Television Violence and Aggressive Behavior

You might also like

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 15

Institute of General Semantics

Research: TELEVISION VIOLENCE AND AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR


Author(s): Alan Wurtzel
Source: ETC: A Review of General Semantics, Vol. 34, No. 2 (June 1977), pp. 212-225
Published by: Institute of General Semantics
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/42575251
Accessed: 22-09-2018 01:53 UTC

REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
https://www.jstor.org/stable/42575251?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Institute of General Semantics is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to ETC: A Review of General Semantics

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Research jljpiÄOQ
Editor: Bruce K. Eckman

TELEVISION VIOLENCE AND


Alan WuRTZEL* AGGRESSIVE BEHA VIOR

A parents teenage girl cutting


parents by cutting in England
through through
the brake-line recently
in the familythe
car.brake-line attempted in the to murder family car. her
When questioned by the police, she revealed that she had learned this
trick from a recent episode of the popular police series, Starsky &
Hutch. A few years ago, a young girl was burned to death in Boston by
a band of teenagers who had seen a similar murder depicted a few
days earlier on a network broadcast feature film. After the broadcast
of Rod Serling's television drama, "Doomsday Flight," depicting a
group of terrorists planting a bomb aboard an airplane in an attempt
to extort money from an airline, a spate of similar bomb threats was
received by airlines across the country.
These dramatic incidents are frequently cited by critics who point to
television violence as a cause of aggressive behavior among viewers.
During the social ferment of the 1960's a radical activist was quoted as
saying, "Violence is as American as apple pie." It takes only a cursory
glance at today's network and local television programming to realize
that as far as television producers and executives are concerned, that
precept still holds true. The notion is supported by a ten year study of
television content conducted by Dr. George Gerbner and his associates
at the Annenberg School of Communication^ 1) Their results show
that except for slight variations in violent content over the years- due
primarily to the amount of governmental and consumer pressure on
networks and sponsors- violence is still a major staple of American
television. Two media researchers, Robert Baker and Sandra Ball
summed it up when they stated that "If television is compared to a
meal, programming containing violence clearly is the main course
being served. "(2)
*Alan Wurtzel is an Assistant Professor in the School of Journalism at the University
of Georgia.

212

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Television Violence and Aggressive Behavior 213

While few dispute the fact that violence is pe


television, the question of the effects of televised
and adult viewers remains a continuing source
the early 1950's there have been no fewer than
sional hearings on the subject, hundreds of res
least two major governmental staff reports issued
no clear-cut, definitive evidence either to prove t
does cause subsequent aggressive behavior or to
view - that television violence has no significan
Rather than quieting the controversy, the variou
frequently contradictory results - have height
each side pointing to research which supports its
In this article, I will summarize the major res
the most significant studies in an attempt to p
nized perspective. One of the problems in deali
research is the fact that social science, by its ver
the precarious position of attempting to gener
havior. Unlike such "hard sciences" as chemistr
atoms and molecules can be counted on to act f
social sciences deal with people, and not all
countless variables can interact to create a v
responses, and human nature is hardly known for
widely different situations. Consequently, social s
be evaluated as much for the methodology emp
gator's interpretation of the data as for the study
As George Comstock wrote, "social science is ve
and its rules of evidence in that there is no guara
turn to it will reach the correct answer but only
tected from some of the errors of preconception

Defining and Measuring Aggressive Behavior


Two basic problems in approaching television
the lack of a consistently used definition of aggr
mon method of measuring aggressive behavior
tion of aggression varies from study to study, th
encompasses the approach most frequently tak
investigators: "Aggressive behavior is the inflicti
discomfort on persons or of damage to propert
lem with such an all -encompassing definition is
qualification it can be equally applied to a slap i
stab in the chest.
The measurement of aggressive behavior has also been approached
in a variety of ways which can be organized into three basic ap-

