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4) Aytona v. Castillo
4) Aytona v. Castillo
4) Aytona v. Castillo
SYLLABUS
RESOLUTION
BENGZON , C.J : p
Separate Opinions
PADILLA , J., concurring:
Once more this Court has to pass upon and determine a controversy that calls
for an interpretation of the provisions of the Constitution. The facts that gave rise to
this petition need not be re-stated as they are set forth in opinion rendered for the
Court. The question is whether the appointment of a person to a public o ce by a
President whose term of o ce was about to expire or cease is lawful or does not
contravene the Constitution; or, if lawful after appointee has taken his oath, until when
would such appointment be valid and effective. The constitutional point involved seems
to have been overlooked by the framers of the Constitution. It would seem that the
framers, well-meaning person that they were, never foresaw an eventuality such as the
once confronting the Republic. The framers never thought and anticipated that a citizen
elevated by the people to such an exalted o ce as the President of the Republic, would
perform an act which, though not expressly prohibited by the Constitution and the law,
ought not to be done, since a sense of propriety would be enough to stop him from
performing it.
The petitioner invokes section 10, paragraph 4, article VII, of the Constitution
which provides that —
The President shall have the power to make appointments during the
recess of the Congress, but such appointments shall be effective only until
disapproval by the Commission on Appointments or until the next adjournment of
the Congress.
"After the act of appointment is complete, the appointing authority may not
revoke its former appointment and make another. And Appointment to o ce is
complete when the last act required of the person or body vested with the
appointing power has been performed." (56 C.J.S., pp. 954)
"In all jurisdictions where appointment to o ce is regarded as an executive
function, as here, an appointment to o ce once made is incapable of revocation
or cancellation by the appointing executive in the absence of a statutory or
constitutional power of removal. Barrett v. Duff, 114 Kan. 220; 217 P. 918; People
v. Mizner, 7 Cal. 519, State v. Williams, 222 Mo. 268, 121 S.W. 64, 17 Ann. Cas.
1006; Draper v. State, 175 Ala. 547, 57 So. 772, Ann. Cas. 1914D, page 305,
Annotation." (McChesney v. Sampson, 23 S.W. 2d., 584)
"In People ex rel. Byder v. Mizner (1857) 7 Cal. 519, in holding that an
appointment made by a governor to ll an o ce which had expired during a
recess of the legislature was not merely an appointment to ll a vacancy which
would expire at the end of the next session of the legislature, but was an
appointment for a full term, and that the act of the governor during a subsequent
session of the legislature, in appointing another to the o ce and asking his
con rmation by the legislature, was unauthorized and void, it was said that, the
power of the executive having been once exercised, he has no further control over
the o ce until the appointee has been rejected by the senate ." (89 ALR, pp. 138,
139, 140.)
4. The foregoing goes to show, also, that the question whether the Commission
on Appointments is or is not a continuing body can not affect the determination of this
case. Besides, the constitutional provision making an ad interim appointment, if not
disapproved by the Commission on Appointments, effective only until the next
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adjournment of Congress, clearly indicates that such Commission must have an
opportunity to approve or disapprove the appointment and that its inaction, despite
such opportunity, at the session of Congress next following the making of the
appointment — during which it could have met, and, probably, did meet — must be
understood as an expression of unwillingness to stamp its approval upon the act of the
executive. No such opportunity exists when the outgoing Congress has not held any
session, regular or special after the making of the appointment and before the
expiration of the term of said Congress, and the new Congress has not, as yet,
organized itself or even met.
5. The American rule concerning irrevocability of appointments is bolstered up in
the Philippines by Section 4 of Article XII of the Constitution, which provides that - "no
o cer of employee in the Civil Service shall be removed except for cause as provided
by law." (Article VII, Section 4.)
In fact, in his concurring opinion in Eraña vs. Vergel de Dios (85 Phil. 17), our
distinguished Chief Justice pointed out that the revocation of an appointment, if
feasible, "should be communicated to the appointee before the moment he quali ed,"
and that "any revocation thereafter, is tantamount to removal and must be judged
according to the rules applicable to the removal" (emphasis ours). In the present case,
the revocation of petitioner's appointment was not communicated to him before he
quali ed by taking his oath of o ce. It is not even claimed that any of the statutory
causes for removal of petitioner herein exists, or that the procedure prescribed for such
removal has been complied with.
