Chapter VII

LEGISLATIVE AND POLITICAL

ELI1ES IN SIKAR DISTRICf

The legislative elites are not necessarily a replica of

the leaders of different political parties. The present

chapter, besides this point, also focuses on nexus between

economic power and politics, and caste and politics. Pro-

files of the Congress, the BJP, and the CPI(M) and their

social rootedness have been discussed for a deeper under-

standing of power dynamics since independence. A clear

pattern in terms of both money power and caste configura-

tions is evident in our analysis of the political situation

in Sikar district. However, the three main political par-

ties exhibit different ideological, social, and strategic

characteristics vis-a-vis.power politics and electoral

battles.

A General Profile 2f ~ District

On October 15th, 1949, the district of Sikar was formed

by incorporating the thikana of Sikar, eleven villages of

the former thikana of Shamgarh, and the tehsils of Danta-

Ramgarh (excluding 48 villages which were transferred to

Phulera), and Neem Ka Thana tehsil. The newly carved out

district was divided into three sub-divisions, namely,

Fathepur, Sikar, and Neem Ka Thana, and these were furth~r

209
 divided into six tehsils. The tehsils today are Fatehpur,

Laxmangarh, Sikar, Neem Ka Thana, Sri Madhopur and Danta-

Ramgarh. The three sub-divisions are also the headquarters

of the sub-divisional magistrates and three police circles.

The main towns of the district are Ramgarh, Fatehpur, Laxan-

garh, Sikar, Khandela, and Sri Madhopur. Danta-Ramgarh is a

rural tehsil. The entire district is divided into eight

assembly constituencies. Six assembly constituencies are

named after the tehsils and the other two are named as Dhod

and Khandela.

The district has varied topography which includes

desert, semi-desert, and undulating and hilly areas (hills

forming part of the Aravali ranges), plateaus and plains,

rivers, tanks, lakes, forests etc. A number of religious

and historical places are found in the district including

the Shiva temple on the hill of Harshnath which is the

second highest peak in Rajasthan. The other notable places

are Jeen Mata, Khatu Shyamji, Salasar, Shakambri and Jain

temple at Rewasa. 2

In modern times Sikar has witnessed social and politi-

cal turmoils. It has encountered agrarian and political

unrest. Conflict between the State of Jaipur and Sikar

thikana in 1938 is still fresh in the memory of some elderly

people of the area. 3 During this period social and politi-

210
 cal awakening was not only created but it also became the

foundation stone of future social and political leadership

of the district. During this period opposition to the

thikanedars by the dominant Jat peasantry surfaced in a

paramount measure. Youth organisations, Praja MandaI and

Kisan Sabha - all worked against the atrocious functioning

of the thikanedars. All these organisations opposed the

institutions of begar, bigori, lag-bag etc. 4 It was clear

during this period that the then existing socio-political

order would change and a new system would emerge. Those who

were in the forefront of the movement against oppression by

the jagirdars and their offsprings emerged as political

leaders immediately after independence.

After independence the land management is being guided

by the provisions of the Rajasthan Land Revenue Act 1956,

and the rules and regulations made thereunder. 5 Records are

now available denoting topographical features, nature of

landholdings, shares and co-shares, persons cultivating,

holding or occupying land, nature and class of land tenure,

land free of rent or revenue, boundaries, pillars, walls and

tanks, rights in irrigation etc. Census of everything

including houses, livestock, and human population is avail-

able today.6

The Rajasthan Land Reforms and Resumption of Jagirdari

Act 1952, the Rajasthan Agricultural Land Utilisation Act

211
1954, the Rajasthan Tenancy Act 1955, the Rajasthan Agri-

cultural Loan Act 1956, the Rajasthan Land Revenue Act 1956,

and the Discontinuance of Cesses Act 1959, were most impor-

tant landmarks immediately after independence, and of these

the Acts relating to the abolition of jagirdari system was

an outstanding landmark. 7 Since the dominant peasant castes

had made their presence felt much before 1947, grant of

Khatedari rights to tenants did not become a very difficult

possibility. Thus, socio-political awakening, particularly

among the peasants in the 1930s and the 1940s and the grant

of Khatedari rights to the tenantry in the 1950s, proved to

be the backbone of power-politics in Sikar district. The

emergence of Jats in politics can be explained during this

period in terms of these two factors.

Relations between major castes and communities which

have been active in power-politics could be seen in terms of

the traditional structure of landownership, caste hierarchy,

and institutionalised patterns of dominance. Prior to inde-

pendence Jats being a principal cultivating community,

developed a sense of hostility towards the landowning Raj-

puts. The Jats also developed ambiguity about their rela-

tionship with the two twice-born castes, namely, Brahmins

and Vaishyas. In the pre-independence days the Brahmins and

Vaishyas generally aligned with the ruling Rajputs. Such a

relationship has its reflection upon the post-independence

212
 situation so far as these communities are concerned. S

Social Structure and the Political System

Observations made by Shrader seems to be quite corivinc-

ing regarding the relationship between the social structure

and the political system. 9 Shrader observes that the caste

structure influences greatly the style of politics, the type

of political leadership, the question of stability and

instability, and the effectiveness of the political system.

Another related observation refers to the politics of mod-

ernization and the mobilization of traditional groups in

society. This particular point makes caste an important

channel of political action. Caste-based mobilization has

acquired a popular support from the people and the politi-

cians.

However, Shradder ignores the fact that acute faction-

alism, segmentation, and delegitimization of macro-

institutions and structures are the necessary negative

corollaries of caste-based political mobilization and mod-

ernization. Caste or sub-caste or a sub-sub-caste in such a

situation assumes character of a community, undermining the

community which would encompass all such social and cultural

divisions. Sikar district is an apt case of caste-based

mobilization and social fragmentation.

213
 Nine major castes and communities were numerically

preponderant according to the 1931 census as they comprised

of 55.8% of the total population of the state of

Rajasthan. 10 Of these nine castes and communities, Jats,

Brahmins, Rajputs and Vaishyas have been very active pOliti-

cally in Sikar. These four communities alongwith others,

namely, Chamar, Meena, Gujar and Mali have been domineering

in other parts of Rajasthan.

In Sikar district factional competition has been a

dominant feature of political mobilization, particularly in

the Congress Party. The State-level factionalism has creat-

ed factionalism at the district-level. Jai Narayan Vyas and

HiraLal Shastri, though both were Brahmins, led two rival

factions in the Congress Party. Later on Vyas and Sukhadia

led two dominant factions in the party. After the death of

Vyas, Kumbha Ram Arya emerged as the leader of the rival

faction in the Congress Party.ll The Sukhadia-Arya faction-

alism directly influenced the Congress Party in Sikar in the

early years after independence. Two clans of the Jats,

namely, Sunda and Meharia were aligned with the Arya and the

Sukhadia factions, respectively. When Arya formed a new

political party, the Sunda faction distanced itself from the

Congress Party and aligned with the leadership of Kumbha Ram

Arya.

