges offerts a Rene Crozet (Poitiers, 1966). Con- Jamasp Asa as The Philosophy of the Mazdayasnian Religion under
cerning the Qadishaye, see T. Noldeke's "Zwei Volker Vorderasiens," the 5assanids (Bombay, 1889). A. Christensen's Etudes sur Ie Zo-
ZDMG 33 (1879): 157-65; for Indians and Indonesians, see G. Fer- roastrisme de la Perse antique (Copenhagen, 1928) attempts to come
raud, "Sayabiga," EI(l), IV: 208-9. to terms with some of these problems, but M. Mole dealt with them
more effectively in Culte mythe et cosmologie dans l'Iran ancien: Le
Magians problem zoroastrien et la tradition mazdeenne (Paris, 1963). The best
There is almost no theoretical literature on the sociology of ascrip- surveys of Magianism under the Sasanians are those by J. Duchesne-
tive, communal social formations during Late Antiquity and in early Guillemin in his La religion de l'Iran ancien (Paris, 1962); "The Re-

600 601

RESOURCES 
ligion  of Ancient  Iran,"  Historia Religionum (Leiden,  1969)  I:  323-
76 ; and the articles collected in the second volume called Zarathustra
et sa religion (Teheran , 1975 ) of his Opera Minora. Two recent surveys
by M. Boyce are A History of Zoroastrianism, Handburch der Or-
ientalistik pt. I, vol. VIII, sec. 1, no. 2, bk. 2A (Leiden/Cologne, 1975 ),
and Zoroastrians, Th eir Religious Beliefs and Practices (London, Bos-
ton, and Henley, Eng. 1979). They tend to be affected by her contro-
versial views on the origins and antiquity of Zoroastrianism, her tend-
ency to minimize historical change, and her championship of modern
Zoroastrian apologetic.
Since surviving Zoroastrian literature is dominated by the Mazdaean
point of view, one must turn to the accounts by non-Zoroastrians for
non-Mazdaean forms of Magianism during the period examined here.
Although these accounts have the advantage of being contemporary,
they have the disadvantage of being second-hand, and often of being
hostile or polemic in nature. Such materials for the Sasanian period
are identified and collected by C. Clemen in Fontes historiae religionis
persicae (Bonn, 1920), and Die griechische und lateinischen Nach-
rich ten uber persische Religion (Giessen, 1920). E. Benveniste offers
a synthesis in The Persian R eligion According to th e Chief Greek Texts
(Paris, 1929). For similar material during the Islamic period, see Ben-
veniste's " Le temoignage de Theodore bar Konay sur Ie Zoroastrisme,"
Le Monde Oriental 20 (1932): 170-215, and H. S. Nyberg's " Sassanid
Mazdaism According to Moslem Sources," lCOI 39 (1958 ): 1-63,
which is a commentary on a passage by ath-Tha ' alibi.
In many ways H . W. Bailey's Zoroastrian Problems in the Ninth-
Century Books: Ratanbai Katrak Lectures (Oxford, 1943 ; repr. 1971 )
represents a watershed in the text-criticism of early Zoroastrian lit-
erature in Middle Persian and is still the best starting point. J. c.
Tavadia 's Die mittelpersische Sprache und Literatur der Zarathustrier
(Leipzig, 1956) is a useful survey of the main texts, whileJ . de Menasce
reviewed the contents of the major works and their place in intellectual
history in "Zoroastrian Literature after the Muslim Conquest," in The
Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge, 1975 ), IV: 543-65 . Many of
these texts are available in J. M. Jamaspasana's Pahlavi Texts (Bom-
bay, 1913; repr. Teheran, 1969 ) with English translations by E. W.
West in Sacred Books o f the East, ed. F. M. Muller, vols. 5, 18,24,
37, 47 (Oxford, 1880-97); vols. 11 , 12 (New York , 1892-1901 ).
English translation s of texts from the Sasanian and Islamic periods
602
RESOUR C ES
are also available in R. C. Zaehner's The T eachings of the Magi: A
Compendium of Zoroastrian Beliefs (London, 1956; repro 1976).
Avestan literature itself is the subject of extensive modern schol-
arship. Since most of this scholarship concerns Old Iranian philology
and arguments over the nature of Zoroaster's original message, there
is no point in citing it here. There are, however, three important
observations to be made concerning Avestan literature in the Sasanian
period. First, the Sasanian Avesta was oral liturgical literature which
had been composed o ver several centuries before the Sasanians had
come to power. Second, no matter when it was composed, its content
was available for reference through recitation and Middle Persian
commentary during the Sasanian period. Third, not all of the Sasanian
Avesta survived the fall of the Sasanians. A survey of those sections
of the Avesta which survived in the ninth century can be found in
Book VIII of the Denkart, while Book IX of the Denkart contains
Middle Persian translations of lost Avestan passages that illustrated
the doctrines of the Gathas through myth .
There has been a major argument over when the Avesta was written
down . F. Nau, in " Etude historique sur la transmission de l' Avesta et
l'epoque probable de sa derniere redaction ," RHR 95 (1927 ): 149-
99, argued against the existence of a written text during the Sasanian
period on the basis of references to recitation of the Avesta in late
Sasanian Syriac literature. He suggested that it was written down onl y
at the time of the Muslim conquest to enable Magians to have a sacred
"book." But the recitation of a sacred text is not in itself incompatible
with the existence of a written text. From Bailey to Boyce it is con-
sidered possible for a written Avesta to have existed by the middle of
the sixth century. However, putting a text in writing does not itself
guarantee that it is " fixed ."
Magian tradition credits Aturfarnbag-i Farrukhzatan, the leading
mobadh of Fars in the early ninth century, with collecting the dispersed
Avestan texts. What survives of the Avesta with its Middle Persian
commentary (Zand ) was published by K. Geldner, A vesta, the Sacred
Books of the Parsis (Stuttgart, 1896), and translated into English by
J. Darmsteter, as The Zend-Avesta (SBE, Oxford), vols. 4 (1880),23
(1883 ), 31 (1887); (New York, 1898 ) vol. 3. The Middle Persian
translation and explanation of the Yashts was published by B. N.
Dhabhar, Zand-i- Khurtak Avistak (Bombay, 1927) with an English
translation, Avesta (Bombay, 1963 ). For the oldest parts of the Avesta
composed by Zoroaster, see H. Humbach 's edition with a German
603
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

translation,  Die Gathas des Zarathustra (Heidelberg,  1959); S.  Insler's  appear to be very old. It was edited with a German translation by
The Gathas ofZarathustra (Leiden,  1975); and I. Gershevitch's edition  F. Justi as Der Bundahish (Leipzig, 1868 ), while T. D. Anklesaria
with an English translation, The Avestan Hymn to Mithra (Cambridge,  published a facsimile of manuscript number 2 in the library of Ervad
1959;  repr.  1967).  The  latest  part of the  Avesta,  called  the  Videvdat, Tahmuras as The Bundahishn (Bombay, 1908 ). There are English
concerns  rules  and  rituals  for  personal  purity.  The  Middle  Persian  translations by E. W. West, in SBE 5 (Oxford, 1880): 1-151; 11 (New
rendition of this  text was published by D.  Sanjana as  The Zand f favlt York, 1901): 1-151; and by B. T. Anklesaria, Zand-Akaslh, Iranian
sheda dad or the Pahlavi Version of the Avesta Vendidad (Bombay,  or Greater Bundahisn (Bombay, 1956).
1895).  Part of it is  available with an English  translation in  D.  Bishop's  Magian literature composed in the early Islamic period which still
"Form  and  Content  in  the  Videvdad:  A  Study  of  Change  and  Con- survives is almost entirely Mazdaean and comes mostly from southern
tinuity in the Zoroastrian Tradition" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia Univ ., Iran. In general it is the sort of didactic, defensive, and polemic lit-
1974). erature created by religious leaders to preserve the community. In
Virtually all surviving Middle Persian Magian texts appear to have addition to collecting the A vestan texts, Aturfarnbag-i Farrukhzatan
undergone a process of editing and reediting after the Muslim con- composed an Adven namak (Book IV of the Denkart) on Mazdaean
quest. In spite of this, there are at least two such texts which appear cosmogony and doctrine which cites decrees by Sasanian rulers. His
to have been composed under the Sasanians. One of them is the edi- apologetic defense of Mazdaean doctrine in a disputation in the pres-
fying account of visits to heaven and hell by the Just Viriif called the ence of the Commander of the Faithful al-Ma 'mun (813-33 ) was
Arda- Viraf Namak, which provokes the usual comparison with Dante. edited with a French translation by A. Barthelemy as Matigan-i-gu-
It was probably composed in the sixth century, but the form in which jastak Abalish (Paris, 1887), and with an English translation by H. F.
it survives seems to come from the ninth century. This Middle Persian Chachia as Gajastak Abalish (Bombay, 1936). There is also a modern
text was edited with an English translation by M. Haug and E. W. Persian translation by S. Hedayat (Teheran, 1318/1940 ). The epistles
West as The Book of Arda Viraf (Bombay and London, 1872) and called The Pahlavi Rivayat ofAturfarnbag and Farnbag-sros (Bombay,
reedited with Gujarati and Persian verse translations by J. Jamasp Asa 1969) were edited with an English translation by B. T. Anklesaria .
as Arda VirafNameh (Bombay, 1902). It was also edited with a French Two works are ascribed to a descendant of Aturfarnbag called Mall-
translation by M. A. Barthelemy as Arta Vlraf-Namak ou livre d'Arda usCihr-i Gosn- Yam, who was the leading mobadh of Fars and Kirman
Vlraf (Paris, 1887). For comparisons with Dante, see J. J. Modi, Dante in the second half of the ninth century. One of them consists of three
Papers: Viraf, Adamnan, and Dante and other Papers (Bombay, 1914). letters he wrote opposing his brother Zatspram's relaxation of ritual
The other text from the Sasanian period is a doctrinal work on fate, requirements. This was edited by B. N. Dhabhar as Namaklha i Man-
time, Ohrmazd, and the problem of evil, the Datastan I Menok I Xrat, ushchlhar: The Epistles of Manushchihar (Bombay, 1912), and trans-
which seems to be of priestly origin but was designed for lay aristocrats. lated into English by West, SBE 18 (Oxford, 1882): 277-366; 11
This text, too, was probably composed in the sixth century. It was (New York, 1901): 279-336. He also composed a treatise in the form
edited with an English translation by E. W. West as The Book of of answers to 92 questions concerning personal perfection, death and
Mainyo-i Khard (Stuttgart and London, 1871 ), and was also published resurrection, ritual, relations with non-Magians, and other socio-legal
in SBE 24 (Oxford, 1885): 1-113, and 12 (New York , 1901): 1-113. issues that is called the Datistan-i denlk. The first 40 questions were
There are later editions of this text by D. Sanjana, Dina i Mainu i edited by T. D. Anklesaria (Bombay, 1911); questions 41 to 92 were
Khrat, or the Religious Decisions of the Spirit of Wisdom (Bombay, edited by P. K. Anklesaria (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of London, 1958) . The
1895), and by T. D. Anklesaria, Danak-u Mainy6-i Khard (Bombay, English translation was done by West, SBE 11 (New York, 1901): 3-
1913). 276. Question 1 is also treated by M. F. Kanga in "Datistan i Denik:
The compilation of Magian myth and cosmology called the Bun- Pursisn I," in Indo-Iranica. Melanges presentes a George Morgen-
dahishn was made sometime between the late Sasanian and early Is- stierne (Wiesbaden, 1964). There is also a more "popular" anonymous
lamic periods in its surviving form, although some of its contents compilation of ritual, cosmology, eschatology, ethics, and folklore

604 605

RESOURCES 
which  has  been  seen  as  a Mazdaean socioeconomic compromise with 
the  Mazdaki  reformist  challenge.  This  was  edited  by  B.  N.  Dhabhar  bourg, Switz., 1945).
as  The Pahlavi Rivayat Accompanying the Dadistan i Dznik (Bombay, 
1913), with an English translation by J.  C. Tavadia in "A Pahlavi Text 
on  Communism,"  in  Dr. Modi Memorial Volume (Bombay,  1930). 
Zatspram produced his own account of Mazdaean cosmology, the life 
of  Zarathustra,  and  eschatology  which  is  said  to  have  a  Zurvanite 
tendency.  This  text  was  edited  by  B.  T.  Anklesaria  as  Vichitakiha i
Zatsparam (Bombay, 1964), and translated into English and published 
posthumously by K.  M. Jamasp­Asa.1t was also translated into English 
by  West,  SBE 5  (Oxford,  1880):  153­87;  11  (New York, 1901):  155-
87.
The most systematic treatment of Mazdaean doctrine and ethics is
to be found in the Denkart that was compiled during the course of
the ninth century from contemporary materials and from literature
going back to the Sasanian period. The standard edition of this text
is D. M. Madan's The Complete Text of the Pahlavi Dinkart (Bombay,
1911 ). A facsimile of the manuscript at the K. R. Cama Oriental
Institute in Bombay has been published by M. Dresden as Denkart,
A Pahlavi Text (Wiesbaden, 1966). On this text, see also P. J. de
Menasce, Une encyciopedie mazdeenne: Le Denkart (Paris, 1958). The
first two books of the Denkart have not survived. According to de
Menasce, Book III was compiled in the mid-tenth century by Aturpat-
i Emetan, a mobadh in southern Iran, in the form of apologetic and
polemic answers to questions. There is a French translation of Book
III by de Menasce called Le troisieme livre du Denkart (Paris, 1973).
Books IV and V contain summaries and selections from earlier works.
Book VI has been edited and translated into English by S. Shaked as
The Wisdom of the Sasanian Sages (Boulder, Colo., 1979). Book VII
concerns cosmology, while Books VIII and IX are about the Avesta.
The Skand-Gumanzk Vicar of Martan-Farrukh-i Ohrmazd-datan is
a ninth- or tenth-century Mazdaean defense against all religious rivals.
It is worth noting that the arguments of both Aturpat in Book III of
the Denkart and those of Martan-Farrukh against Jews, Christians,
and Manichaeans could go back to the Sasanian period. This text was
edited by H . J . Jamasp-Asana as Shikand-Gumanik Vijar (Bombay,
1887), with an English translation by West, SBE 24 (Oxford, 1885):
115-251; 12 (New York, 1901): 117-251. There is also a French
version by P. J. de Menasce called Une apologetique mazdeenne du
606
RESOURCES
IXe siecie, skand-gumantk vicar, la solution decisive des doutes (Fri-
The Rivayat of Emet i Ashavahishtan was composed by a nephew
of ManusCihr who was a mobadh in southern Iran in the first half of
the tenth century. It, too, is in the form of answers to questions con-
cerning the problems faced by Mazdaeans under Muslim rule, espe-
cially apostasy. P. J. de Menasce discussed the significance of this text,
cited editions, and provided a partial French translation in "La 'ri-
vayat' d'Emet i Asavahistan," RHR 162 (1962): 69-88. An English
translation of part of this text has been published by K. M. Jamasp-
Asa, "Emet I Asavahistan: 39-41," in Kurus Memorial Volume (Bom-
bay, 1974), pp. 167-79. There is also a compilation of dos and don 'ts
for Magians from this period called Shayast-ne-shayast, which was
published with an English translation by West, SBE 5 (Oxford, 1880):
237-406; 11 (New York, 1901): 239-406, and with an English trans-
lation by J. C. Tavadia as Sayast-ne-sayast: A Pahlavi Text on Reli-
gious Customs (Hamburg, 1930). F. Kotwal's The Supplementary Texts
to the sayest ne-sayest (Copenhagen, 1969) includes an English trans-
lation. Although this does not exhaust the list of surviving Mazdaean
works, these ninth- and tenth-century compilations and compositions
are the most likely to contain material from the sixth, seventh, and
eighth centuries.
The organization of the Magian priesthood is surveyed by de Me-
nasce in "L'Eglise mazdeenne dans l'empire sassanide," Cahiers d'his-
to ire mondiale 2 (1955): 554-65. The place of fire temples in this
organization is treated by J. c. Tavadia's "Zum iranischen Feuertem-
pel," Orientalische Literaturzeitung 46 (1943): 57-66. The monu-
mental late Sasanian fire temple at Qasr-i Shirin called the Chahar
Qapli is described in O. Reuther's "Sasanian Architecture, A. History,"
in Pope's Survey, II: 552-54, while another is described by R. Naumann
in "Takht-i-Suleiman and Zindan-i-Suleiman," in Pope's Survey,
XIV:3050-60. Chahar taq structures in Iran are surveyed in L. Vanden
Berghe's "Recentes decouvertes de monuments sassanides dans Ie Fars,"
Iranica Antiqua 1 (1961): 163-98, and "Nouvelles decouvertes de
monuments de feu d'epoque sassanide," Iranica Antiqua 5 (1965 ):
128-47 . For the relationship between such structures and Magian
ritual, see R. Naumann's " Sasanidische Feueraltare," Iranica Antiqua
7 (1967): 72-81, and M. Boyce, "On the Sacred Fires of the Zo-
roastrians," BSOAS 31 (1968 ): 52-68. The best studies of the en-
dowment of fire temples are those of de Menasce, Feux et fondations
607
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

