Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Soc 102 Shif 2003
Soc 102 Shif 2003
An analysis of the women and marriage of 17th century Kandyan kingdom in relation to
The specifics chosen for this study are women in the Kandyan society during the 17 th
century to early 18th century which represents the early period of the Kandyan kingdom
Women and marriage of the 17th century 2
The Kandyan kingdom was founded by knig Sena Sammatha Vikramabahu. At that
time large majority of the people were sinhala Buddhists though there were small
Women and marriage of the 17th century 3
Robert Knox’s historical relations of the island of Ceylon, is the earliest text providing
some information to draw a fairly detailed picture of the situation during the reign of
King Rajasinha II when the Kandyan Kingdom was as its most explicit form of socio-
political development
Knox can be supplemented by sinhala writings of the time, and some references in the
Dutch records. The 17th century then becomes the referent period of the “ideal construct”.
Popular literature, folk poetry and folk lore exhibit a range of opinions and views as well
as contemporary land transfer records which reflect the actuality of the life and the
society. However Robert Knox was not imagining things but only wrote down what he
the element of ‘participant observant’ is evident, which can be taken as a true description
though he was selective in doing so, and prejudiced in explaining what he saw. Knox
some times and folk sources always was not writing about kings and queens but village
This study is focused on the Sinhala Buddhist women of the Kandyan country. The
Period selected represents one in which there was the early western mercantile capitalist
intrusion into an oriental country. Whilst the low country seem to have circumed foreign
to rules and its ramifications both on social organizations and economic pursuits,
Kandyan kingdom remained somewhat free of total subjugation and acculturation. The
feudalist structure, with which British imperialism had to contend within the early 19th
century. There could have been contacts between the sinhala women and those of other
country’s communities which must have had mutual influences, particularly in dress
The primary sources are sinhala literary writings of the period. Much of it remained
unpublished. However in all literary accountants we encounter men and priest’s writings,
because female writings were rare and not recognized. Thus we only get information
The Nelum Kavi1, gives an account of women and their household affairs. Thus
indigenous sources might be useful in countering the prejudices inherent in the writing of
Knox and the other foreign observers. The literature composition of the 17th century was
mostly in verse.
1
A form of oral lyric/poem tradition which is sung spontaneously by men and women participating in the
harvesting.
Women and marriage of the 17th century 6
There is a substantial collection of folk poems and folk lore which represents the oral
tradition of ethnic history. Most of the folk lore is in lay tradition, unlike the sinhala
literary works. This is highly religious bias. It talks about common people and their daily
affairs. Sinhala literary works mostly compromises the praise songs of the nobles and
royalty. Some of the folk ritual literature directly deals with women’s illness and
demons and their relationship with humans who reflect a hierarchical ordering of male
and female deities and spirits. This is a gendered hierarchy similar to that in the world of
humans. They also reveal sacred ideology and social institutions that sustained and
A major source of the study of the seventeenth century Kandyan society is Robert
Territories as a prisoner of King Rajasingha before his escape to England. The Historical
relation of Ceylon is one of the most and the first important historical work concerning
Sri Lanka written in English. It was primarily written to introduce English readers to the
strange ways of an exotic people living in the Kandyan kingdom of ancient Srilanka in
about 17th Century. Even during his time this book was widely read, appreciated and
translated into a number of European languages. So it would have been read by both king
and commoner to wet their curiosity to know details about the life and activities of the
Kandyan kingdom about which they could have known from mere hearsay.
“Early writers such as Ryhys, Davids (1877) commenting about Knox’s Historical
Relations noted: “this most valuable work is thoroughly trustworthy. Knox and
his companions were not confined in any prison, but in separate villages, where
they were allowed to go in and out among the people.” (Daily mirror)
2
The pantheon of the Sinhala Buddhist ideology
Women and marriage of the 17th century 7
sociologists who cautioned the reader to several limitations accusing Knox of his
‘‘if Knox’s Perennial classic is remarkable for its almost uncanny accuracy it also
exhibits the intimacy which can only be gained by a participant observer who has
spent a considerable time among the people he studies, participating in their way
of life’” (daily News)
Further to emphasize the fact that Knox is a man of truth, these letters written for him
“At the court of comities for the East India company to the 10th of august 1681
We esteem Captain Knox a man of truth and integrity, and that his relations and accounts
of the island of Ceylon (which some of us have lately perused in manuscripts) are worthy
of credit, and therefore encouraged him to make this fame public.
