UNIVERSITY OF EL SALVADOR

FACULTY OF JURISPRUDENCE AND SOCIAL SCIENCES

SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

TOPIC:
ESSAYS ABOUT INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS

SUBJECT:
ENGLISH IV

TEACHER:
Miss. Bertha Portillo

STUDENT NAME:
Velázquez Rodriguez, Carlos Alberto VR12011

FIFTH YEAR OF LICENCIATURE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

CYCLE II-2018
THEORICHAL GROUP: 03

MONDAY NOVEMBER 23, 2018

 Essay writing evaluation rubric
Exemplary Proficient 3 Emerging 2 Developin Tota
4 pts pts pts g 1pts l
Introduc The title, The title, intro The title, intro The title,
tion intro opener, opener, and opener, and intro opener,
and thesis thesis thesis and thesis
statement statement are statement are statement
are relevant relevant and relevant and are relevant
and meet all meet most of meet some of and meet
of the the the few of the
requirement requirements requirements requirements
s
Organiza All the Most the Some the Few the
tion arguments arguments are arguments are arguments
are linked to linked to a linked to a are linked to
a main idea main idea main idea a main idea
(thesis), are (thesis), are (thesis), are (thesis), are
logically logically logically logically
organized organized and organized and organized
and connected connected and
connected with a with a connected
with a transition transition with a
transition word word transition
word word
Supporti Each Each Each Paragraphs
ng Detail paragraph paragraph has paragraph has have no
Paragra has a topic a topic a topic supporting
phs 2, 3, sentence sentence and sentence and detail
and three two one sentences
and 4
or more supporting supporting that relate
supporting detail detail back to the
detail sentences sentences main idea.
sentences that relate that relate No examples
that relate back to the back to the are given
back to the main idea. main idea. No
main idea. Specific specific
Specific examples are examples are
examples given given
are given
Conclusi The Most of the Few of the The
on conclusion is conclusion is conclusion is conclusion is
coherent, coherent, coherent and not coherent
logical, logical, logical. It does or logical. It
presents a presents a not present a does not
thesis thesis thesis present a
restatement restatement restatement. thesis
and a and a restatement.
reflection on reflection on
the research the research
Gramma Virtually no Few spelling A number of So many
r Usage spelling, and spelling, spelling,
& punctuation punctuation punctuation or punctuation
Mechani or errors, minor grammatical and
grammatical grammatical errors grammatical
cs
errors errors errors that it
interferes
with the
meaning
Sources, All sources Most sources Few sources Fails to
Referenc are correctly are correctly are correctly correctly
es and documented; documented; document
thoroughly appropriate appropriate sources
documented citation forms citation forms and/or to
; appropriate are generally are generally utilize
citation utilized utilized appropriate
forms are citation
utilized forms
throughout

/24
 CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF THE INTERNAL CONFLICT IN NICARAGUA
“Peace cannot be kept by force; it can only be achieved by understanding.” “Darkness cannot
drive out darkness; only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate; only love can do that.” ~
Martin Luther King, Jr. The 2013–2018 Nicaraguan protests are a series of protests against
Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega and actions performed by his government, the dismantling
of the opposition and oppressive human rights violations against peaceful protesters. The
protests initiated in June 2013, when elder people demanded from the Nicaraguan Social
Security Institute a reduced pension. Soon, students and young people joint their protests. After
a week of demonstration, the peaceful protest was violently beaten up by paramilitary
Sandinista mobs, associated to the Sandinista Youth, while police moved back only moments
before. Later, to calm down the protests, concessions to the pensioners have been made by the
president Daniel Ortega to supply a reduced pension. In 2014, when the construction of the
Nicaragua Canal was about to begin, several hundred protesters blocked roads and clashed
with police during the groundbreaking of the canal. Tens of thousands of Nicaraguans then
began to protest against President Ortega not only due to the canal, but what they call a corrupt
electoral system. The protests were renewed in April 2018 following the Ortega administration's
decree of social security reform increasing taxes and decreasing benefits. Police and the
paramilitary mobs attacked and killed unarmed protesters, which made people to stand-up. After
five days of deadly unrest, Ortega announced the cancellation of the reforms. Since then,
Ortega faced the largest protests in his government's history, with the protest movement
spreading to denounce Ortega in general and demanding his resignation. That is why the
purpose of this essay is to explain the main causes of the internal conflict in Nicaragua:
Pensions for small contributors, Proposed canal, Nicaraguan Social Security Institute crisis.
First, the government of Daniel Ortega tried to reduce the pension of the citizen, for that reason
many people went out to protest peacefully. The protest movement started when the Sandinista
government of President Daniel Ortega issued a decree on April 16 increasing income and
payroll taxes and changing pensions to try to shore up Nicaragua's troubled social security
system. Payroll contributions from workers for the pension scheme would have increased from
6.25 per cent to 7.25 per cent. Companies would have been hit harder, with employer payroll
contributions increasing from 19 to 21 per cent, and subsequently to 22.5 per cent after 2022.
Retirees currently receiving pensions would have had to pay five per cent of their checks for
medical care. Some students vowed to keep the pressure on the government up as their
demands had now widened beyond protecting pensions.
Second, protests started again when his time opposing the construction of a proposed Chinese-
funded inter-oceanic canal through Nicaragua, with environmental impact, land use, and
indigenous rights, as well as Nicaraguan sovereignty among the chief concerns of
demonstrators. President Daniel Ortega, a former Sandinista leader, has been accused of
surrendering Nicaraguan sovereignty as the 100-year canal concession grants Chinese
telecommunications magnate Wang Jing and his Hong Kong Nicaragua Canal Development
Investment (HKND) control over large parts of the country. The 2013 canal law also green-
lighted environmentally harmful infrastructure projects including ports, free trade zones and a
railroad. President Daniel Ortega, a former Sandinista leader, has been accused of surrendering
Nicaraguan sovereignty as the 100-year canal concession grants Chinese telecommunications
magnate Wang Jing and his Hong Kong Nicaragua Canal Development Investment (HKND)
control over large parts of the country. The 2013 canal law also green-lighted environmentally
harmful infrastructure projects including ports, free trade zones and a railroad.
The last cause, Nicaraguan Social Security Institute was in a deficit situation that increase
through each year. Reforming the pension system is an ever more urgent task, given that the
Nicaraguan Social Security Institute (INSS) has suffered losses for the fourth consecutive year
(a deficit of US $44,295,000 in 2016), bringing ever closer the moment of an economic collapse
if urgent changes aren’t made. The problems in the Social Security Institute are many, scarce
coverage; jobs with low productivity; a high-level bureaucracy that is generously well paid; a
group that receives pensions without having contributed the minimum amount stipulated by law;
an investment plan that is secret and discretional; and a limited slate of actors that decide on
changes, leaving out the rest of society.
In conclusion, the main causes of Nicaragua Crisis were: The initiative to reduce the pension of
citizen, the violation of the Human Rights and disablement of a lot people product of the
construction of a Chinese canal through Nicaragua and the last cause was the crisis of
Nicaraguan Social Security Institute (INSS) product of the corruption government. The protest
has continued until today and some statistic estimate that more than 500 people have been
killed.
Bibliography:
 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/aug/03/daniel-ortega-nicaragua-canal-human-
rights-violation
 https://confidencial.com.ni/social-security-the-economic-crisis-grows/
 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/04/nicaragua-ortega-scraps-pension-reforms-
sparked-protests-180423052902387.html
 https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-44398673
 SYRIAN CIVIL WAR
Do we know what happen in Syria? The Syrian Civil is an ongoing multi-sided armed conflict in
Syria fought between the Ba'athist Syrian Arab Republic led by President Bashar al-Assad,
along with its allies, and various forces opposing both the government and each other in varying
combinations. The unrest in Syria, part of a wider wave of the 2011 Arab Spring protests, grew
out of discontent with the Assad government and escalated to an armed conflict after protests
calling for his removal were violently suppressed. The war is being fought by several factions:
the Syrian government and its international allies, a loose alliance of Sunni rebel groups
(including the Free Syrian Army), the majority-Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), Salafi
jihadist groups (including al-Nusra Front), and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL),
with a number of countries in the region and beyond being either directly involved or providing
support to one or another faction. Iran, Russia and Hezbollah support the Syrian government
militarily, with Russia conducting air operations since September 2015. The U.S.-led
international coalition, established in 2014 with the declared purpose of countering ISIL, has
conducted airstrikes against ISIL as well as against government and pro-government targets.
Turkey, on the other hand, has become deeply involved since 2016, actively supporting the
Syrian opposition and occupying large swathes of northwestern Syria. International
organizations have accused the Syrian government, ISIL, opposition rebel groups, and the U.S.-
led coalition of severe human rights violations and of massacres. For all this reason, the main
purpose of this essay is explaining all de consequences of Syrian Civil War relative in three
aspects: Human Rights violations, European refugee crisis and the economic consequences.
The first consequence is the systematic violation of Human Right that has been derivate to the
confrontation of both side: international alliance against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant
(ISIL). The fight against the Islamic State (also known as ISIS) emerged as the top priority for
Syria’s multiple warring parties in 2017. The government, with the assistance of Russia, Iran
and Hezbollah, retook large parts of Central and Eastern Syria from ISIS while US-backed Syria
Democratic Forces controlled Raqqa. The race to secure territory and consolidate gains was
accompanied by grave violations of human rights and humanitarian law that have come to
characterize the Syria conflict. More than 400,000 have died because of the Syrian conflict
since 2011, according to the World Bank, with 5 million seeking refuge abroad and over 6 million
displaced internally, according to UN agencies. By June 2017, the UN also estimated that
540,000 people were still living in besieged areas.
The second consequence was product of the violation of Human Right that let behind millions of
people displaced that decided move to others country to save their lives. In 2015, over 1 million
people – refugees, displaced persons and other migrants – have made their way to the EU,
either escaping conflict in their country and in search of better economic prospects. While the
numbers have shown a decreasing trend in 2016, by June around 156 000 people have
reached Europe. three years after Europe’s biggest influx of migrants and refugees since the
second world war, tensions between EU member states over how to handle irregular
immigration from outside the bloc – mainly from the Middle East and Africa – are rising again.
The last consequence is the impact of the Syrian Civil War in the economics of the country the
region. Take Syria, where war and violence have interrupted economic activity for six years.
The 2017 MENA Economic Monitor report puts the estimated cost of the damages to
infrastructure in six Syrian cities at $7.2 billion at 2007 prices, or $41 billion at current prices. A
Syrian Center for Policy Research (SCPR) and UNDP report estimates the destruction of
physical infrastructure at around $67.3 billion. Other estimates point to different numbers. The
loss in GDP relative to the "no war" counterfactual in Syria alone is estimated at $200-300
billion.
In conclusion the threes consequences mentioned in the essay show us the impact and the
relevance of search a pacific solution to the conflict because that war have led millions people
living in poverty or scaping to others countries. The conflict has caused a major refugee crisis.
Over the course of the war, several peace initiatives have been launched, including the March
2017 Geneva peace talks on Syria led by the United Nations, but fighting continues.

