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Theoretical Aspects of Goal-Setting and Motivation in Rehabilitation
Theoretical Aspects of Goal-Setting and Motivation in Rehabilitation
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Richard J. Siegert*
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William J. Taylor
Richard J. Siegert
University of Otago
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rsiegert@wnmeds.ac.nz
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Motivation and Goal-Setting
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Motivation and Goal-Setting
Abstract
Purpose: The purpose of this article is to provide rehabilitation theorists and researchers with
an introduction to some key theories of goals and motivation from the field of social
cognition and to argue for increased dialogue between the two disciplines.
Method: The use of goals and goal-setting in rehabilitation is briefly surveyed and the
somewhat ambivalent attitude toward the concept of motivation in the rehabilitation literature
is highlighted. Three major contributors to the study of goals and motivation from the field
of social cognition are introduced and their work summarised. They include: (i) Deci and
Ryan's Self-Determination Model; (ii) Emmons' work on goals and personal strivings, and
Results: It is argued that there is a need for a greater emphasis upon theory development in
rehabilitation research and that closer collaboration between researchers in rehabilitation and
social psychology offers considerable promise. Instances where the three theories from social
cognition might have relevance to clinical rehabilitation settings are described. Some possible
Conclusion: Both rehabilitation and social cognition have much to gain from increased
dialogue.
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Motivation and Goal-Setting
In a recent review of advances in rehabilitation Wade and deJong comment that all the
major advances in the field of rehabilitation to date, have been in the realm of service
delivery1. They compare this with other branches of medicine where technological progress
and the development of effective 'single treatments' have constituted the major advances.
Importantly, they argue that this difference has made it difficult for rehabilitation services to
compete for funding against other medical specialities that can point to their demonstrably
effective single measure treatments. Wade and deJong note that one of the major advances in
rehabilitation, has been the transition from a largely medical model emphasising pathology
and diagnosis, to broader psychosocial and socio-cultural models. They also suggest that
further progress in rehabilitation will stem mostly from the accumulation of evidence based
interventions. Hence they advocate rehabilitation approaches that are 'pragmatic, functional,
theory development. Such an approach is hardly surprising given the nature of clinical
rehabilitation. Rehabilitation specialists are faced everyday with the daunting task of helping
individuals whose physical and social selves have been severely compromised by trauma or
disease. There is a desperate need in such situations for immediate and practical solutions and
not for abstruse philosophy. Any clinician who did not believe this would quickly be brought
back down to earth by their patients. However, the need for a pragmatic stance in the clinic
should not exclude the development of a rich theoretical foundation for the broader field of
rehabilitation. The central argument we wish to make in the present article is that
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rehabilitation needs theory development just as much as it needs an evidential basis, and
zeitgeist. The point at issue here is that for rehabilitation to advance as a scientific discipline,
it needs conceptual and theoretical advances, not solely empirical ones. It is not enough
merely to ask "what works?" in rehabilitation. We also need a body of theory that explains
how an intervention works and that can guide the development of new and more effective
techniques.
In the present article we consider the use of goal setting in rehabilitation as a practical
but largely atheoretical 'specific intervention'. We also look at the controversy surrounding
the closely related concept of 'motivation'. Then we briefly review three important theoretical
approaches on goals and motivation from the field of social cognition, each of which, we will
argue, has relevance for rehabilitation. Finally, we speculate on how these three models might
have applied relevance for goal setting in clinical rehabilitation settings and also to drive
research.
