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Brecht Studies Stanislavski: Just a Tactical Move?

Meg Mumford

New Theatre Quarterly / Volume 11 / Issue 43 / August 1995, pp 241 - 258

DOI: 10.1017/S0266464X0000912X, Published online: 15 January 2009

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0266464X0000912X

How to cite this article:

Meg Mumford (1995). Brecht Studies Stanislavski: Just a Tactical Move?. New Theatre Quarterly, 11, pp
241-258 doi:10.1017/S0266464X0000912X

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 Meg Mumford

Brecht Studies Stanislavski:

Just a Tactical Move?
In the 'fifties Brecht undertook an examination of Stanislavski's theatre which in terms of
breadth and intensity was unprecedented in his career - and rehearsal documentation
from that period testifies that he incorporated some of Stanislavski's methods into the
stage practice of the Berliner Ensemble. The seriousness of his study is attested by the
organized collection of notes on the production of Katzgraben recently discovered in
Elizabeth Hauptmann's estate. Brecht's preoccupation with Stanislavski at this time
has been seen as an attempt to protect his theatre's existence in an environment where
Stanislavski, socialist realism, and the communist cause were regarded as interlinked.
In this paper, Meg Mumford, recently appointed to a lectureship in theatre in the University
of Glasgow, outlines the nature of Brecht's study of Stanislavski, and draws upon the
records of the ensuing theatre practice, the Katzgraben notes in particular, to illuminate
Brecht's growing recognition of affinities with Stanislavski's methods, which he found
useful in fostering the young Berliner Ensemble and in creating performances he viewed
as appropriate to audiences in the GDR.

BRECHT'S WRITINGS have recently been
subjected to rigorous scrutiny as a collective
of scholars completes the most up-to-date
edition of his work ever published. In the
course of this process much excitement has
been generated by the discovery of new
materials. Brecht, the insatiable inquirer,
would no doubt be delighted by the de-
familiarizing effect several of these findings
have had. Documents highly relevant to the
Brecht-Stanislavski debate are amongst
those recently brought to light, and these
stimulate further discussion of the touted
'opposition' between the approaches of the
two theatre practitioners.
In Elizabeth Hauptmann's estate, Werner
Hecht was excited to discover a sequence of
devised notes, written by Brecht and his
co-workers, that deal with the Berliner
Ensemble's staging of Katzgraben, a comedy
by the East German playwright, Strittmatter.
The rehearsal stage stretched from February
to May 1953, embracing the period during
which "The First German Stanislavski
Conference' took place in Berlin. The collec-
tion shows that Brecht used Katzgraben as a
vehicle for, amongst other things, examining
Stanislavskian ideas on theatre practice.
Most of the materials included in this
document are not new discoveries. How-
ever, the note-bundle is significant for
several reasons. Hecht states that it is a
selection made by Brecht of the texts which
appeared most important to him, and that it
gives the impression of being a work ready
for publication.1 Indeed, it has the official air
of a book or journal volume, being bound
and including eighteen production photos.
As a detailed production report it bears
similarities to the 'Modellbiicher'. The major
difference is that the notes offer far greater
information about the day-by-day rehearsal
process rather than the end results of theatre
work. The Katzgraben find also contributes
to an understanding of Brecht's Stanislavski
studies in the 'fifties, since it highlights the
seriousness of his desire to examine his
acting approach not only theoretically but in
practice, and furthermore to publicize his
involvement in an instructive manner.
Such material provides further tools with
which to probe the nature of Brecht's attitude
towards various elements in Stanislavski's
'system'. Assessing this attitude involves the
following questions: to what extent can
Brecht's Stanislavski commentary of this