pieuses dans Ie droit sassanide (Paris,  1966),  and  M.  Boyce,  "The  were restated by Zaehner in The Dawn and Twilight of Zoroastrianism
Pious Foundations of the  Zoroastrians,"  BSOAS 31  (1968 ):  271­89.  (London, 1961 ). More recently, see G. Widengren 's " Zervanitische
On the ani conic nature of the Magian cult, see J.  Duchesne­Guillemin,  Texte aus dem 'Avesta' in der Pahlaviuberlieferung. Eine Untersuchung
"Art et  religion  so us  les  Sassanides,"  in  La Persia nel Medioevo, pp.  zu Zatspram und Bundahisn ," in Fests chrift fur Wilhelm Eilers, ed.
377­88 . For the Magian priesthood, see M.  Guidi, "Mobedh,"  EI(l ), G. Wiessner (Wiesbaden, 1967), pp. 278-87. On related issues, see
II:  543­56,  and M.  Chaumont, "Recherches sur Ie  clerge zoroastrian:  D. N. Mackenzie's "Zoroastrian Astrology in the Bundahisn," BSOAS
Le  herbad,"  RHR 158  (1960 ): 55­80,  161­79,  although  the  former  27 (1964 ): 511-29 ; I. Goldziher, "Dahriya," EI(1), I: 894-95; and
is  somewhat  out  of  date  and  the  latter  suffers  from  relying  on  the  I. Goldziher (A. M . Goichon ), "Dahriyya, " EI (2 ), II: 95-97. For Ma-
French  translation  of Mas'udi.  gian demons, see A. Christensen's Essai sur la Demonologie iranienne
J.  Duchesne­Guillemin 's  Ohrmazd et Ahriman (Paris,  1953 )  elab- (Copenhagen, 1941 ).
orates Henning's suggestion that dualism developed in reaction to the The best introduction to Magian ritual, both ancient and modern ,
problem of theodicy raised by monotheism. On the other supernatural is in the articles of M . Boyce, "Atas-zohr and Ab-zohr," jRAS (1966 ),
beings and concepts, see B. Geiger's Die Amasa Sp;mtas (Vienna, pp. 100-118, and " Zoroastrian Baj and Dron," BSOAS 34 (1971 ):
1916), and J. Duchesne-Guillemin 's "Le Xvar;}nah," AION 5 (1963 ): 56-73,298-313. J. Tavadia's "Sur Saxvan, " jeOl 29 (1935 ): 1-99
19-31. The images of Khusraw II's guardian angels at Taq-i Bustan contains material on Magian feasts, while non-Magian accounts of
are discussed by J. Kellens in "Les Frau~is dans I'art sassanide," Magian festivals are collected in A. Kohut's "Les fetes persanes et
Iranica Antiqua 10 (1973): 133-38 . For later doctrine see M. Shaki, babyloniennes dans les Talmuds de Babylon et de Jerusalem, " REj 24
" Some Basic Tenets of the Eclectic Metaphysics of the Denkart," Ar- (1892 ): 256-71, and S. H. Taqizadeh,"The Iranian Festivals Adopted
chiv Orientalni 38 (1970): 277-312. by the Christians and Condemned by the Jews," BSOAS 10 (1940):
Texts containing the Mazdaean point of view regarding destiny are 632-53, although the latter concerns Armenians . See also B. Bokser's
collected by J. C. Tavadia in " Pahlavi Passages on Fate and Free Will," "Talmudic Names of the Iranian Festivals," in J. Neusner's Talmudic
ZII 8 (1931 ): 119-32. The Zurvanite myth as told by Yobannan bar judaism in Sasanian Babylonia (Leiden, 1976). For the distinction
Penkaye is discussed by de Menasce, "Autour d'un texte syriaque inedit between the religious and secular celebrations of Nawruz in the Sa-
sur la religion des Mages," BSOAS 9 (1938 ): 587-601. Zurvanism is sanian period, see M. N. Kuka's "Principal Persian Festivals in the
also treated by H. Schaeder in "Der iranische Zeitgott und sein My- days of Naosherwan ," in the Sir jamsetjee jejeebh oy Madressa jubilee
thos," ZDMG 95 (1941 ): 268-99. The major statement on this subject Volume (Bombay, 1914), pp. 11-14. There are more extensive dis-
is by R. C. Zaehner, beginning with a series of articles: "Zurvanica cussions of Nawruz by J. Markwart, "Das Nauroz, seine Geschichte
1," BSOS 9/3 (1938): 303- 20, with texts from the D enkart and their und Bedeutung," in the Dr. j . j. Modi Memorial Volume (Bombay,
English translation; " Zurvanica II," BSOS 9/3 (1938 ): 573-85, which 1930), pp. 709-65 , and by R. Erlich , " The Celebration and Gifts of
is the text of chapters i and xxxiv of Zatspram with English translation the Persian New Year (Nawruz ) According to an Arabic Source," in
and notes; and "Zurvanica III," BSOS 9/4 (1939 ): 872-901, which the same volume, pp. 95-101. The most recent treatment of Magian
has texts from the Denkart and Skand-Gumantk Vicar with English festivals and the religious calendar is in the articles by M. Boyce,
translations. The debate provoked by Zaehner's Zurvan: A Zoroas- " Rapithwin, No Ruz, and the feast of Sade," in Pratidanam : Indian,
trian Dilemma (Oxford, 1955 ) and his "Postscript to Zurvan," BSOAS Iranian and Indo-European Studies presented to Franciscus Bernardus
17 (1955 ): 232-49, over when and where Zurvanism predominated jacobus Kuiper, ed. J. E. Hesterman et al. (The Hague/Paris, 1968 ),
may be followed in the review articles by J. Duchesne-Guillemin, "Notes pp. 201-15 , and " On the Calendar of Zoroastrian Feasts," BSOAS
on Zervanism in the Light of Zaehner's Zurvan , with additional ref- 33 (1970): 513-39.
erences," j N ES 15 (1956): 108-12; M . Boyce, " Some Reflections on A bibliography of the older literature on Sasanian law is available
Zurvanism," BSOAS 19 (195 7): 304-16 ; and R. Frye, "Zurvanism in A. Christensen's " Introduction bibliographique a I'histoire du droit
Again, " Harvard Theological Review 52 (1959): 63-73. The issues de I'lran ancien, " Archives d'histoire du droit oriental 2 (193 7) : 243-

608 609
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57,  with a supplement by  A.  Pagliaro in  RSO 24  (1949):  120­22. The  response, see "Reply to Goodenough," American Anthropologist 51
main text for late Sasanian law is  the digest called the  Matikan I Hazar (1949 ): 531-32. This issue was revived and reviewed by B. Spooner
Datistan. Until recently the standard edition of this text was  The Social in "Iranian Kinship and Marriage," Iran 4 (1966): 51-60.
Code of the Parsees in Sasanian Times, or the Madigan-i-hazar Da- The classic treatment of the Mazdaki movement is A. Christensen's
tistan, pt. I (Bombay,  1901), pt. II  (Bombay,  1912) of T. D. Anklesaria.  "Le regne du roi Kawadh I et Ie communisme mazdakite," Det Kon -
The  most  important  scholarship  on  this  text  is  still  in  the  articles  of  gelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. Historisk-filologiske Meddel-
C.  Bartholomae, "Uber ein sassanidischen Rechtsbuch,"  SHAW 1 (1910),  elser 9 (1925): 1-127; but this should be augmented with O. Klima's
Abh.  11, and "Beitrage zur Kenntnis der Sassanidischen Rechts,"  WZKM Mazdak, Geschichte einer sozialen Bewegung im sassanidischen Per-
27  (1913) :  347­74.  His  series  called  "Zum  sassanidischen  Recht,"  sien (Prague, 1957). More recently, see G. Carratelli, "Sulle dottrine
SHAW pts.  I  and  II,  9  (1918 );  pt.  Ill,  11  (1920);  pt.  IV,  13  (1922),  sociali di Bundos e Mazdak," II Veltro (Riv . della Societa Dante Ali-
pt. V (1923 ) contains the text of passages on selected subjects in Pahlavi  ghieri ) 14 (1970 ): 119-22. For part of the legacy of this movement,
script  with  Latin  transcription,  German  translations,  and  notes.  S.  ].  see W. Miiller 's "Mazdak and the Alphabet Mysticism of the East,"
Bulsara's  The Law of the Ancient Persians as Found in the " Matlkcm History of Religions 3 (1963): 72-82, and for the existence of different
E Hazar Datastan " or "The Digest of a Thousand Points of Law" kinds of Magians, see M. Mole's "Le probleme des sectes zoroas-
(Bombay,  A.Y.  1305/A.D.  1937)  has  a  Latin  transcription  of  Ankle- triennes dans les livres pehlevis," Oriens 13-14 (1960-61): 1-28.
saria's text with an English translation containing a fairly obvious The best source for the phenomenon of apostasy from Magianism
apologetic. This has now been superseded by A. G. Perikhanian's Sa- and how Magians dealt with it is the extensive literature in Syriac and
sanidskii Sydevnik, "Kniga Tisiachi Sydevni"kh Reshenii" (Matakdan Greek on Christian martyrs under the Sasanians. The Syriac text of
I Hazar Datastan ) (Erevan, 1973 ), which has the Middle Persian text the lives of Persian martyrs under Shapar II in the fourth century was
in Latin transcription with a Russian translation and glossary. published with a Latin translation by S. Assemanus (Assemani) in Acta
The issue of consanguinous marriage has generated a literature of sanctorum martyrum orientalium et occidentalium (Rome, 1748), pp.
its own. The modern Parsi apologetic goes back to D. Sanjana's Next- 1-258. The standard edition of the Syriac texts of the lives of Christian
of-Kin Marriages in Old Iran (London, 1888) and tends to argue that martyrs and saints in the Sasanian period is P. Bedjan's seven-volume
the references in Middle Persian texts should be understood in terms Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum (Leipzig and Paris, 1890-97), especially
of first-cousin marriage as practiced by Zoroastrians in Islamic and volumes I, II, and IV. There is a two-volume Arabic translation by
modern times. Western orientalist scholarship has tended to argue for A. Scher called Slrat shuhada' al-mashriq (Mawsil, 1900-1907), and
a literal interpretation based on the context of passages in Middle there are German translations by G. Hoffmann, Auszuge aus syrischen
Persian literature that refer to the practice, starting with the articles Akten persischer Mdrtyrer (Leipzig, 1880; repr. 1966) and O. Braun,
by H. Hiibschmann, "Uber die persische Verwandtenheirath," ZDMG Ausgewdhlte Akten persischer Mdrtyrer (Munich, 1915). For the Greek
43 (1889): 308-12, with a note by E. Kuhn, p. 618; and E. W. West, account of fourth-century martyrs, see H. Delehaye, "Les versions
"The Meaning of khvetll-das or khvetlldad," SBE 11 (New York, greques des actes des martyrs persans sous Sapor II (grec. et latin},"
1901): 389-430. In La famille iranienne aux temps ante-islamiques PO 2 (1907): 401-560.
(Paris, 1938), A.-A. Mazaheri argued that consanguineous marriage For the scholarship on these martyrs, one should start with
had been abandoned before the Muslim conquest. This issue was M. Kmosko's "Simeon Bar Sabba'e," Patrologia Syriaca 2 (1907):
subsequently picked up by anthropologists such as ]. S. Slotkin, "On 659-1055; P. Peeters' "La date du martyre de S. Symeon archeveque
a Possible Lack of Incest Regulations in Old Iran," American An- de Seleucie-Ctesiphon," AB 56 (1938): 118-43; and his "Le 'Pas-
thropologist 49 (1947) : 612-17, based on orientalist literature, while sionaire d'Adiabene,' " AB 43 (1925) : 261-304; P. Devos, "Les mar-
W. H . Goodenough countered with arguments from the Parsi apol- tyrs persans a travers leurs actes syriaques," in Atti del convegno sui
ogetic in "Comments on the Question of Incestuous Marriage in Old tema: La Persia e il mondo greco-romano, Accademia nazionale dei
Iran," American Anthropologist 51 (1949): 326-28. For Slatkin's Lincei, Problemi Attuali di scienza e di cultura 76 (Rome, 1966): 213-

610 611
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25;  and  G.  Wiesner's  Untersuchungen zur syrischen Literaturge-
schichte, 1.  Zur Mdrtyreruberlieferung aus der Christenverfolg Scha-
purs II (Gottingen,  1967).  220-30, which concerns mainly the ninth and tenth centuries. See also
There are  also separate editions,  translations,  and studies of partic-
ular texts, such as the History of Karkha dh" Beth Selak noted above;
J. Corluy's "Historia Sancti Mar Pethion Martyris, " AB 7 (1888): 5-
44; and P. Bedjan's S. Martyrii, Qui et Sahdona quae supersunt omnia
(Leipzig, 1902). For the female martyrs of the sixth century, see P. Peeters,
"Une ]egende syriaque de S. Iazdbozid," AB 49 (193 1): 5-21, and
"Sainte Golindouch, Martyre Perse," AB 63 (1944 ): 74-125, and
P. Devos, "Sainte Sirin martyre sous Khosrau Ier Anosarvan," AB 64
(1946): 87-131, which is a Greek translation of a Syriac text probably
composed in Antioch between 593 and 602.
There are three important lives of martyrs from the early seventh
century. The life of Mihramgushnasp/Giwargls (d. 614 ) was composed
by his contemporary Mar Babai the Great. The text was edited by
P. Bedjan in Histoire de Mar Jabalaha (1895), pp. 416-571, and is
summarized in Chabot's Synodicon Orientale, pp. 625-34, and Hoff-
mann's Auszuge, pp. 91-92. The life of lsha'sabhran was composed
in about 630 by ishO'yahbh of Adiabene (d. 658 ). This text was
published by J. B. Chabot as "Histoire de Jesus-Sabran, " Nouvelles
archives des missions scientifiques et litteraires 7 (Paris, 189 7) : 503-
84. Chabot's French translation on pages 485-502 is not entirely
reliable and should not be used in place of the Syriac text. The Greek
"Life and Policy of St. Anastasios the Martyr in Persia " (d. 628) was
composed by George Pis ides and published by A. Papadopoulos-Ke-
rameos in Analekta Hierosolymitikes staxuologias 4 (Petropoli/St. Pe-
tersburg, 1897): 126-48, with corrections in vol. 5 (1898 ), pp. 391-
92, and in MPG 92 (Paris, 1903 ). A. Pertusi's " L'encomio di S. Ana-
stasio martire persiano, " AB 76 (1958 ): 5-63, also has the Greek text
on pages 32 to 63 with a discussion. There is no translation, but Pertusi
gives a summary of the life of Anastasios in "Fonti Bizantine," pp.
622-26.
There are also more legendary lives, such as J. B. Abbeloos, "Acta
Mar ~ardghi," AB 9 (1890): 5-105, and J. B. Chabot's La legende
de Mar Bassus, martyr persan (Paris, 1893), which are difficult to date
or to use except as examples of pious fiction. Of course the lives of
Christian martyrs and saints are also important sources for the Chris-
tian population, Sasanian administration, and social history.
The best survey of the condition of Magians under Muslim rule is
612
J. de Menasce's "Prob]emes des Mazdeens dans l'lran musulman," in
Festschrift fur Wilh elm Eilers, ed. G. Wiessner (Wiesbaden, 1967), pp.
B. M. Tirmidhi, "Zoroastrians and their fire temples in Iran and ad-
joining countries from the 9th to the 14th centuries as gleaned from
the Arabic geographical works," IC 24 (1950): 271-84. For Magian
apocalyptic literature in the early Islamic period, see Bailey's Zoroas-
trian Problems and R. C. Zaehner's "A Zervanite Apocalypse I," BSOS
10 (1940 ): 377-98, which is the text of chapter 24 of Zatspram, and
part II, BSOS 10 (1940): 606-31 , which has the English translation
and notes. The two main apocalyptic texts, however, are the Zand-t
Vohuman Yasn (Bahman Yasht) and the Jamasp namak. The former
is either a Middle Persian version of an Avestan text (Tavadia ) or an
heterodox apocalyptic text (Anklesaria). It is published with an English
translation by West, SBE 5 (Oxford, 1880): 189-235; 11 (New York,
1901 ): 191-235; and likewise by B. T. Anklesaria as Zand-t Vohuman
Yasn (Bombay, 1919, 1957). The latter was published by West as
"The Pahlavi Jamasp-namak," in Avesta, Pahlavi and Ancient Persian
Studies in Honour of the Late Shams-ul- Ulama Dastur Peshotanji
Behramji Sanjana (Strassburg and Leipzig, 1904), pp. 97-116. The
Middle Persian, Parsi, and Pazand versions of a later expansion of
this text from the late tenth century A.D., called the Abiyatkar-t Ja-
masprk, are published with an Italian translation by G. Messina in
Libro apocalittico persiano, Ayatkar I zamasprk (Rome, 1939). The
New Persian forms of both of these texts are included in M. R. Unvala,
Darab Hormazyar's Rivayat (Bombay, 1922) with English translatio ns
by B. N. Dhabhar in The Persian Rivayats of H ormazyar Framarz
(Bombay, 1932). For the historical setting of these apocalypses, see
K. Czegledy, " Bahram Cobin and the Persian apocalyptic literature,"
Acta Orientalia Hungarica 8 (1958 ): 21-43; and A. Destree, "Quel-
ques reflexions sur Ie heros des recits apocalyptiques persans et sur Ie
my the de la ville de cuivre," in La Persia nel Medioevo, pp. 639-54.
On calendrical problems associated with the beginning of the era of
Yazdagerd, see E. Drouin, "L'ere de Yezdegerd et Ie calendrier perse, "
Revue Archeologique, 12 (1888): 333-43; 13 (1889): 243-56; 14
(1889): 42-54, 229-42.
Jews
The Jewish community in Iraq (Babylonia ) is the subject of its own
extensive literature, especially because it was one of the points of origin
613
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

and  early  development  of  the  Rabbinic  tradition  and  of the  Karaite  The main primary source of information about the Jews of Sasanian
sect  which  survived  among  European  Jews.  The  experience  of  this  Iraq from the third to the fifth century is the Babylonian Talmud. The
community  forms  an  integral  part of surveys  of Jewish  history,  such  standard edition is by L. Goldschmidt (Leipzig, Berlin, and The Hague,
as  H.  Graetz,  History of the jews (Philadelphia,  1894,  1941),  where  1906-1935) in nine volumes, but the editorial choices may favor par-
it occupies the  third  volume;  S.  Doubnow,  An Outline of jewish His- ticular interpretations and, according to Goodblatt, manuscript var-
tory (New  York,  1925)  in  the  second  volume;  S.  Grayzel,  A History iants can be important. There are two English translations: M. Rod-
of the jews (Philadelphia,  1947, 1968);  S.  D.  Goitein, jews and Arabs: kinson, The Babylonian Talmud (Boston, 1918), and 1. Epstein,
Their Contacts through the Ages (New York,  1955); and S.  W. Baron's  Babylonian Talmud (London, 1935-48). Both were used for this study,
multivolume  Social and Religious History of the jews (New  York,  but Rodkinson's translation was usually cited for convenience. It is
1958).  Such  works  place  the  Iraqi  community  in  a  general  historical  impossible to use the Talmud as an historical source without some
context,  and  help  to  identify  the  older  scholarship  and  interpretive  idea of the approximate dates of the lives of the authorities who are
Issues.  cited therein, which can be gained from K. Kahan's edition with a
Much  of  what  these  surveys  have  to  say  about  the  Jews  of  Iraq  German translation of the Seder Tannaim we-Amoraim (Frankfurt a.
comes from S.  Funk's two­volume  Die juden in Babylonien, 200-500 M., 1935) which was probably composed in A.D. 885, and S. Schech-
(Berlin,  1902­1908).  For Jews as Sasanian subjects, see G. Widengren,  ter's edition of the Abot de R. Nathan (Vienna, 1887), with English
"Jews in  Mesopotamia and Iran,"  Vetus Testamentum, suppl. IV  (1937),  translations by J. Golden, The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan
pp.  197­241,  and  "The Status  of the Jews  in  the Sassanian  Empire,"  (New Haven, 1955), and by A. Saldarini with the same title (Leiden,
Iranica Antiqua 1  (1961):  117­62.  The  most  important  reevaluation  1975).
over  the  past  two  decades  has  been  the  prolific,  critical,  provocative,  The body of Talmudic scholarship is immense and easily carries one
and controversial work of J. Neusner. His fifth  volume,  Later Sasanian off in directions unrelated to the purpose of this study. One should
Times (Leiden,  1970)  of  A History of the jews in Babylonia (Leiden,  at least consult works such as H. Strack's Introduction to the Talmud
1965­1970)  was  particularly  useful  for  this  study.  His  "Rabbi  and  and Midrash (Philadelphia, 1945), and J. Neusner, ed., The Formation
Magus in  Third­Century Sasanian  Babylonia,"  History of Religions 6 of the Babylonian Talmud (Leiden, 1970), which provide a general
(1966):  169­78,  compares  these  two kinds  of religious  authority  and  orientation. W. Bacher's Die exegetische Terminologie der judischen
leadership.  Several  of his  important articles  are collected  in  Talmudic Traditionsliteratur (Leipzig, 1899-1905), and Die Agada der babyl.
judaism in Sasanian Babylonia: Essays and Studies (Leiden,  1976).  Amoraer (Frankfurt a. M., 1913) are still worth consulting. J. Goldin's
His  critical  approach  to  the  historical  value  of  Rabbinic  literature  is  "Of Change and Adaptation in Judaism," History of Religions 4 (1965):
directed mainly against those who take it literally and use  it as  a  basis  269-94, deals with Judaism in Classical Antiquity in general terms
of generalizing about all Jews, as  outlined in  "Jews and Judaism under  but discusses the role of the Oral Torah on pages 288 to 294. More
Iranian Rule:  Bibliographical Reflections,"  History of Religions 8 (1968):  recently, see W. Towner's "Form-Criticism of Rabbinic Literature,"
159­77, and in  the other articles on historical  method collected in  his  jjS 24 (1973): 101-18, and D. Goodblatt's "Local Traditions in the
Method and Meaning in Ancient judaism (Missoula, Montana,  1980).  Babylonian Talmud," HUCA 48 (1977): 61-79. The period in the
For a balanced evaluation of his work in general, see L. Jacobs's review  sixth and seventh centuries between the end of the Talmud and the
of  Neusner's  A History of the Mishnaic Law of Women, pts.  1­5  beginning of gaonic responses, which is poor in primary sources for
(Leiden,  1980)  in  BSOAS 44  (1981),  which  nevertheless  is  critical  of  Jews in Iraq, is covered by J. Ephrathi's Hebrew study on The Sevoraic
his "vast theories, unsupported by  the evidence." There is  also a recent  Period and Its Literature in Babylonia and in Eretz Israel (500-689)
survey  of  the  history  of Jews  in  pre­Islamic  Iraq  by  A.  Susa  called  (Petach -Tikva, 1973).
"LamaDat  min  ta'rikh  Yahlid  al­'Iraq  al­qadim  wa  ~ilath bi­Yahlid  The most important source for the early Islamic period is the body
ash­sharq,"  Majalla markaz ad-dirasat al-filas(iniyya 2  (1975):  34- of gaonic responses which begin in the late seventh century. Early
77. editions and studies are available by Harkavy, Responsen der Geonim