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
214 Etcetera • June 1977

proaches: (1) measuring har


behavior , and (3) observing su
which utilize harm intent as t
amount of pain or injury whic
person. Since it is obviously im
strike another person, some
manipulate controls which w
another person who is ostensibly
quency, and duration of the elec
basis for measuring aggressiv
utilized verbal measures which
vidual, usually a confederate o
are told that their evaluations
chairman and used for firing or
negative evaluation can be cons
harm the confederate. A crucia
sible to compare two such dif
might view àdministering electri
out an evaluation with pencil a
The second approach, measure
on the physical characteristics o
ting, and so on - which are carr
another person, such as a doll
measurement approach is inval
ference between hitting an ob
person. However, supporters of
behavior is not so much a measurable act as it is a label for a series of
values and behaviors. They reason that just as a soldier learns to kill
with a bayonet on straw dummies, so too can a child manifest aggres-
sive behavior by striking a doll-substitute for another person.
The third approach, observation in natural surroundings, is used
primarily in field studies where trained coders observe subjects'
behavior (usually in schools or other institutions) and measure the type
and amount of aggressive behavior which is displayed. A major prob-
lem with this technique is that each study usually develops its own in-
strument to measure aggression, making it difficult, if not impossible,
to directly compare results from independent studies.

Research Approaches
Social scientists have attempted to investigate the effects of television
violence by using two basic research strategies: field studies and labor-
atory experiments, each with its own set of methodological strengths
and weaknesses.

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
T ELEVisiON Violence and Aggressive Behavior 215

Field studies : Field studies typically use a larg


observe the subjects in their natural surround
period of time. The primary advantage of the fi
natural settings without the artificial environm
situations which are common to laboratory e
field studies lack experimenter control and u
technique of data analysis which, in attempting
ship between viewing violent programming an
does not permit causal inference. For exampl
that highly violent television programming is
convicted of violent crimes do not necessarily
that violent programming caused the boys' an
possible that the boys were already maladjuste
television diet simply reflects their pre-estab
and behavior. In other words, field studies often
and egg" finding which makes definitive interpr
ficult at best.

Laboratory experiments: Laboratory experiments are designed to


eliminate the "chicken and egg" ambiguity by carefully controlling
the experimental stimulus and then observing the subject's behavior
under controlled conditions. This permits a more direct inference of
causal relationship between the content of the test program and subse-
quent behavior, but we must pay for this control by using an artificial
testing environment and by dealing with the many logistical diffi-
culties in testing subjects. Consequently, lab experiments test rela-
tively few subjects, and quite often the subjects are selected for their
ready availability to the experimenter (such as college students en-
rolled in a basic psychology course or children or adults who are insti-
tutionalized in a hospital or prison). This leads to serious difficulties in
generalizing the findings from the test subjects to a larger, normal
population. In addition, critics of the laboratory experiments charge
that the experimental programs which the subjects view are not repre-
sentative of the kind of programming which is broadcast on commer-
cial television, making the entire test unrealistic and the results highly
suspect.

Research Findings: No Effect vs. Catharsis vs. Stimulation


It is convenient to review the findings of the many different research
studies in three broad categories: (1) those which have found no effect
of violent programming on viewer behavior, (2) those which have
found that viewing violence results in a "catharsis" or reduction of ag-
gressive behavior, and (3) those which have found that viewing violent
programming stimulates an individual to aggressive behavior.