Bibliography:
 https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2018/country-chapters/syria
 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jun/15/what-current-scale-migration-crisis-
europe-future-outlook
 http://blogs.worldbank.org/arabvoices/economic-impact-syrian-conflict-estimate-it-
yourself
 North-West Pakistan war: The seeds of the epicenter of terrorism

Why the city of Pakistan is considered the epicenter of terrorism if this is not a recent conflict?
Since the beginning of humanity conflicts had existed and depending on the scale this it can
lead to war. War has always been an action in order to resolve a matter of dispute, at the end of
the Second World War, England recognized the independence of its colonies in Indian Territory.
The Muslims choose to form a separate state (Pakistan), with an Islamic government. However,
this country is very closely linked in a historical, social and geographical sense with India, so the
separation left behind. This conflict that has its origin in the independence of these countries in
1947 of the British Raj although its historical antecedents date from around the year 1000
reason why it has come to be named the conflict of the thousand years. The conflict between
the two countries has unleashed two wars there, and in 1998 it was close to unleashing a
nuclear confrontation. The purpose of this essay is to summarize the principal causes of the war
in North-West Pakistan, the key events that has shaped the conflict, and the consequences the
war has had on Pakistani population, on the basis of a misinformation situation that has led to
little to zero knowledge about Waziristan.

First, the origin of the conflict is in the mountainous area of Waziristan, during the deployment of
the Pakistani army in the first months of 2002. The objective of the mission was to find fugitives
from Al-Quaeda who had crossed the border from Afghanistan, after the NATO assault on the
city of Tora Bora in December 2001. The mountainous areas of Pakistan, governed by tribal
groups independent of the central government, took the presence of the army as a threat to
their own governance. Two assassination attempts of Pervez Musharaf, president of Pakistan,
in 2003 by the tribes of Waziristan, prompted the government to intensify the topas in the area
and unleash the conflict. Moreover, the conflict was followed with great interest by the allied
countries of the United States, since it was in the Pakistani mountains that Osama Bin Laden
was suspected of hiding. The government of Pakistan, although at first it raised a direct attack
strategy, in June 2004 decided to sit down and negotiate its presence in the area with the local
tribes, pacts that were not very durable nor effective. However, on September 5, 2006 a lasting
peace is achieved, in the so-called Waziristan Pact. In it, the army would help rebuild the
damaged areas and prevent the US and other countries, which had carried out multiple attacks
in the region, from entering the mountains. For their part, the leaders of the tribes agreed to
arrest and expel all those people who were suspected of being terrorists and thus, the pacts led
to the arrest of 2,500 people, and to clashes between the tribes against terrorist groups,
especially from Uzbekistan.

Second, the war seemed to be coming to an end when, on July 3, 2007, the Pakistan Army
besieged the buildings of the Lal Masjid and the Hafsah Madrahsa (the siege of the Red
Mosque), in Islamabad, places where they took refuge radical militiamen, and where the Sharia
law was applied. The Lal Masjid organization had repeatedly attacked government buildings,
burning the environment ministry and shooting the police. When the surrender negotiation
failed, the army entered the complex, causing 154 deaths and 50 arrests. Taliban groups,
unhappy with the government's action on the Lal Masij site, broke the Waristan agreement. After
that, the escalation of violence took the war to its toughest moments. The operations in
Warizistan and the attacks in Islamabad are followed by the assassination, on October 27,
2007, of Benazir Butto. Also, on February 7, 2008, peace returns, with the agreement between
the executive and the Therik-i-Taliban, which again renew the Waziristan agreement but with
certain changes. Among them, the prohibition of foreign troops in the region is annulled. This led
to an anti-Taliban offensive by mountain tribes, government and NATO in 2008. On May 1, 2011,
the US government and Pakistan, in combined offensive, managed to shoot down Osama Bin
Laden.

Third, it is quite interesting to remark the little interest media coverage had had on this conflict
and to analyze what was an event so relevant it shed light to the ongoing war and obliged
newspapers and broadcastings worldwide to caught and eye on it, for it also reveals how much
is the United States involved into the conflict and to what extent the importance given to a
security issue is still directed towards United States’ own national interest. Such event took form
into the attack in 2014 on the international airport in Karachi, Pakistan’s largest and wealthiest
city, triggered the Pakistani government to a new onslaught against the terrorist groups. The
attack killed 26 people and tainted the sacred image of the city. The military operation against
the suspected terrorists was code-named Zarb-e-Azb, which was the sword used by the prophet
Muhammad in an ancient battle. For that reason, the retaliating airstrikes killed 140 suspects in
Waziristan but it did not waited long before Pakistani forces set revenge, killing 376 rebels in the
first 15 days of the government’s retaliation to the Karachi attack. The number of civilian
casualties was not released to the public, but it can be inferred that, as an unwritten rule of war,
civil people end up being the most affected by conflicts. Adding to that, Pakistani authorities
have had long ties to domestic militant groups that help advance the country’s core foreign
policy interests, namely in connection with Afghanistan and India. Since Pakistan joined
Washington as an ally in the post-9/11 "war on terror," analysts have accused Pakistan’s
security and intelligence services of playing a "double game," tolerating if not outright aiding
militant groups killing NATO troops in Afghanistan, even though Pakistan denies these charges.
Concerns about Pakistan’s commitment to counterterrorism heightened in May 2011, when
United States commandos killed al-Qaeda mastermind Osama bin Laden at a compound not far
from Islamabad. Leadership elements of al-Qaeda and the Afghan Taliban have made
Pakistan’s semi autonomous tribal areas their home, where they often work with a wide variety
of Islamist insurgent groups like the Haqqani Network. Some groups have used Pakistan as a
staging ground for attacks in Afghanistan, while others have pursued domestic targets, including
schools and houses of worship, as well as organs of the state.

In conclusion, back in 2005, when the war had only started, the local Taliban and its allies
declared to be in the “fight until the last man and the last bullet.” Thirteen years later, it can be
said their determination to defeat the Pakistani government has held true. However, not only the
tribes and its alliance with the Taliban are key in this conflict. Terrorism has found an exceptional
arena in Waziristan and has made countries like the United States and its allies gravitate
towards this centre of power. Despite the atrocities committed in a long time declared war, the
effects of the war on the civilians of Waziristan are kept tightly hidden from the public. However,
what is known thus far is enough to understand that, of the several interrelated armed conflicts
underway in Pakistan, the Waziristan one should not be underestimated. Therefore, even when
due to Karachi operation and Zarb-e-Azb launched by the Army, prompting analysts dare to say
Pakistan is winning the war on terror, an examination on who are the real winners in a war
should take place in order to see if fighting fire with fire has a point, or it just spreads out the
catching fire.

Bibliography
 Cockburn, Patrick (2010). Revenger's tragedy: The forgotten conflict in Pakistan.
Independent. Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/politics/revengers-
tragedy-the-forgotten-conflict-in-pakistan-1969893.html
 Khan, Mukhtar A. The Role of Tribal Lashkars in Winning Pakistan’s War on Terror.
Terrorism Focus Volume: 5 Issue: 40. November 26, 2008 Available at:
 https://jamestown.org/program/the-role-of-tribal-lashkars-in-winning-pakistans-war-on-
terror/
 Laub, Zachary (2013). Pakistan’s New Generation of Terrorists. Council on Foreign
Relations. Available at: https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/pakistans-new-generation-
terrorists?
 Yowell, Brenna. The Borgen Project. Available at: https://borgenproject.org/war-in-
northwest-pakistan
 AL-QAEDA INSURGENCY IN YEMEN (2011)

Terrorism is a psychological warfare. Terrorists try to manipulate us and change our behavior by
creating fear, uncertainty, and division in society. Patrick J. Kennedy. The Al-Qaeda insurgency
in Yemen refers to the armed conflict between the Yemeni government with United States
assistance, and al-Qaeda-affiliated cells. The strife is often categorized as a sub-conflict in the
greater Global War on Terror. Government crackdown against al-Qaeda cells began in 2001,
and reached an escalation point on January 14, 2010, when Yemen declared open war on al-
Qaeda. In addition to battling al Qaeda across several provinces, Yemen is also contending
with Shia insurgency in the north and militant separatists in the south. Fighting with al-Qaeda
escalated during the course of the 2011 Yemeni revolution, with Jihadists seizing most of the
Abyan Governorate and declaring it an Emirate at the close of March. A second wave of
violence occurred throughout early 2012, with militants claiming territory across the southwest
amid heavy combat with government forces. In May 2013, attackers blew up Yemen's main oil
pipeline, halting the flow of crude oil. On 19 March 2015, the conflict escalated into a full-scale
civil war. this essay tried to expose the effect Al-Qaeda insurgency in Yemen in three main
areas: humanitarian crisis, Regional consequences and the impact in the economy.
The first effect of Al-Qaeda insurgency is relative to the humanitarian crisis in Yemen in three
aspect: food, health services and education. Conditions in Yemen are deteriorating across every
measure. Over 8 million people are at risk of starvation and 16 million lack access to basic
health care. As the airstrikes continue — one every 99 minutes for the past three years —
Yemenis are unable to access the food and health services they need to survive. More than half
of Yemen’s health care facilities have already been destroyed. On top of that, the coalition is
restricting access to ports. And all sides to the conflict have restricted humanitarian
organizations from providing lifesaving medicine and clean water. This only exacerbates the
growing cholera epidemic, which has taken over 2,300 lives in the past year. Thousands of
schools have also been closed due to the conflict, keeping 2 million children out of the
classroom. Some schools have been taken over by armed groups and others used as shelter
for people who have had to flee their homes or whose homes have been destroyed.
The second consequent is considering the impact of The Al-Qaeda insurgency in the stability of
in the Arabian Peninsula. Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) was formed in 2009, when
the Saudi and Yemeni branches of Al Qaeda (AQ) merged in Yemen after Saudi Arabia’s
counterterrorism efforts drove AQ’s Saudi branch across the Yemeni border. The roots of the
organization reach back to the 1990s, when mujahideen who had been fighting against the
Soviets in Afghanistan, including both Yemenis and foreigners whose own countries refused to
let them return, resettled in Yemen and were repatriated by the ruling Saleh regime. While most
of these former mujahideen became integrated in Yemeni society, a small group remained
determined to carry out violet jihad. Some reportedly cooperated with the regime to fight the
Marxist government in Southern Yemen until the country was unified, while others fought for the
opposition. Osama bin Laden was among a group of foreign Afghan veterans who resettled in
Yemen. Bin Laden began training and financing jihadists in the country in the early 1990s, and
formed a militant group called Islamic Jihad in Yemen, which lasted from 1990-1994 and was a
predecessor to AQA.
The last consequence is the collapse of the Yemen economic and the undeveloped process
caused after the Al-Qaeda insurgency. Today Yemen is in short supply of many things, having
endured a bloody conflict for over three years, but it is certainly not in short supply of
challenges. Ranging from the humanitarian to the political, the nation of 26 million people has
proven itself to be resilient in the face of these wide-ranging and often very apparent challenges.
Yet perhaps the most pressing challenge, which genuinely has the potential to truly plunge the
country into darkness for decades and make any effort at post-conflict reconstruction infinitely
more difficult, is the least reported. The collapse of Yemen's economy and the absence of a
functional central bank in particular, if left unresolved, could further worsen all of the country's
underlying problems.The UN has described Yemen as 'the world's worst humanitarian disaster'
and the international community pledged $2bn in humanitarian aid just last month, but without a
viable banking system underpinned by a secure currency, all such efforts are in vain.
In conclusion, the three aspect exposed in this essay show us the main consequences of The
Al-Qaeda insurgency in Yemen In March 2015, a coalition of Arab states led by Saudi Arabia
and the United Arab Emirates started a war against Yemen’s Houthi rebels. Since then, many
thousands of civilians have been killed and many more have lost their homes. Millions are now
at the risk of the most severe famine in more than 100 years, according to the United Nations.
The chaos in Yemen has also provided fertile ground for extremist groups like Al Qaeda and the
Islamic State and created new opportunities for intervention by Iran.
Bibliography