614 615
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
(Berlin,  1887); Muller, Einleitung in die Responsen der Babylonischen
Geonen (Berlin,  1891 ); L. Ginsberg,  Geonica (New York,  1909);  and  Solodukho's class analysis of the Rabbinic community has been made
A.  Marx,  "Studies  in  Gaonic  History  and  Literature,"  JQR, n.S.  1  available by J. Neusner in Soviet Views of Talmudic Judaism: Five
(1910­1911):  61­104.  The most useful survey of the possibilities con-
tained in this material is J. Mann's "The Responsa of the Babylonian
Geonim as a Source of Jewish History," JQR 7 (1916-17): 457-90;
8 (1917-18): 339-66; 9 (1918-19): 139-79; 10 (1919-20): 121-51,
309-65. B. Cohen's Kuntres ha-Teshubot (Budapest, 1930) is a bib-
liography of responses published until 1930. Subsequent studies in-
clude V. Aptowitzer's "Untersuchungen zur gaonaischen Literatur,"
HUCA 7-8 (1931-32): 373-444; the Hebrew works of S. Assaf,
Gaonica Uerusalem, 1933 ), "Letters of Babylonian Geonim," Tarbiz
11 (1939-40), Responsa Geonica Uerusalem, 1942), and Tequfat ha-
Gaonim Uerusalem, 1955); and S. B. Freehof's The Responsa Liter-
ature (Philadelphia, 1959).
Two later synthetic accounts of the history of the Iraqi Jewish com-
munity in the Sasanian and early Islamic periods survive in Hebrew.
One is the local Iggeret (Letter ) of Sherira Gaon of Pumbaditha (968-
98 ). This text is published in A. Neubauer's Medieval Jewish Chron-
icles (Oxford, 1887-95), I: 1-46, but the best edition is B. Lewin's
Iggeret R. Scherira Gaon (Haifa, 1921), which gives the versions from
both Spain and France. The other is in Abraham ibn Daud's symbolic
chronology composed in twelfth-century Spain called Sefer ha-Qab-
balah. This has been edited with an English translation by G. Cohen
as The Book of Tradition (Sefer ha-Qabbalah) (Philadelphia and Lon-
don, 1967).
The locations where Jews lived in Iraq may be found in the geo-
graphical works of Berliner and Neubauer noted above as well as in
H. Graetz, Das Konigreich von Mesene und seine judische Bevolkerung
(Breslau, 18 79), and J. B. Segal, "The Jews of North Mesopotamia
before the Rise of Islam (mainly from Syriac sources )," in Studies in
the Bible Presented to Professor M. H. Segal, ed. J. M. Grentz and
J. Liver Uerusalem, 1964), pp. 32*-63 ". For archeology devoted to
sites occupied by Jews in Iraq, see J. Neusner and J. Smith, "Archeology
and Babylonian Jewry," in Near Eastern Archeology in the Twentieth
Century, ed. J. Saunders (Garden City, N.Y., 1970), pp. 331-47. The
latest presentation of the third-century synagogue at Dura-Europos is
in H, Shanks's Judaism in Stone: The Archaeology of Ancient Syn-
agogues (New York, 1979), pp. 78-96. The best treatment of Jews as
farmers is J. Newman's The Agricultural Life of the Jews in Babylonia
616
between the Years 200 C.E. and 500 C.E. (Oxford, 1932). Y. A.
Papers by Yu. A. Solodukho in English Translation (Leiden, 1973).
L. Jacobs in "The Economic Conditions of the Jews in Babylonia in
Talmudic Times Compared with Palestine," JSS 2 (1957): 349-59,
argues that they were better off in Babylonia; but he treats Jews as a
monolithic group and ignores internal economic differences and tem-
poral changes.
Jews are put into a somewhat larger comparative framework, mainly
for Byzantine territory, in R. Hamerston-Kelly and R. Scroggs, eds.,
Jews, Greeks, and Christians: Religious Cultures in Late Antiquity.
Essays in honor ofWm. David Davies (Leiden, 1976). For expressions
of communal boundaries in polemic in the Sasanian period, see
J. Neusner's Aphrahat and Judaism (Leiden, 1971) and "A Zoroas-
trian Critique of Judaism," JAOS 83 (1963): 283-94. D. N. Mac-
kenzie's "An Early Jewish-Persian Argument," BSOAS 31 (1968 ):
248-69, concerns a Jewish polemic against Mazdaeans, Christians,
and Muslims from the early Islamic period, while J. Mann's "An Early
Theologico-Polemic Work," HUCA 12-13 (1937-38) : 411-59, is the
text and analysis of a Rabbinic tract against Samaritans, Christians,
and Jewish separatists from early tenth-century Iraq or Iran.
Concerning the exilarchate, one can consult F. Lazarus, "Neue Bei-
trage zur Geschichte des Exilarchats," Monatsschrift fur Geschichte
und Wissenschaft des Judentums 78 (1934): 279-88; Y. S. Zuri's
History of Hebrew Public Law. The Reign of the Exilarchate and the
Legislative Academies. Period of Rav Nachman bar Jizchak (320-
355) (Tel Aviv, 1938), in Hebrew; and W. Bacher, "Exilarch," JE, V:
288-93. The most recent treatment is M. Beer's Rashut ha-golah be-
Vavel bi-yeme ha-Mishnah veha-Talmud (Tel Aviv, 1970). For the
Genezah fragment about Bostanai, see D. S. Margoliouth, "Some Brit-
ish Museum Genizah Texts, I. On the Exilarch Bustani," JQR 14
(1902): 303-307. H. Tyckoczynski analyzed everything known about
Bostanai up to his time in "Busta nay Rosh ha-Golah," Devir 1 (1923):
145-75. See also L. Ginsberg, "Bostanai," JE, III: 330-31. The Islamic
period is covered in I. Goldziher's "Renseignements de source mu-
sulmane sur la Dignite du Resch-Galuta," REJ (1884), pp. 121-25;
and A. Goode, "The Exilarchate in the Eastern Caliphate, 637-128,"
JQR, n.s. 31 (1940): 149-69.
For the gaonate, consult A. Eckstein and W. Bacher, "Gaon," JE,
617
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
V:  567­71; S.  Eppenstein's Beitriige zur Ceschichte und Literature im
gaoniiischen Zeitalter (Berlin,  1913);  and  Tykocinski's  Die gao-
niiischen Verordnungen (Berlin,  1929).  The  background  of  Rabbinic  The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic (London, 1964).
legal  and social authority  is  discussed  by  S.  Zucrow in  Adjustment of
Law to Life in Rabbinic Literature (Boston,  1928), and Women, Slaves
and the Ignorant in Rabbinic Literature (Boston,  1932).  The  rela-
tionship of rabbis to political authority is treated by D. Daube in
Collaboration with Tyranny in Rabbinic Law (Oxford, 1965). The
economic situation of scholars is investigated in the Hebrew works of
M. Beer, "Were the Babylonian Amoraim Exempt from Taxes and
Customs?" Tarbiz 33 (1964): 248-58, with an English summary on
pages iii-iv, and Amora 'e Bavel (Ramat-Gan, 1974).
Entry to the older literature on Rabbinic education is provided by
Y. S. Zuri's Toldot Darkhi Hallimmud Bishivot Darom, Calif, Sura,
Venehardi'a Uerusalem, 1914), and W. Bacher's Tradition und Tra-
denten in den Schulen Paliistinas und Babyloniens (Leipzig, 1914).
More recent works include B. Gerhardsson's Memory and Manuscript:
Oral Tradition and Written Transmission in Rabbinic Judaism and
Early Christianity (Copenhagen, 1964); M. Aberbach, "The Relation
between Master and Disciple in the Talmudic Age," in Essays Pre-
sented to Chief Rabbi Israel Brodie, ed. H. J. Zimnels et a!. (London,
1967), pp. 1-24; and S. Safrai, "Elementary Education : Its Religious
and Social Significance in the Talmudic Period," Cahiers d'histoire
mondiale 11 (1968): 148-69. D. Goodblatt's Rabbinic Instruction in
Sasania'1 Babylonia (Leiden, 1975) is an extreme (and controversial)
critique of traditional interpretations based on a close textual analysis
of Talmudic vocabulary.
For Messianic expectations and alternatives to Rabbinic authority,
one can start with M. Buttenwieser, "Messiah," JE, VIII: 505-12;
L. Ginzberg, "Elijah," JE, V: 121-27; and M. Se1igsohn, "Elijah in
Mohammedan Literature," JE, V: 127. The incorporation of events at
the end of Sasanian rule into Jewish eschatology is indicated in l. Levi,
"L'Apocalypse de Zorobabel et Ie roi de Perse Siroes," REJ 68 (1914):
129-50; 69 (1919): 108-21; 71 (1920): 57-65. Apocalyptic literature
from the early Islamic period is surveyed in the second chapter of
H. Silver, A History of Messianic Speculation in Israel (New York,
1927), pp. 36-57. Two such texts were published by Yehuda ibn
Shemuel (Kaufmann), Medreshe Ce'ulla Uerusalem and Tel Aviv, 1953 ):
the Book of Elijah (Sefer Eliyahu) composed just before the Muslim
conquest, pp. 31--48, and the Secrets of R. b. Yobay (Nistaret she!
618
Rabbi Shim 'o n b. Yo~ay), with seventh and eighth-century material,
pp. 162-98. There is an analysis of such literature by D. S. Russell,
More recently, see B. Lewis, "On That Day: A Jewish Apocalyptic
Poem on the Arab Conquests," in Melanges d'Islamologie (Festschrift
for A. Abel), ed. P. Salmon (Leiden, 1974), pp. 197-200.
l. Friedlander more or less disposed of the older "explanation" by
Graetz that the Messianic movements which arose among Jews after
the Muslim conquest were due to the deportation of anti-Talmudic
Jews from Arabia to Syria and Iraq in "The Jews of Arabia and the
Gaonate," JQR, n.s. 1 (1910-11): 249-52, in which he argued that
they were not anti-Talmudic and that they continued to live in Arabia.
His alternative explanation, that sectarian forms of Judaism which
emerged in the early Islamic period were shaped by Shi'i Muslim
"influences" in Iran, is presented in his "Jewish-Arabic Studies," pt.
1, JQR, n.s. 1 (1910-11): 183-215; pt. 2, JQR, n.s. 2 (1911-12):
481-516, and is based on a list of similarities which are somewhat
anachronous as far as the earliest Jewish Messianic movements are
concerned.
The main source for these early movements and sects is still the
Kitab al-anwar wa-l-maraqib of Ya 'qub al-Qirqisani, which was ed-
ited in five volumes by L. Nemoy (New York, 1936--43). An English
translation of the section pertaining to the movements in the seventh
and eighth centuries has been published by Nemoy in "AI Qirqisani's
Account of the Jewish Sects," HUCA 7 (1930): 317-97. Nemoy's
"Anan ben David: A Reappraisal of the Historical Data," in Semitic
Studies in Memory of Immanuel Loew (Budapest, 194 7), pp. 239--49,
is an extremely skeptical piece of text criticism. See also A. Harkavy's
"Anan Ben David," JE, I: 553-56.
For an internalist explanation of the Karaite movement, see Z. Cahn's
Rise of the Karaite Sect: A New Light on the Halakah and Origin of
the Karaites (New York, ca. 1937). Otherwise there have been two
major issues regarding the emergence of the Karaite sect in the early
Islamic period. R. Mahler argued for socioeconomic conflicts among
Jews as the main cause of this movement in Karaimer, a yidische
geuleh-bavegung in Mitlalter (New York, 1947; Hebrew translation,
Merhavya, 1949). Nemoy offers a critique of Mahler and a review of
the issues in "Early Karaism (The Need for a New Approach)," JQR
40 (1949-50): 307-15. He also translated Karaite sources into English
in Karaite Anthology (New Haven, 1952) . More recently the "Sad-
619
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

ducee"  and  gnostic  affinities  of  Karaism  have  been  related  to  the  The second part of the Ecclesiastical History of Barl:13dbeshabba
ancient Qumran texts  by  N.  Wieder,  The Judean Scrolls and Karaism 'Arbaia, who was head of the Nestorian school at Nasibin at the end
(London,  1962)  and  A.  Paul,  Ecrits de Qumran et sects juives aux of the sixth century, is an account of the "Nestorianization" of the
premiers siecles de l'Islam: Recherches sur ['origin du Qaraism (Paris,  church in the Sasanian empire in the fifth and sixth centuries until
1969). But even  if someone did discover one of these texts in  the ninth  569. It is published with a French translation by F. Nau in "Bar\:lad-
century,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  that  could  have  influenced  those  beSabba 'Arbaia, Histoire ecclesiastique (2nd Part)," PO 9 (1913):
Karaites who stayed in Iraq and Iran. On related issues, see G. Scholem,  489-631. This period is also covered by the Ecclesiastical History of
Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New  York,  1954),  especially  the  John of Ephesus, the Syriac text of which is published in Land's Anec-
chapter  on  "Merkabah  Mysticism  and  Jewish  Gnosticism,"  pp.  40- dota, II (Leiden, 1868) and as Historiae Ecclesiasticae, Pars Tertia,
79. CSCO, Scr. Syri, 54; CSCO, Scr. Syri, 55. There is also a later chronicle
There are general discussions of Jews in the early Islamic period by of Nestorian patriarchs published with a Latin translation by G. L.
S. Goitein, "Jewish Society and Institutions under Islam," Cahiers Assemani, as De catholicis seu patriarchis Chaldaeorum et Nestoria-
d'Histoire Mondiale 11 (1968): 170-84, and by G. E. von Grunebaum, norum, commentarius Historico-chronologicus (Rome, 1775), which
"Eastern Jewry under Islam," Viator 2 (1971): 365-72. goes well into the Islamic period. The Arabic texts of Nestorian church
history by Marl, 'Amr, and Sliba called the Liber Turris are published
Christians by H. Gismondi as Maris, Amri et Slibae, De Patriarchis nestoriano-
rum commentaria (Rome, 1896-99).
The largest single body of source material composed in sixth- and
Church histories are supplemented by letters such as those of
seventh-century Iraq is the Christian Syriac literature of the Nestorians
Ish6'yahbh III published by P. Scott-Moncrieff as The Book of Con-
and Jacobites (Monophysites). Modern scholarship on these materials
solations, or the Pastoral Epistles of Mar lsho'yahbh of Kuphlana in
is immense but deals almost entirely with issues of church history and
Adiabene (London, 1904), and by R. Duval as ISo 'yahb Patriarchae
religious life and thought, with very little attention given to how these
III Liber Epistularum, CSCO, Scr. Syri, 11 (Louvain, 1955), with a
materials could be used for comparative religion, social and economic
Latin translation, CSCO, Scr. Syri, 12 (Louvain, 1955). Although there
history, or wider issues in intellectual history. The major Syriac chron-
is no complete edition of the letters of George, the Monophysite bishop
icles and lives of Christian martyrs have already been cited. Published
of the Arabs (686-724), they are all translated into German by V. Ryssel
collections of texts begin with J. S. Assemanus (G. S. Assemani), Bi-
in Georgs des Araberbischof Gedichte und Briefe (Leipzig, 1891). For
bliotheca Orientalis Clementino- Vaticana (Rome, 1719-28), in three
letters by later eighth-century Nestorian patriarchs, see V. B. Chabot,
volumes with Latin translation. Volume 2 (Rome, 1721) contains
"Lettre de Mar Aba II," Actes de lIe congres des orientalistes (Paris,
Monophysite texts; volume 3, part I (Rome, 1725) and part II (Rome,
1897), pp. 295-335, and R. J. Bidawid, Les Lettres du patriarch
1728), contains Nestorian texts. There is a German translation in two
nestorien Timothee I (Rome, 1956). O. Braun provides the Syriac texts
volumes by A. Pfeiffer called Joseph Simonius Assemanns orientalische
of several of Timothy's letters with German translations in "Der
Bibliothek; oder Nachrichten von syrischen Schriftstellern (Erlangen,
Katholikos Timotheos I und seine Briefe," OC 1 (1901) : 138-52; "Ein
1776-77). Texts are also collected in J.P.N. Land's four-volume Anec-
dota Syriaca (Leiden, 1862-75), and in R. Graffin, ed., Patrologia
Brief des Katholikos Timotheos I uber biblische Studien des 9. Jahr-
Syriaca, vol. l. (Paris, 1894); II (Paris, 1907); III (Paris, 1926). The hunderts," OC 1 (1901): 299-313; "Briefe des Katholikos Timotheos
verse catalogue of 'Abhd-Ish6' (Ebedjesu), ca. 1300, surveys authors I, OC 2 (1902): 1-32, and OC 3 (1903): 1-15.
and many works which no longer survive, so it gives a better idea of There is also an extensive body of biography dealing with the lives
what kind of works were being written. This text is in Assemani, BO, of church leaders, monks, and other saints. Much of it can be found
III: 1-362. Selections from Syriac texts are translated into English in in the volumes of the Analecta Bollandiana and in P. Peeters, Bib-
W. G. Young's Handbook of Source Materials for Students of Church liotheca hagiographica orientalis (Brussels, 1910; repr. 1954). The
History (Serampore, 1969), sixth-century biographies in E. W. Brooks, "John of Ephesus, Lives