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
216 Etcetera • June 1977

No effects: One of the earliest f


vision violence and its effects w
sociologists, Hilda Himmelweit
Vince, in 1958.(4) They surveyed o
of ten and fourteen and, since the
was considerably slower than in
divide the children into two group
regular basis and those who did
groups were designed to contain
ages, IQ's, and socio-economic
period, the children were tested
results on the tests showed no sign
vision group and the non-televi
Oppenheim, and Vince to conclu
child's aggressive behavior. It shou
children were exposed to all telev
programs, and there is no way to
British television is comparable to
Another problem with the stud
almost twenty years ago, and the
ing on contemporary children mig
the study were conducted today. A
to combine both field and experi
Dr. Stanley Milgram in 1973, und
Milgram had a special episode of
Center , written and produced w
first, the major character comm
quently punished. The second en
which went unpunished in the en
the major character committing a
also had available a neutral, non
as a control treatment. Utilizing
program, Milgram devised a ser
were designed to investigate the im
viewing situations.
A first series of experiments w
through a mailing which invited t
where their comments on the pr
ing, subjects were given a receip
where they could pick up their gif
which permitted Milgram to sec
When subjects arrived at the offic
program, they found it empty, w
available. Prominently displayed
tion box similar to one depicted
was violently smashed and robb

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Television Violence and Aggressive Behavior 217

Milgram reasoned that after seeing the viol


being frustrated, subjects who were given an
the violent act they witnessed earlier might en
behavior than those who did not see a violent v
A number of different variations on this the
cant differences in the behavior of subjects wh
episode, the pro-social version, or the neutral e
In another series of experiments, Milgram
commercial produced which invited viewers
to a charity. The commerical was broadcast im
in the Medical Center show which depicted t
ing in to a telethon and verbally abusing the op
shows, with the commercial inserted, were ac
ferent cities throughout the country with C
mock commercial phone number was manne
ates. Milgram assumed that viewers who were
scene and then given the opportunity to anony
havior might be inclined to do so more than
the violent episode. Again, the results showed
ences in abusive calls between the various test g
Despite their ingenious methodology, the M
subject to a number of criticisms. In the first s
to appear to watch the show and receive a p
volunteers may have been more disciplined,
violent than people who did not participate.
significant results- particularly in the teleph
tributed to poor experimental design and the ex
of callers overall. Finally, it is possible that oth
the cities where the test programs were broadca
percussions of the antisocial programs and th
Milgram's number.

Catharsis effect: A number of researchers


theory that viewing violent programming can
sive behavior, in effect producing a "catharsis"
tasy. An early study which reported such fin
Dr. Seymour Feshbach, a psychologist at U
cruited a group of college students, who wer
paid confederate and then shown either a
neutral, nonviolent film. After the film, subje
plete a written evaluation of the confederate
told that the evaluations would be used in dec
his contract. Feshbach assumed that a highly
an attempt to harm the confederate and could
gressive behavior. A comparison of the evalua
who viewed the aggressive film were generally

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
218 Etcetera • June 1977

group who saw the nonviolent f


as an indication that the aggre
release of hostility through the
The study's methodology and in
tions. Many critics have sugge
not the same thing as an overt
have been viewed by the subject
In another criticism of the stud
ferent interpretation of the fin
the extremely brutal test film
guilt in the frustrated subject
film might have served as a t
subjects of their own hostility
ularly careful not to show th
However, they claim, it is poss
purged of their aggressive ten
rarily deferred them until after
Feshbach and Singer condu
designed as a further test of
searchers utilized groups of you
schools and in a home for boy
The boys were divided into g
television programs. Some coul
others were restricted to nonvio
period was over, adult superv
coded their actions on an in
Singer. The boys were also tes
which measured aggression, h
results showed that exposure t
significantly higher levels of
groups exposed to nonviolent p
gressive content actually redu
boys from low socio-economic b
Although the findings lend
there are a number of critici
that it was difficult to keep s
scribed diet and that there w
Second, some of the subjects
some were volunteers while oth
factors alone may have induced
boys who were prohibited from
they might have wished to see
prep school and a boys' home
viewing audience, which makes

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Television Violence and Aggressive Behavior 219