I perused Captain Knox’s description of the Isle of Ceylon, which seems to be written
with great truth and integrity and the subject been new containing an account of people
and country little known to us; I conceive it may give great satisfaction to the curious,
and may be well worth your publishing Chr. Wren” (Knox, 1681).
In the Historical relation Knox gives much information about the Kandyan society
during his time and deals on a variety of sensitive subjects such s the caste structure,
marriage customs, religious practices and beliefs, the judicial system and the political
system. Most of the information given by him has been drawn from his personal
experience and from various reliable sources he had come in contact with through the
years as he had been wandering in the Kandyan villages and meeting people of various
Because of this reason Knox’s Historical relations had become one of the most
important source books of the Kandyan society. The first part of this book deals with the
social organization and stratification and the latter part deals with the personal story of
his capture and escape from Sri Lanka. He writes in detail about the island’s geography,
agriculture, natural history, people, social structure and the history of the Kandyan
Kingdom and its administration. It is interesting to note that Knox had no intention
whatsoever of publishing his book until he was encouraged to do so by those who read
his script such as Sir.Josiah Child of the East India company and John Strype. The royal
society of London too contributed largely toward the publication of this book.
In his description of the social conditions of the Kandyan Kingdom Knox deals very
much with marriage and marriage customs prevalent at that time. And also affairs
concerning men and women. When considering about women, a descriptive narration of
the life cycle of women and the rights of passage, rights and obligations of the woman as
a daughter, sister, wife and a mother, The conceptual distinction between family and
household along with marriage which is the mode of reproduction, And examination of
the Kandyan social order or social stratification briefly about its caste system, marriage
patterns and its inheritance rules are discussed by him. Although various writers
prevailed in the Kandyan society, I believe that his study was fairy distributed since his
life in Sri Lanka was not a short time. Besides he is an alien to this country. Although
some may consider that the subjective observation is biased I believe that as a sailor he
himself had a little experience in family affairs since he spent most of his time in the sea.
Women and marriage of the 17th century 9
Robert Knox was born in London on February 1641. Son of a Sea faring Englishman
and a god fearing extraordinarily pious mother. At the age of 14 he went to see for the
first time on his father’s new ship, The Anne trading along the Indian Coast. He returned
London in 1657 to find his mother having died the previous year. He had already taken to
the sea as a calling despite his father’s early protestations, and the refitted Anne. It sailed
on the 21st of January 1658 on “That fatall Voyage” in which says Knox in his
autobiography,
“I lost my father and myself and the prime of my time for business and
preferment for twenty three years tell Anno 1680”. In 1659 Knox’s wrecked ship
reached the east coast of Sri Lanka. During their stay of between 3-4 months in
Kottiyar bay. (Knox, 1681)
Knox, his father, and sixteen members of the crew were taken prisoner by the king’s
men in April 1660 and removed to Kandy. How he employed his time during lonesome
and dragging confinement of 19th and half years with fortitude resource and extemporary
self discipline is now a celebrated scenario, and needs no establishment here. His beloved
father and pilot of his life died on 9th February 1661and Knox then only twenty remained
for another eighteen years living in four different villages close to kandy before escaping
from the last, Eladetta , on the 22nd September 1679 and fell in to the hands of Dutch on
the 18th of October, 1679 at the coastal fort of Arippu. He was taken from Colombo to
Batavia arriving on the 15th January 1680, and started his homeward voyage from Bantan
on the Ceaser arriving in England in September 1860 almost 23 years leaving on that ill
This account shows that he spent nearly 20 years and was in his thirties when he
escaped the island. He spent almost a considerable amount of his life span as a youth and
as a prisoner on the island. Thus his experience on this island could not be visualized as
Women and marriage of the 17th century 10
an entirely alien form of observation for as a child he had only spent ten years in England
and even in that decade he was seafaring with his father. In that situation Knox might
have been exhibited himself in various lands alien to his motherland, because it was
stated that his father was a business sailor. Nowhere in his autobiography had Knox
stated that he was uncomfortable by the comforts he received from the indigenous
society. Knox manage to cope himself yet he was somewhat separated by the Kandyan
people itself, because they were very caste biased. However these observations and the
child and what he experienced in the island of Ceylon as a youth is thoroughly contrary
but not contradicting. As Lankans we should be thankful to Knox for recording his
observations which has become a source book for generations of students and scholars of
the island’s society in medieval times, The participant observation although in his time of
Knox being a Christian tendered to view the foreign people whom he observed as
“Heathens” and their customs and habits as been repugnant to a “true believer”. The
geographical area familiar to Knox was no more than twenty square miles to the North
and North East of Gampola and Kandy. Hence it was very restricted and generalizing
from that knowledge to the whole of the Kandyan territory and its inhabitants.