It is a sine qua non in rehabilitation practice that goals and goal setting are a
Barnes and Ward (p.8) state that 'the essence of rehabilitation is goal-setting' and that 'If
rehabilitation is to be taken forward, agreed goals and outcomes are essential' 2. On a similar
note McLellan advises that the measurement of outcomes is vital to successful rehabilitation
and that this demands the setting of precise goals by the rehabilitation team in conjunction
with the patient and their family 3. McLellan claims that 'many studies have demonstrated the
effectiveness of goal setting…' and is quite critical of goal setting where the goals are vague
and lacking in precision (p.235) 4. Similarly, Bower writing on rehabilitation and the child
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with multiple handicaps notes that 'Treatment goal-setting is at the centre of attempts to
reduce disability and resolve handicaps for children and their families.' (p.347) 5. Thus it is
widely accepted that goals and goal-setting are an essential and effective component of a
A number of writers also advocate the SMART acronym as a guideline for goal-
setting. This acronym stands for a number of ideal criteria that should be considered when
setting rehabilitation goals. McLellan states that the ideal goal should be Specific,
Measurable, Activity-related, Realistic, and Time-specified. Barnes and Ward (p.9) give a
slightly different set of criteria - Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Relevant, and Time-
Limited. Another important feature of goal-setting which several writers mention is that it is a
collaborative process whereby the patient, the patient's family, and the rehabilitation team,
negotiate a set of shared goals. Barnes and Ward observe that there can be discrepancies, and
even conflict, between the goals that the patient, the family, and the rehabilitation specialists
view as important or realistic. They also comment that goal-setting is a 'dynamic process that
can be changed and adjusted according to progress' (p.8). Finally, some authors also stress the
issue that suggests that, while certainly desirable, goal-setting may be a more complicated
procedure than it has been portrayed. For example, Wressle, Oberg and Henriksson reported
a study which examined how treatment goals, as seen by stroke patients and rehabilitation
provided, and also to the eventual outcomes 6. Their study involved 21 geriatric stroke
directly involved in their rehabilitation. Qualitative interviews and diaries were used to track
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the relationship among goals and interventions longitudinally, and also to see how these
reflected the ICIDH categories of impairment, disability and handicap. The authors report a
number of interesting findings, among them that patients tended to adopt a passive role in
hospital and had minimal role in goal-setting. Wressle et al. observed a tendency for
professionals to frame goals in terms of physical outcomes primarily concerned with mobility
and physical independence. Goals that were essentially psychological in nature, were
relatively rare. The authors question whether rehabilitation goals are not largely driven by
economic factors and the demand to empty hospital beds as quickly as possible. They
concluded that 'the patient does not participate in the goal-setting process' (p.86). McPherson
et al. reported similar findings in a qualitative study that looked at what people with arthritis
considered were the most important outcomes in terms of their long-term health care and
rehabilitation 7. They concluded that health professionals and their patients differ notably in
what they consider are the good or important outcomes. Again, such a finding suggests that
It has also been suggested that the practice of goal-setting itself implies a set of
assumptions or a world-view that may not necessarily be shared by all clients or patients 8.
Kielhofner and Barrett have commented that "Goal-setting takes its meaning and ambience
from cultures that emphasize a strong future orientation and the attendant idea of progress
toward some definable good" (p.346) 8. They note further that "The occupational form of
setting and following up on goals belongs to a narrative in which people progress forward in
time, calculate steps of action, mark passages, and set objectives to get somewhere in the
future" (p.351) - perhaps reflecting the culture of the mostly middle-class professionals
involved in rehabilitation. Which is not to decry goal-setting, but rather to suggest that we
cannot apply it in a cookbook fashion to all our patients. Kielhofner and Barrett argue that
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"occupational forms", such as goal-setting, always operate within a social context and as such
are imbued with meaning by all participants. Consequently, for goal-setting to succeed, we
need to consider the client's understanding of the process and its meaning (the work of
Kielhofner is also a good example of the heuristic value of theory development for
underestimated is the influence of the context in which it takes place. For example, in an
inpatient rehabilitation ward, or a stroke unit, the focus is primarily upon activities of daily
living. The individual must achieve maximal independence in such domains as mobility,
hygiene, continence, dressing oneself, eating, communication and personal safety. The goals
of rehabilitation are physically focused and primarily set by the rehabilitation team in
consultation with the patient. In contrast, when the patient is discharged back into the
community, their goals are likely to be broader, with more emphasis upon social functioning
and reintegration within their family and the community. Typically, the patient will be taking
a much more dominant role in goal-setting by this stage, and family members will be
increasingly involved. Factors relating to the individual circumstances of the patient, their life
history, their family background, social support network, and other community variables will
play a much more important role than in the highly structured inpatient environment. In fact,
there is evidence that one of the most common problems encountered in the goal-setting
process, is the lack of continuity from inpatient to community rehabilitation goals 10. Again,
we will argue that a more theoretically driven approach to goal-setting may go some way
towards addressing this kind of problem and provide a better fit between individual and
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A concept that is closely related to the idea of goals is that of motivation. Eccles and
Wigfield note that the word motivation stems from the Latin word meaning to move, and 'in
this basic sense the study of motivation is the study of action' (p.110) 11. They observe that in
contemporary psychology the focus today is on the study of 'the relation of beliefs, values,
and goals with action.' (p.110). Within the field of rehabilitation motivation is typically
viewed as an important concept, but also one that is difficult to measure objectively and
prone to value judgement. The clearest statement to this effect has been in the work of
Maclean and Pound and Maclean, Pound, Wolfe, and Rudd 12,13.