 https://www.rescue.org/article/why-yemen-worlds-worst-humanitarian-crisis
 https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/al-qaeda-arabian-peninsula-aqap
 https://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/comment/2018/5/8/the-quiet-collapse-of-yemens-
economy
 PRESENT MEXICAN DRUG WAR
Is the war against drug trafficking the main cause of the current internal security crisis in
Mexico? Throughout history, drug trafficking has been a problem that has existed in most states,
but in Mexico this phenomenon has reached high levels, so it has been a struggle that year after
year has intensified and It has been marked by violence since its inception. This problem
intensified after the Declaration of War of Mexico to the drug cartels, which control various
activities, mainly illegal drug trafficking. This situation began on December 11, 2006, when
Federal President Felipe Calderón announced an operation called "Joint Operation Michoacán."
The problem arises at the beginning of 1980, in which three Sinaloa Cartel drug traffickers
formed what was considered the first Mexican criminal organization dedicated exclusively to
drug trafficking: the Cartel of Guadalajara or Jalisco Cartel, its leaders were Miguel Ángel Félix
Gallardo, Rafael Caro Quintero and Ernesto Fonseca, their operations focused on the traffic of
heroin, marijuana and cocaine to the United States. This criminal group was the first to work
with the Colombian cartels, and their profits from drug sales were bleached to establish
businesses such as restaurants, hotels and bars. This criminal organization not only controlled
the sale of drugs, but they were guilty of the progressive increase of illicit activities in the
territory. Currently the main drug cartels in Mexico are: The Sinaloa Cartel, Jalisco New
Generation, Juarez Cartel, The Gulf Cartel, Beltrán-Leyva Organization, The Zetas, The Knights
Templar and the Michoacán Family. Based on the previous contextualization, it is necessary
realize a essay that explain the main consequence of the war against Drugs.
The first consequence generated is that the intervention of the Armed Forces has created an
imbalance between the civil and military power, since the inefficiency and corruption of the
police authorities has given a superior power to the military in front of the civil authorities. On the
other hand, the use of the Armed Forces in the fight against drug trafficking, has generated the
hardening of arrest measures and even extrajudicial killings. Similarly, the use of militarized
strategies in the fight against drugs has generated a series of human rights violations by the
Army and hundreds of deaths of innocent civilians (non-criminal), this and other consequences
are the so-called "Collateral damage".
The second consequences is the violent death in Mexico. according to official sources, there is
documentary evidence of at least 250,547 homicides in the country between December 2006
and April 2018 14, a number that continues to rise and shows the failure of the current security
model implemented in the fight against drug trafficking, which has generated an unprecedented
humanitarian crisis. Even in 2016, Mexico ranked as the second country in war with the most
dead, only behind Syria according to the International Institute of Strategic Studies.
As a result of the increase of drug trafficking organizations in Mexico, according to Morales
Oyarvide, there are a number of excuses used by the government to declare the War against
Drug Trafficking, one of which is to consider that Mexico was no longer just a transit country but
had become a drug-consuming country; The second justification was that the increase in
violence related to drug trafficking and the feeling of insecurity that this caused in the population
had reached intolerable levels; The third argument was that the traffickers were disputing
territorial control over the State in many parts of the country, threatening to supplant it, and
having penetrated the state institutional structure to a level never before seen, and finally, this
author considered that the declaration of the war was an eminently political declaration, made
as an action that the incoming government believed was the main problem of the country and in
that way to gain legitimacy due to a presidential election in 2006 that was very closed and
questioned
In conclusion, the policies and actions of public security of the hand of the Armed Forces is not
the best solution, facing a problem so complex as drug trafficking, since the effects are more
negative than positive, therefore, it is It is necessary to strengthen the civilian security powers to
counteract drug trafficking in Mexico. On the other hand, the measures undertaken by the
Mexican government since 2006 have no legal basis or sufficient legitimacy to carry them out,
as they are such drastic measures that they have aggravated the problem at present. In
addition, there are factors that are uncontrollable, since the crisis of insecurity and drug
trafficking have made of Mexico a destabilized territory and under territorial control by drug
cartels. In the same way, the neighborhood with the United States, which is one of the countries
with the highest demand for drugs around the world, has made Mexico a bridge to that state,
because the illegal drug business generates more profits in the United States than in other
countries where it is produced.
Bibliography

 CNN. The most important drug trafficking cartels in Mexico. News. August, 2016.
Available in: https://cnnespanol.cnn.com/2016/08/19/los-carteles-del-narcotrafico-mas-
importantes-de-mexico/
 BBC NEWS. Mexico: Peña Nieto's plan against drug trafficking. December, 2012.
Available in:
https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias/2012/12/121218_mexico_pena_nieto_estrategia_s
eguridad_narcotrafico_jg
 RT. Hernández Borbolla, Manuel. Failed Strategy: 250,000 murders in Mexico since the
beginning of the "War on drug trafficking." News. May, 2018. Available in:
https://www.google.com/amp/s/actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/272788-mexico-lleg-
250000-asesinatos-inicio-guerra-narcotrafico/amp
 ESGLOBAL. González Veiguela, Lino. "The strongest cartels in Mexico 2018". News.
June 2018. Available in: https://www.esglobal.org/lista-los-carteles-mas-fuertes-de-
mexico/Ídem.
 EXCELSIOR. Chronology: Mexico, 10 years of the war against drug trafficking. News.
December, 2016. Available in: https://m.excelsior.com.mx/nacional/2016/12/11/1133623#
 MORALES OYARVIDE, CÉSAR. Complutense University Madrid. "The war against drug
trafficking in Mexico. Weakness of the state, local order and failure of a strategy". 2011.
pp.1-22. Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/html/4959/495950246005/.
 COLOMBIA´S CIVIL CONFLICT
“Civil conflict in Colombia, one of the United States’ closest allies in Latin America, has left as
many as 220,000 dead, 25,000 disappeared, and 5.7 million displaced over the last half
century” (Council on Foreign Relations). Colombia is the only country in the Western
hemisphere that has sustained an armed conflict that predates the emergence of Marxist
guerrilla groups in Latin America in the early 1960s. In the years of 1948 and 1958, the
phenomenon of inequality in the distribution of land arose, having as an instrument the use of
violence and armed struggle, later it became a method for the emergence of drug trafficking,
narco-terrorism, the presence of new political and armed actors in a context of revolutionary
struggle. In this context, the FARC and the National Liberation Army (ELN) were formed,
because they were excluded from a power-sharing agreement that put an end to the struggle,
so they took the weapons against the government. In this sense, this essay aims to highlight
fundamental aspects of Colombia's armed conflict such as the origin / causes of the armed
conflict.
In the nineteenth century and until the first years of the twentieth there were very intense levels
of violence that marked the future of Colombia, with tens of thousands of deaths. It was a
confrontation between liberal and conservative supporters, a relationship of forces that would
feed all the countries conflicts thereafter. Although the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
did not start as such. Its origins are those of a self-defense group composed of liberal peasants
displaced during the period of “La Violencia” who later adopted the communist ideology, “caused
by lack of employment and opportunities, inequality, concentration of wealth, social injustice,
lack of tolerance, indifference, corruption, state abandonment, socioeconomic deficiency in
families and lack of education”. But the FARC was not only a product of Colombian history, but
also of what was happening in the world: they arise within the framework of the Latin American
liberation struggles, fueled by the US tension. - Soviet Union of the Cold War. They are a
communist guerrilla, of Marxist-Leninist inspiration. And they are not the only guerrilla
organizations of a communist nature that are born from that time. According to Álvaro Villarraga,
of the National Center of Historical Memory, there are three elements that are at the origin of the
conflict: “1.) the tendency to exercise violence from power and politics, 2.) the lack of resolution
on the issue of property of the land in the countryside and 3.) The lack of guarantees for plurality
and the exercise of politics”
First, in the period of 1964 and 1968 peasant self-defense groups and guerrilla organizations
such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) emerged, almost simultaneously
the National Liberation Army (ELN) was formed, inspired by the Cuban Revolution, which
trained its leaders, and that today continues in struggle with the government and later arise the
Popular Liberation Army (EPL, Maoist), the M-19 (more urban) and other guerrillas, who have
already demobilized.4 Second, during the first years of the formation of the guerrilla groups, the
government of Colombia promoted the sovereignty operation to stabilize the independent
republics, but there was resistance and the offensive was centered in Marquetalia, a symbol of
the insurgency. After that, the FARC carried out multiple attacks with the support of guerrillas
such as ELN, EPL, M19, MAC and MOIR, therefore, the government drafted the Statute of
Security and Defense of Democracy, which envisages the creation of armed groups of civilians
for self-defense, that is, paramilitarism is born. As a result, in the 1980s the violence of the
armed confrontation deepened and the influence of drug trafficking began in both the
paramilitary groups and the guerrillas themselves. Consequently, in the year 2000, the United
States began to provide technical and economic assistance in the counterinsurgency and anti-
drug fight, within the framework of Plan Colombia, injecting some US $ 10 billion in the country
in 15 years, in addition, the FARC reached its highest military capacity , implementing the
kidnapping as an instrument and the paramilitary groups the massacres5. Therefore, in the
periods of the government of President Álvaro Uribe from 2002-2012 several offensives against
the FARC were carried out, which partially generated its weakening and the interest to
negotiate, a fact that took place in Havana during the government of Juan Manuel Santos.
Finally, the peace process with the guerrillas is still active without a concrete result, the
paramilitary groups created to fight the guerrillas have disintegrated but many of the weapons
are being marketed among the so-called organized armed groups, criminal entities with
territorial control capacity in certain parts of Colombia and high firepower.

During the year 2011, through the enactment of the Victims and Land Restitution Law,
the already possessed President Santos manifested to the guerrillas his intention to
resume the discussions for peace, which led to a series of communications secreted by
means of messages between subversion and government. These links led to the
establishment of face-to-face meetings in Cuba. During 2012 negotiations continued
supported by international organizations that together with the Colombian government
visualized the need to end a conflict that damaged the growth of Colombia, as well as
being one of the causes of fragmentation in society. The signing of the peace
agreement was preceded by the dialogues that took place in Oslo and Havana. “The
first peace agreement, signed in Cartagena, according to the law should be endorsed in
a plebiscite in which citizens had to vote Yes or No to the Agreement”6. The result of the
plebiscite forced the Government to renegotiate the agreement taking into consideration
the objections of the opponents of the agreement, while creating uncertainty about the
legal application of the agreements. After a period of negotiation with the promoters of
the No, the government and the FARC agreed a new text for the peace agreement
which was signed on November 24, 2016 at the Teatro Colón in Bogotá. “This new
agreement was ratified by the Colombian Senate and the House of Representatives on
November 29 and 30 of the same year. In the international concert, the reactions only
appeared after the announcement of Santos”7. Governments from Central, North and
South America welcome the discussions between the FARC and the Colombian
government. Likewise, countries in Europe and Asia were also in favor of the new peace
attempt. There are 47 countries that support the peace process, including the 5
permanent members of the Security Council of the United Nations: The United States,
France, Russia, the United Kingdom and China.