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 period be regarded as a tactical move to
avoid political and artistic pressure; and
does it constitute a genuine acknowledge-
ment of affinities, and if so what are the
implications for the 'opposition issue', parti-
cularly in terms of acting methods?
It is important to note that the focus of
such an assessment is not 'Stanislavski as he
"really" thought and worked in the theatre'
but Brecht's attitude to those sections of
Stanislavski's approach to which Brecht had
access. Consequently, I deal with a Stanis-
lavski in inverted commas, one gleaned by a
German, non-Russian-speaking theatre en-
thusiast. Nevertheless, I argue that Brecht's
perspective towards the end of his life, res-
tricted as it was, offers much more than the
usual shallow appreciation of the Stanis-
lavskian theatre, and I strongly dispute Eric
Bentley's claim that 'Brecht knew very little
about Stanislavski'.2
Political Pressure and New Insights
Brecht's Stanislavski studies took place in
the context of a young socialist republic
struggling to establish a cultural identity.
Socialist realist aesthetics from the Soviet
Union supplied an officially approved credo
to fill the void. Stanislavski offered both a
scientifically organized work method that
had proven adaptable to communism and
an exemplary image of progressive bour-
geois humanism, an aspect of the European
cultural heritage that could be utilized to
build the new republic.3 Brecht's anti-
Stanislavski stance of the 'thirties, adopted
in the name of the socialist cause, was
regarded negatively by socialist realists of
the 'fifties as a betrayal of their aesthetic and
society. Paradoxically, Brecht's support for
socialism helped to create the situation in
which he came to be regarded as the oppo-
nent of the new communist society rather
than its exemplary campaigner.
In the GDR the Stanislavski 'wave' occur-
red between 1951 and 1953. The Stanislavski
Conference which began on 17 April 1953 at
the East Berlin Academy of the Arts was
attended by over two hundred theatre prac-
titioners, and marked the extent of the
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Russian director's popularity and of the cul-
tural identity crisis. The need for an identity
manifests itself in the postscript article
written by the main speaker, Langhoff,
wherein he rousingly urges all participants
to regard the conference as part of the battle
for a new way of living - as
a struggle against all the outmoded bourgeois
remnants in us, as a struggle against the old and
the bad in us, a decisive partisanship for that
which we call socialist realism, adopted in the
theatre through Stanislavski's method.4
The articles written in conjunction with the
conference and printed after the event in the
journal Theatre of the Times, mouthpiece of
the 'wave', reveal that more attention was
given to establishing a Brecht-Stanislavski
opposition and to anti-Brecht diatribe than
to exploring Stanislavski's ideas. According
to Hecht, the Berliner Ensemble had even
suffered ostracism prior to the conference.
Critics had accused it of formalism, and
production reviews of their performances had
been deliberately delayed.
Hecht views Brecht's thorough prepara-
tion for the conference, including the Katz-
graben rehearsals then well under way, as an
act of tactical self-defence.5 The diaries of
Kathe Rvilicke-Weiler, one of Brecht's co-
workers, testify that the Berliner Ensemble
was under even greater threat immediately
after the conference. Thus, she describes the
audience at the Katzgraben premiere as wait-
ing for a scandal, which Hecht interprets as
meaning the much-touted impending liqui-
dation of the company.6 Given this environ-
ment it can be assumed that Brecht's
attempt fully to comprehend Stanislavski's
approach was certainly in many respects a
protective measure.
However, the party-line dogmatism and
negative political pressure were not the only
outcomes of Stanislavski's popularity surge.
The wave also precipitated the translation
and publication of many works that until
then had been available only in Russian,
greatly improving access to Stanislavski's
later and slightly more socialist-oriented
theatre practice. Assuming that Brecht's
personal library at the BBA is a reliable
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 gauge, it can be said that he capitalized on
this upsurge and acquired many of the
'new' texts.
An interesting feature of the library
material is its focus on the post-October
Revolution period during which time Stanis-
lavski devoted more attention to ideas that
in some respects overlapped with Brecht's
theatre concepts. These included ensemble
work, the double perspective of the actor,
the through-line and super-objective, and
the method of physical actions.
When Brecht wrote his anti-Stanislavski
polemics of the 'thirties the limited sources
of information available to him tended to
have as their focus theatre practice prior to
the Revolution, which gave emphasis to the
very psycho-technique abhorred by Brecht.
It appears that Brecht also had no access to
the commentaries on everyday training and
production rehearsals. By the 'fifties this
situation had changed, and Brecht soon came
to the conclusion that he often had a greater
affinity with Stanislavski's stage practice
than some of his theories. The library is also
well stocked with books that illuminate
everyday theatre practice, acting and direc-
ting especially.7
The frenzy of publishing activity also
furthered the opportunities for critical dis-
cussion, and there is much evidence that
despite party-line pressure an atmosphere of
critical inquiry continued to flourish. Some
of the newspaper and journal articles from
the 'fifties contained in a BBA file, pre-
sumably gathered and/or read by Brecht,
demonstrate that public criticism of the
Russian's methods occurred and was per-
mitted. In Jiirgen Riihle's newspaper article
'On the Treatment of Stanislavski' (Sunday,
August 1953), the overly schematic and
naturalist interpretations of his theatre are
bemoaned, and the author makes the point
that 'In order to overtake the classics you
first have to catch up with them.'8
This comment suggests that there were
others who shared with Brecht a vision of
Stanislavski as being somewhat outdated
and that there was a degree of freedom to
publicize such critical appraisals. Riilicke-
Weiler claims that a number of theatre
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critics like Rilla and Schroder also supported
Brecht's views and his Ensemble. Her des-
cription of Brecht's participation at the con-
ference suggests that he was more openly
vocal about his opinions than previously
thought:
What has never been written about is that Brecht
himself said something ad-lib from the back
row - making some interesting points about the
similarities and the differences between his own
views and Stanislavski's. Unfortunately no record
was kept of those remarks.... 9
While Hecht describes Brecht as lying low at
the conference, sending Weigel into the fray
instead,10 it appears that he was a more
active presence. The implication of Riilicke's
statements is that Brecht was not overly
threatened by political pressure and that he
was able to maintain a critical stance.
A Critical Re-Evaluation
One point of intersection between the two
theatre practitioners that, with the aid of the
newly available material, became increas-
ingly apparent to Brecht was their aim to
create highly organized and detailed stage
practice. In 'What Amongst Other Things
Can be Learnt from Stanislavski', a list of
nine points pubished in Theaterarbeit (1952),
Brecht noted the way that the Moscow Art
Theatre 'gave every play a carefully thought-
out concept and a wealth of subtly elabor-
ated detail'.11
Articles located in the BBA Stanislavski
file such as as 'Quiet, We are Rehearsing!',
(Teatr, 1952) highlight Stanislavski's scien-
tific preparatory efforts: his statement of
conditions of employment at rehearsals in
the hope of achieving a disciplined, matter-
of-fact tone, his introduction of a minutes
book to record the proceedings in detail.12
Prior to the 'fifties Brecht had also utilized
rehearsal minutes, but the Katzgraben pro-
duction notes, taken by an entire crew of
director's assistants, seem to reflect a Stanis-
lavskian influence in that they are signifi-
cantly more extensive.
Brecht also reassessed Stanislavski's atti-
tude towards the actor/character split. In
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 the 'thirties he had polemicized against what on Turbins to Stanislavski's actor-student,
he viewed as an encouragement of total trans- Toporkov. He draws upon the description in
formation, achieved by the actor's complete order to support his own interpretation of
identification or merging with the character. the method of physical actions as not being
By the 'fifties he had become more aware of simply the physical externalization of the
Stanislavski's use of the concept of the 'super- private inner life, but rather entailing the
objective', which he interpreted as involving subordination of the characters' emotions to
the subordinaton of everything to the central the action of the play, which is itself 'not
idea.13 For the actors to fulfil the super- directly dependent on the emotions'.15
objective they would have to maintain in
rehearsal and performance a certain degree
Emotional Truth and Social Truth
of critical distance from their characters. The
implication is that perhaps Staislavskian Brecht seemed to regard the super-objective
acting demanded not only an empathetic and method of physical actions as proof that
but also a critical and objective approach. Stanislavskian theatre did not actually
Brecht's introducton to the method of promote total transformation. One implica-
physical actions, one of Stanislavski's later tion of Brecht's interpretation was that an
emphases, reinforced his new understand- acting method which incorporated the tech-
ing that the two practitioners were not nique of empathizing need not necessarily
actually poles apart in their thinking on the lead to a theatre of hypnotic metamorphosis.
actor's double-perspective and the import- With regard to empathy, insights into
ance of the fable. One article that may have Stanislavski's later theatre may have helped
led him to this conclusion is 'Report on a precipitate a shift in Brecht's emphasis.
Rehearsal with Stanislavski for Days of the Although Brecht had never banned em-
Turbins - 1927'. This document, which as it pathy from the stage and had acknowledged
exists in the BBA is incomplete and with no its usefulness for creating audience sympathy
authorship ascribed, describes Stanislavski's towards the proletariat, his early reaction
directorial intervention in the rehearsal of a had been to regard it distrustfully as a
scene called 'Nikolka is Brought in'. Dis- technique more suited to the establishment
gruntled with the actors' efforts, Stanislavski of theatre that intoxicated and mystified. By
stopped the proceedings and asked: the time of the later Stanislavski studies he
was openly presenting it as the second of
What is false here? You have played your feel- three phases in the preparation of a char-
ings, your suffering and that is not right. I must acter - the first being the collection of im-
see an event, I must see how people act in this pressions and the memorizing of puzzling
event and not how they suffer and what they go or contradictory aspects. Yet he did not
through. In what you have done there is no logic, suddenly alter his earlier theories but con-
no truth. You carry the wounded in slowly and
make an effort to show your deep spiritual tinued to assert the importance of the third
suffering, but in reality you would have to storm phase of characterization - the actor's socially
into the room, after you took the wounded per- critical demonstration of the character.16
son with you in order to save him, for in the city
the White Guards are already being hunted While Brecht came to regard Stanis-
down.... Think first of what you should do with lavski's theatre in a more positive light, he
the seriously injured person who is losing blood. always maintained a critical attitude. That
How 14should he be set down? How can you save he never relinquished a certain scepticism
him? with regard to Stanislavki's political outlook
is exemplified by an undated, unpublished
The actors had neglected the fable, the heart statement written most likely during the
of the play and production in Brechf s opinion, Stanislavski wave: T can't bear the twaddle
and the physical actions which constitute it. about Stanislavski being the Marx of the
In 'A Few Thoughts on the Stanislavski theatre. He cannot be 17
that because he is
Conference', Brecht attributes this report simply not a Marxist.'