The social strata with which he had frequent intercourse are that of the lower classes
of Kandyan society starting from a farmer to slaves. And his sociography was thus very
restricted. The information on the ruling hierarchy and the socio political conditions is
Women and marriage of the 17th century 11
motherhood. In the Kandyan society the relevant values have two sources those of
infanticide. This is the extension in the extreme of the logic of son preference. Indigenous
literary evidence for such practices in Sinhala society is rare. Knox has noted the
preference of infanticide due to the belief of the people in astrology which predicts
whether the child will bring good or evil hour. He alleges that people often destroyed
“They had no mid wives, but the neighboring good women come in to and do that
office. As soon as the child is born the father or some friend apply themselves to
an astrologer to inquire whether the child be born in a prosperous planet and a
good hour or in an evil. If it is found to be in an evil they presently destroyed it by
starving it or letting it lie and die, or by drowning it, putting its head in to a vessel
of water, or burying it alive, or else by giving it to somebody of the same degree
with themselves, who often will take such children, and bring them up by hand.
For they say that the children will be unhappy to the parents but no one else. But
it is very rare that the first born is served so. Him they love and make much of it,
but when they come to have many then usual it is by the pretence of the child
being born under an unlikely planet to kill him and this is reputed no fault and no
law of the land taken cognizance of it” (Knox, 1681, p.94-95).
This observation of Knox explains the life style of the Kandyans. This could have
occurred due the reason of having a considerably large family and so having too many
mouths to feed. The reason a system of polyandry was practiced here in the first place
was also due to the reason of having unbearably large and extended family sharing the
same roof. When we consider Kandy’s geographical location it was the area of central
highlands in which it had natural rivers, waterways hills and rocky mountainous terrains.
The prominent location of the Kandyan kingdom with its cool climate has greatly
contributed to protect the independence of the nation. Thus the hilly areas did not help
much to produce crops. The production of food was not ample enough like in the
Anuradapura which were once prosperous kingdoms, although this kingdom was not
active when Kandyan kings regained. Yet the geographical location and the scarcity of
land where they could cultivate was a reason to engage in polyandry. So the land which
the family shared would not be divided if the brothers were married to one woman alone.
Because of this selective female infanticide, there were not many women left to pair with
“ where their houses consist but of one room, the children that are of any years
always go and sleep in other houses among their neighbors, which please them
Women and marriage of the 17th century 13
better than their own. For so they come to meet with bedfellows, nor doeth it
displease the parents, if young men of as good quality as themselves become
acquainted with their daughters, but rather like well of it; knowing that their
daughters by this means can command the young men to help and assist them in
any work or business that they may have occasion to use them in. And they look
upon it so far distant from a disgrace, that they will among their consorts brag of
it, that they have the young men thus at their command” (Knox, 1681, p. 92)
Knox’s observation cannot be rejected off hand, for the practice of young men sleeping
away from home, and in this manner choosing their future wives, accords well with the
3
concept of marriage, particularly that of cross cousin marriage, and that of binna
marriage. Thus it was the young male who went out to sleep for the night. Further they
were from the poorer strata of society, who could not afford a house with more than one
room. Of course, the question arises that if everybody had but a one- roomed house, then
how could the quest ‘ sleeper for the night’ be accommodated and in a manner that he
had undisturbed company of the female. There was then an opportunity to discover and
test each other out before a man and woman bedded out more permanently, which is
noted by Knox.
It was the duty of the parents to give their daughters in marriage in due time, otherwise
she could bring disrepute to the mother. Note that what is hinted is that when parents fail
to find a suitable partner, the daughter might find one of her own choice, irrespective of
whether the parents approved of it or not. Another meaning is that, remaining single she
could yet “misbehave” in finding her own sexual gratification and that could bring shame
on the mother. It is enigmatic why only the mother should suffer shame alone and not
share it with the father. The partiality to blame the mother could be explained, had the
3
Husband moving to the wife’s residential area/virilocal or uxorilocal residence
Women and marriage of the 17th century 14
“Wifehood The Buddhist typology of the wife, covers 7 types 4, ( Sapta bharya)
ranging at the extremes from the ones to be praised to the ones to be condemned.