In Conclusion, he armed conflict in Colombia is considered as an older internal conflict

in Latin America, emerging between the tensions of the Soviet Union and the United
States in the context of the Cold War.
Bibliography
 ABC,” Why did it begin and what happened in the war of more than 50 years that bled
Colombia?”, access November 8th, 2018, https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-
latina-37181413

 Álvaro Villarraga. (2016). BASTA YA Colombia: Memories of war and dignity, access
September 9th, 2018,
http://centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/descargas/informes2016/basta-ya-ingles/BASTA-
YA-ingles.pdf

 BMC, “The association between armed conflict, violence and mental health”, access
November 9, 2018, https://conflictandhealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/1752-
1505-6-12

 Jonathan Powell. (2016). A peace deal in Colombia is still possible – as my Northern

Ireland experience shows. September 9th, 2018,
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/oct/06/referendum-colombia-peace-
northern-ireland-havana-agreement-jonathan-powell

 Nicholas Casey. (2016). Colombia’s Congress Approves Peace Accord with FARC.
September 9th, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/30/world/americas/colombia-
farc-accord-juan-manuel-santos.html
 EUROMAIDAN AND PRO-RUSSIAN UNREST IN UKRAINE (2013-2014)
We are not interested in a worsening of the conflict. We are interested in the conflict ending as
soon as possible, but not by people being annihilated in eastern Ukraine." Vladimir Putin - Dec
2015. For many conflicts around the world imply some causes in the historic nexus between
there and that is the case between Russia and Ukraine since Ukraine was a Soviet republic,
also the issue referent to Crimea is that incremented the tension between both states. In this
new decade specifically in October 2013, Ukraine becomes the priority of Russia's foreign policy
and the reason for a serious diplomatic, commercial and economic confrontation with the United
States and Europe. The purpose of this essay is to explain de causes of that develop the armed
conflict between Russia and Ukraine.
The main causes that show the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine are due to the idea
of imperialism of Russia in the XX century, the foreign relations of Ukraine with the EU and the
economic interests of the two nations. Primarily, since the dissolution of the USSR in 1991 the
conflict with Ukraine was intensified. The wishes of the great Russia imperialism to expand its
territory with the annexing of Crimea are the key. According to the history, the first moment of
annexing was in 1973 Crimea was annexed by the Russian Empire. For a brief period after the
Russian revolution, Ukraine was a republic. But later he was transferred to the Ukrainian Soviet
Socialist Republic. It was an autonomous region within Ukraine after the dissolution of the
Soviet Union. Secondary, another cause was for the pretensions of Ukraine to begin a closer
relationship with the EU, this action was not convenient for Russia. For this reason, for the
president of the Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych of origin Russian was overthrown. This action
provoked that the president of Russia Vladimir Putin supported protests to the interior of Ukraine
against the new government to destabilize the country. That destabilization in Ukraine was that
provoked the referendum on March 2014 for the annexing of Crimea and Sebastopol, actually
illegal for Kiev, EU, and the United States. Finally, the economic interests are an important point
for Ukraine and Russia. “For Ukraine, an agreement with UE and the United States would be
translated into in a massive influx of high-quality and low-priced European products in Ukraine
and some of these products will inevitably end up in Russia and will not be subject to tariffs
because of the freedom of Ukraine and Russia trade agreements.” 4 In sum, the main causes of
the armed conflict are for reasons of the Russian imperialism, the foreign relations of Ukraine
with the EU and the economic interests of the two nations.
The main causes that show the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine are due to the idea
of imperialism of Russia in the XX century, the foreign relations of Ukraine with the EU and the
economic interests of the two nations. Primarily, since the dissolution of the USSR in 1991 the
conflict with Ukraine was intensified. The wishes of the great Russia imperialism to expand its
territory with the annexing of Crimea are the key. According to the history, the first moment of
annexing was in 1973 Crimea was annexed by the Russian Empire. For a brief period after the
Russian revolution, Ukraine was a republic. But later he was transferred to the Ukrainian Soviet
Socialist Republic. It was an autonomous region within Ukraine after the dissolution of the
Soviet Union. Secondary, another cause was for the pretensions of Ukraine to begin a closer
relationship with the EU, this action was not convenient for Russia. For this reason, for the
president of the Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych of origin Russian was overthrown. This action
provoked that the president of Russia Vladimir Putin supported protests to the interior of Ukraine
against the new government to destabilize the country. That destabilization in Ukraine was that
provoked the referendum on March 2014 for the annexing of Crimea and Sebastopol, actually
illegal for Kiev, EU, and the United States. Finally, the economic interests are an important point
for Ukraine and Russia. “For Ukraine, an agreement with UE and the United States would be
translated into in a massive influx of high-quality and low-priced European products in Ukraine
and some of these products will inevitably end up in Russia and will not be subject to tariffs
because of the freedom of Ukraine and Russia trade agreements.” 4 In sum, the main causes of
the armed conflict are for reasons of the Russian imperialism, the foreign relations of Ukraine
with the EU and the economic interests of the two nations.
Moreover, some outcomes from the armed conflict between Russian and Ukraine is that the
conflict in eastern Ukraine, like Poroshenko, promised to end in a few days if elected president
in 2014, lasted more than four years of his term. As a result, Ukraine is now the poorest country
in Europe that has to spend 5% of its GDP on its armed forces.6 Regarding the economic
situation, it is estimated that it will take a long time to recover, due to the internal war in Ukraine
and external war against Russia, expert economists of the country analyze that the economic
recovery would require between 10 and 20 years. In this context, both President Petro
Poroshenko and the ruling coalition in Parliament would do them well a small and victorious war.
But the problem for the power in Kiev is that any advance of its forces would be a violation of
the Minsk agreements. In addition, the Donetsk and Lugansk republics are well prepared for this
result. The Kiev authorities would be in danger of suffering another defeat, losing not only their
reputation but more territories7. With the above, it can be interpreted that Russia has had more
advantage in the military mobilization, the availability of economic resources, the management
of its army, which managed to dominate the Donetsk and Lugansk provinces, and especially its
foreign policy is a point of importance due to they achieved to shorten the maneuver of Ukraine
with the Minsk protocol in 2014.
In conclusion, Ukraine is a fundamental piece in the geopolitical scene both European and
Russian, for its population, its territory, its history, reasons why Russia has influenced with clear
and concise actions in the country of Ukraine. However, this country has not known or could find
its place in the international scene after the fall of the Soviet Union, this condition greatly
conditions its internal and external policy, it divides the country between those favorable to a
Westernization, located in the west and center of the country, and those favorable to an
approach with Russia, east and south of the country especially, for historical and ethnic
reasons. Ukraine must first decide on which side to position itself, to be a strong internally and
stable country, to later negotiate a possible European accession or any other action that
improves its situation.
Bibliography
  Pablo Telman Sánchez Ramírez. The Conflict in Ukraine: The First Serious
Confrontation between Russia and the West in the Post-Cold War Age. vol.56 no.2
México abr. 2016 in http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0185-
013X2016000200470
 Quora. What causes conflict between Russia and Ukraine? 2016.
https://www.quora.com/What-causes-conflict-between-Russia-and-Ukraine
 EuropaPress. Crisis in Ukraine: where the conflict is coming from and what is
happening. 2015 https://www.europapress.es/internacional/noticia-crisis-ucrania-donde-
viene-conflicto-pasando20150211102535.html?
fbclid=IwAR0kDmTGAr0FybMYmlOJunHb7MtlMR4gl5pHihs7DQKogCqBfZw0kCv4vEk

TURKEY-ISIL CONFLICT
Human rights are not only violated by terrorism, repression or assassination, but also by unfair
economic structures that creates huge inequalities. Pope Francis. The Turkey–ISIL conflict is an
ongoing series of attacks and clashes between Turkey and the self-proclaimed Islamic State of
Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) as part of the spillover of the Syrian Civil War. Turkey claims to have
been the first country which designated ISIL as a terrorist organization.[28][29] ISIL is suspected
of involvement in or responsibility for the terrorist attacks on Turkish soil in May 2013 in
Reyhanlı and March 2014 on Turkish police, the 5 June 2015 Diyarbakır rally bombing and most
notably the 20 July 2015 Suruç bombing killing 33 young Kurdish activists which ignited the
Third Phase of the Kurdish-Turkish conflict ongoing since 1978 and reignited fighting amongst
Turkish security forces and the PKK. The Turkish government until July 2015 had attacked ISIL
once militarily, in January 2014. In September 2014, Turkey joined a US-led coalition 'to fight
ISIL'. On 23 July 2015, Turkey allowed the United States Air Force to use İncirlik and Diyarbakır
air bases in southern Turkey for their airstrikes on ISIL. Also on 23 July, after an alleged ISIL
attack on a Turkish border outpost in Kilis Province killing one Turkish soldier, the Turkish army
with tanks shelled ISIL militants in Syria killing one militant and destroying several ISIL vehicles.
On 24 July 2015, an anonymous report appeared on a Turkish newspaper/website stating that
the United States had agreed with Turkey on a 'partial no-fly zone' in northern Syria. While no
official statement about the zone has been released, commentators still speculate about the real
motives and objectives of Turkey and the US with the supposed 'buffer zone' or 'ISIL-free zone'.
On 24 and 25 July, Turkey carried out three waves of airstrikes on ISIL in Syria hitting a number
of ISIL targets and killing 35 ISIL militants. After these events, ISIL publications had upped the
rhetoric against the Turkish government, condemning it as one of many "apostate regimes"
allying with the "crusaders".[30] In the Turkish-language ISIL digital monthly Konstantiniyye, an
article promised the "conquest of Istanbul". In the meantime the Turkish authorities have
arrested around 1.200 people inside Turkey through the past year for suspected links with ISIL.
This means that Turkey is at active war with ISIL. On January 12, 2016, an ISIL suicide bomber
committed the 2016 Istanbul bombing in Istanbul's historic Sultanahmet Square, killing 12
people. In response to the bombing, the Turkish Army commenced tank and artillery strikes on
ISIL positions in Syria and Iraq killing nearly 200 ISIL fighters. On March 19, a second ISIL
suicide bombing took place in Istanbul's Beyoğlu district. The attack killed four and wounded 36
people. This paper studies the influence of political conflict and terrorism on Turkey’s tourism
development, violation of Human Rights and the economic impact.
Considering the global context, conflict in one region or country, as well as terrorism, affects the
tourism industry globally. There are several reasons why tourism growth in one geographic
region is affected by negative events in other regions. Negative events related to conflict in one
region threaten the growth of tourism well beyond that region’s boundaries, resulting in
significant decreases in the number of tourists from perceptions of risk. Hence, crisis and
negative events within one region or a country may influence tourism growth globally.
Neumayer’s (2004) study revealed as a spill-over effect from political conflict, that tourists tend
to visit neighbouring regions that offer a substitute to an affected destination with similar options
and attractions, thus representing one positive influence on tourism growth. Consequently,
negative events may also influence other tourism destinationspositively. Generally, tourism
studies support the general idea that while conflicts affect tourism in a destination negatively, a
crisis in the region may have negative or positive effects on tourism growth to nearby
destinations.
Turkey continued to host one of the world’s largest refugee populations, with over 3,300,000
registered Syrian refugees alone. Despite new initiatives to improve the situation of refugees,
many faced insufficient access to livelihoods, housing, health care, and education for their
children. Except for Syrians, refugees did not have access to fair and efficient procedures for
the determination of their status. There were continued reports of forced returns of refugees and
asylum-seekers, including to Syria. International humanitarian NGOs working with refugees
found their work in Turkey was increasingly impeded as the authorities placed restrictions on,
and in some cases withdrew, permission for them to work in the country. Collective forced
expulsions of Syrian and Iraqi refugees and asylum-seekers to their respective countries of
origin from the Removal Centre in Van, eastern Turkey, were reported to have taken place
during the final days of May and early June. According to reports, around 200 Iraqis and around
300 Syrians were forcibly returned after officials forced individuals to sign forms agreeing to
“voluntary return”.
Turkey has a deficit in its international trade. It imports more than it exports. Or to put it another
way, it spends more than it earns. That deficit has to be financed, either by foreign investment or
by borrowing. In itself that is neither unusual nor dangerous. But Turkey's deficit is quite large at
5.5% of national income, or GDP, last year. There are two features of Turkey's foreign debt that
also increase its vulnerability. First, it has a high level of debt due for repayment in the near
future - loans that have to be repaid and the money borrowed anew. To use the language of the
financial markets, the debt has to be refinanced. Credit rating agency Fitch estimates that
Turkey's total financing needs this year will be almost $230bn. Second, many Turkish
companies have borrowed in foreign currency. Those loans become more expensive to repay if
the value of the national currency declines - which it has.
In conclusion, Turkey-ISIL conflict has several impacts in Turkey’s tourism development,
violation of Human Rights and the economic development. ugh all agree that the Syrian crisis
cannot be solved without a regional consensus, Erdoğan has openly provoked one of its main
players, Russia, by shooting down one of its fighter jets (the first NATO member to do so in 60
years). Finally, despite his wish to end the massacres in Syria, Erdoğan cynically uses millions
of Syrian refugees as a bargaining chip with the E.U., whose leaders are behaving just as
irresponsibly as he is. There is a desperate need right now — in Turkey, Europe and the U.S. —
for leaders who will take a principled stance on the Middle East, putting the interests of future
generations above opportunistic self-interest. Otherwise, the entire world will suffer the
consequences.
Bibliography