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 Brecht characterized the distinguishing and the Urfaust production notes suggest
factor between Stanislavski's naturalism and this was indeed the case. In an unpublished
his own realism as the former's lack of document from January 1952 Brecht assesses
commitment to social (historical materialist) the value of working on each role in Urfaust
truth. In an unpublished article on Stanis- individually, as was the normal procedure
lavski's staging of the Parisian orgy scene in the Moscow Art Theatre. At the top of the
from Ostrovsky's The Ardent Heart, a com- document is a statement about the topic to
mendation of the V-effects is offset by be treated: 'Rehearsing individual roles
22
Brecht's criticism that the episode's social through the director's assistants'.
significance is not sufficiently brought out: That such an approach was regarded as
open to inquiry suggests that it was either
Boredom is shown by having people begin many not usual practice for the Berliner Ensemble
things and carry nothing through to the end - not and/or that its efficacy for Brechtian theatre
by doing nothing. But then Stanislavski stops. He
does not ask why this is so. The attempt should was doubted. It seems that attempts were
be made to bring out why that is the attitude of being made to integrate methods and in-
the social parasites, and to show the social back- sights common in Stanislavskian theatre. In
ground.18 this document Brecht is keen to stress that
the major work on characterization was
In a discussion from June 1953, seemingly nevertheless done in the Ensemble, and that
involving Peter Palitzsch and Brecht, Stanis- everything was subjected to the director's
lavski is described as enabling the theatre decisions - his aim is to establish the distin-
of emotional truth while Brecht's method is guishing features of epic theatre rather than
characterized as assisting theatre practi- correlations with other theatre movements.
tioners to bring social truth to the forefront.19 However, in an unpublished fragment
entitled 'Stanislavski Studies' the emphasis
is almost the opposite. Here, the character
Testing the Working Methods Lieschen from Urfaust and the servant girl in
Brecht extended his examination into the the Moscow Art Theatre's The Lower Depths
realm of theatre practice, and the ensuing are compared in order to demonstrate that
rehearsal records suggest that he perceived the Berliner Ensemble, just like their Russian
many of Stanislavski's methods useful both counterparts, successfully created 'totally
23
for fostering the actors in his new company rounded living' people. Both documents
and for the organizing of stage business. attest that the Ensemble had begun con-
After the founding of the Berliner En- sciously to consider the validity and utility
semble in 1949, Brecht was faced with the of incorporating detailed individualized
new responsibility of educating a company characterization, a Stanislavskian approach.
of actors, many of them inexperienced. At In their 1952 production of The Trial of
that time Stanislavski's 'system' provided Jeanne d' Arc of Rouen 1434, the company uti-
the western world with its most compre- lized another technique which they recog-
hensive analysis and presentation of an act- nized as promoted by Stanislavski. Realistic
ing method. For Brecht, the Stanislavski crowd scenes were constructed by means of
studies may have been part of his attempt to individualizing each member in detail:
come to terms with his new task. Indeed, he
maintained that the studies had both sharp- Even a short examination of the Stanislavskian
work method reveals a great wealth of exercises
ened the Ensemble's apprehension of faults and procedures that are extremely useful for a
in the training of actors and provided exer- realistic portrayal. . . . For example, we recently
cises with which to remedy them.20 dealt with a crowd scene [in The Trial of Jeanne
According to Brecht's text for the Stanis- a"Arc] in a special way, one unusual in the theatre,
21 although not because of any Stanislavski studies,
lavski Conference, the Berliner Ensemble but still in his way, by letting a number of our
had started to analyze Stanislavski's work best artists, rather than supernumeraries, portray
method and to test it in practice well before, individual characters.24