The Anguttara Sattaka Nikaya classifies the wife as falling into one of seven
categories. These were the vadhaka (shrew), Chaurya (kleptic), svami (lordly),
matru (motherly), bhagini (affectionate) sakhi (friendly). The behavioural
qualities which characterize each type are also enumerated, in the next birth, the
first three will be born in the hell and the last three are destined to be reborn in
heaven” (vimaladharma, 2003)
These higher goals are difficult, if not impossible to be achieved ordinary lay wives.
Therefore, norms for the wife are framed in a more mundane mode. The Yasodarawata5
Illustrates these norms, in the form of an exhortation to the readers by the author, at the
end of the narration of the story of Yasodara, to emulate her to obtain merit and heavenly
bliss in the next birth. These exhortations are: never to look sharp at the husband even
indirectly: live without dissension; not to demand things one desires without taking the
facility and ease of the husband into consideration; not to use speech that hurts the
4
Categories of women based on the attitudes towards their husbands
5
Sacrifice and virtuous conduct exuberantly extolled in the didactic portion at the end of
the Vessantara Jatakaya.
Women and marriage of the 17th century 15
husband; in husbands distress treat him even better than during times of fortune; observe
ethnographic detail about the free association of young men and women before the
formal marriage, and that “They do not matter or regard whether their wives at the first
But we find that in the Kandyan society of the seventeenth century, and even later,
hypergamous marriage.
The Buddhist position on the reciprocal behavioral norms of husband and wife is given in
the Sigalvoda Sutta and couched in secular terms. The husband’s duties towards the wife
are showing sammana6, avoiding disrespect, not committing adultery, bringing honor,
supplying ornaments. The wife’s duties are: good management of household affairs,
looking after the servants and workers, not committing adultery, conserving the wealth
earned by the husband, diligence in household chores. It would be obvious that these
norms would apply strictly in the case of those families who had servants, workers and
wealth. It also suggests that nevertheless, personal behavior in avoiding adultery and
shoeing mutual respect for both husband and wife and good and diligent household
management in the case of the wife were required from all cases in society. Thus the
requirements across classes were simple: marital fidelity and mutual respect.
The role of mother was an honored one, which accorded some power and respect for
the woman. The reproductive role of motherhood was on the other hand valued for what
it was.
Knox observed that the Sinhalese considered the sight of a ‘big – bellied’ (pregnant)
woman as a good omen. On the other hand, a barren woman was a bad omen, and she is
condemned as a sinner.
The Hindu concept of pativtra required of the wife to remain unmarried after the
husband’s death and for the high caste women even satipuja7 was ordained. She was
confined to perpetual widowhood. This role together with the practice of child marriage
6
A term for ‘respect’ in paali.
7
self immolation
Women and marriage of the 17th century 17
resulted in young girls condemned to bear the inauspicious label of widowhood in Hindu
Society.
Kandyan society did not ordain such a harsh situation for the widow. She could
remarry and do so several times. In her old age the widowed woman was supported by
her grownup children even if her latter were daughters. However Knox noted that
sometimes widowhood was not taken seriously in the Kandyan Kingdom. In his
observation about the casual nature of marriage in the Kandyan kingdom he says
“The chief farmer of the town where I dwelt for years, died and my house was
adjoined under the same roof, therefore could not but take notice that the second
or third night after his death my landlady had another husband to comfort her. It
was so common none but I admired at it. Which was because I had not been long
in this country? After wards I saw it was the common custom.
This statement brings out the fact that widowhood and the concept of pativata was not
observed seriously in the Kandyan kingdom. In comparison to the Hindu women this
practice though a common custom in the seven -tenth century Kandyan kingdom, can be
considered unacceptable in this day and age, because there are values, norms, morals also
ethics guarding this society. And it is evident that religion has not been taken seriously in
the seventeenth century Kandyan setting. However even in the past women folk’s rights
over inherited property was the same even if they were widows. Since a married woman
retains rights over her inherited property and her husband’s, she was not altogether
dependent on others. There are several land transfer deeds written by widows who gifted
their properties to persons, often children, who looked after them in their old age. Even
though the Kandyan marriage laws and marriage laws were enacted in 1815 Knox notes
that “The lands of soldiers killed in battle, were exempted from the marala tax levied on
the death of any person, which was a relief to the family of the fallen soldier” (Knox. Pg)
Women and marriage of the 17th century 18
This statement indicates that widows and their children were looked after even by the
authority.