214
 Thus, state-level factionalism divided the district

Congress Party on more or less the same pattern. The Con-

gress Party in the State in the early years had four fac-

tions as observed by Sisson, such as the Vyas, the Sukhadia,

the Rajput and the Jat factions. 12 The Congress Party in

Sikar district was also divided on the same pattern.

The first three assembly elections in Rajasthan were

dominated by the Brahmins, the Rajputs, the Vaishyas, and

the Jats as they represented the maximum number of M.L.As in

the state legislature. This is also largely true of the

situation in Sikar district, however, from 1967 onwards the

situation has changed considerably as a result of intense

caste-based mobilization for contesti~g elections. In

general, the representation of the numerically less prepon-

derant castes in the state assembly has receded, whereas the

strength of Jat members has gone up due to intense caste-

based mobilization and fierce competition with the en-

trenched castes.

Another important fact may also be noted in the emer-

gence of political processes and alignments in the post-

independence era. The castes and groups which were benefit-

ed more by the freedom struggle, social and agrarian move-

ments, and social reforms in the pre-independence and post-

independence periods have generally aligned with the Con-

215
gress Party as it led the freedom struggle in the pre-inde-

pendence period and other movements and reforms after inde-

pendence. Interestingly, Rajputs for a long time did not

align with the Congress Party, nor did Jats join the Jan

Sangh or the Swatantra Party barring some exceptions.

However, such a situation changed, particularly after the

second tenure of Bhairon Singh Shekhawat as the chief minis-

ter of Rajasthan, as more and more Jats and leaders of other

peasant castes have been roped in by the B.J.P.

The Parliamentary Elite

The parliamentary scenario in Sikar district is quite a

unique one. From 1957 to 1971, four times Banias were

elected signifying role of money power more than the factors

of caste and religion. From 1980 to 1996, five times Jats

were elected in a row like the Banias. Obviously caste and

caste-based mobilization played a greater role than other

factors including money power. The first elections of 1952

and the sixth elections of 1977 after the withdrawal of

Emergency were exceptions rather than normal elections. The

following table demonstrates this pattern.

216
 Table 2.1: Parltmentary Elite in Sikar District

Year Name Caste Political Party

1952 Nand Lal Shastri Brahmin Ram Rajya Parishad

1957 Rameshwar Tantia Vaishya Congress
1962 Rameshwar Tantia Vaishya Congress
1967 Shiv Gopal Saboo Vaishya Jan Sangh
1971' S.K. Modi Vaishya Congress
1977 J.P. Mathur Kayastha Janta Party
1980 Kumbha Ram Arya Jat Lok Dal
1984 Balram JakHar Jat Congress
1989 Devi Lal Jat Janta Dal
1991 Balram Jakhar Jat Congress
1996 Dr. Hari Singh Jat Congress

Facts relating to the Lok Sabha elections from 1952 to

1996 clearly bring out that the Jats have contested against

the non-Jats. From 1980 onwards all the five times a Jat

candidate was returned to the Lok Sabha whether he belonged

to the Lok Dal, the Janta Dal or the Congress Party. Kumbha

Ram Arya, Bal Ram Jakhar, Devi Lal, and Hari Singh have been

elected to the Lok Sabha during this period. However,

earlier four times, Banias were elected to the Lok Sabha,

but only once a Bania candidate won for the Lok Sabha as a

nominee of the Jan Sangh during this period. Only in 1952,

a Brahamin was elected as a candidate of the Ram Rajya

Parishad, and in 1977 elections a Kayastha was elected as a

candidate of the Janta Party which was formed after the

withdrawal of emergency in 1977. 13

217
 These facts present an interesting political scenario

as five times Jats were elected, four times Banias got

elected and a Kayastha and a Brahmin once each were elected

from the Sikar Lok Sabha constituency. No Rajput has ever

been elected. The 1977 was an unusual election as it was

held after the lifting up of the emergency. The Congress

Party lost this election in the whole of North India, except

the Nagaur constituency from where its candidate Nathu Ram

Mirdha won. The first Lok Sabha election was also unusual

as it was held after independence as the traditional forces

still influenced the society. Ram Rajya Parishad evoking

the traditional sentiments and feelings in favour of the old

system using the rising sun as the symbol could win this

election from Sikar, but it never again surfaced on the

political scene of the state.

One more point which clearly emerges from the facts

relating to the Lok Sabha elections in the district is that

Nand Lal Shastri, Rameshwar Tantia, Gopal Saboo, Kumbha Ram

Arya, Bal Ram Jakhar, Devi Lal, and Dr. Hari Singh did not

belong to Sikar district. Only S.K. Modi and Jagdish Prasad

Mathur hailed from the district. Opposition to these out-

side candidates, though mild, within the district, was quite

vociferous at the state and the national levels. In particu-

lar, Bal Ram Jhakhar was criticised for being imposed on the

people of Sikar. So was the opposition to the participation

218
 of Buta Singh in Sirohi, and Rajesh Pilot in Dausa for con-

testing parliamentary elections. However, such a situation

has not been in vogue barring some exceptions with regard to

the assembly elections in the district.

The first six elections to the Lok Sabha from 1952 to

1977 were won by the upper castes, four times by the Banias,

and once each by a Brahmin and a Kayastha. The latter five

elections were won by Jats. In all, six times the Congress

won the election of which thrice the Banias and thrice the

Jats won. Jan Sangh/B.J.P. won only once, its winning

candidate was a Bania. The sole winner of the Janta Party

was a Kayastha. A Brahmin candidate won the first election

as a nominee of the Ram Rajya Parishad. The splinter groups

from the Congress Party, namely, the Lok Dal and the Janta

Dal representing the peasantry won the elections in 1980 and

1989, and sent two Jat stalwarts Kumbha Ram Arya and Devi

Lal to the Lok Sabha. The opponents of all these winners

represented a cross-section of the society as was the case

of the winners. They represented political heavy weights,

top peasant leadership, industrialists etc. On both sides

the contestants came from outside the constituency. For

example, Bal Ram Jakhar, Devilal, Kumbha Ram Arya, Nand Lal

Shastri, Gopal Saboo, S.K. Tapadia, and Kamal Naiyan Bajaj

all hailed from outside the constituency. They did not have

any local base before entering into the fray.

219
 It is evident from the above facts that the district-

level leadership did not emerge from within the constituency

because of the imposition of the contestants from outside.

None of the active leaders from within the district were

nominated as candidates by the Congress and the B.J.P. Only

Ghanshyam Tiwari, a local articulate B.J.P. leader, was

pitted against Bal Ram Jakhar. Tiwari not only lost but he

secured only 20.2% of votes, against 52.5% polled by the

winning Congress candidate in the 1984 Lok Sabha elections.

Harlal Singh Kharra, a Jat leader, was nominated by the

B.J.P. to contest against Jakhar in the 1991 Lok Sabha

elections, but he secured just 34.4% of votes against 54.4%

secured by Jakhar. 14 Kharra was though the only important

Jat leader in the BJP, but his influence did not stretch

beyond his assembly segment. Tiwari, ·though an influential

leader, could not make a dent as the elections were held in

the aftermath of Indira Gandhi's assassination.