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 Another reference to the Stanislavskian treat- In Riilicke-Weiler's comprehensive register
ment of this crowd scene describes how the of the contents in Brecht's Katzgraben note-
individualizing of the crowd members could compilation, several items are listed that
be enhanced by lengthening 'the question- refer to the Berliner Ensemble's experimen-
naires about the day and life of the char- tation with Stanislavski. These include the
acters, which Stanislavski has drawn up use of naturalistic techniques, individual
even in the mass scenes'.25 Brecht sees this characterizations, constructing character re-
method as greatly aiding the depiction of sumes and investigating social milieu, the
reality, but warns against using Stanis- employment of empathy, the method of
lavskian techniques in a naturalist fashion. physical actions, defamiliarization effects,
In the end, he cautions, only the significant the super-objective, and overcoming exhaus-
detail must be selected. tion of the actor's imagination.29
I shall proceed to examine the treatment
of three topics drawn from the content
'Katzgraben': the Practice Based Study
register - naturalism, or rather Brecht's
The most overt experimentation with Stanis- emphasis on realistic observation and detail;
lavski at the practical level occurred during characterization; and empathetic actor/char-
the Katzgraben rehearsals. According to acter and spectator/character relationships.
Hecht, Katzgraben was utilized consciously I have selected these topics as they are com-
by Brecht to test Stanislavskian ideas and to monly associated with Stanislavski rather
deal with the problems of performing a than Brecht. Most of the other aspects, such
contemporary play.26 Werner Mittenzwei as defamiliarization effects, were important
views these two areas of interest as closely components of Brecht's theatre before he
interrelated.27 began his first Stanislavski studies in the
Many contemporary plays, Katzgraben 'thirties. The exception, exercises for actors
included, focused on the achievements of struck by fantasy fatigue, is not explicitly
the newly formed socialist state and on its dealt with in the Katzgraben rehearsal notes
heroes who continued with the struggle. and therefore cannot be incorporated in this
Until the 'fifties Brecht devoted himself examination.
largely to criticizing bourgeois capitalism. In The second reason for my selection is that
the young republic it was both necessary the topics chosen received the most atten-
and opportune to present the image of a tion from the company, in part because of
more favourable society. To do so Brecht their usefulness in helping produce a con-
required the tools to mount productions that temporary play concerning a new socialist
he believed both defended and construc- society. However, I shall also show that
tively criticized the new heroes. Brecht retained his critical attitude towards
Some of Stanislavski's methods could be the features embraced by the topics. He
adapted easily to suit the new demands. His continued to insist on the critical demon-
approach to characterizaton, for example, stration of the socially significant.
enabled the sympathetic portrayal of heroes. Strittmatter, author of the comedy Katz-
Brecht himself recognized which aspects graben, was an energetic supporter of the
could be called upon in order to deal with new socialist society. The son of an agri-
contemporary society. In an undated frag- cultural worker from the country area in
ment from a BBA file entitled 'Stanislavski which the play is set, he maintained an
Notes', he promotes the value of character active interest in the betterment of workers'
resumes: 'Interesting, that we had to pro- life conditions. According to Brecht, the
vide them. Our actors did not know enough. creation of the GDR had given Strittmatter 30
THE NEW LIFE, THE UNFAMILIAR CLASSES.'28 the opportunity to become a writer.
Stanislavski was obviously perceived to be a Katzgraben is in many ways an ode to a land
useful resource material for theatre practice undergoing reform and an encouragement
in the new political context. to the heroes who continue the battle for