Robert Knox was a sailor and he was mostly at the sea traveling, thus such a society
which existed in the Kandyan kingdom might have amused him immensely. The
background he comes from which was England, at that time was a very traditional
country. Which checked upon rules, morals and ethics unlike now. But in the 17 th
century, Srilanka was very westernized, we can see through his record which was an
objective observation although biased to certain extent, gave him a cultural shock,
because England’s society where he was brought up was not at all going in to the
extreme of finding bed mates at an early age. England’s women were very well educated.
Although some scholars’ state that he is being biased I believe that he merely states his
observations. Considering the state of the Srilanka society then and now I feel that we
used to be far ahead in cultural development than now. Some of the cultural practices we
had in the 17th century are experienced by the western countries now. A term also is
question arising here is whether Srilanka in 17th century was westernized in its own way?
Exploring the reality of the world that the seventeenth century Kandyans faced and
lived in would require that the interplay between the various structure elements and
ideological sources and the dynamics of the interfaces have to be laid bare.
“Two keys concepts subsumed in the patriarchy theory are sex class and family.
Women’s subordinate’s affects all women and thus women are treated as a single
class in society, though other axes of class such as economic and ideological may
cut across.Domination by men is the predicament of all women, and results from
their ‘difference’ as women. Some scholars indeed treat women as forming a ‘sub
society’ or ‘sub culture’. The key social unit in which domination originates and
Women and marriage of the 17th century 19
is perpetuated is the nuclear family and variations thereof, which organizes the
sexual division of labor, production and reproduction, power relations, property
ownership, marriage and socialization of the children which in each case confirms
the ideology of patriarchy” (vimaladharma, 2003)
Kandyan society was structured upon the twin principles of class and caste. The rules
governing the ownership and exploitation of land on the one hand, and the production
and expropriation of services on the other, defined the relative hierarchy of the classes
and castes respectively. Land was acquired by inheritance from parents, purchase from an
owner or grant from the king. Services were organized by the state on the basis of caste to
which one was born. A person’s position in the structure of property ownership and in
organization of services, determined his and his family’s relative status. Knox observes
that
“Among this people there are divers and sundry casts or degrees of quality, which
is not according to their riches or places of honor the king promotes them to, but
according to their descent and blood. And whatsoever this honor is, be it higher or
lower, it remains hereditary from generation to generation” (Knox, 1681, p. 124)
The caste hierarchy, particularly for those at the top, ensured the perpetuation of the
notion of the purity of blood and descent. Pativata becomes an ideal in the patriarchal
ordering of the control of female sexuality. It was essential that woman’s sexuality be
controlled.
The above information emphasizes the objective of patriarchal control of the sexuality
of the woman as that of strengthening the family. In the context of the Kandyan family
too this objective can be valid, but it takes different and even contrary forms in which
associated behavioral patterns available to the Kandyan men and women such as
polyandry, binna marriage, cross- cousin marriage, the practice of the “gift of the wife”,
Women and marriage of the 17th century 20
would suggest prima facie, that male control of female sexuality is indeed undermined by
Knox provides instances such as that of ‘gift of wife’ and of the cuckold, where the
Kandyan males were directly responsible for the subversion of the pativata principle.