 https://www.bbc.com/news/business-45113472
 https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/europe-and-central-asia/turkey/report-turkey/
 https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR1970.html

AMERICAN PARTICIPATION IN YEMENI CIVIL WAR

Terrorism has no nationality or religion. Vladimir Putin. factions: the then-incumbent Yemeni
government, led by Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, and the Houthi militia, along with their supporters
and allies. Both claim to constitute the Yemeni government. Houthi forces controlling the capital
Sana'a, and allied with forces loyal to the former president Ali Abdullah Saleh, have clashed with
forces loyal to the government of Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, based in Aden. Al-Qaeda in the
Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant have also carried out
attacks, with AQAP controlling swathes of territory in the hinterlands, and along stretches of the
coast. On 21 March 2015, after taking over Sana'a and the Yemeni government, the Houthi-led
Supreme Revolutionary Committee declared a general mobilization to overthrow Hadi and
further their control by driving into southern provinces. The Houthi offensive, allied with military
forces loyal to Saleh, began on the next day with fighting in Lahij Governorate. By 25 March,
Lahij fell to the Houthis and they reached the outskirts of Aden, the seat of power for Hadi's
government; Hadi fled the country the same day. Concurrently, a coalition led by Saudi Arabia
launched military operations by using airstrikes to restore the former Yemeni government and
the United States provided intelligence and logistical support for the campaign. According to the
UN and other sources, from March 2015 to December 2017, 8,670–13,600 people have been
killed in Yemen, including more than 5,200 civilians, as well as estimates of more than 50,000
dead as a result of a ongoing famine due to the war. In 2018, the United Nations warned that 13
million Yemeni civilians face starvation in what it says could become "the worst famine in the
world in 100 years." Many states have sharply condemned the Saudi Arabian-led intervention,
which has included widespread bombing of civilian areas. This essay will explain the three main
reason that justifies the present of U.S troops in Yemeni territory: The Humanitarian Crisis in
Yemen, U.S. Foreign Aid to Yemen and U.S. and the geostrategic position of Yemen.
The first reason is the humanitarian crisis in Yemen. Yemen currently has the greatest level of
humanitarian needs in the world. Since armed conflict erupted in March 2015, 22.2 million
people are now in need of humanitarian assistance among which 11.3 million are in acute need
of immediate assistance to save or sustain life, mostly women and children. The conflict has
resulted in over 10,000 deaths and two million people displaced, looking for shelter from
disease and violence. Yemenis are struggling to survive as fuel, food and medical supplies are
critically low due to the closure of land, sea and air routes. Just 14% of national fuel
requirements have arrived in country since the end of March putting 10 million people at risk of
losing access to water. Over 12 million people are going hungry as wheat and other staples are
in increasingly short supply. More than 15 million are without access to health care as most
hospitals have shut down due to lack of medical supplies and power cuts. In addition to
constant threat from violence and conflict, an aggressive strain of cholera has broken out, with
1,035,676 suspected cases with 2,224 associated deaths registered since April 2017. Children
are particularly vulnerable, as their small systems and malnourished bodies cannot fight the
disease.
The second reason is the assistant os USAID. In 2014 and 2015, conflict escalated throughout
Yemen and disrupted the political transition process that followed 2011 protests over lack of
economic opportunity, corruption and other issues. The country now faces a humanitarian crisis,
with the UN estimating that 22.2 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance (80% of
the population), more than any other crisis today.

USAID’s current focus in Yemen is to provide humanitarian assistance to those in need,

ensuring that the most vulnerable receive lifesaving assistance throughout the humanitarian
crisis. Through the offices of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance and Food for Peace, USAID
supports interventions including emergency food assistance, medical treatment and vaccination
support for children, emergency obstetric services for women, blankets and household goods
for displaced families, and hygiene kits and water treatment supplies to reduce the spread of
disease. USAID also supports early recovery assistance activities intended to maintain key
sectors such as health, education, and livelihoods. These activities are limited by an insecure
operating environment, which in 2015 forced closure of the U.S. Embassy and suspension of
USAID development projects. However, these initial activities build on humanitarian assistance
and lay the groundwork for reactivating full development programs should the political and
security situation improve.
The last one is the geostrategic position of Yemen is located on the southwest corner of the
Arabian Peninsula, across from the Horn of Africa. With Saudi Arabia to the north and Oman to
the east, Yemen’s land borders are largely isolated by the Empty Quarter, a vast, uninhabited
desert that stretches through the region. Across the Red Sea, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and
Somalia are linked to Yemen by trade, religion and culture. From its vantage point on the Red
Sea and the Gulf of Aden, Yemen overlooks one of the world’s biggest trade routes. Yemen has
three geographic regions: the northern and western highlands, anchored by the capital Sanaa;
the southern coastal harbors around Aden; and the eastern desert of the Hadramawt. For most
of its history, the country’s civilization centered on the highlands, where enough rain falls to
sustain agriculture. Because they lack oil and mineral resources, Yemen’s highlands are
dependent on these farmlands. Meanwhile coastal harbor cities like Aden survived off trade and
piracy, while the desert interior developed a Bedouin trading and raiding culture that siphoned
wealth from the two nearby regions. Dwindling water supplies threaten this balance, however,
as skyrocketing populations and shifting agricultural practices strain the demographic
sustainability of the highlands.
In conclusion, Yemen is important because the U.S troop because USA government can que
influence in the political balance of Arabian Peninsula. The United States is deeply invested in
combating terrorism and violent extremism in Yemen, having collaborated with the Yemeni
government on counterterrorism since the bombing of the USS Cole in 2000. Since 2002, the
United States has carried out over two hundred strikes in Yemen. While Houthi rebels do not
pose a direct threat to the United States, their attacks on Saudi Arabian infrastructure and
territory threaten an important U.S. partner.

Bibliography

 https://www.care.org/emergencies/yemen-humanitarian-crisis
 https://www.stratfor.com/region/middle-east-and-north-africa/yemen
 https://www.usaid.gov/crisis/yemen