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 further progress. Brecht describes the script
as the first, as far as he is aware, which
brings the modern class struggle in the villages
onto the German stage. It shows the big farmer,
middle farmer, small farmer and party secretary
after the expulsion of31the Junkers in the German
Democratic Republic.
The fable outlines the victory of the village
community, in particular the small farmers,
over the wealthy farmer Grossmann, who
threatens their livelihood with his monopoly
of the means of transport to the nearest city.
The play describes the struggle for cohesion
between members of the community as they
are detrimentally affected by the trials and
tribulations of reform in its early stages.
Ultimately a combination of individual en-
terprise, leadership, and educational and
technological support from the state ensures
the downfall of the oppressors and a more
cohesive community.
Brecht was aware that the new heroes,
everyday people from the land, were un-
familiar to Berlin city actors and audiences.
He seems to have used naturalistic detail in
order to concretize them more strongly. Per-
haps he also experimented with individu-
alistic characterization rather than creating
stereotypes so as to help make the unfamiliar
more comprehensible. Methods that enhance
empathy also greatly assist this process.
In terms of style, elements of the set and
costume for Katzgraben were more naturali-
stic than the company were accustomed to.
One of Brecht's co-workers, Manfred Wek-
werth, explains that the set design and con-
struction were delegated to Karl von Appen.
Brecht's assistants were surprised by von
Appen's sketches. Familiar with the dynamic,
transparent, and fleeting nature of Caspar
Neher's art, they found von Appen's work
very exact in detail, even overly so. The
characters, with their finely drawn faces,
complete with eyelashes and brows, had a
static quality.
But, according to Wekwerth, Brecht was
enthused by the designs, apparently arguing
that his previous plays and performances
had treated familiar characters and types
(like the bourgeoisie and its opponents) and
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had tried to throw what had become static -
the known - into question. Creating a fleet-
ing quality had been appropriate for such
a task. In Katzgraben, however, unfamiliar
heroes made their appearance, and conse-
quently the process had to be reversed.32
Von Appen's ability to fix his characters and
their environment would help make them
memorable, and less likely to seem merely
fleeting phenomena.
In a Schriften note titled 'Scenery', Brecht
explains that the design aim had been 'to
give the stage pictures a documentary touch,
that is, to paint them so that they were
reminiscent of photos'.33 He mentions that
research was conducted by the designers,
von Appen and Pah'tzsch, together with Stritt-
matter in Lausitz, the village area where the
play is set. It sounds like an expedition
carried out by Stanislavski's Moscow Art
Theatre! In the minutes from a discussion
with farmers held after a Katzgraben pre-
view, Riilicke-Weiler also states that the set
and furniture were based on photos taken in
Lausitz.34 The costumes were initially created
along 'strictly naturalistic lines' and then the
typification process was incorporated.35
Working on the Crowd Scenes
Brecht repeatedly insists that, from all the
collected data, only the socially significant
was presented. However, on scrutinizing
sketches, photos, and a film documentation
of a Berliner Ensemble theatre production
based on Brecht's directorial concept, I found
the attention to naturalistic detail much
more striking than in many other Brecht
productions. One comment repeatedly re-
curring in the spectator-feedback reports is
that the characters were 'just as in life'.36 In
the attempt to fix the new characters and
their society, Brecht appears to have adopted
approaches associated with Stanislavski.
Brecht's organization of the finale recalled
a naturalistic or Stanislavskian tradition of
arranging crowd scenes. His division of the
stage into four sections (building workers'
hut, beer counter, middle, and ice-cream
cart), and delegation of each section to dir-
ector's assistants is reminiscent of the work
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 of one naturalist forerunner, the nineteenth- The production was also informed by a
century German theatre company under the naturalistic approach to acting style. Accor-
Duke of Saxe Meiningen's leadership, where ding to a minute dated 27 February 1953,
the stage director, Chronegk, divided mass strict naturalism was to be applied in the
scenes into groups, each led by leading first stage of rehearsal.40 Another note rec-
actors. In this way naturalistic detail could ords that, while as a director Brecht focused
be achieved and cliched, generalized crowd on constructing pictorial arrangements, as
acting avoided. an acting-instructor he asked the performers
Like Stanislavski, Brecht seems to have to play naturalistically and to apprehend, in
delighted in detailed bits of business. In an a manner as true to nature as possible, the
unpublished section of 'A Few Thoughts on reality depicted in the play.41
the Stanislavski Conference', he expresses During rehearsals Brecht himself drew
disappointment that the actress playing the parallels between his own insistence on care-
ice-cream dealer was unable to incorporate fully observing the details of actual human
closely observed detail into her performance: behaviour and Stanislavski's approach. To
exemplify the similarities he referred to
In the action a 'hole' was created because the ice- Stanislavski's treatment of small or wordless
cream buyers received their ice-cream long before roles and to a specific example of this des-
they were needed for the next small action. Just cribed in The Actor in the Ensemble by Topor-
as the advice was given, that the number of kov, one of Stanislavski's former students.
buyers be increased, it was discovered that the
ice-cream dealer dealt out the portions in a much Drawing upon an anecdote in this book,
too cursory manner, i.e. much too quickly - she Brecht mentions Stanislavski's annoyance at
had not yet ice-cream at her disposal and was not an actor who, when asked about the line of
capable of carrying the task out of imagination action he was involved in, replied that he
and observation.37
had nothing to do at this point: 'Melusov is
silent throughout the whole scene.'42 Stanis-
However, Brecht always insisted on trans- lavski was quick to recognize this lapse in
cending what he perceived to be naturalism observation skills.
by creating socially significant details and Brecht goes on to narrate that he had re-
erasing extraneous ones. For instance, he ceived a similar response from the actor
choreographed an incident in which a group playing Giinter, the young miner in Katz-
of youths, after listening to the party sec- graben. When asked about the nature of
retary's speech about the community's pro- Gunter's reaction to Kleinschmidf s discovery
gress, made their way to the ice-cream cart of his deception, the actor answered: 'Re-
only to find that the supply had run out. The action? I don't have even one sentence. And
social significance of this business was that on top of 43that I sit with my back to the
'the future must cost something'.38 audience!' The actor was then directed to
show Gunter's response with his back. He
did so, successfully using a stiff-necked
The Approach to Acting Style posture to indicate that Giinter was offen-
When the final crowd scene began to appear ded at being discovered. Brecht praised the
problematical in rehearsal, owing to the fact actor: 'A good observation. Many people 44
are
that the sheer weight of naturalistic detail insulted when they are caught lying'. Like
was drawing attention away from the fable's Stanislavski, he encouraged actors continu-
events, Brecht began to make numerous cuts. ally to observe and mirror actual human
Riilicke-Weiler quotes him as saying: 'At behaviour.
first we had to depict the events naturalis- Yet Brecht attempted to ensure that natur-
tically, now we must form the scenes.'39 The alistic detail served rather than obscured the
finale was subjected to both Stanislavskian socially significant fable and its episodes.
naturalistic detail and to Brecht's emphasis At a rehearsal late in April he criticized the
on the socially significant. actors playing Grossmann and the small