The- Lok Sabha elections in the district bring out a

complex scenario. Caste vs. caste, party vs. party, indus-

trialist vs. industrialist, and modern outlook vs. tradi-

tional culture can be gauged from the socio-cultural, polit-

ical and economic background of the contestants. No inde-

pendent candidate could ,ever make his presence felt in the

Lok Sabha elections. It is also evident that two aspects

have been at the centre of elections in the district, name-

220
 ly, money power and caste. Whenever a Bania millionaire-

industrialist contested elections whether Tantia, Saboo or

Modi, it was not so much a question of political party as it

was of money power. Caste-based mobilisation was also an

insignificant factor in the case of Banias as they hardly

had any following. But the situation is different with

regard to the Jat winners. All the four Jats, namely,

Kumbha Ram Arya, Bal Ram Jakhar, Devilal, and Dr. Hari Singh

are known as peasant leaders and political heavy weights.

Interestingly, all tne four are from outside the Sikar

parliamentary constituency. Arya belongs to Bikaner, Devi-

lal hails from Haryana, Jakhar is from Punjab, and Dr. Hari

Singh belongs to the neighbouring Jhunjhunu district. There

are several implications for such a political situation so

far as the pattern of leadership is concerned. None of the

outsiders ever cared for initiating developmental progrmrnes

in the district. Secondly, a district-level leadership has

not emerged.

The Sikar Lok Sabha constituency has undergone a sig-

nificant change from 1980 onwards. Though outsiders with

big money bags or with patronage of top leadership have

always dominated the constituency, but big money power

ceased to playa significant role in electoral politics, as

the caste-based mobilization or majoritisation of caste has

emerged, providing a space to Jat leaders such as Arya,

221
 Devilal, Jakhar, Hari Singh, and H.S. Kharra in place of the

leaders like Tantia, Saboo, Modi, Tiwari etc.

The business or economic elites who entered into power-

politics were just adopted as nominees by Congress or Jan

Sangh without having local support. Whereas the Jat nomi-

nees fielded by Congress, Lok Dal, and Janta Dal had support

of the Jat peasantry. However, this does not imply that

Bania nominees were not supported by their caste, nor does

it imply that Jat nominees did not have sufficient economic

resources to contest elections. Tantia, Saboo, Modi, and

Tapadia were well known industrialists. Tantia owned the

famous Dalda company, Modi controls mines in the state,

Saboo too was a well-known industrialist, and Tapadia was

also an established industrialist and a relative of the

Birlas. J.P. Mathur held high positions in the Jan Sangh

and was also President of Rajasthan Jan Sangh. Kurnbha Ram

Arya was a cabinet minister in the state and a prominent

dissident. Devi Lal held the position of chief minister in

Haryana. Jakhar was speaker of the Lok Sabha. Dr. Hari

Singh, a prominent surgeon, was also a minister at the state

level. None of these leaders with the exception of Modi and

Mathur belonged to the district, they were never considered

'Sons of the Soil'. Their towering personalities suppressed

the emergence of. district level leadership. Their. big names

or money power were always projected as potent source for

222
 the development of the constituency if they won elections.

However, no significant development in terms of industriali-

-
zation, transport, and communications has taken place in the

district.

Of the eleven elections held so far, the Congress Party

has dominated the political scene in the district with the

exception of the first election and the elections held in

1967, 1977, 1980, and 1989. The non-congress candidates in

1980 and 1989 were in fact supported by the splinter groups

from the Congress Party. The more important point is the

alignment of political parties with social forces. Barring

the 1967, 1977, 1980 and 1989 elections, the Jats in the

Sikar district generally voted for the Congress. The Con-

gress drew its. support also from Brahmins, Muslims, and the

Scheduled Castes. The Scheduled tribes in general identi-

fied themselves with the Swatantra Party and the Jan Sangh

as these were led by the ex-princes and jagirdars, with whom

Meenas identified themselves historically in the StBte.

With the support of these vote banks, the Congress Party

leaders tried to control the three main offices, namely, the

Pradhan of Panchayat Samitis, the Pramukh of the Zila Pari-

shads, and the Chairmanship of ·the District Cooperative

Bank.

223
Legislative Elites in Sitar District

The main castes and communities involved in the assem-

bly elections so far are: Brahmins, Rajputs, Banias, Gujars,

Khatiks, Balais, Kayasthas, Meenas, Jats, and Muslims. Of

the total 77 elected legislators to the state assembly from

1952 to 1993, 37 are Jats, 8 Rajputs, 7 Brahmins, and 7

Banias. All the three twice-born castes put together com-

prise of 22 M.L.A.s, whereas Jats are 37, and constitute

nearly fifty per cent of the total assembly members elected

from the district. Since Sikar has numerical pre-eminence

of the SCs and the STs, 7 Balais were elected to the state

legislature during this period (whereas only one S.T. i.e.

Meena was elected). Twice a Khatik (SC) was elected from a

reserved constituency. Muslims were elected four times, and

once a kayastha was elected.

Out of the 77 members elected to the state legislature,

40 belonged to the Congress Party, and 19 of these 40 were

Jats, 3 were Brahmins, 2 were Rajputs, 7 were Banias, 2 were

Muslims, 5 were Balais, and one each belonged to the Meena

and Khatik communities. Of the 9 scheduled caste candidates

elected to the assembly from Sikar district, six belonged to

the Congress Party. Two of the four Muslims also belonged

to the Congress party.15

224
 Table 2.2: List of MLAs elected from Sikar District

Name Year Political Party Constituency Caste/CQmmunity

A.G. Khan 1957 Congress Fatehpur Muslim

Baloo Ram 1962 Independent Fatehpur Jat
Alam Ali 1967 Swatantra Fatehpur Muslim
Jhabar Mal 1972 Congress (0) Fatehpur Jat
Alam Ali 1977 Janta Party Fatehpur Muslim
Trilok Singh 1980 CPM Fatehpur Jat
Ask Ali 1985 Congress Fatehpur Muslim
Dilsukh Rai 1990 Janta Dal Fatehpur Jat
Banwari Lal 1993 BJP Fatehpur Brahmin
Narain Lal 1952 Congress Laxmangarh Khatik
Balbir 1952 Kishan Lok Laxmangarh Jat
Party (KLP)
Kishan Singh 1957 Congress Laxmangarh Jat
Kishan Singh 1962 Congress Laxmangarh Jat
Nath Mal 1967 Swatantra Laxmangarh Khatik
Kesar Dev 1972 Swatantra Laxmangarh Balai
Paras Ram 1977 Congress Laxmangarh Balai
Paras Ram 1980 Congress Laxmangarh Balai
Kesar Dev 1985 Lok Dal Laxmangarh Balai
Paras Ram 1990 Congress Laxmangarh Balai
Paras Ram 1993 Congress Laxmangarh Balai
Radhakrishan 1952 Congress Sikar Bania
Ishwar Singh 1952 KLP Sikar Jat
J.P. Mathur 1957 Jan Sangh Sikar Kayastha
Swaroop Narain 1962 Congress Sikar Brar.:nin
Ram Dev Singh 1967 Congress Sikar Jat
Goverdhan Singh 1972 Swatantra Sikar Rajr;ut
Ridmal Singh 1977 Congress Sikar Jat
Ghanshyam 1980 BJP Sikar Brar..-nin
Tiwari
Ghanshyam 1985 BJP Sikar Brah:nin
. Tiwari
Rajendra 1990 Congress Sikar Brabnin
Pareekh
Rajendra 1993 Congress Sikar Brahmin
Pareekh
Ramdev Singh 1957 Congress Dhod Jat
Ramdev Singh 1962 Congress Dhod Jat
Ramdev Singh 1977 Congress Dhod Jat
Ramdev Singh 1980 Congress Dhod Jat
Ramdev Singh 1985 Congress Dhod Jat
Ramdev Singh 1990 Congress Dhod Jat
Amra Ram 1993 CPM Dhod Jat
Bhairon Singh 1952 Jan Sangh Danta Ramgarh Rajr- .Jt

contd ...