6. Once an appointee has quali ed, he acquires a legal, not merely equitable right,
which is protected not only by statute, but, also by the Constitution, for it cannot be
taken away from him, either by revocation of the appointment or by removal, except for
cause, and with previous notice and hearing, consistently with said Section 4 of Article
XII of our fundamental law, and with the constitutional requirement of due process
(Segovia vs. Noel, 47 Phil., 547; Sec. 67 C.J.S. 117, 42 Am. Jur. 887). (See also, People
ex rel Ryan v. Green, 58 N. v. 295; People vs. Gardner, 59 Barb. 198; II Lewis Sutherland
Statutory Construction, pp. 1161 and 1162, Mechem on Public O cers, Sec. 389; 22
R.C.L. 377-378; 25 Am. Dec. 690-691, 703).
7. The case of Tipton vs. Parker (74 S.W., 298) has been cited in support of the
theory that Congress of the Philippines was not in "recess" on December 29, 1961, and
that, accordingly, ad interim appointments could not validly be made in such date. The
question involved in said case was whether a committee of the Senate of Arkansas
could be authorized by the same to function after the adjournment sine die of the
regular session of the state General Assembly. The State Supreme Court considered as
decisive authority the view expressed by Judge Cooley, to the effect that a legislative
committee "has no authority to sit during a recess of a House which appointed him,
without its permission to that effect". The issue thus hinged on the meaning of the term
"recess" as used by Judge Cooley. Resolving this question, said court held that the
recess referred to by Judge Cooley was "only the intermission between the sittings of
the same body at its regular or adjourned session and not to the interval between the
nal adjournment of one body and the convening of another at the next regular
session".
In this connection, it should be noted that, as an agency of the Senate, the
committee involved in said case could not operate for its principal beyond the latter's
term. Moreover, under the Constitution of Arkansas, the regular biennial session of the
General Assembly could not exceed 60 days, unless by a vote of 2/3 of the members of
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each of the two Houses of the legislative. Inasmuch as the Senate could not, without
the concurrence of the House, directly extend the period of its regular session, neither
could it, without such concurrence, indirectly extend said period, by granting its
aforementioned committee the authority to function beyond said period. As stated by
the Court "the committee, being the mere agency of the body which appointed it, dies
when the body itself dies, unless it is continued by law", which the Senate may not enact
without the concurrence of the House.
The decision in said case did not seek to de ne the meaning of the term "recess"
as used in any constitution or statute. It did not even refer to the authority to make
appointments during "recess". It has absolutely no bearing, therefore, on the issue
before us.
Upon the other hand, Dr. Jose M. Aruego, a prominent member of the
constitutional convention, says, in his work on "The Framing of the Philippine
Constitution" (Vol. I, pp. 434-435), that the draft of the provision on ad interim
appointments by the President, as submitted by the corresponding committee,
followed the principles of the Jones Law and that the recommendation of the
committee was readily approved on the oor of the convention, although the
committee on style gave said provision its present phraseology. Pursuant to the Jones
Law, "appointments made while the Senate is not in session shall be effective either
until disapproval or until the next adjournment of the Senate". Hence, the term "recess"
appearing in Section 10(4) of Article VII of our Constitution should be construed to
mean "while Congress is not in session" and this is con rmed by the practice
consistently observed in the Philippines for time immemorial, as well as the as interim
appointment extended by President Macapagal to respondent Castillo.
8. The case of McChesney vs. Sampson (23 S.W. 2d. 584) has, also, been invoked
in support of the proposition that "an ad interim appointment is not complete until the
appointee takes the oath of o ce and actually takes possession of the position or
enters upon the discharge of its duties" and that, before such actual taking of
possession, though after the oath taking, the appointee may be removed without cause.
We have not found in said case anything justifying such claim. The issue in said
case was whether a state governor could recall an uncon rmed appointment of
McChesney to the state text-book commission when there had been no session of the
Senate subsequent to the appointment, and such issue was decided in the negative.
Although, in addition to accepting the appointment, McChesney had quali ed and
exercised the function of the o ce, the decision of the Court clearly indicates that it
was not necessary for him to discharge the duties of the o ce or even to take the oath
of o ce, in order to render his appointment irrevocable. The Court explicitly declared
that the appointment, once "completed by the executive is not subject to
reconsideration or recall;" That the appointment "is complete when the appointing
authority has performed the acts incumbent upon him to accomplish the purpose;" and
that in the case of recess appointments, like that of McChesney," the appointment
alone confers upon the appointee for the time being the right to take and hold the office
and constitutes the last act respecting the matter to be performed by the executive
power" completing the appointment and rendering the same irrevocable.
In short, the McChesney case is authority for the petitioner herein.