620 621
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
of the  Eastern Saints,"  PO 18  (1924):  513­698,  and  19  (1925):  153-
285, mostly concern people west of Iraq but are worth consulting.
There are two works from the Islamic period based on earlier sources
which contain biographical material going back to the sixth century.
One is the Ketaba dh e Nakhpiita of Isho'denah, bishop of Basra, from
the late eighth or early ninth century. The Syriac text is published by
J. B. Chabot as "Le livre de la chastete compose par Jesusdenah, eveque
de Ba~r," Melanges d'Archeologie et d'histoire 16 (1896): 1-80, with
a French translation on pages 225 to 293. There is an Arabic trans-
lation by P. Cheikho, ad-Diyiira (i mamlakatay ai-Furs wa-l- 'Arab
(Mawsil, 1939 ). For an evaluation see J. M. Fiey, "Ish6'denah, me-
tropolite de Basra et son oeuvre," L 'Orient Syrien 11 (1966): 431-
50. The other is a history of the monastery of Beth 'Abhe in Margha,
composed by Thomas of Margha in 840, which consists mainly of the
lives of its abbots. It is published with an English translation by E. A.
Wallis Budge as The Book of the Governors (London, 1893). On this
author see J. M. Fiey, "Thomas de Marga. Notule de litterature sy-
riaque," Le Museon 78 (1965): 361-66. There is also a collection of
summaries of saints' lives by F. Nau, "Resume de monographes sy-
riaques," ROC 20 (1915-17): 3-32. The Syriac text of the life of Mar
Aba I (540-52) may be found on pages 206 to 287 of P. Bedjan's
Histoire de Mar Jabalaha de trois autres patriarches, d 'un pretre et
deux autres lai'ques nestoriens (Paris, 1895), while that of Sabhrisho'
(d. 604) is on pages 288 to 327.
Additional biographies of sixth- and seventh-century monks can be
found in F. Nau, "Histoire d'Abraham de Kaskar et de Babai de
Nisibe," ROC 21 (1918-19): 161-72, and in E. A. Wallis Budge, The
Histories of Rabban Hormizd the Persian and Rabban Bar- 'Idte. (Lon-
don, 1902), with an English translation . The seventh-century life of
Rabban Hormizd contains semilegendary elements, but the sixth-cen-
tury life of Bar 'Edta is a firsthand account by John the Persian.
Concerning the latter text, see A. Scher's "Analyse de l'histoire de
Rabban Bar 'Edta, moine nestorien du VIe siecle," ROC 11 (1906):
403-23; 12 (1907): 9-13, which contains a chapter by chapter sum-
mary; and J. M. Fiey, "Autour de la biographie du Rabban Bar 'Eta,"
L'Orient Syrien 11 (1966): 1-16. S. Brock's "An Early Syriac Life of
Maximus the Confessor," AB 91 (1973): 299-346, concerns a seventh-
century Syrian saint but also has important references for this period.
Some biographies are more legendary than others. One of the most
important for this period is the Syriac life of ' Abd ai-MasH; which
622
may have been composed by a Nestorian at Sinjar toward the end of
the eighth century. The Syriac text is published with a Latin translation
by J. Corluy as "Acta Sancti Mar Abdu '1 Masich," AB 5 (1886): 5-
52. The Arabic text is published with a French translation by P. Peeters
as "La passion arabe de S. 'Abd al-Masih," AB 44 (1926): 270-341.
For other such works, see H. Feige, Die Geschichte des Mar 'Abhdfso'
und seines Jungers Mar Qardagh (Kiel, 1890), and J. M. Fiey, "Les
Saints Serge de l'Iraq," AB 79 (1961): 102-14.
For modern scholarship on Christianity in the East, one can start
with F. C. Burkitt's Early Christianity outside the Roman Empire
(Cambridge, 1899) and Early Eastern Christianity (London, 1904).
L. Duchesne's Early History of the Christian Church from Its Foun-
dation to the End of the Fifth Century, tr. C. Jenkins (New York,
1912-24) and L'Eglise au VIe siecle (Paris, 1925) are still among the
best surveys. Later surveys include J. B. Kidd's The Churches of Eastern
Christendom from A. D. 451 to the Present Time (London, 1927;
New York, 1974) and A. S. Atiya 's A History of Eastern Christianity
(London, 1968).
The process whereby a Christian population was created in Sasanian
Iraq is treated by M. L. Chaumont in "Les Sassanides et la christiani-
sation de I'empire iranien au llle siecle de notre ere," RHR 165 (1964):
165-202, and by J. Neusner in "The Conversion of Adiabene to Chris-
tianity," Numen 13 (1966): 144-50. For Christian Arabs at Hira, see
R. Aigrain, "Arabie," in Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie ec-
clesiastiques (1924), Ill, col. 1158-1139; for Christians in lower Iraq,
see Y. Y. Maskuni, "Nasara Kaskar wa Wasit qabil ai-Islam," Machriq
58 (1964): 633-47. An introduction to the religious and political
consequences of the spread of Christianity in Sasanian territory may
be found in T. Noldeke's, "Syrische Polemik gegen die persische Re-
ligion," in Festgruss an Rudolf von Roth (Stuttgart, 1893), pp. 34-
38; J. P. Asmussen's "Das Christentum in Iran und sein Verhalrnis
zum Zoroasrrismus," Studia Theologica 16 (1962): 1-22; and A. Guil-
laumont's "Justinian et I'eglise de Perse," DOP 23/4 (1969-70): 39-
66 .
The classic treatment of Christianity in the Sasanian empire is
J. Labourt's, Le Christianisme dans l'empire perse sous la dynastie
sassanide (224-632) (Paris, 1904). Subsequent srudies include S. Vailhe,
"Formation de l'Eglise de Perse," Echoes d'Orient 12 (1910): 269-
75, and E. Tisserant, "Nestorienne (Eglise)," in Dictionnaire de theo-
logie Catholique (1931), Xl: 157-323. More recently, see B. Spuler,
623
 RES 0  U RCES  RESOURCES
Die Nestorianische Kirche . Handbuch der Orientalistik (Brill,  1961 ).  church buildings at Mada'in, see O. Reuther, " Sasanian Architecture,
]. M. Fiey's Jalons pour une histoire de I'eglise en Iraq, CSCO, Subsidia
36  (Louvain,  1970) covers  the origins of Christianity in  the East until  martyrs, meddlers, benefactors, and intellectuals, see]. M. Fiey, "Les
the  end  of  the Sasanian  dynasty.  laics dans l'histoire de I'eglise syrienne orientale," P-OC 14 (1964):
Concerning  the  position  of  catholicos,  see  H.  Leclercq,  "Katholi-
cos," in Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne et de liturgie, 8 (1929),
cols. 686-89; P. W. de Vries, "Antiochen und Seleucia-Ctesiphon,
Patriarch und Katholikos?" in Melanges E. Tisserant (Studi e testi,
233, Rome, 1964), III: 429-50;]. M. Fiey, "Les etapes de la prise de
conscience de son identite patriarcale par I'eglise syrienne orientale,"
L 'Orient Syrien 12 (1967): 3-22; W. Macomber, "The Authority of
the Catholicos Patriarch of Seleucia-Ctesiphon," Orientalia Christiana
Analecta 181 (1968 ): 179-200; and CD.G. Muller, "Stellung und
Bedeutung des Katholikos-Patriarchen von Seleukia-Ktesiphon im AI-
tertum," OC 53 (1969): 227-45.
The main primary source for the ecclesiastical structure of the Chris-
tian Church in Iraq in Sasanian and early Islamic times is the Synodicon
Orientale (Paris, 1902), which contains lists of bishops who signed
the church synods from the early fifth century until the late eighth
century. The Syriac text of two of the synods of Timothy I was pub-
lished with German translations by o. Braun in "Zwei Synoden des
Katholikos Timotheos I," OC 2 (1902): 283-311. This material was
used in G. Wiessner's "Zu den Subskriptionslisten der altesten chris-
t1ichen Synoden in Iran," in Festschrift fur Wilhelm Eilers (Wiesbaden,
1967), pp. 288-98.
The hierarchic nature of church organization is treated by D. H.
Marot in "Une example de centralisation ecclesiastique: L'ancienne
eglise chaldeene," Irenikon 28 (1955): 176-85. But by far the most
extensive work on the history of the ecclesiastical structure, bishoprics,
and monasteries in Iraq has been by]. M. Fiey in Mossoul chretienne
(Beirut, 1959), "Proto-Histoire chretienne du Hakkari Turc," L'Ori-
ent Syrien 9 (1964 ): 443-72, Assyrie chretienne (Beirut, 1965-68 ) in
three volumes, and Nisibe, metropole syriaque orientale et ses suffra-
a
gants des origins nos jours, CSCO, Subsidia 54 (Louvain, 1977).
R. Murray's treatment of the imagery used for the church before the
fifth-century schisms in Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in
Early Syriac Tradition (London, 1975) mainly concerns a shared sym-
bolism of apostolic functions according to Ephrem and Aphrahat, but
the imagery of shepherd and f10ck is treated on pages 187 to 191 and
that of spiritual physician on pages 199 to 203. For the remains of
624
A. History," in Pope's Survey, II: 560-66. For Christian laymen as
169-83; pages 178 to 182 concern yazdin.
The situation of Christians in Iraq at the time of the Muslim conquest
is discussed by W . G. Young in " The Church of the East in 650,"
Indian Church History Review 2 (1968), 55-71, and by J. M. Fiey in
"Isho'yaw Ie Grand. Vie du catholicos nestorien Isho'yaw III d ' A-
diabene (580-659 )," OCP 35 (1969 ): 305-35; 36 (1970): 5-46. Both
A. S. Tritton's The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects : A Critical
Study of the Covenant of 'Umar (London, 1930), and L. E. Browne's
The Eclipse of Christianity in Asia (Cambridge, 1933 ) are now largely
out of date. M. Rahmatallah, The Treatment of Dhimmis in the Umayyad
and 'Abbasid Periods (Baghdad, 1963) treats matters from the point
of view of Islamic law. The most recent comparison of Christians
under Sasanian and Muslim rule is by W. G. Young in Patriarch, Shah
and Caliph: A Study of the Relationship of the Church of the East
with the Sassanid Empire and the Early Caliphate up to 820 A.D.
(Rawalpindi, 1974). H. Labourt dealt with Christians under the ' Ab-
basi dynasty in De Timotheo I Nestorianorum patriarcha (728- 825)
et Christianorum Orientalium Condicione sub Chaliphis Abbasidis
(Paris, 1903 ). More recently H. Putman studied the Nestorian Church
under the early ' Abbasis and edited the Arabic text of a dialogue
between Timothy I and the caliph al-Mahdi with a French translation
in L'Eglise et l'Islam (Beirut, ca. 1975). For a history of Christians at
Baghdad, see J. M. Fiey, Chretiens syriaques sous les Abbassides,
a
surtout Baghdad (749-1258), CSCO Subsidia 59 (Louvain, 1980).
There is also a short general comment on the reception of Islam by
Christians by C Cahen, "Note sur l'accueil des chretiens d'Orient a
l'Islam," RHR 166 (1964 ): 51-58.
Since the doctrinal positions of the Nestorians came mostly from
Theodore of Mopsuestia, they were also responsible for preserving his
writings. What Theodore had to say may be found in his tract against
the Macedonians on pages 633 to 677 of F. Nau's "Bar\:ladbeSabba
'Arbaia histoire ecclesiastique," PO 9 (1913); in his commentaries on
the Nicene Creed and on the Faith of the Three Hundred and Eighteen
published with English translations in the fifth volume of A. Mingana 's
Woodbrooke Studies (Cambridge, 1932); and in his commentary on
the Psalms published by R. Devreese with a French translation as Le
625
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
commentaire de Theodore de Mopsueste sur les Psaumes (Vatican,  Pelagianismus bei Babai dem Grossen," OC 46 (1962 ): 77-86, and
1939 ). Devreese  also  published  a  study on Theodore  called  Essai sur
Theodore de Mopsueste (Vatican,  1948 ). Two important articles have  (1963): 98-110.
been  published  by  A.  Voobus,  "Regarding  the  Theological  Anthro-
pology of Theodore of Mopsuestia," Church History 33 (1964): 115-
23, and "Theological Reflections on Human Nature in Ancient Syriac
Traditions," in The Scope of Grace: Essays on Nature and Grace in
Honor of Joseph Sittler, ed. P. J. Hefner (Philadelphia, 1964), pp.
101-19. Aspects of Theodore's impact on Nestorian doctrine are
treated by L. Brade in Untersuchungen zum Scholienbuch des Theo-
doros bar Konai. Die Ubernahme des Erbes von Theodoros von Mop-
suestia in der nestorianischen Kirche (Gottingen, 1975 ). For doctrinal
issues in the fifth century, see also W. F. Macomber, "The Christology
of the Synod of Seleucia-Ctesiphon A.D. 486," OCP 24 (1958 ): 142-
54.
For the sixth century, see Macomber's article on "The Theological
Synthesis of Cyrus of Edessa, an East Syrian Theologian of the Mid-
Sixth Century," OCP 30 (1964 ): 5-38, 363-84, and the articles on
Paul of Nasibin's exposition of Nestorian doctrine at Constantinople
by G. Mercati, "Per la vita e gli scritti di 'Paolo il Persiano'. Appunti
da una disputa di religione sotto Giustino e Giustianiano," Studi e
Testi 5 (1901 ): 180-206 ; and by A. Guillaumont, "Un Colloque entre
orthodoxes et theologiens nestoriens de Perse sous Justinien," CRAIBL
(1970), pp. 201-7.
The Nestorian statement of faith at the Sasanian court in 612 is
presented and analyzed by E. Bratke in "Das sogenannte Religions
Gesprach am Hof der Sasaniden," Texte und Untersuchungen zur
Geschichte der Altchristlichen Literatur, n.s. 4/3 (1899): 1-305. Two
Syriac versions are also published by S. Giamil in "Symbolum Nes-
torianum anni p. Ch. n. 612," OC 1 (1901 ): 61-79, who was con-
cerned to show how " orthodox" they were. But the most important
formulation of Nestorian doctrine in the early seventh century is the
Book of Union of the monk Babai the Great (ca. 550-628 ). This text
is published with a Latin translation by A. Vaschalde as Babai Magni,
Liber de Unione, CSCO, Scr. Syri, 34; CSCO, Scr. Syri, 35 (Louvain,
1953 ). An introduction to Babai's ideas is provided by V. Grumel's
"Un theologien nestorien : Babai Ie Grand (VIe-VIle s. )," Echos d 'Ori-
ent 22 (1932): 153-81 , 25 7-80; 23 (1924 ): 9-34, 162-78,257-75,
395-400; and by the articles of P. Kriiger, "Zum theologischen Men-
schenbild des Babai d. Gr." OC 44 (1960): 46-74, "Das Problem des
626
"Das Geheimnis der Taufe in den Werken Babais d. Gr.," OC 4 7
The major doctrinal issue among Nestorians at the time of the
conquest concerned the Monothelete controversy and the defection of
Sahdona. The classic study on Sahdona is H. Goussen's Martyrios-
$ahdona's Leben und Werke (Leipzig, 1897). The most important
subsequent treatment is in the articles of A. de Halleux on "La chris-
tologie de Martyr Sahdona dans l'evolution du nestorianisme," OCP
23 (195 7) : 5-32, and "Mar (ou Martyr) Sahdona, La vie mouvementee
d'un 'heretique' de l'eglise nestorienne," OCP 24 (1958): 93-128.
L. Abramowski and A. E. Goodman have edited A Nestorian Collec-
tion of Christological Texts (Cambridge, 1972) in two volumes with
an English translation. This collection was made sometime between
the seventh and thirteenth centuries, but they argue for the time of
Timothy I (d. 823). Although the nature of Christ was an important
issue between Nestorians and their rivals, it is important to remember
that Nestorian doctrine was not confined to Christology.
It is also important to remember that doctrine was communicated
through liturgy regulated through a liturgical calendar. The liturgy of
the Syrian Chaldaean, and Nestorian churches was published in book
XIII of G. L. Assemani's Codex liturgicus ecclesiae universae in quo
continentur libri rituales (Rome, 1749-1 766 ). Concerning the texts
that testify to the establishment of a Nestorian liturgical calendar in
the sixth and seventh centuries, see A. Baumstark, "Die nestorianische
Schriften 'de causis festorum,'" OC 1 (1901): 320-42. Nestorian
liturgy has been translated into English by A. J. Maclean in the East
Syrian Daily Offices (London, 1894). The most useful recent work on
early Nestorian liturgy is in the articles of R. H . Jones on "The History
of the Nestorian Liturgies," ATR 46 (1964): 155-77, "The Sources
of the Nestorian Liturgy," ATR 46 (1964 ): 414-25 , 'The Formation
of the Nestorian Liturgy," ATR 48 (1966 ): 276-306, and "The Liturgy
of Nestorius: The Structural Pattern," ATR 48 (1966 ): 397-411.
The main primary source on the place of religious education in the
formation of a Nestorian community is the sixth-century tract by Bar
Hadbeshabba 'Arbaya on the reasons for founding schools. This has
been edited with a French translation by A. Scher as "Barryadbesabba,
Cause de la fondation des ecoles, " PO 4 (1908 ): 317-404. The Nes-
torian school at Nasibin has received the most attention. Early studies
include J. B. Chabot's articles on "L'ecole de Nisibe, son histoire, ses
627
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