225
 contd ...

Name Year Political Party Constituency Caste/Community

Madan Singh 1957 Ram RajyaParty Danta Ramgarh Rajput

(RPP)
Jagan Singh 1962 Congress Danta Ramgarh Jat
Madan Singh 1967 Jan Sangh Danta Ramgarh Rajput
Narain Singh 1972 Congress Danta Ramgarh Jat
Madan Singh 1977 Independent Danta Ramgarh Rajput
Narain Singh 1980 Congress Danta Ramgarh Jat
Narain Singh 1985 Congress Danta Ramgarh Jat
Ajay Singh 1990 Janta Dal Danta Ramgarh Jat
Narain Singh 1993 Congress Danta Ramgarh Jat
Roop Narain 1952 RRP Srimadhopur Brahmin
Bhairon Singh 1957 Jan Sangh Srimadhopur Rajput
Ram Chandra 1962 Congress Srimadhopur Jat
Harlal Singh 1967 Jan Sangh Srimadhopur Jat
Sanvar Mal 1972 Congress Srimadhopur Bania
Harlal Singh 1977 Janta Party Srimadhopur Jat
Dipendra Singh 1980 Congress Sril'nadhopur . Rajput
Harlal Singh 1985 BJP Srimadhopur Jat
Harlal Singh 1990 BJP Srimadhopur Jat
Dipendra Singh 1993 Congress Srimadhopur Rajput
Ladu Ram 1952 Congress Khandela Jat
Gyan Chand 1962 Congress Khandela Bania
Ram Chandra 1967 Independent Khandela Jat
Gopal Singh 1972 Independent Khandela Jat
Gopal Singh 1977 Janta Party Khandela Jat
Mahadev Singh 1980 Congress Khandela Jat
Mahadev Singh 1985 Congress Khandela Jat
Gopal Singh 1990 Janta Dal Khandela Jat
Mahadev Singh 1993 Independent Khandela Jat
Kapil Dev 1952 Congress Neem Ka Thana Bania
Narain Lal 1957 Congress Neem Ka Thana Meena
Chhotu 1962 Congress Neem Ka Thana Balai
(SC)
Mohan Lal 1967 Congress Neem Ka Thana Bania
Mala Ram 1972 Jan Sangh Neem Ka Thana Gujar
Surya Narain 1977 Janta Party Neem Ka Thana Jat
Mohan Lal 1980 Congress Neem Ka Thana Bania
Phool Chand 1985 BJP Neem Ka Thana Gujar
Phool Chand 1990 BJP Neem Ka Thana Gujar
Mohan Lal 1993 Congress Neem Ka Thana Bania

Note: Khatik and Balai - Scheduled Castes

Meena - Scheduled Tribe

226
 Only 14 members were elected on the Jan Sangh/B.J.P.

ticket. Interestingly 3 were Brahmins, 4 Rajputs, 3 Gujars,

1 once a Kayastha, and thrice a Jat, were elected from the

B.J.P. platform. But in the post-1990 period more Jats have

been inducted in the B.J.P. due to political compulsions,

particularly in order to ensure the survival of the Shekha-

wat government in the State. 16

The district is still known as a Congress/Jat dominated

area rather than a stronghold of the B.J.P. The B.J.P. is

lacking following among the peasant castes, particularly

among the Jats. It is considered a Bania-Rajput party

having some support of the Brahmins and other castes which

aligned traditionally with the Rajputs.

In the electoral arena the main political parties are

the Congress and the B.J.P. However, earlier Swatantra

Party, Congress (0), Ram Rajya Parishad, Janta Party,

CPI(M), «ant a Dal, Kisan Lok Party, "Lok Dal, Jan Sangh, and

independents have also entered into electoral battles from

time to time and have won elections as well. As many as

forty Congress candidates have been elected to the state

legislature from the district during this period. But only

14 Jan Sangh/BJP candidates could win elections. Only four

Swatantra Party candidates were elected between 1962 and

1972 at a time when the party was a political force to

reckon within the State. Twice CPI(M) candidates have been

227
 elected to the assembly from the district. The rest of the

elected members from the district belonged to six political

parties, and some were independents. For us most important

is the continuing dominance of the Congress Party in the

district, though the BJP has always posed a challenge to the

hegemonic presence of the Congress Party.

Of the seventyseven assembly members from the district,

nearly 50% (37) are Jats. Only seven Brahmins and eight

Rajputs were elected from the district. Seven times Banias

were elected. Four times Muslims won. Nine Scheduled Caste

candidates were elected and one ST also got elected. One

Kayastha was elected. Of the 37 Jats elected to the Rajas-

than assembly from the district, 19 won on the Congress

ticket and remaining have been affiliated with Kisan Lok

Party, the Janta Party, the Janta Dal, the BJP, the Lok Dal

and the CPI(M). It is clear that Jats are still aligned

with the Congress Party more than with any other party. All

the seven elected Banias belonged to the Congress Party, and

they mainly came from Neem Ka Thana segment. Out of the

seven Brahmins elected so far only three belonged to the

Congress, the rest were elected on the BJP ticket. The Jats

who were elected as nominees of the KLP, the JO, the LD and

the independents were, in fact, members of the Congress

Party prior to their election to the-state Legislature.

Either due to dissidence or denial of party nomination they

228
 joined these parties. The fact of the matter is that these

parties too were formed by such members at one or other

point of time.

Table 5.31 Caste Affiliation of Legislative Assembly Members

elected from Sikar District Between 1952-1993

Caste Cong(I) Cong(O) CPI(M) BJP Swantra RRP Lok JP KLP IND Total
Dal
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Jat 19 1 2 3 0 0 3 3 2 4 37
Brahmin 3 0 0 3 0 1 0 0 0 0 7
Rajput 2 0 0 3 1 1 0 0 0 1 8
Bania 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7
Muslim 2 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 4
Gujar 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 3
Balai 5 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 7
Khatik 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 2
Kayastha 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1
Meena 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

Total 40 1 2 14 3 2 4 4 2 5 77

One obvious conclusion from the above table is that

social structure of the district particularly in terms of

its caste composition and caste-abased mobilization is

reflected in the composition of the members of the Rajasthan

State Assembly. Intense electoral mobilization by the Jats

is known to everyone in the district. It is generally said

that Jats would not go outside their caste so far as Vote

and beti (daughter) are concerned. They are considered

quite ~ethnic', and their apparent rusticity becomes in

itself a psychological factor in electoral mobilization.