Maclean and Pound critically reviewed 'the concept of patient motivation' in the
physical rehabilitation literature (p.495). In this paper they observed that rehabilitation
professionals frequently evaluate their patients in terms of how 'motivated' they are, and also
that there is a widespread belief that the more 'motivated' patients have more positive
outcomes. At the same time they comment that the term itself is loosely defined and the
evidence is mostly anecdotal. In reviewing the literature on motivation they observed that
studies typically fell into three broad groups. The first group, which comprised mainly
‘clinical’ research, tended to view motivation as a personality trait. In other words motivation
something that tends to be seen as 'inside' the individual and relatively unaffected by the
environment. The second group of studies in this review focussed mainly on the extent to
which environmental or social variables could effect motivation. Such studies tended to look
at how motivation might be influenced by qualities of the rehabilitation team itself or by the
patient's social support network. A third group of studies acknowledged the importance of
both the characteristics of the individual and also of their environment, and in some cases
even explored the interactions. Maclean and Pound are particularly critical of the first group
of studies that regard motivation as an aspect of the patient's 'personality'. The major problem
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here they observe is that such an approach is highly correlated with a 'moralistic' stance that
(cited in Maclean & Pound) have suggested simply ‘unhelpful’? Can we define motivation in
a precise and meaningful fashion that clinicians and researchers can agree on? Or is the
concept hopelessly subjective and beyond scientific analysis? There are a number of
practical reasons why it may be both premature and unwise to abandon the concept of
motivation altogether. First, as noted by Maclean and Pound this is probably unrealistic as
the concept itself is 'so deeply ingrained in the thinking of rehabilitation professionals'
(p.505). Another reason for not abandoning the concept of motivation altogether, is that,
notwithstanding the problems with defining the concept, there are numerous quantitative
studies suggesting that it can be a good predictor of outcome in rehabilitation 14,15. A third
reason for not abandoning motivation as a useful concept in rehabilitation is that motivation
and goals are inextricably linked (as we will attempt to demonstrate below). Thus, using
goals and goal-setting without any reference to motivational theory may rob it of a powerful
theoretical framework.
benefit in the long term from developing a clearer and more complex theoretical framework.
In the next section we will provide a brief overview of some relevant ideas about motivation
and goals from the field of social cognition that could help develop such a framework.
already consists of a vast and diverse body of literature. We will not attempt to provide any
systematic review of this area and in fact several excellent examples already exist 11,16.
Rather, our goal is to describe a few examples of some theoretical and empirical models
drawn from the field of social psychology, that might be particularly relevant for theory
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building in rehabilitation. We will focus on three important theoretical approaches: (i) Deci
and Ryan's self-determination model; (ii) Emmons work on subjective goals and well-being,
16-18
and (iii) Karniol and Ross' ideas on temporal influences on goal-setting .