statuts," lA, 9th  seL,  8  (1896):  43­93,  and  "Narsai  Ie  docteur et  les  Archives  d'histoire  du  droit oriental 5 (1950-51 ): 307-51, continues
origines  de  I'Ecole  de  Nisibe,"  lA, 10th  ser.,  6  (1905 ):  157­77.  The  to be widely cited, it is now largely out of date.
best  recent study  is  the  History of the School of Nisibis, CSCO, Sub- Syriac  and  Arabic  Documents  Regarding  Legislation  Relative  to 
sidia  26  (Louvain,  1965 ) by  A.  Voobus.  See  also  his  article  on  "Mar  Syrian  Asceticism  (Stockholm, 1960 ) by A. Voobus is a collection of
Abraham de­Bet Rabban and His  Role  in  the  Hermeneutic Traditions  Nestorian and Jacobite monastic rules from those of Rabbula, bishop
of the  School  of Nisibis,"  HTR  58  (1965):  203­14 .  of Edessa in 411, to those of the catholicos {sho' Bar Nun (823-26).
The foundations of Nestorian canon law are collected with a French  The monastic rules of Abraham of Kaskar (ca. 503-88) are edited
translation by J.  B.  Chabot in Synodicon Orientale (Paris, 1902), which  with a Latin translation by J. B. Chabot on pages 41 to 59 and those
includes  the  canons  established  by  church  synods  from  the early  fifth  of Dadhisho' on pages 77 to 99 of Rendiconti della  Regia  Accademia 
to  the  late  eighth  century.  Chabot  also  included  several  letters  by  Nazionale dei  Lincei,  7 (Rome, 1898). They are discussed by T. Her-
church  leaders.  There is  a  German translation  by  O.  Braun called  Das  mann in "Bemerkungen zu der Regeln des Mar Abraham und Mar
Buch  der  Synhodos  (Stuttgart and  Vienna,  1900 ).  The  second  major  Dadischo vom Berge Izla," Zeitschrift  fur  Neutestamentliche  Wissen-
schaft  22 (1923 ): 286-98.
collection of Nestorian canons, rules, and legal correspondence is  C. E. 
Sachau's  three­volume  Syrische  Rechtsbucher  (Berlin,  1907­1914),  For early Christian asceticism and the Sons and Daughters of the
with  a  German  translation  and  extensive  notes.  This  material  is  also  Covenant (or Resurrection), one can start with "The Origins of Mon-
asticism in Mesopotamia," Church  History,  20/4  (1951): 27-37, by
discussed  by  Sachau  in  his  article  "Von  der  rechtlichen  Verhaltnissen 
A. Voobus, and S. J argy's "Les Fils et les Filles du Pacte dans la
der  Christen  im  Sasanidenreich,"  Mitteilungen  des  Seminars  fur  ori-
litterature monastique syriaque," OCP 18 (1955): 304-20. The classic
entalische Sprachen,  westasiatische Studien  10 (1907): 69­95 . O.  Braun's 
study is History  of Asceticism  in  the  Syrian  Orient:  A  Contribution 
" Ein  Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  der  persischen  Gotteslehre,"  ZDMG  58 
to the History of Culture in  the Near East,  I, The Origin of Asceticism, 
(1903 ):  562­65,  is  a  discussion  of  Mar  Abha 's  (539­52)  "Interpre-
Early Monasticism in  Persia,  CSCO,  Subsidia,  14 (Louvain, 1958 ); II,
tation of the Laws Concerning Sexual Intercourse and Marriage" (text
Early  Monasticism  in  Mesopotamia  and  Syria,  CSCO,  Subsidia,  17 
in Sachau, Rechtsbucher,  III: 258-85 ). The legal correspondence of
(Louvain, 1960 ) by A. Voobus. See also his article on "The Institution
Hcnanisho ' from the end of the seventh century is in Sachau, II: 2-
of the Benai Qeiama  and Banat Qeiama  in the Ancient Syrian Church,"
51; the canons of Simeon of Rev-Ardashir, metropolitan of Fars, dated Church  History  30 (1961),19-27. More recently, early asceticism has
to either the mid-seventh or late eighth century, are in Sachau, III: been treated by J. M. Fiey in "Le Cenobitism feminin ancien dans les
203-53, and were published separately by A. Rucker as Die  canones  eglises syriennes orientale et occidentale," L'Orient Syrien  10 (1965):
des  Simeon  von  Rewardasir  (Leipzig, 1908). The digest of Isho'bokht, 281-306; by G. Nedungatt in "The Covenanters of the Early Syriac-
metropolitan of Fars (ca. 775-79), which is based on the Mtitiktin,  is speaking Church," OCP  39 (1973 ): 191-215; and by S. P. Brock in
in Sachau, III : 1-201, and discussed by N. Pigulevskaya in "Die Sa- "Early Syrian Asceticism," Numen  20 (1973 ): 1-19, who argues that
mmlung der syrischen Rechtsurkunden des Ischobocht und des Ma- qeyiimti  should be understood as "resurrection" rather than as "cov-
tikan," Akten des  XXIV Intern.  Orientalisten Kongresses  (Wiesbaden, enant. "
1959), pp. 219-21. The canons of Timothy I (780-823) may be found By the late sixth century, Christian ascetics from Iraq were going
in Chabot's Synodicon,  pp. 597-608; Sachau, Rechtsbucher,  II: 57- to Egypt and bringing cenobitic monasticism back with them. The
117; and O. Braun, "Der Katholikos Timotheos I und seine Briefe," lives and sayings of Egyptian ascetics were so important to them that
OC 2 (1902 ): 283-311. See also G. Graf, "Das Rechts-werk des in the mid-seventh century the monk 'Anan-jsho' at the monastery
Nestorianers Gabriel, Bischofs von Basra, in arabischer Bearbeitung," of Beth ' Abhe in Margha compiled the accounts by Palladius and
OCP  6 (1940): 517-22. Because this legal literature identifies many other Egyptians and translated them into Syriac. The entire seventh
social issues, it is also an important source for social history. Although volume of P. Bedjan 's Acta  Martyrum  et  Sanctorum  (Leipzig, 1897)
N . Edelby's "L'autonomie legislative des Chn!tiens en terre d'lslam," is occupied by this text. It was also edited with an English translation

628 629
 RESOURCES 
RES 0 U RCES

by  E. A.  Wallis  Budge  as  The  Book  of Paradise  (London,  1904),  and  Prayer" by his contemporary Dadhlsh6' Qarraya is published in
his  English  translation  was  published  separately  as  The  Paradise  of  A. Mingana's Woodbrooke Studies  (Cambridge, 1934), VII: 201-47,
the Holy Fathers  (London, 1907). Selections have been translated into  with an English translation on pages 70 to 143. On Dadhish6' see
English  by  H.  Waddell  in  The  Desert  Fathers  (Ann  Arbor,  1966).  As  also A. Rucker, "Eine Anweisung fur geistliche Ubungen nestoria-
important  as  this  text  is  for  early  Egyptian  asceticism,  it  is  equally  nischer Monche des 7. Jahrhunderts," oe, 3rd ser., 9 (1934): 189-
important  for  Christian  asceticism  in  Iraq  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  207. The "Medico-Mystical Work" of Simon of Taibutheh (d. ca.
centuries  and  later  because  of  the  ideas  it  contains  and  because  it  680) is in the same volume of Mingana's Woodbrooke  Studies  (text
served  as  an  important  model  for  the  monastic  life  and  for  writing  pp. 281-320, translation pp. 10-69), as are 'Abhdish6' Hazzaya's
about  the  lives  of  monks.  "Treatises on the Workings of Grace, etc." (text pp. 262-81, trans-
The development of the  main themes  of ascetic  mysticism  from  the  lation pp. 148-75 ); the "Treatise on Ermitism" by Abraham bar Dash-
sixth  to the eighth  century may  be followed  in  the lives  and works of  andadh (fl. ca. 720-30) (text pp. 248-55, translation pp. 186-97);
these monks. The Syriac text of the life of Abraham Qidunaya is edited  and Joseph Hazzaya's "Treatise on the Shortest Path That Brings Us
by  T. J.  Lamy  in  "Acta  Beati  Abrahae  Kidunaiae  monachi,"  AB  10  near to God" (text pp. 256-61, translation pp. 178-84). On the latter
(1891):  5­49.  Attention  should  also  be  paid  to  the  Nestorian  monk  see A. Guillaumont, "Sources de la doctrine de Joseph Hazzaya,"
Gregory  of  Cyprus,  by  origin  a  Persian  merchant  who  started  and  L'Orient Syrien 3 (1958): 3-24, and E.J. Sherry, "The Life and Works
ended his  monastic career at Mt. Izla in the sixth and seventh centuries.  of Joseph Hazzaya," in The  Seed  of Wisdom:  Essays  in  Honour  of 
His  sermons  are  edited  with  a  Latin  translation  by  I. Hausherr  in  T.  j.  Meek,  ed. W . S. McCullough (Toronto, 1964), pp. 78-91; the
Gregorius  monachus  Cypri de  Theoria  sancta  (Rome,  1937). See  also  latter supports an eighth-century date for Joseph.
Hausherr's "Aux origines de la  mystique syrienne : Gregory de Chypre  Nestorians were not the only Christians in Iraq. By the sixth century,
ou  Jean  de  Lycopolis?,"  OCP  4  (1938):  497­520.  For  Abraham  of  Monophysites predominated from Armenia to Ethiopia along the By-
Nethpar who returned from  Egypt  to  spend thirty years  in  solitude in  zantine cultural frontier. In Syria and Iraq, Monophysites were or-
Adiabene  in  the  early seventh  century,  see  the  article  of R.  Tonneau,  ganized in the Jacobite Church, so Monophysites in Iraq need to be
"Abraham  de  Nethpar,"  RSO  32  (1957):  415­31.  From  the  mid- understood in this broader context. On this subject one can consult
seventh century the letters of Sahdona and what survives of his work works as early as H. G. Kleyn's Jacobus  Baradaeus  de  stichter  der 
on the monastic life were edited by P. Bedjan, S. Martyrii,  qui  et  syrische  monophysietische Kerk  (Leiden, 1882) and as recent as W.H.C.
Sahdona,  quae supersunt omnia (Paris, 1902); his Book of Perfection  Frend's The  Rise of the  Monophysite  Movement  (Cambridge, 1972).
is published with a French translation by A. de Halleux as Oeuvres  P. Kawerau's Die  jakobitische  Kirche  im  Zeitalter  der  syrischen  Re-
spirituelles,  cseo, Scr.  Syri,  86, 90, 91, 110, 111 (Louvain, 1960- naissance, 2nd ed., (Berlin, 1960) is a useful introduction, while
65 ); and his letters and maxims in eseo, Scr.  Syri,  112, 113 (Louvain, W. Hage's Die syrisch-jakobitische Kirche in fruhislamitischer Zeit
1965 ). nach orientalischer Quellen (Wiesbaden, 1966 ) has a survey of Syriac
The major figure in terms of production and influence in the late sources for this period.
seventh century is Isaac of Nineveh. The main editions of his works Jacobites turned out to be a small minority among the Christians
are by J. B. Chabot, De Isaaci Ninivitae vita, scriptis, et doctrina (Paris, of Iraq, and the literature on Iraqi J acobites is not nearly as extensive
1892) and P. Bedjan, Mar  Isaacus  Ninivita.  De  perfectione  religiosa  as that on Syrian Jacobites. Resistance to Nestorians in the east in the
(Paris and Leipzig, 1909). A Greek text of sayings ascribed to Isaac early sixth century is recorded in the letters of Simeon of Beth Arsham,
was published by M. Besson in "Un recueil de sentences attribue a edited by Assemani, BO, 1: 364-79; Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanc-
Isaac Ie Syrien," oe 1 (1901): 46-60,288-98. Isaac's ideas are ac- torum, I: 372-97; and Land, Anecdota Syriaca, III: 235-42. The
cessible in an English translation by A. J. Wensinck, Mystic  Treatises  formation of a Jacobite community in Iraq in the late sixth and early
by  Isaac  of Niniveh  (Amsterdam, 1923), but the authenticity of the seventh centuries is described in rwo contemporary biographies pub-
last part of this text is questionable. The "Treatise on Solitude and lished with a French translation by F. Nau as "Histoires d'Aboud-

630 631
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
emmeh et de Marouta, metropolitiansJ acobites de Tagrit etdel'Orient,"  managed the passage through the Hellenistic period. For possible an-
PO,  III  (1909 ):  7­96. J.  M.  Fiey  argues  that  the  church  which  A\:lu-
demmeh built at 'Ainqenoye survives as the ruins at Qasr Saruj in
"Identification of Qasr Serej," Sumer 14 (1958): 125-27. Scholarship
on early Jacobite ecclesiastical history in Iraq tends to focus on the
metropolitan (later called "maphrian") at Takrit. Such works include
P. Hindo, Primats d'Orient, Catholicos nestoriens et Maphriens syriens  Introductions to religion in the Hellenistic period are provided in
(Rome, 1936); 1. Armalet, "Les catholicoi d ' Orient et les maphriens
syriens," al­Mashriq  40, (Beirut, 1942): 182-92, 272-81, 364-72,
417-27, 519-27, 604-14; and P. Behnam, "Takrit dans l'histoire,"
al­Mashriq,  1 (Mawsil, 1946 ): 36-41,85-90, 131-34, 167-70,215-
19. A. Voobus's "Reorganisierung der westsyrischen Kirche in Per-
sien," OC 51 (1967): 106-11, also concerns the foundation of the
metropolitanate of T akrit.
Scholarship on Monophysitism among Arabs goes back at least to
1. Guidi's "Mundhir III und die beiden monophysitischen Bishofe,"
ZDMG  35 (1881): 142-46. The classic studies are those by F. Nau,
Les  Arabes  chretiens  de  Mesopotamie  et  de  Syrie  du  VIle  au  VIlle 
siecle  (Paris, 1923), and by H. Charles, Le  Christianisme  des  Arabes 
nomades sur les  limes  et dans  Ie  Desert syro­mesopotamien  aux alen-
tours de I'Hegire (Paris, 1936). The most recent study is J. S. Trim-
ingham's Christianity among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic times (London,
1979).
On the Melkites in the east in the late Sasanian period, see J. Nasrallah's
"L'Eglise Melchite en Iraq, en Perse et dans I' Asie centrale," P-OC 25
(1975): 135-173. For the Islamic period, see P-OC 26 (1976): 16-
33.
Pagans and Gnostics
There is hardly any literature on pagans in late Sasanian and early
Islamic Iraq. This is partly because no one thought there were any and
partly because traditions with pagan origins or import survived in-
tertwined in other religious and intellectual traditions. There is of
course an immense literature on religion in ancient Iraq which it is
neither necessary nor appropriate to survey here since the main concern
is with the conditions of paganism at the time of the Muslim conquest.
Although the affinities between paganism at that time and the ancient
indigenous religious traditions of Iraq are sometimes pointed out, there
seems to have been very little interest in how these traditions survived
and developed locally after the fall of the Chaldaean state or how they
632
tecedents one should at least consult works such as 1. Mendelsohn's
Religions of the Ancient near East: Sumero-Akkadian Religious Texts
and Ugaritic Epics (New York, 1955 ), especially E. A. Speisen's trans-
lation of "The Creation Epic" on pages 17 to 46, and L. Durdin-
Robertson's The Goddesses of Chaldea, Syria and Egypt (Leiden, 1975).
W. W. Tarn's chapter on "Philosophy and Religion" on pages 325 to
360 of his Hellenistic Civilization, 3rd rev. ed., (Cleveland and New
York, 1952) and by F. C. Grant, ed., Hellenistic Religions: The Age
of Syncretism (New York, 1953). One of the best sources of infor-
mation about pagans in third-century Iraq is in the inscriptions at
Hatra on pages 323 to 411 of J. T. Milik's Dedicaces faites par des
dieux (Palmyre, Hatra, Tyr) et des thiases semitiques a l'epoque ro-
maine (Paris, 1972). For pagan traditions in Late Antiquity, see
H. Gese et al., Die Religionen Altsyriens, Altarabiens und der Mandaer
(Stuttgart, 1970).
There happens to be much more on the religion of pagan Arabs
because of the background it provides for the rise of Islam in Arabia.
There is also an early Arabic account of paganism by Hisham ibn al-
Kalbi (d. 819 or 821 ) called the Kitab al-a?nam (Cairo, 1914; 2nd
ed., 1924; repr. 1965 ) which has been translated into English by N. A.
Faris as The Book ofIdols (Princeton, 1952). One of the earliest studies
of Arabian paganism is L. von Krehl's Uber die Religion der voris-
lamischen Araber (Leipzig, 1863; repr. Amsterdam, 1972); one of the
latest is T. Fahd's Le pantheon de {'Arabie central ala veille de l'hegire
(Paris, 1968). For Arab paganism in Iraq, see F. Buhl, "al-'Uzza,"
EI (I ), IV: 1069-70, and W. Ismail, "The Worship of Allat at Hatra,"
Sumer 32 (1976 ): 177-79.
Astrology not only originated in Iraq, it survived there. For ancient
astrology, see F. Cumont's Le mysticisme astral dans l'antiquite (Brus-
sels, 1909 ) and R. Gledow, The Origin of the Zodiac (London, 1968).
Cumont's Astrology and Religion among the Greeks and Romans
(New York, 1912) deals with the spread and influence of Chaldaean
ideas. The translation of the astrological work of Vettius Valens into
Middle Persian is treated by C. A. Nallino in "Tracce di opere greche
guinte agli Arabi per trafila pehlevica," in A Volume of Oriental Stud-
ies Presented to Professor E. G. Browne (Cambridge, 1922), pp. 345-
63, which is also published in Raccolta di scritti editi e inediti 6 (Rome,
1948) : 285-303. The astronomical work of the seventh-century Mon-
ophysite bishop and native of Nasibin, Severus Sebokht (d. 666/7) is
633
 RESOURCES  RESOUR C ES

analyzed  in  the  articles  of  F.  Nau,  "La  Cosmographie  au  VIle siecle  Baruda (Choche )," Mesopotamia  13-14 (1978-79): 233-49. The
chez  les  Syriens,"  ROC  15  (1910):  225­54,  which  concerns  the  as- standard collection is now C. Isbell's Corpus  of the  Aramaic  Incan -
tronomical works by Severus Sebokht and others in Berlin ms. 346; tation Bowls (Missoula, 1975).
and "Le Traite sur les 'Constellations' ecrit, en 661, par Severe Sebokt The main primary source on the decline of paganism in the sixth
eveque de Qennesrin," ROC 27 (1929-30): 327-410, and 28 (1931- century and which survives in a sixth- or seventh-century manuscript
32): 85-100, which has the Syriac text with a French translation. See was edited with a French translation by M. Martin as "Discours de
also F. Nau's Le  Traite  de  Severe  Sabokt  sur  l'astrolabe  plan  (Paris, Jacques de Saroug sur la chute des idoles," ZDMG 29 (1875): 107-
1899). For Masha'allah of Basra, see E. S. Kennedy and D. Pingree, 47. The consequences have been treated by J. Wellhausen in Reste
The  Astrological  History  of Miisna'alliih  (Cambridge, Mass., 1971 ) arabischen Heidentums (Berlin, 1897) and by E. Westermarck in Pagan
and Pingree's " Masha 'allah: Some Sasanian and Syriac Sources," in Survivals in Mohammedan Civilization (London, 1933; repr. Leiden,
Essays  on  Islami c  Philosophy  and  Science,  ed. G. Hourani (Albany, 1973). For possible survivals in popular local customs, see N. L. Cor-
ca. 1975 ), pp. 5-14 . The most convenient introduction to Islamic kill's " Snake Specialists in Iraq," Iraq 6 (1939): 45-52, which gives
astronomy is S. H. Nasr's Science  and  Civilization  in  Islam  (Cam- modern descriptions with some historical references.
Gnosticism has generated its own scholarship, which seems to have
bridge, Mass., 1968).
For ancient connections between astral fatalism, destiny, and the been concerned mainly with two issues: whether or not it constituted
reactions they provoked, see D. Amand, Fatalisme  et  liberte  dans  a single " system" and, if so, how it could exist in several religious
l'antiquite  grecque  (Louvain, 1945) and F. N6tscher, "Himmlische traditions ; and which tradition should have the credit (or blame) for
Bucher und Schicksals Glaube in Qumran," Revue de  Qumran 1 (1958- inventing it. The best introductions to the range of issues concerning
59 ): 405-11. The main studies of the belief in destiny among pre- early gnostic expressions are provided by E. Yamauchi's, Pre-Christian
Islamic Arabs are those by W. L. Schrameier, rJber  den  Fatalismus  Gnosticism (London, 1975 ); R. M. Grant's Gnosticism and Early
der  vorislamischen  Araber (Bonn, 1881) ; W. Caskel, Das Schicksal in  Christianity (New York, 1959 ); and A. F. Segal's Two Powers in
der  altarabischer  Poesie  (Leipzig, 1926); and H . Ringgren, Studies  in  Heaven : Early Rabbinic Reports about Christianity and Gnosticism
Arabian  Fatalism  (Uppsala, 1955 ). (Leiden, 1977). The argument over the existence of a gnostic religion
For the ancient connection between sorcery and therapeutic magic, may be followed in the works of H. Jonas (contra ), Gnosis und spat-
see E. K. Ritter, "Magical-Expert (-Asipu) and Physician (-Asu): Notes antiker Geist, vol. I (Gottingen, 1934, 1954); vol. II (G6ttingen, 1954),
on Two Complementary Professions in Babylonian Medicine," in Studies  and The Gnostic Religion: The Message of the Alien God and the
in  Honour of Benno  Landsberger  (Chicago, 1965), pp. 299-321. R. C. Beginnings of Christianity (Boston , 1958; 2nd rev. ed. , 1963 ); Grant
Thompson's classic study of Assyrian, Jewish, Syriac, and Arabic magic (pro ), Gnosticism (New York, 1961); and J. Knudson (contra ), "The
called Semitic  Magic,  Its  Origins  and  Development  (London, 1908 ) Gnostic View," in The Scope of Grace: Essays on Nature and Grace
is still worth consulting, as is J. Trachtenberg's jewish  Magic  and  in Honor of joseph Sittler, ed. P. Hefner (Philadelphia, 1964), pp .
Superstition  (New York, 1939 ). But the main primary source for con- 123-40. The previous decade has seen a renewed wave of gnostic
temporary magic in Iraq and its pagan references is in the incantations scholarship by W. Foerster, Gnosis: A Selection of Gnostic Texts
written on bowls in Aramaic, Syriac, and Mandaic. Mandaic incan- (Oxford, 1972-75 ); J. Needleman, The Sword of Gnosis: Metaphysics,
tation texts will be cited in the section on Mandaeans. J. A. Mont- Cosmology, Tradition (Baltimore, 1974); G. QUispel, Gnostic Studies
gomery's Aramaic  Incantation  Texts  from  Nippur  (Philadelphia, 1913 ) (Istanbul, 1975); H. Puech, Enquete de la gnose (Paris, 1978 ); and
is still a convenient collection of Aramaic texts. Additional such bowl U. Bianchi, Selected Essays on Gnosticism, Dualism, and Mysterio-
texts have been published by C. Gordon in "Aramaic Magical Bowls sophy (Lei den, 19 78).
in the Istanbul and Baghdad Museums," Archiv Orientdlni 6 (1934 ): Much of the information about gnostics and other dualists in Late
319-34; E. Yamauchi, "Aramaic Magic Bowls," JAOS  85 (1965): Antiquity comes from hostile sources. For the gnostic Valentine see
511-23 ; and F. Franco, "Five Aramaic Incantation Bowls from Tell Irenaeus, Adversus Haereticus, MPG , VII, cols. 445, 493-96. From