229
 Political Parties ~ Leadership

Leadership of political parties is in sharp contrast to

the parliamentary and legislative leadership. The municipal

leadership is also different and diversified than the lead-

ership of the Congress Party. The latter reflects preemi-

nence of the principal peasant caste, namely, Jats, whereas

they are conspicuous by their absence in the urban power

structure. The BJP continues to be dominated by the twice-

born castes, but the CPI(M) represents more of the dominant

peasant castes and the fall-outs of the Congress Party.

This is also largely true of the Janata Dal. The JD is in

effect a reincarnation of the BKD and the LD.

(i) The Congress Party

The dominance of the Congress by the Jats can be gauged

from the fact that out of the six District Congress Commit-

tee (DCC) Presidents, four were Jats, and only one each were

Brahmin and Bania.

Table 5.4: District Congress Committee Presidentship

1. Ladu Ram Joshi Brahmin

2. Jagan Singh Jat
3. Ram Chandra Sunda Jat 1963-67
4. Sanvar.Mal More Bania 1967-73
5. Ram Dev Singh Meharia Jat 1973-1992
6. Narain Singh Jat 1992 onwards

230
 Table 5.5: Pramukhs of Zila Parishad

1. Ram Dev Singh Meharia Jat -1959-61 Congress

2. Kurda Ram Ahir - 1961-62 -do-
3. Narain Singh Jat - 1962-77 -do-
4. Badri Narain Choudhry Jat - 1982-88 -do-
5. Sanvar Mal More Bania - 1988-93 -do-
6. Damodar Prasad Sharma Brahmin - 1995 onwards -do-

The above situation is reflected in the representation

in the Zilla Parishad and Panchayat Samitis. Since Zila

Parishad and Panchayat Samiti represent the countryside,

urban social structure does not get reflected in these

bodies. The composition of the municipal committees in the

district has hardly any Jat member. Take the example of

Sikar Nagar Parishad which never had any Jat as its Chair-

man. Of the seven persons who have occupied the chairman-

ship of the Sikar Nagar Parishad two were Banias, one was a

Brahmin, one Kayastha, and one Khatri, and two were Muslims.

The composition of the Chairmanship of the Parishad is also

refletive of the social structure of the town. This is

largely true of the Municipal Councils of Fatehpur, Laxman-

garh and Srimadhopur. In this sense, there is a rural-urban

divide in the constitution of power elite. However, this

divide is not so clearly visible in the context of Assembly

and Lok Sabha elections.

231
 Table 5.6: Sikar Nagar Parishad Chairmanship

1. Janak Prasad Maru Bania

2. Manmath Mishra Brahmin
3. Pyarelal Mathur Kayastha
4. Somnath Treran Khatri
5. Warris Khan Muslim
6. P.D. Jain Bania
7. Somnath Trehan Khatri
8. Salma Sheikh Muslim (reserved for
women)

(ii) Factional Politics in Congress

Factionalism within two political parties, namely, the

Congress and the BJP, has become a permanent feature of

politics in Sikar district. It has taken deep roots, and

the local factions are aligned with the state or national

level groups (factions).

Ram Dev Singh Meharia who led one of the two factions

in Sikar district aligned with the Sukhadia faction at the

State level, whereas his opponent Ram Chandra Sunda remained

close to Kumbha Ram Arya within and outside the Congress

Party. After Sukhadia's death Meharia aligned with his

successor Harideo·Joshi who obliged Meharia by appointing

him a minister in his Cabinet. When Narain Singh replaced

Sunda as the leader of the anti-Meharia faction, the new

faction leader aligned with the anti-Joshi faction at the

State level. When s.C. Mathur became Chief Minister, he

appointed Narain Singh as a minister in his Cabinet. Be-

232
 sides the alignments at the state-level, the factions have

indulged in a rat race for grabbing positions of power and

authority at the district, block, and village levels.

Three most important institutions which have become

fora of rivalries for power are Panchayat Samiti, Zila

Parishad and District Cooperative Bank. Fierce competition

and rivalry for the Presidentship of the district Congress

Committee have also engulfed the district leaders. The DCC

makes recommendations for nominations to Lok Sabha, Vidhan

Sabha and Panchayati Raj elections. For the past couple of

years the DCC office is being controlled by Narain Singh, a

former minister, Zila Pramukh, Pradhan, and Sarpanch.

I

Narain Singh, currently an M.L.A., is in command of the

affairs of the Congress in the district.

The real power game is reflected in the composition and

functioning of political parties at the district level.

Factions within the district level political parties in

terms of th.eir strength, mobilization, and access to state

and central level bosses speak of relative political

strength of different groups and their leaders. District

Congress Party is a very good example of factional fight.

The two dominant factions have been headed by two prominent

Jat leaders~ but their immediate followers are not neces-

sarily Jat leaders. In fact, in the faction headed by Ram

Dev Singh Meharia there is hardly any Jat leader of recog-

233
 nisable standing. In the faction headed by Narain Singh

except one or two Jats, other key followers are Brahmins,

Banias, and Rajputs. Thus, apparently it seems to be a

divide among the Jats of the district in the Congress party,

but in effect these are interest-alignments at the district

level having corresponding alliances with the state and the

central leaders of the party. Such alignments at the dis-

trict level are also reflected in group and faction forma-

tions at the Panchayat Samiti and Panchayat levels. The

respective followers of the above two district leaders are

key leaders and functionaries at the Panchayat Samiti and

Panchayat levels. They are either members of the state

legislature, Pradhans of Panchyat Samitis or chairpersons of

block committees.

(~ii) The Bhartiya Janta Party

The Jan Sangh/BJP has been on the electoral scheme of the

district since 1952 when it fought elections for both the

assembly and the parliamentary seats. But the Jan Sangh did

not have a strong social base in the district as its reach

was limited to only certain sections of society. The cur-

rent chief· minister Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, a former

Chhutbhaiya, hails from Khachariawas, formerly a small

thikana in Danta Ramgarh tehsil of the district. Though a

shrewd politician, his 'role in the district Jan Sangh or

234
B.J.P. has not been noticeable. But other two leaders,

namely, Jagdish Prasad Mathur and Ghanshyam Tiwari have been

able to mark their presence within the district and at the

state level. J.P. Mathur was a member of the state assembly

as well as the Lok Sabha. He was also President of the Jan

Sangh. However, he was never an overarching political

personality. He was mainly known in the Sikar town, his

influence in the countryside was not noticed mainly because

of the weak social base of the Jan Sangh in the countryside

and absence of Kayasthas as a rural caste. Shekhawat had

set his eyes right from the early 1950s on the state-level

politics. After the 1952 assembly elections he never con-

tested elections from his native contituency of Danta-Ram-

garh.