9. Most, if not all appointments made by the President have two (2) aspects,
namely, the legal and the political. The rst refers to his authority to make the
appointments. The second deals with the wisdom in the exercise of such authority, as
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well as with its propriety. Whether a given vacancy or number of vacancies should be
lled, or who among several quali ed person shall be chosen, or whether a given
appointment or number of appointments will favor the political party to whom the
power of appointment belongs and will injure the interest of a rival political party and to
what extent, are, to my mind, essentially and typically political matters. Hence, I believe
that the question whether certain appointments should be sanctioned or turned down
by reason of the improper, immoral or malevolent motives with which said matters
were allegedly handled is, likewise, clearly political, and, as such, its determination
belongs, not to the courts of justice (Vera vs. Avelino, 77 Phil., 192, 205; 16 C.J.S. 689-
690; Willoughby on the Constitution, Vol. III 1326-1327), but to political organ
established precisely to check possible abuses in the exercise of the appointing power
— the Commission on Appointments.
Indeed, I can hardly conceive of any question more patently and characteristically
political than this one, or more appropriate for determination of said body. Neither the
possible or probable control thereof by members of the Nacionalista Party nor the
number of o ces or appointments involved can affect the nature of the issue. Surely,
its political character is the same whichever political party may have the largest number
of votes in the Commission on Appointments. The big number of said appointments
merely tend to make more manifest the political complexion thereof and its non-
justiciable nature.
10. In Osmeña vs. Pendatum (L-17144, October 28, 1960), we refused to disturb
the action of the House of Representatives in suspending a member thereof — who had
made derogatory imputations against the President of the Philippines — upon the
ground that such imputations constituted a breach of the courtesy due to a coordinate
branch of the Government. Yet, in the present case, imputations similarly derogatory to
the same branch of the Government are, in effect, made in the majority resolution.
I cannot see how such imputations can be reconciled with the position taken by
this Court in the Osmeña case and in other cases (Barcelon vs. Baker, 5 Phil., 87;
Severino vs. Governor-General, 16 Phil., 366; Abueva vs. Wood, 45 Phil., 612; Alejandrino
vs. Quezon, 46 Phil., 85; Mabanag vs. Lopez Vito, 78 Phil., 1; Cabili vs. Francisco, L-4638,
May 8, 1951) in which it "fastidiously observed" the theory of separation of powers
(Osmeña vs. Pendatum, supra). Thus, in Santos vs. Yatco (55 Off. Gaz. 8641), in which a
department head was sought to be enjoined from electioneering, in view of the explicit
provisions of the Civil Service Act of 1959 (Republic Act No. 2260, section 29),
prohibiting all o cers and employees in the civil service, "whether in the competitive or
unclassi ed service," from engaging directly or indirectly in partisan political activities
or taking part in any election except to vote, we held that the issue therein raised was
one of "impropriety as distinguished from illegality," and that, as such, it "is not
justiciable by this Court." In Mabanag vs. Lopez Vito (78 Phil., 1), we refused to decide,
upon the same ground, whether speci ed numbers of votes constituted three-fourths
of all members of each House of Congress. In Vera vs. Avelino (77 Phil., 192), we not
only declared that "the judiciary is not the repository of remedies for all political or
social evils," but, also, quoted with approval the statements, made in Alejandrino vs.
Quezon (46 Phil., 81), to the effect that "the judicial department has no power to revise
even the most arbitrary and unfair action of the legislative department, or of either
House thereof, taken in pursuance of the power committed exclusively to that
department by the Constitution." (Emphasis ours.)
11. In the present case, we have completely reversed our stand on the principle
of separation of powers. We have inquired into the motives of the Executive
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department in making the appointments in question, although it is well settled, under
the aforementioned principle, that:
"Generally courts cannot inquire into the motive, policy, wisdom, or
expediency of legislation.
If this is true as regards the legislative branch of the government, I can see no
valid reason, and none had been pointed out, why the same norm should not govern our
relations, with the executive department. However, we have not merely disregarded
such norm. We are, also, in an organ of a coordinate, co-equal branch of the
Government — from acting on the questioned appointments. What is more, we are
virtually assuming in advance that said body — which has not been organized as yet and
whose membership is still undetermined — will not act in harmony with the spirit of our
Constitution.
12. It is trite to say that certain moral and political aspects of the issue before us
cannot but produce a strong aversion towards the case of petitioner herein and the
hundreds of others appointed under the same conditions as he was. Although
members of the bench must always endeavor to minimize the in uence of emotional
factors tending to affect the objectivity essential to a fair and impartial appraisal of the
issues submitted for their determination, it is only natural — and, I venture to add,
fortunate (for, otherwise, how could they hope to do justice to their fellowmen?) — that
they should basically react as other members of the human family. This is probably the
reason why Justice Douglas of the Federal Supreme Court of the U.S., said, in Abel v.