Deci and Ryan have advanced a model of human behaviour which views human
beings as inherently active, self-directed organisms which have three fundamental human
emotional connectedness to other human beings and to seek the subsequent goals of feeling
loved and cared for. Competence refers to the propensity to establish a sense of mastery over
one's environment, to seek challenges and to increasingly master them. Paramount among
these needs they argue is the need to be autonomous or self-determining. Ryan and Deci
argue that it is through the fulfilment of these three basic needs that humans find
psychological growth and well-being 17. The fulfilment of the three basic needs is considered
to be 'a natural aim of human life that delineates many of the meanings and purposes
framework for goal-setting and planning that is holistic in approach and avoids the criticism
that it is primarily concerned with emptying hospital beds quickly. This narrow focus is much
less likely if rehabilitation teams work with a patient to develop goals in each of the three
separate domains. Consider the example of a person with a spinal cord injury (SCI) who is
approaching re-entry into the community as a paraplegic. Goals within the competence
domain will initially centre around mobility, bladder and bowel function, grooming and
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dressing and other activities of daily living (ADLs). As these are mastered and competency
sporting activities. At the same time, developing goals in the domain of relatedness will
ensure that social needs are not neglected. These goals might focus upon ensuring the person
has strong social support networks or providing counselling on sexuality issues after SCI. The
notion of autonomy suggests that the individual with the SCI is actively involved in setting
their own goals at all stages. It suggests also that the more control invested in that person, the
Deci and Ryan define intrinsically motivated behaviours as those 'for which the rewards are
internal to the person' (p.194). Such behaviours are inherently interesting to the person and
are rewarding because they produce feelings of competency and self-determination. They can
be contrasted with extrinsically motivated behaviours that are performed to obtain some form
of external reward such as money or praise. Involvement in behaviours that are intrinsically
The ability to fulfil these three basic needs for autonomy, competency and relatedness is
is that we need to get to know the client as a person, before we can assist them to set
meaningful goals. We need to attempt to enter their world view and garner their perspective
upon their current situation if we wish to establish what activities might be intrinsically
motivating for that individual. Consider the example of working with stroke patients who
have a mild aphasia to improve their language abilities. A more extroverted client who
thrives on the company of others may find conversation exercises in a group intrinsically
motivating. By contrast, a client who has always been rather shy and introverted may initially
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find such an approach aversive and punishing. However, they may thrive on a cognitively
challenging task that is less socially demanding, such as crossword puzzles. They can then be
gradually involved in similar tasks with a more social element - such as card games or
scrabble.
There are a number of other aspects of this theory that are relevant to the subject of
goals and goal-setting. For example, Ryan and Deci cite studies that suggest that positive
well-being is associated with goals that are challenging but not with goals that are too easy
nor too difficult. They also distinguish between approach (or positive) goals, such as wanting
to master a new skill, and avoidance (or negative) goals, such as not wanting to look foolish.
They cite a range of studies which suggest that higher subjective well-being is associated
with achieving approach goals whereas not so for avoidance goals. However, the most salient
aspect of Deci and Ryan's theory for rehabilitation and goal-setting, is the extensive body of
research which they have reported over two decades, on the effects of intrinsic and extrinsic
motivation 16,17 . In general, Deci and Ryan would argue that intrinsic goals are more
powerful motivators than extrinsic or externally imposed goals. Moreover, extrinsic goals can
Robert Emmons has described a theoretical approach to goals that emphasises the
relationship that goals have with 'personal strivings' and subjective well-being. Emmons says
that personal strivings are stable features of our personality that represent 'durable
attractiveness greatly and devote much time and energy to our diet, exercise and grooming.
Or we might consider that a close and happy family is the most important thing in life and
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Thus in Emmons' view, the kinds of personal strivings that characterise an individual,
will have a close relationship with the type of goals that matter to that person. Similarly, the
extent to which they achieve those goals will have an impact upon their well-being. In
Emmons' words 'goals play a central role in determining the degree to which a person is
satisfied with his or her life, and the degree to which that person experiences positive and
negative emotional states' (p.315). He considers that emotions serve three important functions
in the regulation of goal - directed behaviour: (1) they help us decide which goals are
important to us, (2) they energise us and help direct our attention and resources towards goal
client's emotions and feelings are an integral part of the goal-setting process. Their emotions
help them to decide which goals are worth striving for in the first place, they provide energy
or drive (that component of motivation known as volition) and they communicate how well
the client thinks they are progressing toward their goals. Indeed, rather than treat the client's
need to closely monitor them throughout the rehabilitation process and acknowledge their
communication value. To take a not uncommon example, that of a young man recovering
from a traumatic brain injury (TBI), who is frequently hostile and aggressive toward staff on
a rehabilitation ward. While such behaviour can have diverse causes, it sometimes represents
an indirect message that the young man is unhappy with the goals he has supposedly set in
conjunction with the rehabilitation team. Mark Ylvisaker has eloquently made this point in
reflecting upon his years of experience of working with young male survivors of severe TBI.