Table 5.7: Important Leaders of the BJP

in Sikar District

l. Bhairon Singh Shekhawat Rajput

2. Madan Singh Rajput
3. Ghanshyam Tiwari Brahmin
4. Pawan Mody Bania
5. Arjun Jhajuka Bania
6. Jagdish Prasad Mathur Kayastha
7. Phool Chand Gujar Gujar
8. Harlal Singh Jat

Ghanhyam Tiwari has been one of the most articulate

leaders of the district -in recent times. Besides being an

articulate speaker, he has been abl~ to mobilize the you~h

mainly because of his powerful oratory skills. He has he~d

235
 party positions at the state level including the vice-

presidentship of the state B.J.P. Though he contestedunsuc-

cessfuly for the Lok Sabha, he has been a member of the

assembly thrice. Presently, he is leading a group of dissi-

dents against Bhairon Singh Shekhawat.

(iv) CPI(M) - ~ Brief Profile

The CPI(M) has also been a very strong political force

to reckon with in Sikar district. Trilok Singh continues to

be the sole prominent leader of the CPI(M). The following

of the CPI(M) is mainly confined to the students owing alle-

giance to the SFI, its students wing. The youth belonging

to the CPI(M) generally come from peasant castes and commu-

nities, particularly from among the Jats. The Jat Boarding

House/Hostel has been the citadel of CPI(M) activities for

nearly last 40 years. Trilok Singh who was once a member of

the central committee of the CPI(M) is an aggressive speak-

er. Trilok Singh in his young days along with his followers

created a sort of terror by extorting money particularly

from the traders. Trilok Singh contested all the assembly

elections and a good number of Lok Sabha elections, but

success eluded him always except once when he was elected to

the state assembly. Amra Ram, a student leader, was elect-

ed to the assembly in the 1993 elections.

236
 The social base of the CPI(M) is no match with either

the BJP or the Congress. It has hardly any following among

the upper and the lower castes. There are pockets of its

influence mainly because of the support of the educated

members of the peasant castes. There is no mobilization to

recruit members or to create a cadre in the villages. Some

of the educated youth from the peasant castes who have not

been able to adjust with the established political parties

are being attracted to the ideology of the Student Federa-

tion of India. However, most of those who have voted for

Trilok Singh or Amra Ram belong to their own caste, namely,

Jats. The CPI(M) is thus not a class-based party as it

claims to be a party of the poor, workers, and peasants.

Caste ~ Power Elite

Diffusion of caste has persisted alongwith caste based

political actions and mobilizations. Such a peculiar char-

acter of caste has been the hallmark of politics in India.

If one looks at the social composition of various political

parties it seems that Jats are dominating all the political

parties except the BJP. The Lok Dal was dominated by the

Jats with t~e exception of one Muslim who became President

of the district unit.

In a broad sense, the political game in the district is

played between the Jats and the non-Jats. It does not imp:y

237
 that some non-Jats are not with the Jats or some Jats are

not with the non-Jats. The fact is that Jats form a solid

political force in most of the political organisations and

Panchayat Samitis barring Neem Ka Thana, which is dominated

by other three peasant castes, namely, Ahir, Gujar and Mali.

An overwhelming presence of Jats in different political

arenas and organisations discourage or demotivate other

castes and communities from entering into competitive polit-

ical situations. Jats are known for being gregarious,

ethnocentric, rude and ruthless vis-a-vis their political

rivals. It is a common belief that even opponent Jats unite

in the face of opposition from other castes and communities.

They fight against each other only when there are no strong

challengers/contestents from other castes and communities.

Knowing this well the political aspirants from other castes

and communities after realising that ther have no chance of

winning an election, leave open the political field for Jat

leaders to contest elections amongst themselves with a view

to divide them and disappoint and frustrate at least one

faction of the Jats who would eventually get defeated in the

elections.

Thus, there is a situation in which a Jat is pitted

against a Jat, and in another situation a Jat is roped in

against a non-Jato In the second situation, all Jats unite

238
 against a non-Jat, hence a Jat wins. In the first situation

also a Jat wins against a Jat. Thus, in both the situations

Jat leadership is not thwarted or relegated to the back-

ground. Such a pattern is quite common in elections for

Panchayat, Panchyat Samiti and Zila Parishad. This pattern

is also noticed in elections and alignments at the levels of

political parties, assembly and parliamentary elections.

However, this is true more of the Congress Party as it has

been strongly entrenched into the district. The B.J.P. is

apparently not so faction-ridden at the village and block

levels. Factionalism within the BJP is mainly at the dis-

trict level and it is much less apparent than that of the

Congress Party.

District ~ ~ Mediating ~ ~ State An4 Local Politics

We have chosen District as an appropriate unit for the

study of local politics and social structure because the

district isa strong factor in the state-politics. Whatever

happens at the state level filters down to the district, and

whatever occurs at the village and block levels gets reflect-

ed at the district level. In politics district is thus a

mediating point between the state and the local-level fac-

tors and forces. The problems of governability, develop-

ment, party·organisations and electoral strategies, as they

are dramatised and resolved, could be witnessed best att~e

district level. However, as it is evident from our analysiE,

239
political leaders rarely talk of development, planning, and

processes of change, independent of their respective castes,

factions, and interest ridden politics. Politics at the

district, block and village levels is so concrete that one

could see all the social and structural cleavages.

As we have noted that Jats are juxtaposed against the

non-Jats in Sikar district as a whole, similar situations

are reported from other parts of the country as well. For

example, Pattidars and Kshatriyas are frontally opposed to

each other in Kheda district of Gujrat,17 Kammas and Reddis

are political opponents in Guntur district of Andhra Pra-

desh,18 the Maratha's and Lingayats are opposed to each

other in Belgaum district of Karnataka. 19 A study of Cal-

cutta shows that how different linguistic groups such as

Hindi, Urdu and Bengali speaking compete for political power

in the civic bodies and political organisations. 20 In

another study of Madurai in Tamil Nadu the two main ethnic

communities in the city are the Saurastras and Thevars. 21

In all the five districts, namely, Kheda, Guntur, Belgaum,

Calcutta, Madurai, besides the main political rival groups,

there are also the marginal and peripheral groups, which are

by way of strategic alliances with the main groups, who get

into positions of power. Atul Kohli thus relates the dis-

trict level power structure with the state-level politics.

240
 These five districts were first studied by Myron Weiner

with regard to the political hegemony of the Congress

Party.22 How, after this study in the last twentyfive years,

political changes have taken place in these districts, is

the focal point of Atul Kohli's restudy of these districts.

Weiner concluded that Congress had succeeded as a political

party and as a force in imparting a degree of cohesion and

good government to a diverse and complex Indian polity.