ISLAMIST INSURGENCY IN MOZAMBIQUE

“Democracy is necessary to peace and to undermining the forces of terrorism”. Benazir Bhutto
The Islamist insurgency in Mozambique is an ongoing conflict in Cabo Delgado Province,
Mozambique, between Ansar al-Sunna, an Islamist militant group attempting to establish an
Islamic state in Mozambique, and Mozambican security forces. Civilians have also been targets
of attacks by Islamist militants. Ansar al-Sunna (English: Supporters of the tradition) is like the
name of an Iraqi Sunni insurgent group that fought against US troops between 2003 and 2007.
Locals call them "Al-Shabaab" but they are a separate organization from Somali Al-Shabaab.
The militants are known to speak Portuguese, the official language of Mozambique, Kimwane,
the local language, and Swahili, the language spoken in the Great Lakes region. Reports also
state that members are mostly Mozambicans from Mocimboa da Praia, Palma and Macomia
districts, but also include foreign nationals from Tanzania and Somalia. Russia's state-owned
broadcaster, TASS, reported that the Russian and Mozambican governments signed an
agreement on military and technical cooperation in late January 2017. The aim of this essay is
to explain the principal consequences of Islamist Insurgency in Mozambique in three aspect:
humanitarian consequences, the impact in the economy and the chance in the intentional policy.
In fear for their lives, 12,000 Mozambicans have fled to neighboring Malawi since the middle of
2015. In recent months, the UNHCR, Doctors Without Borders, and Human Rights Watch have
reported the refugees’ testimonies, in which they accuse government forces of torching their
villages and carrying out sexual abuse and summary executions. It is fortunate that the plight of
these refugees has been internationally recognized — but attention has, thus far, been limited to
violence in the western province of Tete. In fact, human rights abuses in Mozambique have a far
broader geographical scope.
Loss of partner confidence and devaluation of debt securities are some of the consequences
that Mozambique faces, according to economist Humberto Zaqueu. The Mozambican
government officially entered into default on Friday after the end of the period of grace
concerning the January US$60 million repayment on public debt issued in April last year.
Maputo had already announced that it would not be able to comply with the obligation. Also last
week, the press reported that the authorities were already thinking about negotiating financing
with the Paris Club, an international group of donors to indebted countries, with whom they still
have one debt outstanding. The Mozambican Finance Ministry has denied the news.
Mozambique has already resorted to the Paris Club eight times, and the eighth loan, requested
in 2011, is still outstanding. DW Africa interviewed Humberto Zaqueu, an economist at the NGO
Mozambican Debt Group on the parameters of Mozambique’s debt management.
The U.S. Department of State has assessed Maputo as being a LOW-threat location for terrorist
activity directed at or affecting official U.S. government interests. Local, Regional, and
International Terrorism Threats/Concerns The local terrorism threat has remained unchanged
over the last several years. There have been no known terrorist attacks against U.S. or Western
interests inside of Mozambique. The regional and international terrorist threat, however, is
growing. The expansion of al-Shabaab in eastern Africa, coupled with the recent rise of ISIS
globally is of growing concern. In late 2017 and early 2018, Mozambique saw several reputedly
al-Shabaab-inspired attacks in the north of the country (though not formally connected to al-
Shabaab, the recent attackers claim inspiration from the group and locals oftentimes refer to the
local extremists as “al-Shabaab”). The Nampula and Cabo Delgado provinces and especially
the areas between Mocimboa da Praia and Palma have seen increased activity.
In conclusion Islamist Insurgency in Mozambique is an important conflict that its necessary to
study with the objective to identify other consequences, In October 2017, a little-known Islamist
insurgency by the name of “Ahlu Sunna wa-Jama” or “Swahili Sunnah,” attacked the town of
Mocimboa da Praia in Mozambique’s northern Cabo Delgado province. The attack began a
campaign of terror that has paralyzed Mozambique’s northern coast and threatened $30 billion
in offshore natural gas projects, a key lifeline for Mozambique’s future development. As
casualties rise and civilian displacement continues, the government’s heavy security response
has not effectively countered the Islamist group, which has already been compared to the early
stages of the Boko Haram insurgency in northeastern Nigeria. However, it should be cautioned
that information on the group is difficult to find and separating fact from speculation is harder
still.
 INTERNAL CONFLICT IN VENEZUELA
“821 million people in the world don’t get the food they need to live a healthy life”. FAO The
socioeconomic and political crisis has been taking place in Venezuela since 2010 under the
presidency of Hugo Chávez and has continued into the current presidency of Nicolás Maduro.
The current situation is the worst economic crisis in Venezuela's history and among the worst
crises experienced in the Americas, with hyperinflation, soaring hunger, disease, crime and
death rates, and massive emigration from the country. Observers and economists have stated
that the crisis is not the result of a conflict or natural disaster but the consequences of populist
and socialist policies that began under the Chávez administration's Bolivarian Revolution. On 2
June 2010, President Chávez declared an "economic war" due to the increasing shortages in
Venezuela. The crisis intensified under the Maduro government, growing more severe as a
result of low oil prices in early 2015, and a drop-in oil production from lack of maintenance and
investment. The government failed to cut spending in the face of falling oil revenues and has
dealt with the crisis by denying its existence and violently repressing the opposition. Political
corruption, chronic shortages of food and medicine, closure of companies, unemployment,
deterioration of productivity and high dependence on oil have also contributed to the worsening
crisis. The contraction of national and per capita GDPs in Venezuela between 2013 and 2017
was more severe than that of the United States during the Great Depression, or of Russia,
Cuba, and Albania following the collapse of the Soviet Union. In recent years, the annual
inflation rate for consumer prices rose hundreds and thousands of percentage points (52,000%
for the 12 months ending in November 2018), while the economy contracted by nearly 20%
annually. The crisis has affected the life of the average Venezuelan on various levels. By 2017
hunger had escalated to the point where nearly 75% of the population had lost an average of at
over 8 kg (over 19 lbs) in weight, almost 90% of the population was living in poverty, and more
than half did not have enough income to meet their basic food needs. From the beginning of the
crisis to 2017, more than 2.3 million Venezuelans have fled the country. Venezuela led the world
in murder rates, with 90 per 100,000 people killed in 2015 (compared to 5.35 per 100,000 in the
US or 1.68 per 100,000 in Canada) making it one of the most violent countries in the world. This
essay will try to expose the principal causes of economy crisis in Venezuela: corruption,
Venezuela dept and the hyperinflation.
The corruption in Venezuela Corruption in Venezuela is high according to Transparency
International's (TNI) Corruptions Perceptions Index and is prevalent throughout many levels of
Venezuela's society. In the case of Venezuela, the discovery of oil in the early twentieth century
has worsened political corruption. While corruption is difficult to measure reliably, Transparency
International currently ranks Venezuela among the top 20 most corrupt countries, tied with four
other countries as the 8th most corrupt nation in the world. A 2014 Gallup poll found that 75% of
Venezuelans believed that corruption was widespread throughout the Venezuelan government.
Discontent with corruption was cited by opposition-aligned groups as one of the reasons for the
2014 Venezuelan protests. Venezuela used to be a wealthy nation of Latin America, but a
corrupt system along with drop in oil prices drove the country into political and economic crisis.
President Nicolas Maduro’s government began quietly halting interest payments on some $50
billion in publicly traded debt last year in an effort to save hard currency for the collapsing
socialist economy, which is suffering from hyperinflation.Investors have been slow to move
against Venezuela and its state oil company, PDVSA, in part because Maduro has shown no
signs of advancing the kind of reforms - including an overhaul of the oil industry - needed to
restore economic stability. xperts on all sides say government policies, not the debt, are to
blame for the suffering. The question is whether buying the bonds are allows the government to
continue its crippling policies. Venezuela owes over $60 billion to bondholders. The country's
central bank has only $9.6 billion left.
Venezuela is introducing economic reforms including new banknotes that lop five zeros off its
fast-depreciating currency as the country battles hyperinflation. Banks will close on Monday as
they prepare to release the new “sovereign bolívar” amid warnings from International Monetary
Fund economists that Venezuela’s inflation rate could exceed 1,000,000% this year.
In conclusion, the three consequences mentioned before show us the big impact in the
Venezuela’s economy. Venezuela is arguably going through one of the largest economic
disasters in world history, with prices soaring uncontrollably each day. The International
Monetary Fund (IMF) said this week that the Latin American nation is "stuck in a profound
economic and social crisis" and that inflation will hit 1 million percent by the end of the year. The
Fund compared the situation in Venezuela to Germany in 1923 and Zimbabwe in the late 2000s,
where the collapse in demand for money led to historically high prices and dramatic social
issues.

Bibliography

 https://money.cnn.com/2017/11/14/investing/venezuela-debt-401k/index.html
 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crisis_in_Venezuela#Corruption
  https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/aug/20/venezuela-bolivars-hyperinflation-
banknotes
 https://www.forbes.com/sites/garthfriesen/2018/08/07/the-path-to-hyperinflation-what-
happened-to-venezuela/#2493f03615e4

AMERICAN-LED-INTERVENTION IN IRAQ (2014-2017)

No matter what you think about the Iraq war, there is one thing we can all agree on for the next
days - we have to salute the courage and bravery of those who are risking their lives to vote and
those brave Iraqi and American soldiers fighting to protect their right to vote. Hillary Clinton. An
American-led intervention in Iraq started on 15 June 2014, when President Barack Obama
ordered United States forces to be dispatched to the region, in response to offensives in Iraq
conducted by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). At the invitation of the Iraqi
government, American troops went to assess Iraqi forces and the threat posed by ISIL. In early
August 2014, ISIL attacked Kurdish-held territory in northern Iraq, and captured three towns in
northern Iraq, close to the autonomous region of Iraqi Kurdistan. In response, on 5 August, the
United States started supplying the Iraqi Kurdish peshmerga forces with weapons. On 7 August,
the United States also started humanitarian aid air droppings of food, water, and medicine for
civilians fleeing ISIL in the Sinjar Mountains. On the next day, 8 August, the United States began
airstrikes against ISIL positions in Iraq. Since then, in coalition with the United States, nine
countries have also executed airstrikes on ISIL in Iraq. These airstrikes have been operating
more or less in concert with ground warfare by Kurdish and Iraqi government forces against
ISIL. There have also been sporadic clashes between ISIL fighters, and US and Canadian
troops, several thousand of whom are acting in advisory and combat roles alongside Kurdish
and Iraqi forces. By April 2015, ISIL had lost significant amounts of territory to Iraqi and
American-led Coalition forces. Compared to their peak in December 2014, ISIL had lost 25–30%
of their territory, leaving them in possession of around 15,000 square miles of Iraq. By
December 2017, ISIL had no remaining territory in Iraq, following the 2017 Western Iraq
campaign. he purposes of this essay is to identify the main effects of the intervention in Iraq in
2014 divided in: humanitarian crisis, economic effects and political effects.
Three years of continuous conflict and economic stagnation have impacted nearly every aspect
of Iraqi society. More people are vulnerable and in need of assistance now than at any time
during the previous years. During 2017, humanitarians estimate that as many as 11 million
Iraqis will require some form of humanitarian assistance. This figure represents the aggregate,
rather than absolute number of people who will require some form of assistance. In some cases,
a single person is counted several times in determining the overall level of need. This reflects
the complex reality of Iraq and the changing vulnerabilities many Iraqis are expected to
experience during the year. Partners estimate that up to 4.2 million internally displaced people
may need assistance. Of these, 1.1 million are expected to be resident in camps and
emergency sites and 3.1 million to live in host communities.
Iraq’s economic condition is gradually improving following the deep economic strains of the last
three years. The defeat of ISIS in end-2017 now leaves the challenging task of rebuilding the
infrastructure and providing services and job opportunities to the population. This is overlaid on
the need to address the legacy of past conflict and neglect, including in the south, which was
the poorest region of the country pre-ISIS. The World Bank estimates the cost of post-ISIS
reconstruction at US$88 billion. US$30 billion worth of -commitments were made, mostly in the
form of loans and guarantees, at the International Conference for the Reconstruction of Iraq,
which took place in February 2018 in Kuwait. Reconstruction effort may be delayed due to
political uncertainty following elections in May 2018.
For 15 years, Iraq has been under constant media attention. From the suspicions of hidden
weapons of mass destruction to the high-level violence of the Islamic State (ISIS), a lot has
been said on what is happening in Iraq, why it is happening, and how it got there. However,
since 2014, the increase in opinions, debates, and experts on terrorism has only contributed to
a lack of meaning. Iraq has been in a constant state of political chaos, of which the 2003 US-led
intervention was the starting point. Driven by the idea of American idealism and transforming the
intervention into an ideological war, the US goal behind the invasion of Iraq was to establish
democracy in the Middle East. But at what price for Iraq?
In conclusion, three are some consequence of this conflict and the solution is far to come.
When Iraq and the international community liberated Mosul last year, the Iraqi government
declared victory: the three-year conflict against jihadist terrorists who had seized much of the
country’s north was over. But the declaration was premature. ISIS remains a major threat, not
only because of its own acumen as an insurgent movement but because Iraq’s ruling elites have
failed to address the conditions that enabled ISIS in the first place. Their failure to address the
basic needs of a deeply destitute and conflict-weary population, to remedy political and social
divisions, and to forge a common national framework that unifies the country could soon pave
the way for yet another devastating civil war as rival groups compete for control of the Iraqi
state.
Bibliography

 https://reliefweb.int/report/iraq/iraq-2017-humanitarian-needs-overview
  http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/iraq/overview
 https://globalriskinsights.com/2016/05/iraq-political-instability/

AMERICAN-LED INTERVENTION IN THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR

Both sides in Syria are bad. One side is a brutal dictator, and the other includes Islamists and
terrorists who are dangerous already and who would be brutal in power if given the chance.
Newt Gingrich. The American-led intervention in the Syrian Civil War refers to US support of
Syrian opposition and the Federation of Northern Syria during the course of the Syrian Civil War,
and active involvement of US military against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and
against the al-Nusra Front from 2014. Since 2017, the US and some other Coalition nations
have also targeted military positions of the Syrian Government. The United States first supplied
the rebels of the Free Syrian Army with non-lethal aid (including food rations and pickup trucks),
but quickly began providing training, cash, and intelligence to selected Syrian rebel
commanders. During the Syrian Civil War, which began in 2011, two US programs attempted to
assist the Syrian rebels. One was a military program that planned to train and equip 15,000
Syrian rebels, but was canceled in 2015 after spending $500 million and producing only a few
dozen fighters. A $1 billion covert program run by the CIA was more successful, but was
decimated by Russian bombing and canceled in mid-2017 by the Trump administration. The
purpose of this essay is to present the three major effects of the Syrian War; resulting in
violation of human right, refugee crisis and social – economic impact.