Also it indicates that people felt inferior when they entertain a high caste villager that
they wouldn’t even mind sharing their wives or daughters. They thought that it is a
privilege. This was because of the social stratification system and the social setup. This is
a way to identify the fact that social inequality is not only prevalent, but also recognized,
institutionalized and even justified in all societies. I would like to add that it was
powerfully evident in the ancient society than in the contemporary. Rather than the caste
stratification now it is one’s class which is important. Although the measurements used to
define a class and a caste status was the same then and now. Visible and measurable
differentials such as income, occupations, living conditions and housing also subjective
features such as inequalities recognized by people for purposes of group formation, social
“In some cases the Men will permit their wives and daughters to lay with other
men. And that is, when intimate friends or great men chance to lodge at their
houses, they commonly will send their wives or daughters to bear them company
in their chamber, neither do they reckon their wives to be whores for lying with
them that are as good as or better than them”. (Knox: 175)
This particular mode of articulating hospitality was repugnant to Knox for whom the
women were no more than whores, he says “though I think they all be whores yet they
abhor the name of Veosou which is whore” (Knox, 1681, p. 92) for the concerned parties,
husband, wife, daughter, nor for the society at large, there was no conception of the
practice as repulsive, which of course was correctly noted by Knox himself. Their view
Women and marriage of the 17th century 21
was not resulting from a ‘false consciousness’, but one that reflected and expressed the
ruling social ethic, which accorded hospitality a high rank order. Perhaps it was a cultural
survival from an earlier ‘primitive’ stage of Sinhala society. Giving one’s wife to
entertain their guest was also included in the hospitality package. Quite a contrast when
observing today’s society and the values of hospitality. Even though Knox states that
Kandyan people were highly hospitable, I doubt whether this act of hospitality is
acceptable. Then again the social stratification system as discussed above explains why
they used to entertain their guests in such unholy manner. As a sociology student I further
state that the values of the Kandyans are declining or that people have become more
According to Knox there were no strict ideas about virginity in the early Kandyan
society. As he says “They do not matter or regard whether their wives at the first
marriage be maids or not” Commenting on adultery Knox says that there was a traditional
belief that a man had the right to kill the wife and the adulterer if they were caught in the
act. This shows that there was a strong social attitude against adultery.
“He allows not in his court whoredom or adultery, and many times when he hears
of the misdemeanors of some of his nobles in regard to women he not only
executes them, but severely punishes the women, if known: and he hath so many
spies but there is but little done which he hath knows not of” (Knox, 1681, p. 91)
Public prostitution and adultery was thus prohibited in the Kandyan Kingdom. He says
“Indeed here no public whores allowed by authority. In the city some have
followed that trade has often times by the king’s order have been severely
punished by whipping and having their hair and ears cut off, but in private few or
none can exempt themselves (Knox, 1681, p. 91).
Knox was making an inference when he stated that, “It is a law here, that if a man
catches another in bed with his wife, he may, be it whosoever, kill him and her, if he
Women and marriage of the 17th century 22
pleases” (Knox, 1681, p. 92). However, he observes that, “And unless he catch them in
the act he dos not much trouble himself to prove himself a cuckold; cuckold being so
The two ‘cases’ of adultery given by Knox, are interesting for they provided evidence
of the mechanisms adopted by the women to cope with such instances. In the one she
escapes with the paramour, that is she ‘elopes’ and abandons her burdensome husband
and begins life anew with a new husband. In this case the rule noted by Knox that, “If a
woman goes away from her husband without his consent, no man may marry her, until he
The trend of Knox’s ‘cases’ and of the folk poem is, that seventeenth century Kandyan
women and men gave little prominence to the very foundation of pativata principle,
marital fidelity. The above argument is not that there was unbridled promiscuity in the
Kandyan society of the seventeenth century. On the contrary it is rather limited and even
alien in explaining the sexual behavior of the people. Also as opposed to the fact that in
some cases men give their women willingly to other men to be entertained. Here mainly
the element of jealousy is at work at all stages human emotions are the same.
The behavioral and ideological features subsumed under the concept of promiscuity,
are not universal across time or across cultures, but only relatively defined.