Three factors were central to the success of the congress

party; (1) party organi sa t ion i (2) adapt i ve qual i ty of

Congress Party, and (3) the positive role that access to

political resoruces and patronge played in building elector-

al support. 23

The Congress Party was successful in the fifties and

the sixties despite the fact that its organisation was

uneven, it lacked ideological homogeneity or disciplined

hierarchy of cadres. It was possible because the Congress

Party had a message to give to its new leaders, there was a

regular internal communication within the party to settle

local disputes, and a degree of cohesion prevailed. Intra-

party democracy also prevailed upto the mid-sixties and the

early seventies. 24

But Kohli disagrees with some of these conclusions

arrived at by Weiner. In the last 25 years the 'Congress

System' has been at India's political periphery. The

241
 'Congress' has been suffering from the crisis of governabil-

ity. The Congress Party organisation declined in all the

five districts first studied by Weiner and then restudied by

Kohli. The decline is really dramatic. The earlier 'big-

men' influence within the party has not been visible in the

last 25 years. The 'Sanjay Culture' in general in the 70's

dominated the factionalised Congress Party at the district

level. A sort of organisational vaccum emerged at the

periphery. 25 But the question is: Is a distric a periphery

in Indian politics? We have noted that Sikar district is a

vibrant actor in the state-level politics, having its impact

also on national politics. District is the most effective

unit of politics mediating between the local and the state-

level politics.

Kohli has rightly raised questions relating to the

organisational decline of the Congress Party. The 1969

split in the Congress Party at the national level and the

earlier defeat of Congress in more than half of the states

marked the beginning of its decline. 26 The power conflicts

at the national level had its clearly visible effects on the

district level politics. Subsequently, the imposition of

Emergency in 1975, added further to the decline of the

Congress Party. The re-emergence of the Indira Congress in

1980 restored partly its lost image. But with the weakening

of the Congress Party, caste and class tensions and dis-

242
putes, ethnic strifes, and regional and sub-regional bicker-

ings surfaced having obvious implications on the power

struggle. To say that such a tendency reflected an aspect

of India's democratic revolution may not be an acceptable

proposition to many students of politics. In fact, in-

creased social, cultural, and ethnic divides for political

and other gains impinge upon the very roots of a democratic

polity.

The Place ~ ~ ~ District Politics in $ikar

Sikar and some other districts of north-west Rajasthan

have numerical preponderance of Jats. The numerical

strength of Jats in relation to other castes and communities

and the history of the community as an oppressed pp ~ntry

motivated them to transform themselves into a ne'" political

force to challenge the traditional hegemony of the upper

castes in general and of the Rajputs in particular who were

their jagirdars. Just after the Jagirdari Resumption Act

was passed in 1952 and implemented in 1954, the Jat peasant-

ry began to. consolidate itself, economically. After having

relished the economic gains for a decade or so the Jats

started mobilizing themselves as a political force. By the

mid-1960s one could identify the Jat elites in the district

besides other districts like Jhunjhunu, Bikaner, Churu,

Pali, Nagaur and Jodhpur. Today the Jats in the district

243
 are well entrenched into the political field. Economically,

they are far better-off than other groups and communities.

However, Jats continue to remain socially and educationally

backward. They have not made a noticeable dent into govern-

ment jobs and professional services.

Richard Sisson has rightly pointed out that the Jats as

a caste have maintained cohesion in politics. 27 Sisson at-

tributes two reasons for cohesion among Jats: (1) other

castes particularly Rajputs being hierarchical internally

have not been able to enjoy political collaboration between

the large and the small jagirdars; and (2) the traditional

divisions within certain castes have also discouraged inter-

nal cohesion.within their ranks. Jats do not have such a

segmentary character. But more than these factors in Sikar

district is the perception of the Jats regarding the upper

castes and_particularly the Rajputs as their traditional

enemy who ruthlessly and mercilessly exploited the peasant-

ry .. This is why Jats have taken modern politics more seri-

ously than other communities as Richard Sisson observed in

his study of caste and faction in the neighbouring district

of Nagaur. 28

Sisson clearly distinguishes Jats from other castes in

terms of three factors (1) employment and patronage; (2)

government loans, permits and local -amenities such as

schools, irrigation and electricity facilitYi and (3) int~r-

244
 cession in administrative decision-making and in the posting

of local officials. 29 Sisson rightly considers these as

'political goods' which bring cohesion within the Jat caste

and Jat coalition. In Sikar, it is commonly said that if

there is a job available then it would go to a Jat because

the Jats are politically in commanding positions. Jats as a

.
community have taken up politics as an instrument of their

social transformation and status-enhancement. Sisson

writes: 'Politics for the Jat elite has become a vocation

and this new vocation has been pursued through command over

strategic positions in the Congress Party and in the Govern-

ment of Rajasthan. ,3D However, Sisson and Weiner may not be

altogether correct in their observation that Jats and some

other communities have an open and positive commitment to

the political process in India. Generally, people observe

that Jats do not think of the welfare of other communities

and wider society. People talk about the narrow and paro-

chial outlook of the Jats in Sikar district.

In other parts of India the traditional power elite are

losing their status and are being replaced by the emerging

elites who mainly come from middle castes (principal agri-

cultural castes). Rajendra Singh's study of eastern U.P.

shows that the 'established elites' belonged mainly to the

Brahmin and Rajput castes. However, the situation in east-

ern Uttar Pradesh is somewhat different from that of Rajas-

245
 than as the emerging elites are also from the two upper

castes, namely, Brahmins and Rajputs, though the emerging

elites are different from the established ones in terms of

their education, occupation, and income. In Rajasthan, and

particularly in Sikar and some other districts, the situa-

tion is different as the emerging elites are from intermedi-

ate castes and communities. Though in some areas the three

upper castes have persisted in positions of power.

Richard Sisson observes that in the case of the two

districts of Shekhawati from the time of independence, the

members of the Kisan Sabha were absorbed in the Congress

Party who were overwhelmingly from the Jat Community.32

Sisson mentions that in 1946 there were 14% Jat PCC repre-

sentatives from Shekhawati, in 1963 their number had in-

creased to 62%. The proportion of Brahmin and Mahajan

representatives declined from 86% to 23% during the same

per'iod. Jats enjoyed a monopoly of formal positions of

authority in district Congress organisation, hence in most

cases Congress Party ticket was given to the Jat applicants.

However, subsequently there was slight decline in Jat repre-

sentation in the district party organisation in the Shekha-

wati region accompanied by the increase in Brahmin and

Mahajan representation.

246
 One of the reasons for decline in Jat representation

was factionalism and conflicts over cont~ol of local party

institutions. Another reason was the opposition from urban

leaders against the rural Jat dominance. And yet another

factor was re-emergence of Rajputs in the political field in

wake of further threat to their existence from Jat domi-

nance. Some important Rajput leaders like Maharaja Harish

Chandra of Jhalawar joined the Congress Party and aligned

with Kumbha Ram Arya both inside the party and outside it. 34

Despite these factors Jat dominance remained more or less

intact on the stance of the anti-feudal struggle and the

freedom movement.

One more pertinent fact with regard to Sikar district

is that the present chief minister Bhairon Singh Shekhawat

who has been holding the high office for the third time,

belongs to Khachariawas village of Danta Ramgarh tehsil.

Shekhawat successfullly contested the first assembly elec-

tions in 1952 from Danta Ramgarh, though he never again

contested from this constituency. However, in 1957, he

contested from another constituency in Sikar district as a

Jan Sangh nominee. Besides Shekhawat, the other two notable

BJP leaders from the district, namely J.P. Mathur and

Ghanshyam riwari have held high party positions at the

state-level, but till date Sikar district has not become a

stronghold of the BJP. Despite BJP's claim of widening its

247
 social base, it continues to be dominated by three upper

castes, namely, Rajputs, Banias, and Brahmins, though the

latter are in a large number in the Congress Party as well.