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 The final crowd scene in Katzgraben, with the ice-cream seller on the right. Photo: Hainer Hill, reproduced by
courtesy of the Stiftung Archiv der Akademie der Kunste (SAdK), Berlin, Elisabeth-Hauptmann-Archiv.
farmer Grollig for 'rhubarbing', or meaning-
less mumbling, during a silent farewell epi-
sode in which no actual text was scripted, as
'inadmissable naturalism, particularly in a
verse play'.45
This episode is not to be found in Stritt-
matter's text. It appears to have been con-
cocted, presumably by Brecht, in order to
highlight an economic point.46 In the play,
the scene in which the episode occurs begins
with Grossmann returning in high spirits
from a community meeting at which, to his
advantage, a decision not to build a new
street between the village and city has been
made. Many of the small farmers cast their
vote against the street because they have
been bribed or pressured by Grossmann,
who has threatened to deny them a supply
of horses for the ploughing season if they do
not comply.
By having Grollig, one of the bribed
farmers, accompany Grossmann home and,
servant-like, usher him in the door, Brecht
visually revealed the economic power struc-
tures and associated social behaviour exis-
ting in the village which jeopardized land
reform. The dumb-show, as it is enacted in
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the film documentary of the production, and
Grollig's obsequious gestures in particular,
clearly present the power politics issue. Per-
haps the actors' naturalistic mumbling det-
racted from this pictorial portrayal.
Naturalistic Detail and Social Truth
Stanislavskian acting methods designed to
heighten naturalistic detail were exploited in
the production in order to emphasize social
truths. When Brecht was dissatisfied with
the protestant hymn-like manner in which
the workers' brigade performed a song
about building the new street, he made the
following suggestion:
Let's make a small etude a la Stanislavski! Sing
the song while working on the completion of the
new street. So, get to work!
The choir became active. The young men drag-
ged scenery around while singing, the girls set
tables, etc., etc.47
Brecht explained to the actors that during
the performance they would actually sing
without moving. Presumably the experi-
ment with the naturalistic business was in-
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 tended to help the actors convey the energy ficance in terms of the play of either know-
of enthusiastic workers. Rather than creating ing a maple leaf or of the walk through the
a solemn religious occasion where a hymn is alleyway. By contrast, it is crucial to the
sung in awe of a mysterious force, Brecht Katzgraben fable that both Hermann's exper-
seems to have attempted to present a festive tise with regard to oxen and the emaciated
celebration of human powers of interven- condition of the beast be established. Her-
tion. The notion that the combined effort of mann's appraisal of the animal emphasizes
humans, a tangible non-mystical force, can the vulnerable economic situation and des-
foster agricultural progress and community perate need for tractors of the Kleinschmidts
harmony is consistent with socialist beliefs. in particular and of the small farmers in
One Katzgraben document on instructing general. Brecht detects in Stanislavski an
the actors contains an implied criticism of interest in naturalistic detail for its own sake
Stanislavski's interest in naturalistic detail. rather than as an aid to social progress.
In this document, 'The Actor as Ox Expert',
firstly the common ground, the attention to
Distinguishing Realism from Naturalism
detail, is discussed. Parallels between Brechf s
directing methods in Katzgraben and Stanis- Brechf s goal was to transcend naturalism and
lavski's approach during rehearsals for Eugene achieve realism. In the discussion 'Natural-
Onegin are drawn. Intent on ensuring verisimi- ism and Realism' the issue is raised whether
litude, Brecht here called upon Strittmatter, Brecht's directing in Katzgraben was too
familiar with agricultural life, to instruct the naturalistic. Persona R. (perhaps Riilicke)
young city actor playing Hermann, Gross- uses as an example the scene in which Frau
mann's dogsbody and would-be adoptive son. Kleinschmidt comes home from work. R.
At one point in the play, Hermann dis- points out that the actress's enactment of
plays his knowledge of farm animals. He some mundane activities - banging her clogs,
describes the ox, given to the Kleinschmidts putting the broom in front of the door, hang-
by the state, as 'pointy-arsed' (spitzarschig) - ing up her husband's jacket - seemed overly
that is, as too thin and undernourished. naturalistic. Brecht replies:
Strittmatter repeatedly demonstrated to the
actor exactly how to depict such an ox with When these tasks show something that goes
beyond the depiction of the everyday domestic
the assistance of hand gestures. The close routine for the purpose of creating an illusion
attention to authentic detail here reminded that one is in a small farmer's home, then this is
Brecht of the Eugene Onegin rehearsals as des- not naturalism. In the case of naturalism this
cribed by Antarova, when Stanislavski had illusion is produced and created through count-
demanded that the actor playing Onegin less details, because through doing so the more
or less dulled emotions, moods, and other psy-
chological reactions of the characters are better
should know what a maple leaf looks like able to be experienced.50
because when he visits the Larins he has to come
through an avenue of maples.48
He goes on to say that he hopes the actor's
After mentioning similarities in approach, bits of business would help expose the social
Brecht then shifted to this observation on problem of the female agricultural worker
divergent directorial practice: who, upon completion of her labour outside
the home, must then return to labour within
It did not please Stanislavski that the actor had the home. The details selected must not only
never observed what a maple leaf looks like and explicate her mental and physical state but
the discussions at Stanislavski's rehearsals must also emphazise its socio-economic determin-
have been more heated than at ours. The actor
allowed himself the reply: 'I have no intention of ants: her social role and double work-load.
becoming a gardener at the Larins.'49 Alongside its naturalistic detail, another
approach associated with Stanislavskian act-
Stanislavski's request is revealed as slightly ing employed during Katzgraben was indivi-
ludicrous. He does not explain the signi- dualized characterization. The emphasis on