In the Kandyan society of the seventeenth century, the deviations from the prescribed
pattern there were many. But equally true, is that there was a choice of several permitted
patterns, but not a single overarching one. There were contradictions arising from the
were contained by the several structural devices adopted by society to deal with them. In
this sense, the concept of promiscuity, as is understood today, can have only a single
meaning, to the exclusion of other meanings that the Kandyans invested it with. For
example, crossing the caste boundaries in sexual liaison was treated as more than
promiscuous and indeed as an offence meriting death, or worse still, ‘social death’ where
a transgressing high caste woman would be banished and handed over to the outcaste
Women and marriage of the 17th century 23
Rodiyas8. On the other hand, extra-marital liaisons between a woman and a man of the
same or a higher caste was peremptorily dismissed. In the same manner, one could view
relatively of the concept of promiscuity. Yet it is important to note that if it was not for
him no one would ever know that this system existed in Kandyan kingdom altogether,
even though his observations are recorded in a puritanical vein. In Contemporary society,
inter-caste marriages are common and tolerated, and even treated as an indicator of
direction, morally and ethically ‘superior’ to that, which prevailed in the seventeenth
Kandyan Marriage
There is no sinhala word similar in meaning to the English word ‘couple’. The letter
denotes a strong conjugal and emotional bond between individuals divinely united in
matrimony. The sinhala word “yuwala” (pair) “Yuwathi pathi” belong to the written and
classical tradition. The modern word to be “joduwa9” The modern day implication is that
a couple once united in marriage and solemnized by the church or “registered” by the
state, the union can only be dissolved by the death of one partner or by resort to formal
divorce proceedings. In the seventeenth century Kandyan society, Knox observed that, at
a simple ceremony of exchange of goods and gifts also food, man woman were “firmly
married to live together so long as they can agree, For if they disagree and dislike one
another they part without disgrace, Men and women commonly wed four or five times
8
A caste which occupied in begging as their livelihood
9
A pair
Women and marriage of the 17th century 24
In marriage much weight age was given to one’s caste and rank and the marriage
ceremonies. Especially of the poor, were very simple and royal marriages were conducted
with much pomp and pageantry. The Kandyans were strictly caste ridden and caste
played the most dominant role in all their marriages. In this connection Knox says: “It is
not accounted any shame or fault for a man of the highest sort to lay with a woman far
inferior to himself nay of the very lowest degree”. (Knox, 1681, p. 91).When persons
married slaves too went with them and this practice had been common in the Kandyan
kingdom. Knox’s account also indicates early marriage of girls in the Kandyan kingdom.
Several references to the dowry system are found in the book and it is stated that the
dowry was accepted by the society as the exclusive property of the wife and the husband
“they do not give according to their ability a portion of cattle, slaves and money
with their daughters, but if they choose to mislike one another and part asunder
this portion must be returned again, and then she is fit for another man, being as
they account however the worse for wearing” (Knox, 1681, p. 91).
This is of course a common practice in the contemporary society too. It was even
common to Knox who was a foreigner. In Elizabethan era when daughters were given
According to Knox, the Kandyan society encourages the early dissolution of marriage
and remarriage was a common practice. Regarding this Knox observes; “but their
marriages are but of little force or validity for they disagree and mislike one another, they
part without disgrace. Both men and women do commonly wed four and five times
before they can settle themselves to their contentment.” (Knox, 1681, p. 91-3).
Women and marriage of the 17th century 25
In a document written in 1713 A.D, the sinhala term for marriage is given as “Nakam
kireema10” marriage was a matter for the family which either gave away or brought in a
decision. Those are cases of elopements, or simply paring together of poor folk, which is
either case involved no ceremony and family gathering. For the affluent, ceremony and
Sinhala kinship system was patrilineal in that ancestry was reckoned from the male.
The Kandyan system shows a gradient which contains at one end the prestigious
aristocratic form and at the other end the ordinary or the commoner forms which are
practiced by most ordinary villages. Knox gives a description of the wedding ceremonies
of both types.
“And sometimes they use this ceremony, the man is to stand with one end of the
woman’s cloth about his loins, and she with the other. And they pour water on
both their heads wetting all their bodies which been done are firmly married to
live together, so long as they can agree” (Knox, 1681, p. 90).
This was the aristocratic form of the wedding which seems to be similar to, if not
copied from the Hindu custom. Knox’s observations also shows that Kandyan society’s
traditions and customs was largely affected and influenced by other ethnic traditions
encompassed by other ethnic groups which dwelt among the Kandyan villages. Early
seventeenth century society was also composed of many socially stratified and ethnically
consummation of a ritual union of the two sexes, as distinct from casual intercourse for
10
Literally the establishment of kingship relations that is in alliance between two parties.
11
auspicious event, ceremony which term by itself stood for marriage
Women and marriage of the 17th century 26
pleasure, copulation between unmarried people having no ritual value. It was also a use
of women for purely utilitarian objective to further the interests of the men and of the
family in the public arena, for by such favors to the intimate and the great, the chances of
newly married couple share their biological needs within a given socio cultural
environment and sharing economic resources to provide social needs of newly born
children to provide legal protection to maintain their social relationship within a given
social environment.