U.S. (4 Lawyers Edition, 2d, 668, 688):
"Cases of notorious criminals — like cases of small, miserable ones — are
apt to make bad law. When guilt permeates a record, even judges sometimes
relax and let the police take shortcuts not sanctioned by constitutional
procedures. . . . . The harm in the given case may seem excusable. But the
practices generated by the precedent have far-reaching consequences that are
harmful and injurious beyond measurements."
Let us hope that no such consequences will ow from the precedent established
in this case.
BARRERA , J., dissenting:
The instant case started with a simple petition for prohibition and mandamus
with preliminary injunction instituted by petitioner Aytona who claims to have been duly
appointed as interim Governor of the Central Bank, against respondent Castillo who,
allegedly accompanied by his correspondent Colonel Gutierrez and a host of heavily
armed Philippine Constabulary Rangers, interfered with and prevented the petitioner in
the discharge of his duties and prerogatives as such Governor of the Central Bank.
During the hearing, however, and immediately thereafter, a great amount of extraneous
matter affecting person not parties to the proceedings has been introduced into the
case and a veritable avalanche of memoranda after memoranda and manifestations
after manifestations swelled the records and helped involve the issues. One among the
dozens who asked to be admitted as amici curiae, even presented an answer in behalf
of the people to support the side of the respondents. Unfortunately, in the confusion,
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the case of the immediate parties became obscured by considerations of
circumstances and matters for the with which petitioner and respondents are not
responsible and are not directly connected.
In my opinion, the fundamental questions which this Court is called upon to
resolve in the present case are specifically:
(1) Is the ad-interim appointment of petitioner Aytona valid when
extended?
(2) If so, did it automatically lapse with the ending of the term of o ce of
the twelve Congressmen composing one-half of the membership of the
Commission on Appointments?
(3) May this appointment be legally recalled or withdrawn after Aytona has
qualified?
Before entering into the discussion of the "propriety, morality and wisdom" of the
appointment, it is necessary, I believe, that the foregoing legal propositions must rst
be cleared out.
I. The Validity of Aytona's Appointment:
Aytona's ad interim appointment is assailed on the theory that it was not made
during a "recess" of Congress as provided in paragraph 4, Section 10 of Article VII of
the Constitution. It is claimed for the respondents that the word "recess" means "the
intermission between sittings of the same body at its regular or adjourned session, and
not to the interval between the nal adjournment of one body and the convening of
another at the next regular session. When applied to a legislative body, it means a
temporary dismissal, and not an adjournment sine die." In support of this view, counsel
cites the case of Tipton v. Parker, 71 Ark. 193, from which the foregoing quotation was
taken.
An examination of this case, however, discloses that it did not refer to the power
of the President to make ad interim appointments. The pronouncement was made in
connection with the interpretation of Section 17, Article 5 of the Constitution of the
State of Arkansas. the case with reference to the legality of the expenses of a
committee of the State Senate authorized by the latter to made certain investigations
beyond the duration of the session of the General Assembly. The court, in declaring the
certificate without sanction of law, stated:
"The Senate has no power by resolution of its own to extend its session,
and neither did it have power to such separate resolution to continue its
committee, a mere agency of the body, beyond the term of the body itself which
created it."
in view of the provisions of the aforementioned Section 17, Article 5 of the state
Constitution prescribing "that the regular biennial session of the Legislature shall not
exceed 60 days, unless by 2/3 vote of the members elected to each house, and section
23 requiring a vote of the majority of each house to enact a law or pass a resolution
having the force and effect of a law". Apparently an opinion of Judge Cooley seemingly
to the contrary was cited to refute this view of the court, and so the decision went on to
say:
"Each house, says Judge Cooley, must also be allowed to proceed in its
own way in the collection of such information as may seem important to a proper
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discharge of its functions; and whenever it is deemed desirable that witnesses
should be examined, the power and the authority to do so is very properly referred
to a committee, with any such powers short of nal legislative or judicial action
as may seem necessary or expedient in the particular case. Such a committee has
no authority to sit during a recess of the house which has appointed it, without its
permission to that effect. But the house is at liberty to confer such authority if it
sees fit."