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 the latter can be attributed both to political
pressure and Brecht's desire to support the
young GDR through a process of education.
He was intent on avoiding the accusation of
formalism by proving that the play's char-
acters were not 'pale retort creatures' or
'schematic products of the brain'.
In a dialogue about Katzgraben the issue
of schematism, apparent in the character
names - Kleinschmidt ('Small Schmidt') the
small farmer; Mittellander ('Middle-Lands')
the middle farmer, and wealthy Grossmann
('Large-man') - is raised:
I examined the play very thoroughly in order to
determine whether the characters, as is usual in
the case of schematism, were faceless, bloodless,
and only formulas for social types, but I found,
distinct individualities, genuine roles, farmers
from Strittmatter's acquaintance so to speak.51
At a meeting between Berliner Ensemble
members and Strittmatter early in May 1952
it was decided that the characters be given
small personal traits such as 'religiosity,
miserliness - the so-called "superfluous".'52
Not only the personas of Strittmatter's
play but also the actors' realizations were
advertised as being full-blooded figures.
During a discussion of the work with mem-
bers of the University of Greifswald in
March 1953, Grossmann was criticized by a
student as inadequately formulated. Weigel
was quick in her reply that under Brecht's
direction every individual gait would be
rehearsed to ensure that the characters were
presented in accordance with their indivi-
duality.53 This was by no means to be a
formalist production!
Methods of achieving individualization
promoted by Stanislavski are frequently to
be detected in the Katzgraben notes - for
instance, character resumes were composed.
However, as Brecht perceived the actors
insufficiently equipped to outline the back-
grounds of such new characters, he asked
Strittmatter to provide them, and in the BBA
material the notes written on Kleinschmidt,
Grossmann and his wife, and on the party
secretary Steinert, are extant. That they in-
clude information about the social milieu in
which the characters were reared is in keep-
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ing with Stanislavskian practice. Neverthe-
less, the predominance of such information,
together with only minimal psychologizing,
is perhaps particularly Brechtian.
The production's programme brochure
also testifies that a tendency towards indivi-
dualizing was manifest. It incorporates diary
extracts and letters supposedly composed
by various play characters, many of which
are accompanied by von Appen's detailed
character drawings. The overall impression
is that the Berliner Ensemble were deter-
mined to familiarize the spectators with
idiosyncratic characters from the land. This
attempt can be viewed as part of a larger
project of educating the new GDR citizens
about land reform and revolutionary struggle.
Brecht particularly utilized individuali-
zing techniques in the case of the play's
younger characters, whom he regarded as
the bearers and nurturers of socialist pro-
gress. He avoided their reduction to comic
or other schematic stock types. The actors
playing Elli, the Kleinschmidts' daughter,
and Erna, her friend and the Mittellanders'
maid, were urged not to treat their charac-
ters too comically.
When these two women were in the
presence of the young men they admired,
Hermann and Giinter respectively, the actors
initially made the girls appear a little stupid,
humorously dulled by love. Audience feed-
back reports record that spectators were
irritated by the female characters' idiocy.54
At the rehearsal on 22 May 1953, immedi-
ately following a discussion between some
Berliner Ensemble members and preview
spectators, Brecht commented that the 'love-
sick' types had to be dispensed with. Elli
and Erna, as members of Katzgraben's youth,
represented the republic's only hope, and if
they were satirized everything would app-
ear hopeless.55 To help the actors he sug-
gested that the two girls should discuss both
sensible and amusing 'matters of organiz-
ation' when they mix with the youths out-
side the inn just after the first vote against
the street is held.56
Brecht also advised against characterizing
Hermann, in his role as Grossmann's dogs-
body, as simply an arrogant careerist, a bad
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The Kleinschmidts' daughter Elli with her admirer
Hermann - 'not simply a careerist, but a hard worker'.
Photo: Pisareck, reproduced by courtesy of the Bertolt-
Brecht-Archiv, Berlin.
character. 'How can Hermann be unsym-
pathetic', Brecht asked, 'when Elli loves
him?' The play's ending, in which Hermann,
united with Elli, enthuses about the tractors,
would be a far less joyous occasion if the
republic's young hero were a self-centred
stock villain. Rather, Brecht desired that he
be characterized as not simply a careerist
but a hard worker - young, strong, intelli-
gent, a force easily open to exploitation by
Grossmann.57 Brecht's effort to replace stock
figures with individualized characterization
reflects a need to humanize the new heroes.
Empathy and Social Purpose
The attempt to individualize perhaps also
precipitated a greater discussion and con-
scious inclusion of empathetic acting and
relationships throughout the production.
Particular care was taken to ensure that
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Grossmann and his wife, played by Erwin
Geschonneck and Weigel respectively, would
not become merely bloodless villains, but
more complex entities. In a Schriften dia-
logue Brecht, usually at pains to emphasize
the importance of a critical distance between
actor and character, mentions that he had
urged Geschonneck to try empathizing with
the wealthy farmer.58
Apparently the actor had been giving
only the criticism of the character and not
the character itself. By exposing Grossmann
to constant ridicule, Geschonneck actually
undermined the farmer's credibility as a
threatening opponent in the class struggle.
Brecht suggested Geschonneck work on sub-
jectively justifying his character by regard-
ing him as an intelligent man and crafty
negotiator who is only overturned by the
new situation.59
Similar instructions were given to the
actors playing the Mittellander couple, who
in the course of the play swing from syco-
phantically supporting Grossmann to joining
the small farmers. Despite Strittmatter's
comic portrayal of their selfishness and in-
decisiveness, they were to be understood as
people undergoing serious difficulties:
Use every smallest moment in your scenes to
show humans that feel genuinely threatened,
who are not capable of seeing the advantages
that at the end of the development period will be
produced also for them.60
Brecht tended to demand empathetic acting
when a satirical or comic presentation in-
appropriately resulted in the trivialization of
the events in the social revolution. Empathy
was one tool for illuminating the complexity
of the reform movement in the GDR.
Weigel's socially critical demonstration of
Frau Grossmann's behaviour was occasion-
ally faulted by Brecht for having an over-
whelmingly alienating effect. The actress
used an approach similar to the 'emotional
memory' technique, as developed by Stanis-
lavski for empathetic purposes - recalling
the state-of-being experienced by the actor
during an event in the past in order to
precipitate feelings, thoughts, and move-
ments analagous to the character's at any
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 Female
emancipation:
three village
women defy
tradition and
drink in public.
Photo: Hainer
Hill, reproduced
by courtesy of
the Stiftung
Archiv der
Akademie der
Kunste (SAdK),
Berlin.