The lack of additional research evidence sup


theory has led most researchers to conclude th
highly situation-specific and of little value as
about viewer behavior. However, a number of
posed a modified-catharsis theory which sugg
effects of violence may lead to a reduction
Hartman showed that after teenage subjects were
federate and then shown either a violent film with the effects of the
violence included (victim's groans, blood and bruises, etc.) or an alter-
nate version with the effects removed, subjects who saw the version
with the effects included were less inclined to act aggressively when
given the opportunity to inflict harm upon the insulting investigator
with electric shocks. (9)
Confusing this issue, however, is a report by Williams and Wotring
which showed no difference in subject behavior among groups who
saw a violent film with the effects included and another group who saw
the same violent film with the violent effects and consequences re-
moved through editing and the use of a special filter. (10)
Although the catharsis hypotheses remain clouded in ambiguity and
conflicting reports, a number of research studies have reported a
reduction in aggressive behavior among certain viewing groups.
Schramm, Lyle, and Parker conducted a series of field studies in
which a group of American children with access to television were
matched to a similar group of Canadian children without televi-
sional 1) A study of each group's attitudes and behaviors found that
among sixth-graders, the group exposed to television displayed less ag-
gression than the non -television group. It should be pointed out,
however, that the children were exposed to all television programming
and not specifically to violent shows. In addition, the study was con-
cerned not only with television but with print media. An interesting
sidelight was that children who preferred fantasy-material on televi-
sion displayed significantly higher aggressive behavior than "reality-
oriented" children. Further investigation found that these children
were also more likely to suffer interpersonal difficulties in relating to
family and peer group friends. These findings support an earlier study
by Riley and Riley which showed that children who preferred highly
violent programs were more frustrated in their interpersonal relation-
ships with their peers. (12) These findings suggest to Dr. Joseph
Klapper, Director of Social Research for CBS, that television does not
cause aggressive behavior or, indeed, reduce it. (13) Rather, the child's
predisposition toward such content is a manifestation of his estab-
lished values and attitudes. Again, these studies raise the question,
Which came first: the aggressive behavior or the television program-
ming? The results do not supply a convincing answer for either side.

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
220 Etcetera • June 1977

Stimulation effect: The largest


available have reported some r
programming and the stimulat
A study by Dr. Lawrence Eron
year period reported a significa
violent program viewing at early
years. (14) The field study had
attempting to follow over 800 su
but the results which were obta
extended period of time, are imp
The bulk of the data supporti
been collected through laborato
relationship between a violent sti
established under controlled co
Ross, and Ross tested a group
children were divided into a nu
saw an adult model, in person,
doll. Another group of children
film. A third group saw an adu
such as a telephone. After viewin
to a playroom and left with a nu
Just as a child began to play w
took the toy away from the ch
another room where a Bobo doll identical to the one in the demonstra-
tion was available. The experimenter observed the child's behavior
through a two-way mirror and analyzed the subject's behavior. The
study's results showed that children who saw either the filmed or in-
person model strike the Bobo doll, were more likely to imitate similar
aggressive behavior against the Bobo doll in the playroom than
children who saw the neutral film or no film at all. This led Bandura
and his associates to conclude that television violence can lead to imi-
tative, aggressive behavior on the part of young children.
Although the findings were clear, a number of critics have raised
some important questions about the study's validity. Joseph Klapper
has suggested that since the Bobo doll is designed to be hit, there was
no real reason why the children should not hit it. Robert Liebert, a
psychologist at Stony Brook, has criticized the experimental treat-
ments as unrealistic, since no children's programming contains such
content material. Also, critics have been skeptical about the neatly set-
up situation where the child is given the opportunity to take out his
frustration in exactly the same manner as demonstrated moments ear-
lier. They contend that real-life situations just aren't as precisely struc-
tured.