It is in this connection and evidently in a desire to explain the opinion of Judge
Cooley that the court made the pronouncement relied upon by respondents, thus:
" . . . . The recess here referred to by Judge Cooley we think should be
construed to mean only the intermission between sittings of the same body at its
regular or adjourned session, and not to the interval between the nal
adjournment of one body and the convening of another at the next regular
session. When applied to a legislative body, it means a temporary dismissal, and
not an adjournment sine die."
The conclusion reached by the court can not be otherwise. The case refers to the
powers of one house of the state Legislature, with the concurrence of the other, to
confer authority upon its own committee to act beyond the duration of the session of
the General Assembly. Certainly, Judge Cooley's view that each house has power to
confer authority to its committee to act during a recess must be understood to exist
only during the life of the house creating the committee. It can not go beyond its own
existence, that is, beyond its adjournment sine die.
But this ruling is no argument that the Executive's power to make during such
adjournment sine die does not exist just because a house of the legislature lacks power
to authorize its committee to act during a defunct body to act beyond its life; the other
refers to power of another authority, the executive, to perform its functions after the
expiration of that other body. Non-existence of the first does not mean non-existence of
the other.
It is to be noted that the different counsel advocating the cause of the
respondents are not even agreed in the application of their interpretation of the word
"recess". Some of them argue that the interregnum which they contend is not recess,
comprises the entire period between the adjournment of the 4th Congress in May, 1961
and the opening of the 1st session of the 5th Congress on January 22, 1962, so that all
ad interim appointments extended during this period are null and void. Others claim
that such interregnum is that period between December 13, 1961, date of adjournment
of the last session of the 4th Congress, and January 22, 1962. It seems the President
Macapagal is of this same view because his administrative Order No. 2 speci cally
refers to all appointments made after December 13, 1961. Still others, at least one,
advanced the theory during the oral argument that the banned period is that between
the adjournment of the 4th Congress in May, and December 30, 1961, excluding
therefrom the period between this last date and January 22, 1962. Obviously, this
theory was advanced in an effort to lend validity to the appointments recently made by
President Macapagal, for if the entire period between May or December, 1961 to
January 22, 1962 is held not a recess, but an adjournment sine die, then all
appointments heretofore made by the present Chief Executive would suffer the same
defect as those extended by former President Garcia. This last argument is unavailing
because it, likewise, is untenable, tested upon the same authority cited by counsel, i.e.,
that the term "recess" means "the intermission between sittings of the same body."
Since the 5th Congress has not as yet even convened, the period between December 30
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and January 22 can not be a recess of the 5th Congress because it, de nitely, is not an
intermission between sittings of the same body.
In the circumstances, it seems it is an over-statement to say that the term
"recess has a de nite legal meaning in the sense attributed to it in the Tipton vs. Parker
case. The confusion in the minds of the several counsels for the respondents as to the
application of the alleged meaning of the term, indicates a belabored effort on their
part to impute a meaning to satisfy their case. Upon the other hand, we nd in "Hinds
Precedents of the House of Representatives" (Vol. 5, pp. 852-853), a legislative
interpretation by the United States Senate made during the discussion of the term
"recess of the Senate" in connection with the President's 1 power to make
appointments, as follows:
"The word 'recess' is one of ordinary, not technical, signi cation, and it is
evidently used in the constitutional provision in its common and popular sense. It
means in Article II, above referred to, precisely what it means in Article III, in which
it is again used. conferring power upon the executive of a State to make
temporary appointment of a Senator, it says:
"It was evidently intended by the framers of the Constitution that it should
mean something real, not something imaginary' something actual, not something
ctitious. They used the word as the mass of mankind then understood it and
now understand it. It means, in our judgment, in this connection the period of time
when the Senate is not sitting in regular or extraordinary session as a branch of
the Congress, or in extraordinary session for the discharge of executive functions;
when its members owe no duty of attendance; when its Chamber is empty; when,
because of its absence, it cannot receive communications from the President or
participate as a body in making appointments."
The Attorney General of the United States was also of this view when he stated:
"The recess of the Senate during which the President shall have power to
ll a vacancy that may happen, means the period after the nal adjournment of
Congress for the session and before the next session begins; while an
adjournment during a session of Congress means a merely temporary suspension
of business from day to day, or for such brief periods of time as are agreed upon
by the joint action of the two houses. The President is not authorized to appoint
an o cer during the current holiday adjournment of the Senate, which will have
the effect of an appointment made in the recess occurring between two sessions
of the Senate." (President — Appointment of O cers — Holiday Recess, 1901, 23
Op. Atty. gen. 599, (U.S. C.A. Const. Art. 2, Sec. 2[2].