Social composition of the BJP has deterred the Jats in

particular and some other peasant castes in general from

taking up its membership. Both Jats and Rajputs have not

reconciled to share the same political fora due to their

uneven status in the pre-independence era. Vigorous caste-

based political mobilization among the Jats has also dis-

couraged the non-Jats to join hands with them. Thus, logi-

cally speaking, Jats would be found more in the Congress

Party and the Rajputs in the BJP because of their respective

historical and social compulsions. It is not that there are

no other castes and groups in the 'elite arena' in the dis-

trict.- Jamuna Lal Bajaj, Ladu Ram Joshi, B.N. Sodani, Go-

vardhan Singh, Somnath Trehan, Kurda Ram and some others

have been well recognised elites in the district, though

they m~ght not have been very successful as political lead-

ers in terms of electoral battles. Despite the general

decline of the Congress Party in other parts of the country,

it continues to be quite strong in Rajasthan, and particu-

larly in the Shekhawati region. The recently held Lok Sabha

and Vidhan Sabha elections have demonstrated the supremacy

of the Congress over the BJP.

248
 In the elite-formation in the district, its history,

caste hierarchy, numerical representation of castes, social

mobilization, and ideological moorings have played a signif-

icant role. Whenever people talk of 'Bada Admi' (great man)

they refer to elites in different walks of social life

including politics. A 'Bada Admi' is borne out of the above

factors.

Concluding Remarks

No uniform pattern of power-politics can be discerned

from the above description of the situation in Sikar dis-

trict. Leadership of political parties, civic institutions,

and assembly and parliamentary elections show different

patterns and practices. The Congress and the CPI(M) reflect

more of the social composition of the countryside of the

district, whereas the BJP continues to be dominated by the

urban upper castes and trading communities. The pattern of

electoral politics undergoes a significant change particu-

larly in the context of the Congress party. The control of

the party by the monied caste of Banias received a severe

jolt from 1977 onwards. The numerically preponderant Jat

community based on caste-based mobilization relegated the

upper castes to the background. On "the whole Jats control

the Congress party despite being acutely factionalised and

fragmented entity. Outsider-politicians have also dominated

the district Congress politics and the parliamentary elec-

tions.

249
Notes ~ References

(1) Raj asthan District Gazetteers, Sikar, 1987, Jaipur:

Government of Rajasthan, p.4.

(2) Ibid., pp.418-34.

(3) Rubin, Barnett R., 1983, Feudal Revolt and State Build-
ing: The ~ Sikar Agitation in Jaipur State, New
Delhi: South Asian Publishers.

(4) See writings on Shekhawati by, Des Raj, 1961, Shekha-

~ ~ ~ Jagran aivam Kisan Andolan Ke ~ Dashak,
Jaipur: Rajasthan Printers; S.P. Gupta, 1986, The
Agrarian System Qf Eastern Rajasthan, Delhi: Manohar
Publications; Ratan Lal Mishra, 1984, Shekhawati K2
Itihas, Mandawa: Rajendra Mishra; and Ghasi Ram, 1987,
Rajasthan mein Kisan Andolan Kg ~ ~ Vikas: Shekha-
~ ~ Vishesa Sandarbh mein - ~ ~ 1947 ~, Ph.D.
Thesis, Department of Political Science, University of
Rajasthan, Jaipur.

(5) For Land Reforms in Rajasthan see, Dool Singh, 1964,

19nQ Reforms in Rajasthan, New Delhi: Planning Commis-
sion, Government of InOia.

(6) See, Census of 1951, Rajasthan and Ajmer, District

Census Handbook, Sikar District and Census of India,
1961, Vol.14, Rajasthan.

(7) Singh, Dool. QQ. ~. See also, Report Qi ~ State

~ Commission ~ Rajasthan, 1959, p.8; Report Q1 ~
Zamindari Abolition Committee, Jaipur: Government
Central Press, 1958, p.4; The Rajasthan Tenancy ~,
1955; and G.B. Pant, 1953, Report Qll Rajasthan Jagir-
~ Abolition, Jaipur: Government Printing Press.

(8) Writings on Rajasthan and Shekhawati, QQ. ~.

(9) Shrader, Lawrence L., 1968, ~Rajasthan', in Weiner,

Myron (ed.), State Politics ~ India, Princeton:
Princeton University Press, pp.326-30.

(10) Census Q1 India, ~, Rajputana Agency, Lt. Col. B.L.

Cole, Delhi: Manohar Publications, (Reprinted in 1992) .

250
 (11) Sisson, Richard, 1972, ~ Congress Party in Rajasthan:
Political Integration 2DQ Institution Building in 2n
Indian State, Berkeley: University of California Press,
pp.42-45.

(12) Sisson, Richard, 1970, ~Caste and Political Factions in

Rajasthan', in Kothari, Rajni (ed.), Caste in Indian
Politics, New Delhi: Orient Longman.

(13) Bania's could win the Sikar Lok Sabha elections four
times because of the monetary clout they wielded.
Though none of the four winning candidates had much
grass-roots support of their own, but they were still
preferred by the established political parties because
of the above cited reason. Secondly, there was paucity
of leadership which had support in the entire district,
this also helped in the fostering of the money-bags.

(14) Singh, V.B. and Bose, Shanker, 1992, Elections in

India: ~ Handbook Qll ~ Sabha Elections, New Delhi:
Sage Publications, p.248. See also, V.B. Singh and
Shanker Bose, 1985, Elections in India: ~ Handbook
Qll Vidhan Sabha Elections, New Delhi: Sage Publica-
tions.

(15) Singh, V.B. and Bose, Shanker, ibid.; and Swarankar,

R.S., 1988, Political Elites: A Sociological Study Qf
Legislators in Rajasthan, Jaipur: Rawat publications.

(16) On the basis of newspaper reports.

(17) Kohli, Atul, 1991, Democracy 2nd Discontent: India's

Growing Crisis Q! Governability, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.

(18) Ibid., p.125.

(19) Ibid., p.185.

(20) Ibid.

(21) Ibid.

(22) Weiner, Myron, 1967, Party Building in ~ New Nation:

The Indian National Congress, Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.

(23) Ibid.

(24) Ibid.

251
(25) Kohli, Atul, .QQ. ill.
(26 ) Ibid.

(27 ) Sisson, Richard, 1970, .QQ. cit.

(28 ) Ibid. , p.222.

(29 ) Ibid. , p.221.

(30 ) Ibid.

(31) Singh, Rajendra, 1988, Land, Power and People, Delhi:

Sage Publications, pp.135-140.

(32) Sisson, Richard, 1972, .QQ. ~., pp.161-163.

(33) Ibid.

(34) The alliance between the Jats and the Rajputs was a
shortlived one. The major factor behind this alliance
was their opposition to Sukhadia. Later on, both these
communities once again got polarised in opposite polit-
ical groupings.

252