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
T ELEVISION V IOLENCE AND AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR 22 1

In an attempt to refine the experiment and to make it


generalizable to real-world situations, Liebert and B
experiment which used 136 children between the ag
nine. (16) One group of children watched a series of prog
cluding a three- and-one-half minute excerpt from the
series, The Untouchables. A control group viewed a sim
film, but the Untouchable's clip was replaced with a
sports. After the viewing, the children were led to an
told that they could help or hurt a child next door in
and winning a prize. If they pushed a certain button in
they would "help" the child and he would win. If they p
button they would "hurt" the child, causing him discom
ing him lose the prize. The results showed that a signifi
number of children who saw the violent version tended to "hurt" the
child than those who viewed the neutral treatment.
In an interesting follow-up to the Liebert and Baron study, Dr. Paul
Ekman, a researcher interested in analyzing nonverbal facial expres-
sions, utilized a film of the Liebert and Baron subjects which was
taken as they viewed the program stimulus.(17) The films recorded a
close-up of the child's face and simultaneously showed what the child
was watching at the time, enabling Ekman to see what program con-
tent correlated with the child's facial expressions as the show ran
through. A team of trained coders analyzed the children's facial ex-
pressions on such scales as "interested-disinterested," "aroused-
unaroused," and "pleasant-unpleasant." The results showed that the
children who showed "pleasant," "aroused" or "interested" expressions
during the violent episodes were far more likely to press the "hurt"
button than those who were not "aroused" or "interested" during the
violence. Interestingly, this correlation worked only for the boys in the
study and there were no consistent relationships between girls' expres-
sions and their later behavior. Ekman and his colleagues cautioned
against reading too much into such preliminary work, but did suggest
that the findings pose a link between viewing violence and subsequent
aggressive behavior.
A series of studies have found a similar relationship between tele-
vised violence and adult behavior. Two Canadian psychologists,
Richard Walters and Edward Thomas, ran a series of experiments in
which young adult men and women were shown either a violent clip or
a neutral film of the same length and were then asked to administer
electric shocks to another "subject. "(18) The subjects who saw the
violent clips administered significantly higher intensity and greater
duration shocks to the "subject" than those who did not see the violent
stimulus.

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
222 Etcetera • June 1977

Of interest in the Walters and Thomas studies was the fact that sub-
jects were neither angered nor frustrated prior to viewing the test pro-
grams. Although frustration plus viewing of violent content has been
shown in other studies to lead to aggressive behavior, the fact that sub-
jects demonstrated heightened aggression without being frustrated or
irritated is a significant finding here.
One of the major contributors to experimental studies on media vio-
lence has been Dr. Leonard Berko witz, a psychologist at the University
of Wisconsin. (19) Berkowitz and his colleagues ran a number of dif-
ferent experiments using college students as subjects, which were
designed to test not only the stimulation hypothesis but the idea that
the viewer's perception of the reasons behind the violence which is
shown can also exert an influence upon his later behavior. Although
Berkowitz's studies vary slightly, they were designed around a similar
theme. A subject was first frustrated by an insulting confederate and
then shown any one of three possible film treatments. The first was a
highly violent film clip of a boxing match from the movie The
Champion. In the clip, Kirk Douglas plays a fighter who receives a
terrific beating. Some of the subjects who saw this clip were told that
Douglas was an unprincipled scoundrel who deserved the beating- in
other words, the violence was "justified." Other subjects saw the same
clip but were told that Douglas was the victim of unfortunate circum-
stances and did not deserve his punishment - the "unjustified" version.
A third group saw a neutral, nonviolent clip. After viewing, subjects
were asked to administer electric shocks to the insulting confederate.
The results in all cases showed that subjects who saw the "justified"
violence version gave significantly more shocks than subjects who saw
the "unjustified" version. Berkowitz interpreted his findings to con-
clude that the subjects who saw the unjustified version were inhibited
in their violent actions, while those who saw the justified version felt
vindicated in expressing their hostility toward their antagonist.
The criticism of the Berkowitz experiments can also be applied to
all the laboratory experiments which have been mentioned above.
Along with the problem of generalizing from college students' behav-
ior to a more general population, there is the problem of the represen-
tative nature of the test stimulus. Ruth Hartley, a psychologist at CBS,
has pointed out that the violence which is depicted in many of the ex-
periments is simply not the same as that found in conventional pro-
gramming. (20) Not only are the levels of violence generally greater in
the experiments than in most television programming, but excerpting
a violent episode from a much larger program or film lifts the scene
out of context and overemphasizes what is, in reality, a small propor-
tion of the entire show. Another criticism of the laboratory studies is
the fact that subjects are asked by a "scientist" to vent their hostility