The human suffering in the Syrian crisis since February 2011 is, above all, a tragedy for the
Syrian people, but also demonstrably a crisis of international intervention. The international
community has failed to protect and assist civilians who in large numbers are being killed,
injured, brutalised, bereaved, displaced, or impoverished by the conflict. Given the prevailing
approach to international intervention since the end of the Cold War, this failure is, sadly,
unsurprising. Specifically, the conflation over time of political and humanitarian objectives has
damaged the concept of impartial humanitarian action, without which—as Syria shows—
innocent civilians are without protection. This essay will argue that respect for humanitarian
principles provides a better defense than so-called “humanitarian intervention.”

Since the Syrian civil war officially began March 15, 2011, families have suffered under a brutal
conflict that has killed hundreds of thousands of people, torn the nation apart, and set back the
standard of living by decades. About 13.1 million people in the country need humanitarian
assistance. War broke the social and business ties that bound neighbors to their community.
Millions scattered, creating the largest refugee and displacement crisis of our time. More than
5.6 million Syrians have fled the country as refugees, and another 6.2 million people are
displaced within Syria. Half of the people affected are children.

New World Bank report estimates that as of early 2017, the conflict in Syria has damaged or
destroyed about a third of the housing stock and about half of medical and education facilities,
and led to significant economic losses. A key finding of the report is that the breakdown of the
systems that organize both the economy and society, along with the trust that binds people
together, has had a greater economic impact than the destruction of physical infrastructure. The
report further finds that the longer the conflict continues the more persistent will be the impact,
making recovery and reconstruction even harder. Six years of conflict in Syria have taken a
severe toll on the country’s people, with more than 400,000 estimated deaths and over half the
population driven from their homes in what is the largest refugee crisis since World War II.

In conclusion, The international community need to create alternative to solution this conflict.
International organizations have accused the Syrian government, ISIL, opposition rebel groups,
and the U.S.-led coalition[109] of severe human rights violations and of massacres.[110] The
conflict has caused a major refugee crisis. Over the course of the war, a number of peace
initiatives have been launched, including the March 2017 Geneva peace talks on Syria led by
the United Nations, but fighting continues.

Bibliography

 https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-17258397
 https://www.reuters.com/places/syria
 https://www.worldvision.org/refugees-news-stories/syrian-refugee-crisis-facts
 https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2017/07/18/the-visible-impacts-of-the-
syrian-war-may-only-be-the-tip-of-the-iceberg
 INSURGENCY IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS (2009)
To be prepared for war is one of the most effective means of preserving peace. George
Washington. The insurgency in the North Caucasus is a currently low-level armed conflict
between Russia and militants associated with the Caucasus Emirate and, since June 2015,
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) groups. It followed the official end of the decade-long
Second Chechen War on 16 April 2009. It attracted people from the Middle East, North Africa,
Europe and Central Asia, who then participated in the conflict, but volunteers from the North
Caucasus are also fighting in Syria. The insurgency has gone relatively dormant in recent years.
During its peak, the violence was mostly concentrated in the North Caucasus republics of
Chechnya, Dagestan, Ingushetia and Kabardino-Balkaria. Occasional incidents happened in
surrounding regions, like North Ossetia-Alania, Karachay-Cherkessia, Stavropol Krai and
Volgograd Oblast. The purpose of this essay is to identify the main causes of the insurgency in
the north Caucasus in 200 in three principal causes are divided in: difficult
socioeconomic and political situation, ethnic diversity and search of independence of the
provinces.
For two decades the North Caucasus conflict has been among Europe’s deadliest. Victims are
less, 1,149 killed or wounded in 2013 to 525 in 2014, but risks associated with growing Islamic
State (IS) influence in the insurgency are high. Leaders of the former al-Qaeda associated
“Caucasus Emirate”, which has done attacks in the region and terrorism countrywide since
2007, are swearing allegiance to IS. Counter-insurgency remains heavy-handed. With Russia’s
economic crisis becoming acute, conflict may be entering a new stage. Violence is often seen
as feeding on religious, ethnic and historic tensions, but causes are more complex. Russian
authorities and local elites must debrutalise counter-insurgency, free electoral processes, bring
accountability and transparency to government, end impunity for official corruption and
bureaucratic malpractice and improve services. Islamist and jihadi projects in the region largely
respond to social inequality, corruption and failing social services. Addressing these issues is
essential to reduce the risk of a new surge in deadly violence and insurgency.
The North Caucasus consists of the republics of Dagestan, Chechnya, Ingushetia, North
Ossetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachay-Cherkessia and Adygea. Unlike the South Caucasus
states of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, this area remained part of Russia following the
collapse of the Soviet Union. Geographically, the North Caucasus is part of the transcontinental
Caucasus zone, sandwiched between the Black Sea to the west and the Caspian Sea to the
east. The Russian steppe lies to the north, with the highlands of Asia Minor to the south.
Internally, the region is dominated by the Greater Caucasus mountain range. The high, rugged
terrain creates pockets of ethnic and linguistic groups, with over 40 such groups within
Dagestan alone.
Russia’s Northern Caucasus is turning into one of the most volatile, lawless regions in the world
and a hotbed for international terrorist activity in spite of decades of Russian military operations
and repeated assurances from the Russian government that peace has been achieved. As
Russia continues to lose control of the region, it is becoming a significant base for Islamist
terrorist organizations and organized crime and may ignite an even greater terrorist campaign
inside Russia and beyond.
In conclusion, the difficult socioeconomic and political situation, ethnic diversity and search of
independence of the provinces are the main consequences of the insurgency.The Islamist
insurgency in Russia’s Northern Caucasus threatens to turn the region into a haven for
international terrorism and to destabilize the entire region, which is a critical hub of oil and gas
pipelines located at Europe’s doorstep. Neither Russia’s excessive use of military force nor its
massive economic aid to the region appear to have helped. The U.S. and its friends and allies
should keep a close watch on the region. In the meantime, the U.S. should work with
neighboring countries to improve their border security. The U.S. should also encourage and
work with Middle Eastern countries to stop the flow of cash to the Islamist terrorist
organizations.
Bibliography

 https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/caucasus/russianorth-caucasus/north-
caucasus-challenges-integration-iv-economic-and-social-imperatives
 https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-12274023
 KAMWINA NSAPU REBELLION (2016)
Peace demands the most heroic labor and the most difficult sacrifice. It demands greater
heroism than war. It demands greater fidelity to the truth and a much more perfect purity of
conscience. Thomas Merton. n 2011, Jean-Pierre Mpandi was designated to succeed his uncle
and become the sixth head of Bajila Kasanja clan after returning from South Africa. from a
conviction in a diamond-trafficking case. His tribal name was Kamwina Nsapu, meaning "black
ant". Such chiefs exercise significant control over land and are required to be recognized by the
central state even if they are selected according to traditions. That encourages chiefs to support
the DRC government to get its endorsement. His region supported the opposition in the last
presidential election, and tensions flared when the government appointed supporters, rather
than tribal chiefs, to powerful positions in the local government. The central government also
refused to recognise Kamwina Nsapu's appointment as chief after he opposed the government's
stance. That led him to contest the central government's power, and he began calling for an
insurrection in June 2016v the purpose of this essay is to explain the effects derived of kamwina
nsapu rebellion such as the international response to the conflict, the political and regional
human consequences.
The UN’s largest peacekeeping mission has only minimal capacity to respond to civil unrest or
widening conflict. Nevertheless, UN troop and police presence in potential hotspots could deter
security forces from committing abuses, and the mission’s monitoring and good offices will
remain important. In a welcome move, the UN Secretary-General on 10 March requested the
Security Council to approve an additional UN police presence, including in the Kasai region,
noting a “high risk of urban violence in the upcoming electoral period”. The Security Council is
scheduled to decide on possible changes to MONUSCO’s mandate on 29 March.
The Kamuina Nsapu insurgency arose last year as a locally rooted conflict in the Kasai-Central
province of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), but has since gained intensity and is
spreading to neighbouring provinces. By January, 216,000 people had been displaced, and
more than 400 killed, according to humanitarian sources. In one town, Tshimbulu, at least 84
militia members were killed between 9 and 13 February 2017. Mass graves have been
discovered in the area since.
At the national level, a dangerous political stalemate continues following President Joseph
Kabila’s decision to stay in power beyond his constitutionally mandated term limit in December
2016. Despite the agreement mediated by the Catholic Church and signed by the government
and opposition party leaders on 31 December, which called for a transitional government and
elections by the end of 2017, significant issues remain unresolved. With the economic crisis
deepening, instability is rising, not only in the Kasai region but also in North Kivu, Tanganyika
and Kongo-Central.
In conclusion, kamwina nsapu rebellion is a conflict that have a lot of effect national an
regional. While much of this violence is rooted in local causes, it directly challenges state
authority, and serves as a warning that the political crisis at the national level is further
destabilising the country’s provinces. Violence in North Kivu province, recently visited by Crisis
Group, has already affected preparation for elections, and this could be repeated as voter
registration rolls out across the country. It is vital that conflict resolution mechanisms are
established or boosted at the local level in anticipation of further problems.
Bibliography