634 635
 RES OURCES  RESOURCES

Ephrem  Syrus  in  the  fourth  century  one  can  use  C.  W.  Mitchell's  syrischer Gnostiker," Zeitschrift fur Kirchen Geschichte 81 (1970):
English  translation  of S.  Ephraim's  Prose  Refutations  of Mani,  Mar- 334-51, which reviews Drijver's Bardai?an of Edessa.
cion, and Bardaisan , I (London,  1912); II (London,  1921 ), as  well  as  Manichaeans also speak for themselves. What they had to say is
E.  Beck's  Des heiligen Ephraem des syrers Hymnen contra haereses, surveyed in J. Asmussen's Manichaean Literature (Delmar, N.Y., 1975),
CSCO, Sa. Syri, 76,  77 (Louvain,  1957)  and  Ephrams Polemik gegen which reviews the literature on Manichaeism and provides English
Mani und die Manichaer, CSCO, Subsidia, 55  (Louva in,  1978).  See  translations of Mani's biography and letters, and scriptures and hymns
also  A.  V66bus,  Literary Critical and Historical Studies in Ephrem from Parthian, Middle Persian, Soghdian, and Uighur texts. On one
the Syrian (Stockholm , 1958). Maruthii of Maipherkat's list of thirteen  aspect of their Iraqi roots, see]. Montgomery, "A Magical-Bowl Text
heresies  from  about  A.D.  400  was  published  by  A.  von  Harnack  as  and the Original Script of the Manicheans," JAOS 32 (1912): 434-
"Der Ketzer­Katalog  des  Bischofs  Marutha  von  Maipherkat,"  Texte 38. A vindictive apocalyptic fragment of Mani's own Shapurakan has
und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Altchristlichen Literatur, n.s.  been published by D. N. Mackenzie as "Mani's Sabuhragan," BSOAS
4  (Leipzig,  1899 ): 3­17. For the  Islamic period, Chaldaeans, dualists,  42 (1979 ): 500-34; 43 (1980): 288-310. Examples of Manichaean
and Manichaeans are covered on pages 318 to 345 of Ibn an­Nadim's  literature from Central Asia are published by M. Boyce in The Man-
Fihrist (Leipzig,  1871­72). For similar information from  al­Miituridi,  ichaean Hymn-Cycles in Parthian (London, 1954), with additions and
see  G.  Vajda,  "Le  temoinage  d'al­Miituridi  sur  la  doctrine  des  Ma- corrections in Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Orientforschung 4 (1956):
nicheens, des Day?anites et des Marcionites," Arabica 13 (1966): 1- 318 ff, and A Reader in Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian:
38, 113-28. Texts with Notes (Leiden, 1975). The most important recent discovery
Studies on Marcion go back to A. von Harnack's Manion: Das is a fifth-century Greek text on parchment called the Cologne Codex
Evangelium vom fremden Gatt, 2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1924; Darmstadt,
which describes Mani's life among the Mugtasila of lower Iraq. This
text is described by A. Henrichs and L. Koenen in "Ein griechischer
1960), but the standard treatment in English is E. C. Blackman's
Mani-Codex (P. Colon, inv . nr. 4780)," Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie
Marcion and His Influence (London, 1948 ). For Marcionites in the
und Epigraphik 5 (1970): 97-216 . "Mani and the Babylonian Baptists:
east, see ]. M. Fiey, "Les Marcionites dans les textes historiques de
A Historical Confrontation," Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
l'eglise de Perse," Le Museon, 83 (1970): 183-88.
77 (1973): 23-59, by A. Henrichs is based on this material.
Bardai?an speaks for himself in his Book of the Laws of Countries,
Among the earlier works of scholarship worth consulting are
and the fact that it exists in a Syriac text of the sixth or seventh century
G. Fliigel's, Mani, Seine Lehre und Seine Schriften: Ein Beitrag zur
is important in itself. This text was published with a French translation Geschichte des Manichaismus (Osnabruck, 1862), which is a trans-
by F. Nau as Bardesane l'astrologue, Ie livre des lois des pays (Paris, lation of Ibn an-Nadim's text with commentary; F. Cumont's "La
1899 ) and with an English translation by H. Drijvers as The Book of 'ro ue a puiser les ames' du Manicheisme," RHR 72 (1915): 384-88;
the Laws of Countries. Dialogue on Fate of Bardai?an of Edessa and H. H. Schaeder's Urform und Fortbildungen des manichaischen
(Assen, 1965), "Bardai?an of Edessa and the Hermetica. The Aramaic Systems (Leipzig, 1927). Some of the most important work on Man-
Philosopher and the Philosophy of his Time," in jaarbericht Ex Ori- ichaeism is by G. Widengren in Mesopotamian Elements in Mani-
ente Lux 21 (1969-70): 190-210, and "Bardai?an von Edessa als chaeism (Uppsala, 1949 ), King and Savior, Studies in Manichaean,
Reprasentant des syrischen Synkretismus im 2. ]ahrhundert n. Chr.," Mandaean, and Syrian-Gnostic Religion (Leipzig and Wiesbaden, 1946-
in A. Dietrich, Synkretismus im Syrisch-persischen Kulturgebiet (G6t- 55), and Mani and Manichaeism (London, 1961; English translation
tingen, 1975), pp. 109-22. One should also consult the articles of by C. Kessler, London, 1965). ]. P. Asmussen's XUastvantft, Studies
T. ] ansma on "La notice de Bar\:tadbesabba 'Arbaia sur l' heresie des in Manicheism (Copenhagen, 1965) has a bibliography of the older
Dai?anites," in Memorial Mgr. Gabriel Khouri-Sarkis, Revue d'etudes literature on the Iranian origin of Manichaeism. S. Runciman's The
et de recherches sur les eglises de langue syriaque (Lou vain, 1969 ), Medieval Manichee: A Study of the Christian Dualist Heresy (Cam-
pp. 91-106, and of B. Aland-Ehlers, " Bardesanes von Edessa: Ein bridge, 1969) begins with a survey of early Manichaeism and Christian

636 637
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

dualist movements in  the east.  More recent studies include B.  Dodge's  95-106, and Orientalia 10 (1941): 276-78, 344--45, 347, 353-58,
"Mani and the Manichaeans," in  Medieval and Middle Eastern Studies  and 20 (1951): 309-10. Other magic texts are published in W. S.
in  Honor of Aziz Suryal Atiya,  ed.  S.  Hanna  (Leiden,  1972),  pp.  86- McCullough's jewish and Mandaean Incantation Bowls in the Royal
105; F. Decret, Mani et la  tradition manicheenne (Paris, 1974); A. Bohlig, Ontario Museum (Toronto, 1967); but the definitive collection so far
"Der Synkretismus des Mani," in Synkretismus  im syrisch­persischen  is E. Yamauchi's Mandaic Incantation Texts (New Haven, 1967),
Kulturgebiet,  ed. A. Dietrich (Gottingen, 1975), pp. 144--69; and which also has a good introductory bibliography on Mandaica. Ya-
B. Aland, "Mani und Bardesanes: Zur Entstehung des manichaischen mauchi published an additional text in "A Mandaic Bowl from the
Systems," on pages 123 to 143 of the Dietrich volume, whose notes Yale Babylonian collection," Berytus 17 (1967-68): 49-63.
provide a guide to recent issues and discussions. H. Puech's Sur  Ie  Incantations in the Mandaic language are not necessarily Mandaean
Manicheisme  et autres  essais  is mostly a collection of his articles. in their religious content. The source for Mandaean religion is the
For Manichaeans under early Sasanian rule, see W. Seston, "Le roi literature produced in the early Islamic period. M. Lidzbarski pub-
sassanide Nerses, les arabes et Ie manicheisme," in Melanges  syriens  lished the most important texts, with German translations: Das jo-
offerts  a R. Dussaud  (Paris, 1939), pp. 227-34, and W. Hinz, "Mani hannesbuch der Mandaer. Einleitung, Ubersetzung, Kommentar (Gies-
and Karder," in La Persia nel Medioevo,  pp. 485-502. For the Islamic sen, 1915; Berlin, 1966); Mandaische Liturgien. Mitgeteilt ubersetzt
period, see M. Guidi, La  lotta  tra  l'Islam  e  il  manicheismo  (Rome, und erklart (Berlin, 1920); and the Cinza; Der Schatz oder das grosse
1927), and G. Vajda, "Les zindiqs en pays d'Islam au debut de la Buch der Mandaer (Gottingen, 1925). In addition E. S. Drower trans-
periode abbasside," RSO  17 (1937): 173-229. lated The Book of the Zodiac (Sfar Malwasia) (London, 1949). It is
The literature on Siibians generally lies outside the scope of this customary to transcribe Mandaic with the letters of the Hebrew al-
study, but one should at least consult D. Chwolson's classic work on phabet. A useful reference grammar is R. Macuch's Handbook of
Die  Ssabier  und  der  Ssabismus  (St. Petersburg, 1856; Amsterdam, Classical and Modern Mandaic (Berlin, 1965).
1965);]. Pederson's "The Siibians," in A  Volume  of Oriental Studies  Mandaean scholarship since Pallis includes H. Leitzmann's Ein Bei-
presented  to  Edward  C. Browne,  ed. T. W. Arnold and R. A. Nich- trag zur Mandaerfrage (Berlin, 1930), which argues for a Nestorian
olson (Cambridge, 1922), pp. 383-91; and J. Hjarpe's Analyse critique  origin for Mandaean ritual; and E. S. Drower's The Mandaeans of
des  traditions  arabes  sur  les  Sabeens  ~arnies (UppsaJa, 1972). Iraq and Iran (Oxford, 1937), which is mostly a modern description
Mandaeans are far more important in the religious history of Iraq with historical background, and her Water into Wine (London, 1956),
in this period. They have also been the subject of extensive scholarly which is a comparative study of modern Mandaean ritual. Since then
literature. S. A. Pallis surveyed the state of this field in 1919 in Man- the most important work has been by K. Rudolph whose Die Mandaer,
daean Studies (London and Copenhagen, 1919) and reviewed the ear- I, Prolegomena: Das Mandaerproblem (Gottingen, 1960) examines
lier literature in his Essay on Mandaean Bibliography, 1560-1930
the various possibilities for the origins of Mandaeans, while II, Der
(London, 1933; repr. Amsterdam, 1974). The state of this field was
Kult (Gottingen, 1961) presents a typology of Mandaean ritual. There
brought up to date by E. Yamauchi in "The Present Status of Man-
are bibliographies in both volumes. His Theogonie, Kosmogonie und
daean Studies," jNES 25 (1966): 88-96.
Anthropogonie in den mandaischen Schriften. Eine literarkritische und
Incantation bowls in the Mandaic language and script belong to
traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung (Gottingen, 1965) is a study of
that most important group of contemporary sources for magic, reli-
Mandaean doctrines of light and darkness, emanationist cosmogony,
gion, and social history in seventh-century Iraq. The earliest collection
and human nature; it also contains a bibliography. Rudolph's later
of such texts is H. Pognon's Inscriptions mandai'tes des coupes de
Khouabir (Paris, 1898). There are five in M. Lidzbarski's Emphemeris publications include "Problems of a History of the Development of
fur semitische Epigraphik (Giessen, 1902), I: 89-106; one in G. R. the Mandaean Religion," in History of Religions 8 (1969): 210-35,
Driver's "A Magic Bowl," Revue d'Assyriologie 27 (1930): 61-64; "Die Religion der Mandaer," in Die Religionen Altsyriens, Altarabiens
and ten more in C. Gordon's articles in Archiv Orientalni 9 (1937): und der Mandaer, ed. H. Gese et al. (Stuttgart, 1970), pp. 407-69,

638 639
 RES 0  U RCES  RESOURCES
and  Mandaeism  (Leiden,  1978 ).  One should  also  consult  E.  Yamau-
chi's Gnostic Ethics and Mandaean Origins  (Cambridge, Mass., 1970 ).
There is hardly any literature specifically devoted to demonic mis-
guidance, but for the Me~alyn one can use 1. Hausherr's "L'erreur
fondamentale et la logique de Messalianisme," OCP  1 (1935): 328-
60, and A. Vbbbus, Les  Messaliens  et  les  reformes  de  Barrrauma  de  manische Kodex in der Koranlesung des zweiten Jahrhunderts," Ori-
Nisibe  dans  I'Eglise  perse  (Pinneberg, 1947). On related issues in the
Qur'an, see P. A. Biebler, Die  Dschinn,  Teufel  und  Engel  im  Koran  Orientalis 16 (1947 ): 353-76. But applying the Qur'an to an under-
(Leipzig, 1928), and D. Rahbar, God ofjustice:  A Study in  the Ethical  standing of early Islamic history ought to be less a matter of what its
Doctrine of the  Qur'an  (Leiden , 1960 ). For an evaluation of the work
of T. lzutsu on Qur'anic semantics and ethics, such as his Ethico-
Religious Concepts in the Qur'an (Montreal, 1966), see H. B. Partin's
"Semantics of the Qur'an: A Consideration of lzutsu's Studies," His-
tory of Religions 9 (1970): 358-62. G. Hourani's "Ethical Presup-
positions of the Qur'an," MW 70 (1980): 1-28, has good sections on
guidance, justice, and oppression.
Muslims: The Formation of the Community
The Qur'an stands as the earliest Islamic expression. Its text is
available with accompanying English translations by A. Yusuf ' All,
The Holy Qur'an, Text, Translation and Commentary, 3rd ed. (La-
hore, 1938), and by M. Z. Khan, The Quran, Arabic Text with English
Translation, 2nd rev . ed. (London, 1975). Modern historical studies
of the Qur'an have been concerned mainly with the relationship of its
content to Mu~amd's career and to other religious traditions, when
it was written down, variant readings, and the establishment of a
standardized text. The standard Western interpretation is represented
by W. Montgomery Watt's Bell's Introduction to the Qur'an (Edin-
burgh, 1970), and by the forty-eight articles from 1921 to 1970 on
the interpretation of the Qur'an, Christian and Jewish influences, pre-
destination, etc. by R. Paret republished in his Der Koran (Darmstadt,
1975). The question of the establishment of a standardized text of the
Qur'an tends to be sidetracked by imposing mainly Christian notions
of a scriptural "canon" on it, as in the case of the Avesta. Rarely have
teacher and student taken such diametrically opposed positions as
J. Wansbrough, who argues that the Qur'an as we know it did not
exist before the ninth century in his Qur'anic Studies: Sources and
Methods of Scriptural Interpretation (London, 1977) , and J. Burton,
who argues that it existed as such before Mu~amd died in The
Collection of the Qur'an (Cambridge, 1977).
640
The question of variant readings is more important for the form of
the Qur'an in Iraq. On this subject, see G. Bergstrasser, "Die Koran-
Jesung des Hasan von Ba~r," Islamica 2 (1926 ): 11-57; A. jeffery's
Materials for the History of the Text of the Qur'an: The "Kitab al-
Ma~hif' of Ibn Abt Dawud (Leiden, 1939); and E. Beck, "Der U~­
entalis 14 (1945): 355-73, and "Die Kodizesvarianten der Am~ar,"
form was than of how Muslims used it. Although there does not appear
to be any modern scholarship on the early history of the way Muslims
used the Qur'an, it would seem that it functioned as revealed liturgy,
and that its text remained somewhat flexible for about a century. It
was recited during public and private worship; and it was quoted or
paraphrased in inscriptions and on coins and in letters, poetry, and
conversation to claim a divine sanction for a position or point of view,
or to provide an ethical emphasis. The earliest surviving commentary
on the Qur'an is the Tafstr (Cairo, 1969 ) of Muqiitil ibn Sulayman
(d. 150/767 ), who used other verses of the text itself to explain it.
Reports about Mu~amd served as examples and precedents for
Muslims to follow and as a source of social authority for those who
knew about them. As such reports took on the form of hadtth, whether
or not such hadtth was authentic is less important than how, by whom,
and for what purpose it was used. Of the six standard collections of
~adith compiled during the ninth and tenth centuries, the jami' a~­
~ath of Mu~amd ibn Ismii'il al-Bukhari (810-70) is used most
often. The four-volume edition published by L. Krehl and T. W. Juyn-
boll as Le recueil des traditions mahometans par Abou Abdallah Mo-
hammed ibn Ismail el-Bokhari (Leiden, 1862-1908 ) was translated
into French by O . Houdas and W. Mar~is as Les traditions islamiques
(Paris, 1903-14 ). Both the text and translation were indexed by
O. Rescher in Sachindex zu Bokhari (Stuttgart, 1923 ). There is also
a more recent Cairo edition (139011971 ) and an edition with an Eng-
lish translation by M. Mu~sin Khan called ~at al-Bukhart (Gujran-
walla, 1971). Selected ~adith were translated into English by A. Guil-
laume in The Traditions of Islam (Oxford, 1924).
Among the older works that have been influential in interpretations
of early Islam are 1. Goldziher's Muslim Studies, tr. C. R. Barber and
S. M. Stern, I (Chicago, 1968); II (Chicago and New York, 1971);
D. B. Macdonald's Development of Muslim Theology, jurisprudence,
641
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES
and  Constitutional  Theory  (New  York,  1903 );  and  T.  W.  Arnold's  A. S. Tritton'S, "Muslim Funeral Customs," BSOAS 9 (1938): 653-
The  Preaching of Islam:  A  History  of the Propagation  of the Muslim  61.
Faith  (New  York;  1903).  The main sources for popular, local leadership in the early Muslim
On  the  nature  of  the  Muslim  religious  community,  see  G.  Nie-
wenhuise, "The umma,  an Analytic Approach," SI  10 (1959): 5-22;
and F. M. Denny, "Some Religio-Communal Terms and Concepts in
the Qur'an," Numen  24 (1977): 26-59. For an evaluation of j. P.
Charnay's Sociologie religieuse de l'Islam:  Preliminaires  (Paris, 1977),
see the review by R. Marston Speight in Muslim  World  70 (1980):
285-87. j . Wansbrough's The  Sectarian  Milieu:  Content  and  Com-
position of Islamic Salvation History (Oxford, 1978) is a structuralist
analysis of the intellectual dimensions of communal differentiation,
especially in terms of authority and identity. Because of the materials
he used, his comments apply mainly to the eighth century, but he tends
to treat judaism and Christianity as monolithic, unchanging traditions
for the purposes of comparison. On enforcing the communal bound-
ary, see R. Peters and G. de Vries, "Apostasy in Islam," WI 17 (1976-
77): 1-25.
The articles by E. Diez on the Masjid as a building and communal
center in EI(I), "Manara," III: 227-31; "Masdjid," III: 315-88, and
"Mil;rab," III : 485-90, are now largely out of date. In addition to
the works on architecture and art history cited above, one should see
G. C. Miles, "Mil;rab and ' Anazah: A Study in Early Islamic Ico-
nography," in Archaeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld
(Locust Valley, N.Y., 1952), pp. 156-71. Although E. Lambert points
out similarities between masjids and synagogues in "La Synagogue de
Doura-Europos et les origines de la mosquee," Semitica 3 (1950): 67-
72, and "Les Origines de la Mosquee et I'architecture religieuse des
Omeiyades," SI 6 (1956): 5-18, it is probably going too far to derive
the masjid from the synagogue.
Pagan and Magian "influences" on Muslim ritual worship were
suggested by I. Goldziher in "Zauber-elemente im Islamischen Gebet,"
Noldeke-Festschrift (Giessen, 1906), I: 320-28; "Islamisme et Par-
sisme," RHR 43 (1901): 1-29, and "The Influence of Parsism on
Islam," in The Religion of the Iranian Peoples, ed. C. P. Tiele, tr.
G. K. Nariman (Bombay, 1912), pp. 163-86. A. j. Wensinck gives a
more balanced view in "Salat," EI (I), IV: 69-105. The most extreme
claims for jewish "influence" were made by C. C. Torrey in The jewish
Foundations of Islam (New York, 1933; repr. 1968). The only attempt
to use Arabic literature to describe early Muslim burials seems to be
642
community are the lives of Mul;ammad's Companions and their Fol-
lowers in the biographical literature cited above. M. Muranyi's Die
Prophetengenossen in der fruhislamischen Geschichte (Bonn, 1973 ) is
a study of local leadership by Companions. The best treatment of
exemplary behavior in Arabian society is chapter 3 on "Sunnah and
related concepts" in M . M . Bravmann's The Spiritual Background of
Early Islam (Leiden, 1972), pp. 123-98. On individual Companions
in Iraq see]. Horovitz, "Salman al-Farisi," Der Islam 12 (1922): 178-
83; A. j. Wensinck and]. Robson, "Anas b. Malik," EI(2 ), I: 482 ;
and j. C. Vadet, " Ibn Mas'iid," EI(2 ), III: 873-75. For the next
generation, see R. Blachere, "Abu 'I-'Aliya," EI (2), I: 104-5; H. H.
Schaeder, "f:fasan al-B~ri: Studien zur Fruhgeschichte des Islam," Der
Islam 14 (1925): 1-75; H. Ritter, "f:fasan al-B~ri," EI(2), III: 247-
48; I. 'Abbas, ai-Hasan al-Basrt (Cairo, 1952); and C. Pellat, "Ibn
Abi Layla," EI(2), III: 687.
For the popular leadership of the reciters of the Qur'an, see P. Kahle,
"The Arabic Readers of the Koran," jNES 8 (1949): 65-71. The recent
argument over the meaning of the plural qurra' does not seem to affect
the meaning of the singular qari' as Qur'an reciter. For preachers and
religious storytellers, see J. Pedersen's articles on "The Islamic Preacher,"
in the Ignace Goldziher Memorial Volume, ed. S. L6winger and
j. Somogyi, I (Budapest, 1948): 226-51, and "The Criticism of the
Islamic Preacher," WI 2 (1952): 215-31; D. B. Macdonald, "Ki~a,
EI(1 ), II: 1042-44; and C. Pellat, "Ka~, EI(2), IV: 733-35. For
judges see E. Tyan, "f:fakam," EI(2 ), III: 72. The theory of judgeship
is outlined in Al;mad ash-Shaybani's Kitab 'adab al-qac;it, ed. F. Ziadeh
(Cairo, 1978 ), and H. F. Amedroz, " The Office of ~adi in the Al;kam
Sulraniyya of Mawardi," jRAS (1910): 76 1-96.
The best idea of the legal issues and alternatives in Iraq in the century
after the conquest and before the establishment of the major legal
systems is provided in the literature on the differences of opinion
among early jurists. The most useful of these are Abu Yusuf's Ikhtilaf
Abt Hantfa wa-Ibn AM Layla (Cairo, 135 7119 38-9 ); the "Kitab ikh-
tilaf al-'Iraqiyin" in vol. VII of Shafi'i's Kitab al-umm, pp. 87-150;
and Tabari's Kitab ikhtilaf al-fuqaha', ed. j. Schacht (Leiden, 1933 ).
One of the first modern works on the early history of Islamic law
is E. Sachau's Zur dltesten Geschichte des muhammedanischen Rechts
643
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES

(Vienna,  1870).  There  are  important  suggestions  in  W.  Heffening's  havior has received almost no attention except for R. Hartmann 's
" Zum  Aufbau  der  islamischen  Rechtswerke,"  in  Studien  zur  Ge-
schichte und Kultur des nahen und fernen Ostens, ed.  Heffening and  157-203, but Sulami lived at Nishapur from 941 to 1021. The lives
W.  Kirfel  (Leiden,  1935),  pp.  101­18.  E.  Tyan's  Histoire de l'or-
ganisation judicia ire en pays d'Islam (Paris,  1938;  Leiden,  1960) was  are recounted in the first volume of Abu Nu'aym al-I~fhni
a  major attempt  at  a  synthesis  and provoked  a  lengthy  review  article  al-awliyii ' wa tabaqat al-a?fiyii' (Cairo, 1932; Beirut, 1967), are col-
from  M.  Gaudefroy­Demombynes,  "Notes sur  I'Histoire  de  l'organ-
isation judiciaire en pays d'Islam," REI (Paris, 1939), pp. 109-47.
Interest in origins and comparative law led to theories about the "in-
fluence" of other, older legal traditions on Islamic law. J. Schacht
suggested an ancient Babylonian background for certain Islamic legal
formulas and principles based on their circumstantial similarity with-
out showing how they might have survived until Islamic times in "Vom
babylonischen zum islamischen Recht," Orientalistische Literaturzei-
tung 30 (1927): 664-69. A stronger case has been made for Roman
law, as in M. Hamidullah 's Influence of Roman Law on Muslim Law,
Journal of the Hyderabad Academy, Studies, no. 6 (Madras, 1943).
Counterarguments advanced by S. G. Vesey-Fitzgerald in "The Alleged
Debt of Islamic to Roman Law," Law Quarterly Review 67 (1951):
81-102, were answered by J. Schacht in "Droit byzantine et droit
musulman," in XII Convegno "Volta" (Rome, 1957), pp. 197-230,
although the evidence is circumstantial at best and it remains to be
shown how Roman law might have affected the development of Islamic
law in the Hijaz or Iraq.
The standard srudies on early Islamic law are]. Schacht's The Origins
of Muhammadan Jurisprudence (Oxford, 1953 ) and An Introduction
to Islamic Law (Oxford, 1964), but he tended to define Islamic law
in terms of the Shafi'j system. The most important work since Schacht
has been done by N. J. Coulson in "Doctrine and Practice in Islamic
Law: One Aspect of the Problem," BSOAS 18 (1956 ): 211-26, A
History of Islamic Law (Edinburgh, 1964), and Conflicts and Tensions
in Islamic Jurisprudence (Chicago, 1969).
The most direct sources on early Islamic piety and religious life are
works on asceticism, such as the Kitab az-zuhd wa-l-raqii'iq, ed. al-
A ' ~amj (Haydarabad, 1966) of 'Abdullah ibn al-Mubarak (d. 181 /
797), and the Kitiib az-zuhd, ed. R. G. Khoury (Wiesbaden, 1976) of
Asad ibn Musa al-Umawi (749/50-827). Similar expressions in the
poetry of Abu l- 'Atahiya Isma'iJ ibn al-Qasim (747/8-ca. 826 ) have
been translated into German by o. Rescher in Der Diwcm des Aba
'l-Atahija, vol. I, Die zuhdijjat (Stuttgart, 1928). Early maliimatt be-
article on "As-Sulami's Risalat al-Malamatija," Der Islam 8 (1918 ):
of pious Muslims who lived in the seventh and eighth centuries, which
' s Hilyat
ored by an eleventh-century Sufi perspective and should be used with
caution.
As far as pious practices themselves are concerned, G. Vajda com-
pared Muslim and Jewish fasting in "JeOne Musulman et JeOne Juif,"
HUCA 12-13 (1937-38): 367-85. K. Wagtendonk examined Fasting
in the Koran (Leiden , 1968), and there is a recent study on the fast
of Rama<;lan by K. Lech called Geschichte des islamischen Kultus:
Rechtshistorische und lJadtfkritische Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung
und Systematik der 'Ibiidiit, I, Das ramarfan-Fasten (Wiesbaden, 1979);
a review by G. R. Hawting appeared in BSOAS 44 (1981): 364-66.
F. Meier's "Bakka',': EI(2), I: 959-61, is an excellent article on weep-
ing. For early pious Muslims see also W. Montgomery Watt, "Ahl al-
Suffa," EI(2), I: 266-67, and C. Pellat, "Amir b. ' Abd al-Qais al -
'Anbari," EI(2 ), I: 441. Aspects of early Muslim and Christian piety
were coordinated on pages 124 to 133 of G. E. von Grunebaum's
Medieval Islam (Chicago, 1954) .
The best work on early Muslim mysticism relating it to contem-
porary Christian attitudes is M. Smith's Riibi 'a the Mystic and Her
Fellow-Saints in Islam (Cambridge, 1928) and her Studies in Early
Mysticism in the Near and Middle East (London, 1931), which has
been republished as The Way of the Mystics : The Early Christian
Mystics and the Rise of the Sufis (London, 19 76). The most recent
general study of Islamic mysticism is A. Schimmel's The Mystical
Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill, 1975 ).
Muslims: Doctrines of Authority and Rebellion
Modern Western treatments of the early history of Islamic doctrines
have tended to treat them as a monolithic body of ideas, to allow later
Sunni doctrines to determine the issues in a teleological way, to apply
Christian terms and definitions to them, to regard them as a form of
intellectual history with no social or political context, to see their
starting point in logical contradictions contained in the Qur'an, and
to assign their inspiration to ideas coming from other religious tra-
ditions through debate between Muslims and non-Muslims. The main

644 645
 RESOURCES  RESOURCES 

argument  has  been  between  '~extrnalis" and  "internalists."  To  a  tled; if "dogma" is  religious doctrine formally declared by a recognized 
certain  extent  these  issues  derive  from  A.  ].  Wensinck's  The  Muslim  authority,  it  is  inappropriate  in  an  Islamic  context.  Nevertheless  his 
Creed:  Its  Genesis  and  Historical  development  (Cambridge,  1932;  book is  an  extensive closely  argued critique of van  Ess  and something 
London,  1965),  which  puts  matters  in  terms  of  a  body  of coherent  of a  model  of critical analysis  and questions the attribution of various 
doctrine,  argues  for  external  influences,  and  imposes  a  Christian  un- sectarian  doctrinal  tracts  from  the  Marwani  period.  However,  the 
derstanding of doctrine  onto it.  Apart from  modern  Muslim  cultural  possibility  that  a  tract  might  have  been  a  pseudograph  does  not  in 
nationalists who derive everything from abstract Islamic requirements,  itself  constitute proof any  more  than  mere  attribution  does. 
the significance of the work of W.  Montgomery Watt lies partly in  his  That there is  an  argument over these  tracts at all  is  an improvement 
attempt  to  show  that  post­Qur'anic  doctrine  developed  out  of  early  over the tendency of scholars to work backwards from accounts about 
issues  and  conflicts  among  Muslims.  The summary  of his  position  in  sectarians  in  later  Arabic  literature,  since  the  tracts  purport  to  be 
Islamic Philosophy and Theology  (Edinburgh,  1962)  is  developed and  contemporary  refutations  and  in  some  of  them  the  sectarians  speak 
expanded  in  The  Formative  Period  of Islamic  Thought  (Edinburgh,  for  themselves.  The  schematic  presentation  of differences  (Ar.  (iraq) 
1973), where he  eventually recognized the possibility that ideas  might  among  Muslims  that  developed  as  a  literary  genre  is  probably  too 
have  been  provided  by  converts  to  Islam.  convenient and lends itself to static comparisons. Early examples, such 
The most important current work on early Islamic doctrinal history  as  the  Maqalat  al­islamiyrn  wa  ikhtilaf al-mu~rn of  Abu  I­Hasan 
is  being  done  by  ].  van  Ess,  who  also  tends  to  be  an  internalist.  His  'Ali  ibn  Isma'll  al­Ash'ari  (ca.  873­935),  edited  by  H. Ritter  as  Die 
suggestion  that  Islamic  methods  of dialectic  argument  were self­gen- Dogmatischen Lehren der Anhanger des Islam  (Wiesbaden,  1963), are 
erated  is  outlined  in  "The  Beginnings  of  Islamic  Theology,"  in  The  important nevertheless.  The  major  classifications  from  a  Sunni point 
Cultural  Context of Medieval Learning,  ed. ]. E.  Murdoch  and  E.  D.  of view  are  the  Kitab  al­fasl  {i­I­milal  wa­I­ahwa'  wa­n­nihal  (Cairo, 
Sylla  (Dordrecht and Boston,  1975),  pp.  87­111,  and  "Disputations- 1903,  1965;  Beirut,  1975)  of  the  Andalusian  'Ali  ibn  A~mad ibn 
praxis  in  der islamischen Theologie,"  REI 44  (1976):  23­60.  But the  Hazm  (994­1064);  al­Farq  bayn  al­{iraq  (Cairo,  1910)  of  'Abd  al-
current debate  between van  Ess  and Wansbrough,  which  may  be  fol- Qahir ibn Tahir ai­Baghdadi (d.  1037),  translated as  Moslem  Schisms 
lowed  in  their  reviews  of each  other  in  BSOAS  43  (1980),  concerns  and Sects,  vol.  I by  K.  Seelye  (New  York,  1920,  1966)  and  vol.  II  by 
the acceptability of the attributions of the authors  (and their dates)  of  A.  Halkin (Tel Aviv,  1935);  and the Kitab al­milal wa-ni~l (Leipzig, 
the  texts  on  which  van  Ess  has  based  his  argument.  Wansbrough's  1923;  Cairo,  1961,  1968)  of  Mu~amd ibn  'Abd  ai­Karim  ash-
criticism is  based on  (1)  a  radical skepticism of the texts  born of text- Shahrastani  (ca.  1086­1153).  See  also  H.  Laoust,  "La  classification 
bound criticism that tends  to throw out the baby with  the bath water,  des  sects  dans  Ie  Farq  d'al­Baghdadi,"  REI  29  (1961):  19­59. 
and  (2)  a  reductionist  emphasis  on  scriptural  authority  as  an  issue.  Significant  modern  scholarship  on  early  Muslim  sectarian  move-
Whether  one  is  convinced  by  either  side  depends  on  the  confidence  ments  in  general  begins  with].  Wellha usen 's 'Die  religios­politischen 
one  has  in  their  methods.  Neither puts the argument into any  kind  of  Oppositionsparteien  im  alten  Islam  (Gottingen,  1901).  It was  trans-
social  context and  barely  into a  political  context  and  both  treat con- lated  into  Arabic  by  'A.  R.  Badawi as  A~zab al­mu'aracja  as­siyasrya 
tinued  assertions  as  proof.  As  usual,  reality  probably  lies  somewhere  ad­d'inrya fi ~adri-Islm (Cairo,  1968)  and into English by  R.  C.  Ostle 
in  between,  and if van  Ess  asserts  too  much,  Wansbrough admits  too  and  S.  M.  Walzer  as  The  Religio­Political  Factions  in  Early  Islam 
little.  There  is  a  better  critique  of van  Ess  in  M.  A.  Cook's  mistitled  (Amsterdam,  1975).  On  dissimulation  see  I. Goldziher,  "Das  Prinzip 
article on "The Origins of kalam," BSOAS 43  (1980): 32­43  (it should  der  Ta~ij im  Islam,"  ZDMG  60  (1906).  W.  Thomson's  "The Char-
have  been  "A  possible  origin  ..."),  which  has  the  value  of offering  acter of Early  Islamic  Sects,"  in  the  Ignace  Goldziher  Memorial  Vol-
dialectic  methods  of argument  by  contemporary  sectarian  Christians  ume (Budapest,  1948),  I:  89­116,  is  still  worth  consulting.  The  most 
as  a  positive  alternative,  but  does  not explain  the  circumstances  that  recent  survey  is  H.  Laoust's  Les Schismes dans /'Islam: Introduction
led  some  Muslims  to  use  such  methods  also.  Cook's  Early  Muslim  a une etude de la religion musulmane (Paris,  1965,  1977).  W.  Mont-
Dogma:  A  Source­critical  Study  (Cambridge,  1981)  is  equally  misti- gomery Watt gave his  own critique of the treatment of sectarian Islam 