Monogamous Marriage
• Diga(patrilocal residence)
In the diga marriage the girl is given away and she goes to live with her husband and his
kinfolk. Usually a dowry in land, cattle, household goods or jewelry was given to the
woman by her parents, and this was exclusively owned by her which she would bequeath
to her own children. On the other hand under binna arrangements, a husband was brought
in to the woman’s house. The husband would not bring in property but, only manage the
wife’s property. The children of binna marriage inherited land, family name and status
from the mother. The avaessa marriage between cross-cousin was one that could combine
features from the other two types, and thus added flexibility. It was more in the nature of
an extension of diga form. Depending on the circumstances of the married couple lived
Women and marriage of the 17th century 27
either with the wife’s parents or with husband’s parents or in their own house in the same
Polygamous Marriage
They were two forms of polygamy both socially accepted. One where the man had
more than one wife and the other called polyandry where one woman had more than one
husband. Both forms were prevalent in seventeenth century Kandyan society. Knox
reported that “in this country, even the greatest, hath but one wife, but a woman often has
two husbands for it is lawful and common with them for two brothers to keep house
together with one wife and the children do acknowledge and call both fathers”
Knox was subjected to the cultural shock, which is why he sees polyandry as a
disgusting pattern of marriage. But the Kandyans had a reason behind such matrimony
Polyandry in pre modern times in Kandyan society is noted that it was an accepted form
of marriage, usually formed by brothers, the number varying between 2-5, though
kinsmen in the category of cousins were also admitted. The consent of the wife as well as
that of the eldest male partners was required to admit other junior partners. The property
of the partners were held more often as individual property though less frequently as joint
property, but in either case the offspring inherited such parental property. The sexual
rights of the partners were usually apportioned by the wife, and often it was at the wife’s
instance that a younger brother would be admitted as a partner. The economic benefit of
the system was that there additional labour and income added to the common pool of the
household. Though the most common feature were for landless people to adopt the
polyandrous form in order to halt the fragmentation, there were instances reported that
Women and marriage of the 17th century 28
when persons with considerable property too entered in to a polyandrous union. The
polyandrous form was not a stable one, for it was common for the union to breakup soon
for individual partners forming their own monogamous unions. When one partner died
and if there were only two brother partners, it was usual for the surviving partner to
relations and on the situation of women could be probed from the view point of women in
terms of the degree of freedom and choice allowed her and the benefits that accrue
directly to her. In the context of endogamous marriage, in the sense that both parties were
from a single kin group, and that the future marriage partners are sort of pre determined,
it allows for a greater freedom of behavior to the women. They tend to grow up in the
company of male cousins and thus to know each other a long time before marriage. The
future husband and wife are no strangers in such circumstances. They grow up together
expecting to marry each other, as a matter of right. Even misbehaving before marriage
crossing the caste lines because only the kinsfolk belonging to the same caste were
involved.
Degree of freedom in a society where there was free association between the sexes
logical that the rigid enforcement of the pativata principle and hence the male’s control of
women’s sexuality, is made impossible, there could not be chastity tests nor could
women offenders be punished unless they transgressed the caste distinctions. To the
extent these social forms were woman friendly. The fact that the woman owned and
Women and marriage of the 17th century 29
diposed of her own property in her own right under any one of the marriage forms,
allowed her a measure of independence from her husband, and thus deprived men of their
The rules of the caste system inscribed a double standard of evaluating sexual behavior. It
prohibited hypogamous marriages or casual sexual affairs for women with men of a
caste lower than one’s own, but excluded the men from the same requirement.
“ yet for the men it something different, it is not accounted any shame or fault for
a man of a highest sort to lay with a woman far inferior to himself, nay of the very
lowest degree, provided he eats nor drinks with her, nor takes her home to his
house as a wife. But if he should which I never knew done he is punished by
magistrate either by fine or imprisonment, or both. And also he utterly excluded
from his family, and accounted thenceforward of the same rank and quality, that
the woman is of who he hath taken.” (Knox, 1681, p. 92).
To the extent there was a male control of woman’s sexuality, which worked out in two
different directions. Where caste lines were crossed in the choice of sexual partners
whether for casual or enduring encounter, the woman was punished the most, if not, her
behavioral laxity was tolerated. For transgressing caste rule in sexual relations, the
outcome was either death or being given as slaves to the Rodiays, for the women, and for
men it was a mild social ostracism. Thus the concept of patriarchy had two different
empirical outcomes; in one instance it was strengthened while in the other it was diluted.
In either case women were treated as belonging to a single sex class irrespective of
economic differentiation. Thus facts in Knox’s historical relation about the Kandyan
society women and marriage of the 17th century give us a good idea of the social structure
Works Cited