He notes that the typical young, male survivor of a severe TBI, often led a life prior to their
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injury which was characterised by impulsiveness, substance abuse, risk-taking and other
stereotypically "macho" attributes. Ylvisaker comments wryly that the goals for social
rehabilitation with such young men frequently resemble an attempt to turn a Doberman into a
poodle, and not surprisingly they are frequently unsuccessful. It is Ylvisaker's contention that
in such cases successful rehabilitation hinges upon helping the young man with a brain injury
develop a new sense of identity. An identity that, while still broadly "Doberman" in nature, is
more consistent with pro-social values and a non-delinquent lifestyle. The point at issue here
is that successful goal–setting must incorporate the client's perspective and a firmer
Emmons is very clear that our moods and emotions are affected by our 'goal strivings'.
However, he is less concerned with short-term mood states than with longer-term emotional
adjustment and life satisfaction - or subjective well being (SWB). He is as concerned with the
meaning an individual finds in their life as much as their happiness. For example, religious
saints and political prisoners have been known to sacrifice their own happiness in the search
for a meaningful existence. Emmons argues that long term SWB is not determined simply by
summing positive and negative mood states - but requires a broader and more durable sense
of meaningfulness and purpose in one's lived existence. Emmons puts it thus ' Meaning
comes from involvement in personally fulfilling goals, the integration of these goals into a
coherent self-system, and the integration of these goals into a broader social system'
(p.333)18.
Emmons' theory also involves detailed consideration of how goals differ among
people and how these differences (e.g. in their content) relate to SWB. However, space
precludes even a superficial account of this complex theory and we will focus on just one
further aspect of the theory that may have useful implications for rehabilitation. This is
Emmons' observation that personal strivings and goals can vary according to their degree of
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abstractness. An example of a more abstract or high-level goal that Emmons gives is a person
who wants to 'come to terms with suppressed feelings and emotions'. A more concrete or low
It is not difficult to think of similar examples of high level and low-level goals that
have more relevance to a rehabilitation setting. For example, a person with Parkinson’s
disease who has suffered increasing restrictions on their mobility and independence may wish
to continue their spiritual relationship with God and also deepen their social relationships
with their fellow parishioners. These are high-level goals - characterised by a high degree of
abstraction. They would probably not meet the SMART criteria. However, they may well be
able to strive toward these higher-level goals through quite concrete, lower-level goals. The
goals might be to attend one church service weekly and one parish social function each
month - simple, measurable, achievable, and realistic goals with time frames. In this sense,
the rehabilitation canon, exemplified in the SMART acronym misses the point somewhat. We
all have high-level goals, and they add meaning to our lives - and the best path toward
achieving such high level goals is through specific and achievable lower-level goals. As
Emmons puts it, 'The most adaptive form of self-regulatory behaviour may be to select
representations' (p.54)19. The real message here for rehabilitation practitioners is that goals
are hierarchical in nature. By organising lower level goals (i.e. SMART goals) in relation to
higher order goals, we keep the individual's existential self and personal values to the
forefront and allow for the role of meaning in life as a central focus in rehabilitation.
There is a close parallel with short and long term goals here: long term goals tend to
require a number of specific steps along the way, which may not always be obviously linked
to the long term goal. For example, a patient with stroke who wants to return to work will
need to identify precisely what it is that prevents him from working. It may be that the ability
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to drive a manual gear-change car is necessary, in which case a short-term goal may be to
improve left arm function in order to operate the gear lever. Goals can often be broken down
into tasks, which when accomplished, lead to a new level of competence, and eventual
attainment of the goal. It may be that ‘tasks’ are more suitable than goals when applying the
SMART approach.