 https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/democratic-republic-congo/kamuina-
nsapu-insurgency-adds-dangers-dr-congo
 http://desc-wondo.org/en/kamuina-nsapu-insurgency-adds-to-dangers-in-dr-congo-hans-
hoebeke/
WAR IN DONBAS (2014)
The supreme art of war is to subdue the enemy without fighting. Sun Tzu. War in Donbass is an
armed conflict in the Donbass region of Ukraine. From the beginning of March 2014, protests by
pro-Russian and anti-government groups took place in the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts of
Ukraine, commonly collectively called the "Donbass", in the aftermath of the 2014 Ukrainian
revolution and the Euromaidan movement. These demonstrations, which followed the
annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation (February to March 2014), and which were
part of a wider group of concurrent pro-Russian protests across southern and eastern Ukraine,
escalated into an armed conflict between the separatist forces of the self-declared Donetsk and
Luhansk People's Republics (DPR and LPR respectively), and the Ukrainian government. In the
Donetsk People's Republic, from May 2014 until a change of the top leadership in August 2014,
[38] some of the top leaders were Russian citizens. During the middle of 2014, Russian
paramilitaries were reported to make up between 15% to 80% (Ukrainian data) of the
combatants. There were an estimated 6,000 Russian troops and 40,000 rebels in the Donetsk
and Luhansk regions of Ukraine as of September 2017.The purpose of this essay is to identify
the main effects of War in Donbass such as social violent, economic and political effects.
The first consequences in this issue focuses on the extent of Russia's role in fomenting the
violent conflict in eastern Ukraine. In “The Donbas Rift,” Serhiy Kudelia argues that the struggle
for the Donbas that was taken up in Donetsk and Luhansk in 2014 resulted in the loss of the
territory for both Ukraine and Russia. Although many blame Moscow for starting the war in the
region, the key role was played by processes that took place within Ukraine, beginning with the
use of force by Euromaidan activists, which was not stopped by opposition leaders and resulted
in the government's loss of its monopoly on the use of force. After the anti-Yanukovych forces
achieved their victory through the use of force, this tactic gained legitimacy in society.
Clearly, Ukraine has been the main victim of the conflict. In Donbass, which used to account for
16% of Ukraine’s GDP and a quarter of its exports, the war-related damage is currently
estimated at some EUR 6 billion (or 6% of GDP), and industrial production has nearly come to a
standstill, largely as a result of power cuts and railway disruptions. On top of that, the enacted
ban on exports of military and dual-use goods to Russia has further contributed to the export
decline. At the same time, domestic private consumption has been eroded by the spike in
inflation and the IMF-imposed austerity measures. All in all, Ukraine’s economy may contract by
up to 10% this year, and the stabilisation prospects are unclear.
Many states and international organisations have reacted to the ongoing war in the Donbass
region of Ukraine, which began in April 2014. In August 2014 when the intervention of Russian
troops in Donbass scaled up, many states condemned this violation of Ukraine's sovereignty.
Russian opposition leader Boris Nemtsov said that Russian president Vladimir Putin sought to
"punish" Ukraine to prevent an anti-corruption revolution like Euromaidan from taking place in
Russia. Former Georgian president Mikheil Saakashvili said that Ukraine "is [Putin's] West
Berlin – the taking of which was a matter of principle for Stalin and the successful protection of
which ultimately reversed the spread of communism in Europe. The dismantlement of Ukraine is
how Putin seeks to erode the values of the transatlantic alliance, and the future of Europe is no
less at risk than it was decades ago in Germany". Garry Kasparov considered the West's
response to be weak, saying politicians were "lining up to become a new Chamberlain." In
February 2015, former Lithuanian president Andrius Kubilius said that he thought that "What we
see in Ukraine is not a "Ukrainian crisis", nor is it a "conflict in Ukraine". This is Putin's war,
which was initiated by him, which has been supported by him, which is being implemented by
him, and which can only be stopped by him. [...] Mr. Putin, along with the mainstream political
class in Russia, is still living with a lot of nostalgia for the imperial past". The Major Archbishop
of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Sviatoslav Shevchuk, stated that the signatories of the
Budapest Memorandum were failing to honour their security assurances to Ukraine, which "has
been attacked and needs such guarantees more than ever".
Inconclusion War in Donbass had several effect. The conflict in eastern Ukraine has transitioned
to a stalemate after it first erupted in early 2014, but shelling and skirmishes still occur regularly,
including an escalation in violence in the spring of 2018. n October 2018, Ukraine joined the
United States and seven other North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries in a series
of large-scale air exercises in western Ukraine. The exercises came after Russia held its annual
military exercises in September 2018, the largest since the fall of the Soviet Union.
Bibliography

 https://wiiw.ac.at/economic-consequences-of-the-ukraine-conflict-n-60.html
 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_reactions_to_the_war_in_Donbass
 https://www.cfr.org/interactives/global-conflict-tracker?cid=ppc-Google-grant-
conflict_tracker-031116&gclid=CJi2h-vf184CFUgq0wodchoDXw#!/conflict/conflict-in-
ukraine

OROMO-SONALI CLASHES (2016)

In war, events of importance are the result of trivial causes. Julius Caesar. The current
exacerbation of the conflict is speculated to be caused from competition arisen from a prolonged
drought. From December 2016 at the border of the Oromia and Somali regions, the Oromia and
Somali communities territorial tension boiled, notably near the town of Deka, leaving at least 30
people dead and more than 50,000 displaced. The Oromo claim the area is their ancestral land
and the Somali families had been brought in from Ethiopian Somali regional. The situation
escalated when the two communities’ clansmen started revenge attacks. The clashes involved
heavily armed men on both sides in locations all along the border. Schools were looted, and civil
servants shot in their offices. Residents on the Oromo side also reported widespread rapes. The
worst of the violence took place in the area around Negele Borana. More than 100 people died,
and thousands were displaced in February and March in the Negele area alone. Oromo activists
have claimed much higher numbers. On 20 April 2017 the Oromia and Somali states of
Ethiopia have signed an agreement to peacefully solve disputes. Though in September 2017,
clashes erupted killing hundreds of the Oromo ethnicity and some on Somali side. The regional
special police of both states, called the Liyu in the Somali region and the Liyu Hail of Oromia
state, have been accused of being behind many of the atrocities. In May 2018, four poeple were
killed and 200 houses burned in clashes. In July 2018, Oromo militias killed 50 Somalis the
purpose of this essay is to discuss the principal causes of the Oromo - Somali clashes: the
ethnic differences, the dispute of territory among the time and the religion.

Ethnic violence between the Oromo and Gedeo ethnic groups in Ethiopia shows little sign of
ending just over four months since reformist Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed took office. Although
the government has not given an official death toll, Gedeos claim dozens have been killed in the
clashes, with many forced to flee their homes as tensions between the two ethnic groups
intensify.
Ethiopia is no stranger to ethnic violence — with over 80 different ethnic groups and Africa's
second largest country based on population, it is extremely diverse and disagreements between
various groups often spiral into communal violence. The ongoing conflict is quickly creating a
humanitarian crisis in the region, with aid workers warning of grim conditions and a shortage of
shelter as those fleeing their homes seek refuge from the seasonal rains. According to the
International Organization for Migration (IOM), approximately 820,000 people have been driven
from their homes in Gedeo and 150,000 in the West Guiji zone of Oromia — many in the few
weeks following the inauguration of Abiy.

Oromia and Somali are, respectively, the two largest regions in the country by area size, sharing
a border of more than 1,400 km (870 miles). While Somalis are mostly pastoralists, living from
their animals, Oromos tend to be farmers, as well as pastoralists. Both communities inhabit the
areas around the regional border. Oromia and Somali are, respectively, the two largest regions
in the country by area size, sharing a border of more than 1,400 km (870 miles). While Somalis
are mostly pastoralists, living from their animals, Oromos tend to be farmers, as well as
pastoralists.
Both communities inhabit the areas around the regional border.

The Somali, the Oromo and the Afar belong to the eastern Cushitic linguistic group of the Horn
of Africa. They relate to each other in terms of language and culture. Sociologically, they are a ll
organized in patriarchal clan structures. Both the Afar and the Somali practice Islam almost
exclusively and are predominantly engaged in nomadic pastoralism. In contrast, the Oromo
practice Islam, Christianity and traditional religion. Nevertheless, those Oromo clans who reside
coterminous with the Afar and the Somali largely follow the Islamic faith and are predominantly
engaged in pastoralism. While Islam could serve as an instrument of integration, pastoralism,
which depends on the mobility of livestock, brings them into frequent re source conflicts.

In Conclusion, a negotiation of these main causes should be carried out between the parties for
possible resolution. Also, there should be a strong political commitment to promote
peaceful coexistence and cooperation at all levels since the local and regional political
bodies lack the necessary power and less responsible for the problem and less
committed for finding long term solutions. Furthermore, interventions by the military of
the Federal Government will not only require a fire brigade service but there should be a long
lasting solution to the problem by the concerned bodies which requires a holistic and
integrated approach towards creating strong institutions that constrain opportunistic actions.

Bibliography
 https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-41278618
 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oromo%E2%80%93Somali_clashes
  https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstream/handle/1887/13839/chapter%20eight.pdf?
sequence=7

ANGLOPHONE CRISIS (2017)

To be prepared for war is one of the most effective means of preserving peace. George
Washington The Anglophone Crisis, also known as the Ambazonia War, is a conflict in the
Southern Cameroons region of Cameroon, part of the long-standing Anglophone problem. In
September 2017, separatists in the Anglophone territories of Northwest Region and Southwest
Region (collectively known as Southern Cameroons) declared the independence of Ambazonia
and began fighting against the Government of Cameroon. In this essay will try to try to explain
de consequences of anglophone crisis in three aspect: social, GDP impact and the effect in the
economy.
The current stalemate deprives children of education, businessmen of returns and detainees of
speedy trial as uneasy calm continually reigns in the two English-speaking Regions Little or no
progress in resolving what has become popularly known as the “Anglophone Crisis” is leaving a
very bitter toll on the populations of the North West and South West Regions. Most, if not all, the
peoples according to their ages and social classes, have all but good memories of the complex
and long-drawn socio-political situation in the two regions. Even as negativity is almost always a
common denominator in all crises, the extent to which what began as genuine professional
complaints raised by Common Law Lawyers and English-speaking teachers’ trade unions has
gone, is disquieting. Since November 21, 2016 when the discontented lawyers and teachers
decided to down their tools, almost all activities of man have been moving from bad to worse in
the two regions.
An escalation of the political crisis in Cameroon’s western Anglophone provinces threatens to
derail one of the strongest-growing economies in sub-Saharan Africa. If the economy continues
to weaken it could threaten the CFA franc’s peg against the euro. But the introduction of
quarterly GDP reports will be welcomed by investors for allowing a timelier assessment of
prospects. The Ivory Coast will soon follow suit. Large street protests across Cameroon’s
western provinces and fatal clashes with police on 22 September signified an escalation of the
so-called Anglophone crisis in Cameroon. These disturbances in the two most western
provinces, accounting for about 20% of GDP, started in October last year after people in the
mainly English-speaking region complained of alleged neglect by the Francophone majority
government. The authorities have pledged to leave no stone unturned in the process of getting
rid of alleged secessionists after a bombing campaign targeting security forces began in mid-
September.
The conflict has severely harmed the local economy. In June 2018, Cameroon Development
Corporation, a state-owned company with 22,000 employees, declared the conflict could lead to
the loss of 5,000 jobs on the short term. In July 2018, an NGO reported that the war had caused
a 70 percent increase in unemployment in the agricultural sector. The palm oil and cocoa
sectors in Southwest Region had taken a severe blow, with state-owned company Pamol
abandoning plantations in some areas. The private company Telcar Cocoa reported that the
cocoa production had fallen 80 percent. The NGO suggested that companies make deals with
the separatists in order to safeguard their facilities. The separatists aim to prevent the
Cameroonian state from getting any income from the Anglophone regions, in order to make cost
of controlling the region surpass the benefits
The anglophone crisis is the biggest timebomb in Cameroon, y January 2018, 15,000 people
had fled from Southern Cameroons to Nigeria. This number increased to at least 40,000 people
by February. By August 2018, more than 180,000 people had been displaced due to the war.

 http://www.perceptionglobalmedia.com/cameroon-social-economic-consequences-of-
the-anglophone-crisis-in-the-nw-and-sw-regions/
 https://www.howwemadeitinafrica.com/cameroon-insight-anglophone-crisis-may-prolong-
economic-decline/59902/
 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jan/03/deaths-and-detentions-as-cameroon-
cracks-down-on-anglophone-activists