646  647 
 RESOURCES 
in  "The  Study  of  the  Development  of  the  Islamic  Sects,"  in  Acta 
Orientalia  Neerlandica,  ed.  P.  W.  Pestman  (Leiden,  1971 ),  pp.  82-
91, and a critique of the terminology and categories one finds in the
(iraq  literature in "The Great Community and the Sects," in Theology 
and Law in  Islam,  ed. G. E. von Grunebaum (Wiesbaden, 1971), pp.
25-36.
Most interpretations trace the origins of early Muslim sectarian
movements to the consequences of ' Uthman's policies and to the
factions that arose during the first (itna.  In addition to the chronicles
one should see the Waq 'at al­jamal.  Riwayat  Muhammad  ibn  Ya~y
ibn  'Abd Allah ibn al­ 'Abbas as­Sull (Baghdad, 1970) of Mu~amd
ibn Zakariya al-Ghalabi (d. 910111) and Na~r ibn Mu~ahim's (d. 212/
827 ) Waq 'at  Sif{tn  (Cairo, 1945/46, 1962/3). One social dimension
of this conflict is examined by R. Vesely in "Die An~ar im ersten
Burgerkriege," Archiv  Orientalni  26 (1958): 36-58, while M. Hinds
studied accounts of the event which triggered the Khariji movement
in "The Siffin Arbitration Agreement," JSS  17 (1972) : 93-129.
The poetry ascribed to early Khariji poets is a potential source of
information for Khariji themes and attitudes which has never been
exploited the way it should. Khariji poetry was anthologized as early
as the time of Ibn an-Nadim, who cites 'Umar ibn Subba's Kitab 
ash 'ar  ash­shurat.  Although this collection does not appear to have
survived, this subject is treated by F. Gabrieli in " La poesia barigita
nel Secolo degli Omayyadi," RSO  20 (1943): 331-72. Modern an-
thologies have been compiled, such as those of I. 'Abbas, Shi'r  al-
Khawarij (Beirut, 1963) and S. al-Qalamawi, Adab al-Khawanj (i-I-
'a~r al-umawl (Cairo, 1954). The poetry of Tufayl and ar-Tirimma\:t
has been edited and translated into English by F. Krenkow in The
Poems of Tufail ibn 'Auf al-Ghanawl and at-Tirimmah ibn Hakim
at- Ta'YI (London, 1927). For expressions in prose, the "Questions of
Nafi' ibn al-Azraq" are in ' Abd al-Baqi's Mu 'jam gharlb al-Qur'an
(Cairo, 1950), pp. 234-92. There is an introduction to Iba~i: materials
by J. van Ess in his "Untersuchungen zu einigen ibaeJitischen Hand-
schriften," ZDMG 126 (1976 ): 25-63; "Nachtrage," ZDMG 127
(1977): "I *-*4*. The accounts of Khariji movements and risings in
the time of Mu'awiya based on monographs by Abu Mikhnaf may
be found in al-Baladhuri's Ansab Uerusalem, 1971 ), IVa: 138-63. AI-
Mubarrad's section on the Khawarij has been translated into German
by o. Rescher in Die Kharidschitenkapitel aus dem Kamil (Stuttgart,
1922), and Shahristani's section has been translated into English by
648
RESOURCES
A. K. Kazi et al. in "The Kharijites and the Murji'ites from Shahras-
tani's Kitab AI-Mila I Wa'I-Ni~l," Abr-Nahrain 10 (1970-71): 49-
75.
Scholarship on the Khawarij starts with R. E. Brunnow's Die Cha-
ridschiten unter den ersten Omayyaden (Leiden, 1884). Since then one
should see J. Thomson's "Kharijitism and the Kharijites," in The
MacDonald Presentation Volume (Princeton and London, 1933), pp.
373-89, and F. Gabrieli, "Sulle origini del movimento Ijarigita," Rend.
Line. 6 (1941 ): 110-17. See also the articles in EI(I ) by G. Levi Della
Vida on "Kharidjites," II: 904-8, and" Mirdas b. Udaiya," III: 514-
15; and by K. V. Zettersteen, "Shabib b. Yazid b. Nu'aim al-Shai-
bani," IV: 243-44; and in EI(2 ) by R. Rubinacci on "Azari~, I:
810-11; L. Veccia Vaglieri,"f;farura'," III: 235-36; T. Lewicki, "al-
IbaeJiyya," III: 648-60; and G. Levi Della Vida, "KhariQjites," IV:
1074-77. The early IbaeJls are also treated by R. Rubinacci in "Califfo
'Abd ai-Malik b. Marwan e gli Ibaditi," AION 5 (1953): 99-121,
and by 'A. K. Ennami, "Studies in Ibadism" (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge
Univ., 1971 ). There is a general survey by 'U. Abu-nNa~r called al-
Khawarij (i-I-Islam (Beirut, 1956). E. A. Salim's The Political Theory
and Institutions of the Khawarij (Baltimore, 1956) is the only work
of its kind, but his institutional treatment tends to minimize historical
change and development. More recently G. R. Hawting has suggested
in "The significance of the slogan la hukm a ilia lillah and the references
to the hudud in the traditions about the Fitna and the murder of
'Uthman," BSOAS 41 (1978): 453~, that the argument was "really"
over religious authority and scripture as the source of law. Adducing
the Jewish parallel of Karaites vs. the Oral Law, he sees the Khawarij
as scripturalists without any reference to their social or economic
circu mstances.
Neutralist attitudes tend to be related to the murji'l doctrinal po-
sition although people who are said to have held that position are
sometimes found among rebels during the Marwani period. For the
earlier view see A. J. Wensinck's "MurQji'a," EI(I), III: 734-35. Mur-
ji'i expressions survive mainly in doctrinal works from the ' Abbasi
period. J. Schacht analyzed one by Abu Muqatil as-Samarqandi (d.
208 /823) in "An Early Murci'ite Treatise: The Kitab al-'Alim wal-
Muta'allim," Oriens 17 (1964): 96-117. On murji'l doctrine among
the f;fanafis, see W. Madelung's "Early Sunni Doctrine Concerning
Faith as Reflected in the Kitab al-Iman of Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b.
Sallam (d. 224/839), " SI 32 (1970): 233-54, andJ. M. Pessagno, " The
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Murji'a, iman and  Abu  'Ubayd," JAOS  95  (1975):  382­94.  There  is  77;  and in  his  Zwischen Hadtt und Theologie. Studien zum Entstehen
also  a work on  irja'  attributed to Mu\:lammad ibn al­Hanafiyya which  pradestinatianischer Uberlieferung (Berlin,  1975).  See  also  his  "~a­
would  come  from  the  early  Marwani  period  if  it  is  what  it  purports  dariyya,"  E/(2 ), IV:  368­72.  For  the  shift  in  this  issue  towards  the 
to  be.  On  this  work see J.  van  Ess,  " Das  Kitab  al­irga'  des  Hasan  b.  middle  of  the  eighth  century  and  the  introduction  of  atomism,  see 
Mu\:lammad  b.  al­Hanafiyya,"  Arabica  21  (1974):  20­52,  and  his  A.  Subhan, "AI­Jahm Bin Safwan and His Philosophy,"  Ie 11  (1937): 
"Nachtrage,"  Arabica  22  (1975 ): 48­5l.  221­27;  R.  M . Frank,  "The Neoplatonism of Jahm ibn  Safwan,"  Le
Early expressions on the issue of qadar  are found in  letters ascribed  Museon 78  (1965):  395­424;  and J.  van  Ess,  "Dirar b.  'Amr und die 
to  ai­Hasan  al-B~ri and  'Umar II.  The  letter  of ai­Hasan  to  'Abd  al- 'Cahmiya':  Biographie einer  vergessenen  Schule,"  Der Islam 43  (1967): 
Malik  was  published  on  pages  67  to  83  of  H.  Ritter's  "Studien  der  241­79; 44  (1968):  1­70,318­20. 
Geschichte der islamischen Frommigkeit: I.  Hasan al-B~ri," Der Islam  Authentic  early  Shi'i expressions  are  hard  to  find  but one can  start 
21  (1933):  1­83.  There  are  English  translations  by  J.  Obermann  in  with  poetry.  The  dtwan attributed  to  'Ali's  Basran  protege  Abu  1­
"Political Theology  in  Early  Islam:  Hasan  al-B~rs Treatise on  Qadar,"  Aswad  ad­Du'ali  (d.  69/688­89),  which  is  full  of  praise  of  'Ali,  is 
JAOS  40  (1935):  138­62,  and  by  M.  Schwarz  in  "The  Letter  of  al- published on pages 5  to  51  of M. H. Al  Yasin's  Nawiidir al-makhtutat,
Hasan  al-B~ri," Oriens  20  (1967):  15­30.  J.  van  Ess  published  an  II  (Baghdad,  137311954). For a  brief biography see  J.  w. Fuck,  "Abu 
English translation of the letter of 'Umar II  in "Umar II  and His Epistle  'I­As wad  al­Du'ali,"  E/(2), I:  106­7.  We  are  on  firmer  ground  with 
Against  the  Qadariya,"  Abr  Nahrain  12  (1971­72):  19­26,  and  the  the  Hashimiyyat of al­Kumayt ibn  Zayd al­Asadi (d.  126/743),  which 
Arabic text with a German translation and commentary in his  Anfange  was edited and translated by J.  Horovitz (Leiden,  1904).  There is  also 
muslimischen  Theologie:  Zwei antiqadaritische  Traktate aus  dem  er- a  Cairo edition  (1950).  K.  Muller has studied  some seventy  passages 
sten jahrhundert der Higra (Beirut,  1977),  pp.  43­54  (Arabic),  and  attributed  to  Kumayt  which  are  not  included  in  the  Hiishimiyyat in 
pp.  113­76.  It  also  includes  a  text  ascribed  to  ai­Hasan  ibn  Mu\:lam- her  Kritische Untersuchungen zum Diwan des Kumait b . Zaid (Frei-
mad  ibn  al­Hanafiyya,  pp.  1­112,  11­37  (Arabic),  and  a  section  on  burg  im  Briesgau,  1979).  For  this  period  see  also  C.  van  Arendonk, 
Ghaylan  ad­Dimashqi,  pp.  177­245.  For  a  critique  of  the  views  of  "Kuthaiyir,"  E/(l), II:  1170. 
van  Ess,  see J .  Wansbrough's  review  in  BSOAS, 43  (1980):  361­63.  Kumayt's  ideas  were  also  expressed  in  prose  in  his  Rawdah al-
The  issue  of  qadar has  tended  to  be  discussed  by  modern  Western  mukhtarah, ed.  S.  'A.  a~-Sli\: (Beirut,  1392/1972).  Abu  Mikhnaf's 
scholars with  borrowed Calvinist terminology that goes  back to com- Maqtal al-Husayn was  translated  into  German  by  F.  Wustenfeld  as 
parisons  made  in  the  seventeenth  century.  This  trend  seems  to  have  Der Tod des Husein Ben 'Allund die Rache (Gottingen,  1883).  Among 
been  picked  up  in  A.  Guillaume's  "Free  Will  and  Predestination  in  other works  attributed  to  Abu  Mikhnaf are  a  Kitab slrat al-Mukhtar
Islam,"  jRAS (1924):  42­63;  D.  B.  Macdonald's  "~adriy, E/(l), (Chester  Beatty  Ms.  no.  5274)  and  a  Kitiib Akhbar al-Mukhtiir wa
II:  605­6;  and  W .  Thomson's  "The  Conception  of  Human  Destiny  Ibn Ziyad (Tubingen,  Or. Sprenger Ms.  no.  160).  Speeches and letters 
in  Islam,"  MW  35  (1945):  281­99.  W.  Montgomery Watt took issue  attributed  to  'Ali  appear  to  have  been  preserved  and  collected  in  the 
with  the  explanation  by  Wensinck  (and  others)  of  this  question  in  eighth  century  and  were  edited  by  the  Sharif ar­Radi  as  the  Nahj al-
terms of "outside influences"  in  Free Will and Predestination in Early balagha in  about  40311012-13 . This  work survives  embedded  in  the 
Islam (London,  1948),  where  he  argued  for  its  internal  Islamic  gen- multivolume  Shar~ Nahj al-balagha (Cairo,  1959­64)  of  Ibn  Abi  1­
eration.  More  recently  this  issue  has  been  treated  in  philosophical  Hadid (d.  1257­58), which purportS to contain "documents" relating 
terms  by  L. Gardet  in  Dieu et la destinee de l'homme (Paris,  1967).  to  everyone­relative, friend,  and  foe­concerned with  'Ali.  This ma-
New dimensions  to this subject relating it  to the Marwani period were  terial  deserves  a  critical  sifting;  except  for  J.  Sultan's  Etude sur Nahj
introduced  by  J.  van  Ess  in  "Les  Qadarites  et  la  Gailaniya  de  Yazid  al-balagha (Paris,  1940),  this  remains to be done.  For sources relating 
III,"  SI 31  (1970) : 269­86; in  his article on the proto­Qadari "Ma'bad  to early Shl'i law see F.  Sezgin,  Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums,
al­Guhanl," in  Islamwissenschaftliche Abhandlungen: Fritz Meier zum I:   524­85. 
sechzigsten Geburtstag, ed .  R.  Gramlich  (Wiesbaden,  1974),  pp.  49- For  the  rest  we  appear  to be  left  with  the  {iraq literature.  One  of 

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the  earliest is  the  Firaq  ash­Shi'a  (Istanbul,  1931;  Najaf,  1959)  of al- der si'a und sein judischer Ursprung," ZA  23 (1909 ): 296-327; 24
Hasan ibn Musa an-Nawbakhti, which is translated by M.]. Mashkur (1910 ): 1-46; M. Houtsma, "'A bd Allah b. Saba" EI(1),  I: 29-30;
into French as "Les sectes si'ites," RHR  153 (1958 ): 68-78, 176- and M. Hodgson, "'A bd Allah b. Saba'," EI (2 ),  I: 51. On al-Mukhtar
214; 155 (1959): 68-95, 146-72, and into Persian as Tarjumani firaq  and his movement at Kufa during the second fitna,  see G. Levi Della
al­Shi'ah­i Nawbakhti  (Teheran, 1974). The section in Ibn Hazm was Vida, "al-Mukhtar," EI(1),  III: 715-17; 'A. 'A. al-Bashari, al-Mu-
translated by I. Friedlander as "The Heterodoxies of the Shiites in the khtar (Cairo, 1958); and 'A. H. al-Khrbu~i, al-Mukhtar ath- Thaqa(i,
Presentation of Ibn Hazm" JAOS  28 (1907): 1-80; 29 (1908): 1-183. mir'at al- 'as r al-umawi (C airo, 1962). K. A. Fariq's "The Story of
That in Shahrastani has been translated by A. K. Kazi and]. G. Flynn an Arab Diplomat," Studies in Islam , 3 (1966): 53-80,119-42,227-
in "Shahrastani Kitab AI-Milal Wa 'l-Nihal," Abr Nahrain  15 (1974- 41; 4 (1967): 50-59, also concerns al-Mukhtar. For his erstwhile
75 ): 50-97. The information in the firaq  literature was organized but Mahdi, see H. Benning's Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya (Erlangen, 1909),
not analyzed by W. W. Rajkowski in "Ea rly Shi'ism in Iraq" (Ph.D. and F. Buhl, "Mul:Jammad b. al-Hanafiya," EI(2 ), III: 671-72. Con-
diss., Univ. of London, 1955). cerning his son see S. Moscati's "II testamento di Abu Hashim," RSO
Most of the issues in modern scholarship concerning early Shi'ism 27 (1952): 28-46; and B. Lewis, "Abu Hashim, " EI(2 ), I: 125.
go back to G. Van Vloten's Recherches  sur  la  domination  arabe,  Ie  The best introduction to the Kaysani movement, which was gen-
chiitisme,  les  croyances  messianiques  sous  la  khalifat  des  Omayades  erated among al-Mukhtar's followers who survived, is now W. al-
(Amsterdam, 1894), which has been translated into Arabic by H. I. Qa<;li's al-Kaysaniyya (i ta'rikh wa l-'adab (Beirut, 1974). C. van Ar-
Hasan as as­Siyada  al­arabiyya  wa­sh­shi'a  wa­l­isra'iliyyat  (i  ahd  endonk's " i(aisaniya," EI (1), II: 658, is replaced by W. Madelung's
Bant  Umayya  (Cairo, 1933 ). Discussion has been dominated by the "Kaysaniyya," EI(2 ), IV: 836-38. M. Hodgson surveyed the extrem-
" Persian" thesis of the origins and success of Shi'ism and the teleo- ists in "Ghulat," EI(2 ), II: 1093-95 , and antinomian ism in"Ibaha,"
logical tendency toward cultural nationalism. Two of the most influ- EI(2 ), Ill: 662-63. The extremists are treated more fully by 'A. S. al-
ential treatments in this regard have been L. Massignon's Salman  Pak  Samarra'i in ai-Chula wa-l-firaq al-ghaliya fi-l-hadara l-islamiyya
et  les  premices  spirituelles  de  l'Islam  Iramen  (Tours, 1934) and (Baghdad, 139211972), while the term used for them is put into its
S. Moscati's "Per una storia dell'antica Si'a," RSO  30 (1955 ): 251-67, historical context by W. al-Qa<;li in "The Development of the Term
according to whom Arabs were responsible for the political dimensions Chulat in Muslim Literature with Special Reference to the Kaysa-
of early Shi'ism and Persians were responsible for the religious di- niyya," Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Cottin-
mensions. M . Hodgson's "How Did the Early Shi'a Become Sectar- gen, Phil-Hist. Klasse, ser. Ill, no. 98 (1976), pp. 295-319.
ian?" JAOS  75 (1955): 1-13, makes better sense of the social issues. The most sophisticated treatment of the subgroups related to this
W. Montgomery Watt introduced the "South Arabian" explanation movement during the past decade has been that of W. F. Tucker,
(which is also somewhat teleological in view of later Zaydi success in starting with his "Revolutionary Chiliasm in Umayyad Iraq: A Study
Yaman ) in "Shi'ism under the Umayyads, " jRAS  (1960), pp. 158- of the Bayaniyyah, Mughiriyyah, Mansuriyyah and Janahiyyah Sects
72, while R. Serjeant's " Haram and Haw~h, the Sacred Enclave in of the Extreme Shi' a" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana Univ., 1971). Out of it
Arabia," in Melanges  Taha  Husain,  ed. A. Badawi (Cairo, 1962), pp. have come a series of articles on "Bayan b. Sam'an and the Bayaniyya :
41-58, is the source of most recent arguments based on the religious Shi'ite Extremists of Umayyad Iraq," MW 65 (1975 ): 241-53; "Reb-
status of Mul:Jammad's family in pre-Islamic Makka. S. M . Jafri argues els and Gnostics: al-Mugira ibn Sa'id and the Mugiriyya," Arabica
that what became the Twelver Shi'i position represented the main- 22 (1975): 33-47; "Abu Man~ur al-'Ijli and the Man~uriy: A Study
stream from the beginning in The  Origins and Early  D evelopment of  in Medieval Terrorism," Der Islam 54 (1977) : 66-76; and 'A bd Allah
Shi'a  Islam  (London and New York, 1979). ibn Mu'awiya and the Janal:Jiyya: Rebels and Ideologues of the Late
However that may be, extremist Shi'is have received more scholarly Umayyad Period," 51 51 (1980) : 39-58.
attention because they created more trouble. For the enigmatic eponym The study of early Islamic eschatological expectations goes back to
of the Saba'iyya, see I. Friedlander's " 'Abdallah b. Saba, der Begrunder M. Steinschneider's "Apocalypsen mit polemischer Tendenz," ZDMC

652 653
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28  (1874): 627­59; 29 (1875):  162­67, in which he pointed out Syriac 

and Greek connections. Brief standard interpretations are provided by 
D.  B.  Macdonald, "al­Mahdi,"  £1(1), Ill:  111­15,  and  L.  Veccia  Va- 
glieri,"Ibn  al­Ash'ath,"  £1 (2), II :  715­19.  A.  Abel's  "Changements  
politiques  et  litterature eschatologique  dans  Ie  monde  musulman,"  51
2  (1954),  pp.  23­­43,  has  useful  suggestions  and  connections.  C.  L.  
Geddes  examined  expressions  about  the  Qabrani  in  the  first  century  
of the  Hijra in  "The Messiah  in South Arabia," MW  57 (1967):  311-
20.  Recently  W.  Madelung  has  suggested  that  propagandistic  pro-
Zubayri  hadlth  circulated  during  the  second  fitna  were  turned  into 
apocalyptic  predictions  a  generation  later  in  his  "'Abd  Allah  b.  al-
Zubayr  and  the  Mahdi,"  ]N£5 40  (1981):  291­305,  which  also  has 
a  biography of the erstwhile Basran 'Abdullah ibn al­J­:iarith ibn Naw-
fal  on  pages  297  to  305.  A.  A.  Sachedina's  Islamic  Messianism:  The 
Idea  of the  Mahdi  in  Twelver  5hi'ism  (Albany,  1981 )  is  mostly  sub-
sequent  theory  and  unconcerned  with  this  early  period. 
There  are  many  more  sources  and  scholarly  works  on  all  of  these 
subjects than have been cited here. But anyone who consults these will 
find  the  rest.  The  literature  on  each  subject  opens  out  onto  different 
issues  and vantage points.  Each is  worth pursuing and on each a great 
deal  remains  to  be  done. 

654