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
T ELEVisiON Violence and Aggressive Behavior 223

under socially sanctioned circumstances, with


there will be no reprisals for their actions. Ob
case in real life. Finally, Williams and Wotring p
are never given the opportunity to decide wheth
view violent programming, but are required
under the experiment's conditions.
Even with these qualifications, the vast majo
and field experiments in the television violenc
relationship between viewing violent material
sive behavior.

Drawing Conclusions From The Research


Before attempting to reach any conclusions from the foregoing sum-
mary, I want to note that in describing and evaluating the most signi-
ficant work in this area I have necessarily had to limit the number of
studies which could be discussed. Although it may appear that a
roughly equal number of studies support each of the three hypotheses,
in truth this is not the case. By far, the largest number of studies have
established a relationship between violent programming and aggres-
sive behavior, although the results must necessarily be viewed with
caution. While there is no clear-cut, definitive proof that such a rela-
tionship exists, the evidence points strongly in that direction, and the
majority of social scientists have come to agree that under certain cir-
cumstances, some people may be adversely affected by viewing violent
or aggressive portrayals on television. Unfortunately, our research
sophistication has not yet enabled us to pinpoint accurately who these
individuals are, or to detect specifically what types of violence can lead
to subsequent antisocial behavior.
Nevertheless, the results which are in lead to some interesting and
unsettling conclusions. In some cases, the research findings run di-
rectly counter to the standard practices which are used in the tele-
vision industry in the writing and production of programming. For
example, many broadcast codes specifically stipulate that only vio-
lence which 25 justified can be shown. If it is true that portraying
justified violence leads to increased viewer aggression, then the codes
and standards which are supposedly designed to prevent aggressive
behavior may inadvertently be fostering it. Similarly, if it is true that
showing the effects of violence can result in an inhibition and reduc-
tion of aggressive behavior, then the network censors who insist on
"sanitizing" violence by deleting its bloody consequences may actually
be increasing viewer aggression.
Contemporary research has also suggested that violent program-
ming may have a number of insidious side-effects which are unrelated

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
224 Etcetera • June 1977

to aggression. Gerbner and his


who watch a great deal of televi
and mistrust about their lives w
their circumstances. (21) Heavy v
of crime which they perceive
manifest a paranoia which Gerbn
depiction of violence in both e
Cline, Croft, and Courrier hav
television users have been found to be desensitized to the effects of
violence. (22) If these preliminary studies are supported by futur
research, can we take this to mean that we are becoming a nation
violence -addicts who require ever increasing doses of murder an
mayhem to maintain our habit?
Of course, television cannot be condemned for all of our society
ills. But it also seems obvious that, with the average home running the
television about six hours each day , we cannot continue to consum
large quantities of violence without some effect. Remember, the early
field studies were conducted during the middle-to-late 1 950*8 and the
early 1960's, a time when television was far less pervasive and far mor
innocent. It would be interesting to learn if today's children - wh
watch an average of three hours of television daily - are different fro
those studied almost twenty years ago.
Perhaps the issue is summed up best by Baker and Ball in their
report of the Media Task Force on Television Violence, which stated
"... a constant diet of violent behavior on television has an adverse
effect on human character and attitudes. Violence on television en-
courages violent forms of behavior and fosters moral and social values
about violence in daily life which are unacceptable in a civilized
society. . . ."(23)

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. G. Gerbner and L. Gross, "Living With Television: The Violence P


nal of Communication, 1976, 26, 173-199.
2. R. K. Baker and S. J. Ball, "Mass Media and Violence," A Staff
National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violen
Washington: Government Printing Office, 1969.
3. G. Comstock, "The Evidence on Television Violence," Paper
National Homocide Symposium, San Francisco, October 1976.
4. H. Himmelweit, A. Oppenheim, and P. Vince, Television ana the
pirical Study of the Effect of Television on the Young, Lond
University Press, 1958.