In a review paper Karniol and Ross surveyed the importance of the role of time in
relation to motivation and goal setting 20. In particular, they were concerned with elucidating
the ways in which an individual’s personal history and autobiographical memory might
interact with their particular vision for the future, to influence their goals and motivation in
the present. Their article is an interesting and readable introduction to much of the literature
from social psychology on this topic. Once again, we will just select a few key ideas from
their review paper that might have particular relevance for rehabilitation. We recommend
One central idea in Karniol and Ross' article is that goal-setting is not always just a
simple linear process that occurs in a void. Rather, individuals are influenced by their past
and also by their cognitive representations of 'possible futures'. Karniol and Ross state that
'In general, people imagine various futures, consider the advantages and disadvantages of
each, select their preferred end states, and then develop plans to achieve their desired goals
while avoiding negative outcomes' (p.595). In this process, the individual's memory of the
past, can also play a vital role in determining the range and the nature of the goals that
people will consider in the present, and how achievable they rate each goal. Karniol and Ross
call this 'the push of the past'. The role of affect or emotion is also seen as important in this
process with emotional factors influencing our choice of goals - and our success in meeting
our goals influencing our emotional well-being. Hence the process is a recursive one in
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which emotions and goals influence each other, and our past and our conception of the future
For example, many people who develop a severe disability still wish to return to those
activities that they cherished before the onset of their disability. But over time, their valued
activities may change, especially if it becomes clearer to them that such activities are now
unrealistic. An example of this is a very good tennis player who has a brainstem stroke that
leads to hemisensory loss, vertigo and diplopia. Despite determined efforts, she remains
vertiginous with sudden movements so that playing tennis is clearly impossible. Following a
period of dysphoria and adjustment, she renews an interest in gardening - an activity that she
feels she is able to accomplish and one that has been enjoyable in the past. Thus, the process
of goal-setting often looks backwards to determine what holds meaning for the individual, but
Another common clinical situation that illustrates how Karniol and Ross' ideas might
usefully connect with rehabilitation practice is that of the depressed patient who the
individual's memory of their past plays a major role in their ability to generate or even
consider new goals. It will also directly effect how achievable they rate these goals. There is
an abundance of evidence now that depressed mood actually alters how individuals process
information 21,22. For example, depressed people may have better memories for recalling
negative information than non-depressed people. Consequently, depressed clients may have
some difficulty in actually recalling positive memories to use in the process of developing
new goals for the future. They may have similar problems in generating a mental construct of
a future "positive self", and they may tend to rate even relatively easy goals as quite difficult.
treat the depression assertively before attempting to engage the client in the more cognitively
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demanding aspects of goal-setting, such as setting longer-term or more abstract life goals.
Rather, the initial focus of goal-setting should be on increasing the frequency of pleasant
Conclusion
provides a framework by which rehabilitation professionals and their clients can work
However, much of the literature on goals and goal-setting in rehabilitation, has tended to
neglect theory and theory development, in favour of a pragmatic and empirical, and largely
incorporate both a rich theoretical foundation and a rigorous, empirical sense of inquiry. The
challenge of course, for rehabilitation researchers, is how to best integrate these two
dimensions of their work. In the present paper we have drawn from the social psychology
literature on goals and motivation, to illustrate that there already exists a rich and
sophisticated body of theory with a sound empirical base, that relates closely to goal-setting
in the field of rehabilitation. There are also real benefits for social psychology in a closer
dialogue between the two disciplines. Much of the literature in social psychology is based
upon research with North American college students. This severely limits the generalisability
and external validity of these theories. Emmons himself has commented that 'Rarely have
studies on goal content…included non-college-based samples' (p.318) 17. What better real-life
laboratory for testing scientific theories on goals and motivation than the rehabilitation
setting?
Developing a comprehensive research agenda that bridges the two fields is somewhat
beyond the scope of the present discussion. Consequently, we will conclude this article by
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that arises directly from each one of the three theoretical approaches to goals and motivation
that we have previously described. The work of Deci and Ryan makes some assumptions
about the relative merits of intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation. An obvious issue for
researchers here would be to determine whether goals in rehabilitation settings can, in fact, be
reliably categorised in these terms. Then, assuming that they can, it would be fruitful to see
whether intrinsic goals actually associated with better outcomes than extrinsic ones? The
work of Emmons emphasizes personal strivings, goals and subjective well-being. One
important issue that follows directly from this theory concerns the relationship between
personal strivings, the abstractness of goals and personal well-being. In other words, how do
we best establish a client’s meaningful, higher order goals and then help them to achieve
these through more specific and concrete lower level goals and tasks? Most importantly, if
we can achieve this fit, does it actually lead to improved psychological well-being for clients?
Finally, the Karniol and Ross highlight temporal influences on goal-setting. An interesting
research application of their ideas would be to study situations where clients who had been
might wish to examine whether reviewing the client's previous life experiences with them,
could help them to develop new coping skills or have relevance to their attempts to build a
new sense of self-identity. Clearly there are many other worthwhile areas of inquiry that
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