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Television Violence and Aggressive Behavior 225

5. S. Milgram and R. L. Shotland, Television and Anti-Soci


Academic Press, 1973.
6. S. Feshbach, "The Stimulating versus Cathartic Effects of Vicarious Aggressive
Activity ," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 1961, 63, 381-385.
7. L. Berkowitz and E. Rawlings, "Effects of Film Violence on Inhibitions Against
Subsequent Aggression,"/owrna/ of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 1963,
66,405-412.
8. S. Feshbach and R. Singer, Television and Aggression, San Francisco: Jossey-
Bass, Inc., 1971.
9. D. Hartman, The Influence of Symbolically Modeled Instrumental Aggression
and Pain Cues on the Disinhibition of Aggressive Behßvior, Unpublished
Doctoral Dissertation, Stanford University, 1965.
10. W. Williams and C. E. Wotring, "Mediated Violence and Victim Consequences:
A Behavioral Measure of Attention ahd Interest," Journal of Broadcasting,
1976, 20, 365-372.
11. W. Schramm, J. Lyle, and E. Parker, Television in the Lives of Our Children,
Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1961.
12. M. W. Riley and J. W. Riley, "A Sociological Approach to Communication
Research," Pub lie Opinion Quarterly, 1951, 15, 444-460.
13. J. Klapper, "The Effects of Mass Media Depicted Violence: A Review of Research
Findings," Paper presented to American Orthopsychiatric Association, March
1968.

14. L. D. Eron et al., "Television Violence and Child Aggression: A Followup


Study," Television and Social Behavior, Vol. 3, Washington, D.C.: Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1971.
15. A. Bandura, D. Ross, and S. Ross, "Imitation of Film Mediated Aggressive
Models," Journal of A bnormal and Social Psychology, 1963, 66, 3-11.
16. R. M. Liebert and R. A. Baron, "Short Term Effects of Televised Aggression on
Children's Aggressive Behavior," Television and Social Behavior, Vol. 2,
Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1971.
17. P. Ekman et al., "Facial Expressions of Emotion While Watching Televised
Violence as Predictors of Subsequent Aggression," Television and Social
Behavior, Vol. 5, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1971.
18. R. Walters and E. Thomas, "Enhancement of Punitiveness by Visual and
Audiovisual Displays," Canadian Journal of Psychology, 1963, 17, 244-255.
19. L. Berkowitz and E. Rawlings, "Effects of Film Violence on Inhibitions";
L. Berkowitz, R. Corwin, and M. Heironimous, "Film Violence and Subse-
quent Aggressive Tendencies," Public Opinion Quarterly, 1963, 27, 217-229;
L. Berkowitz, "Some Aspects of Observed Aggression," Journal of Personality
and Social Psychology, 1965, 2, 359-369.
20. R. Hartley, "A Review and Evaluation of Recent Studies on the Impact of
Violence," Mimeographed Paper, CBS Television Network, 1964.
21. G. Gerbner and L. Gross, "Living With Television: The Violence Profile, "Jour-
nal of Communciation, 1976, 26, 173-199.
22. V. B. Cline, R. G. Croft, and S. Courrier, "Desensitization of Children to Tele-
vision Violence," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1973, 27,
360-365.

23. R. K. Baker and S. J. Ball, "Mass Media and Violence."

This content downloaded from 202.65.183.55 on Sat, 22 Sep 2018 01:53:10 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

You might also like