given point in the play - to criticize rather
than empathize with her character.
Weigel's memory of the bad treatment
she had suffered as a child on a farm fuelled
her negative caricature of Frau Grossmann
as a shrill-voiced woman with a goitre.61 The
physical impairment was a socially signifi-
cant sign. It helped suggest that Grossmann
had selected her not on the basis of physical
attraction but for economic reasons To ex-
pose the woman's false piety and hypocrisy
Weigel selected a sanctimonious sing-song
tone, whose tedious and mechanical nature
alienated the listener. Brecht let her continue
with this voice work in the early stages of
rehearsal, then directed her to establish a
more natural speech. He noted that her trick
was exactly the same as those Stanislavski
called 'shams' and which he also allowed
only for certain rehearsal phases.62
As far as I am aware, Brecht did not eluci-
date his reasons for making Frau Gross-
mann less reprehensible. Perhaps Weigel's
'sham' was simply not pleasing to the ear.
Yet political concerns may have played a
significant part. During rehearsal he consci-
ously attempted to bring out the various
moments in the script where female emanci-
pation was highlighted - paying, for ex-
ample, much attention to a scene in which
some village women, the wives of small
farmers, deliberately defy tradition and

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Above: Geschonneck and Weigel, as the Grossmanns,
at the piano (photo: Hainer Hill, Bertolt-Brecht-Archiv).
Opposite: Weigel's Frau Grossmann, 'a victim of
the patriarchal economic system' (photo: Hainer Hill,
Stiftung Archiv der Akademie der Kiinste, Berlin).
drink alcohol, unaccompanied by their hus-
bands, at the pub.63
Brecht also spoke of Frau Grossmann's
more assertive and aggressively domineer-
ing behaviour towards Grossmann in the
play's second half as 'perverse emancipa-
tion'.64 She too was to be regarded as a
victim of the patriarchal economic system. It
is conceivable that at times this political
point could best be elucidated by arousing
an empathetic response to her predicament.
As in the case of naturalistic detail, empathy
was frequently manipulated for the purpose
of social commentary.
Limitations of the Psychological Approach
An empathetic understanding and expres-
sion of a character's emotional state-of-being
was particularly encouraged by Brecht as a
method of demonstrating the humanized
socialist hero - to be distinguished from the
traditional fixed mythical type with a priori
character traits. Brecht rejected what he
classified as the capitalist or feudalist ideal
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of a man, the poker-faced stoic who stands
aloof from the mass, arguing that the capi-
talist hero was actually the ideal business-
man in disguise, a person who could survive
in a dog-eat-dog world of business trans-
actions owing to his skill at hiding thoughts
and emotions.
By contrast, the hero of socialism - the
miner and party secretary Steinert, for ex-
ample - stood amidst the people and shared
their interests. He had less need to conceal
vulnerability.65 When coaching Kleinosch-
egg, the actor playing Steinert, Brecht,
worked against the construction of a fault-
less exemplary figure. Moments of uncer-
tainty and indecision were to be brought out -
one such occurring when Steinert discovers
that the village suffers from ground water
deprivation, due in great part to the mines.
Faced with this situation, the farmers
become reticent about continuing work on
Steinert's project, the street. In turn, without
the street the machinery that would help
provide a new water source cannot be trans-
ported into the village. Kleinoschegg resisted
the direction to express the secretary's
feelings of total helplessness: 'What use is a
secretary who is at a loss? That is hardly a
good model!' he retorted.66 However, Brecht
insisted that a man untouched by the crum-
bling of his political work would merely be
a 'numbskull'.67 He also added that the
'human face under socialism must again be
a mirror for feelings'.68
In light of his earlier campaigns against
an emphasis on the emotional behaviour of
characters, an emphasis he associated with
Stanislavski, Brecht's interest in displaying
their psyches seems a remarkable shift.
However, he was always careful to highlight
the social determinants of behaviour. Carl
Weber, once a director's assistant in the
Berliner Ensemble, thus noted that a distin-
guishing feature of Brecht's theatre was that
it stressed how humans are stamped by
their occupations.69 In order to motivate the
actor playing Gunter to incorporate better
voice projection into the role, Brecht sug-
gested that Giinter's job as a miner would
necessitate and habituate loud speaking.70 In
the scene when Hermann whistles-up Elli,
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 and is duly reprimanded for this seeming ensure financial profits, even by means in-
rudeness by Erna, Brecht explained that cluding the oppression of the villagers.
Hermann's behaviour was not character- Mittellander's problems, especially in the
related but indicative of the fact that he episode where he is torn between suppor-
worked very regularly with dogs!71 ting the small farmers or Grossmann, were
Unlike Stanislavski, Brecht remained very to be treated as stemming from the shifting
wary of pinpointing the psyche as a major political situation rather than as a personal
behaviour determinant. He warned that timorousness.73 The positioning of Mittel-
Frau Grossmann's participation in the class lander in the crucial scene where he decides
struggle must not be seen as rooted in the not to vote with Grossmann against the
psychological, a chip on the shoulder.72 She street reinforced the impression that his wor-
was to be depicted as working harmoni- ries and decisions were socially determined.
ously with Grossmann in all attempts to He invariably appeared crushed between

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 members of opposing classes - Klein- Leipzig University's Faculty of Philosophy.
schmidt, Frau Mittellander, and Grossmann. And that same year, just after the opening of
In the dialogue discussion 'What Are Our the production of The Caucasian Chalk Circle
Actors Actually Doing?' held during the pro- on 7 October, a group of Brecht's co-workers
duction period, Persona B (Brecht himself, vigorously discussed the Brecht-Stanislavski
perhaps) states that the Katzgraben farmers' relationship at one of their gatherings.
traits are obtained from sources other than On 20 January 1955 at a meeting held
their class membership.74 Here the implica- by Ensemble members, including Brecht, the
tion is that these other sources may include decision was made, stimulated by a sug-
even inherent psychological ones. However, gestion from Palitzsch, to acquire further
Persona B quickly adds that the most information on Stanislavski. Four colleagues
important behaviours are those which arise were to be allocated the task of processing
out of the class struggle, and these must be the study material.75 At this time Brecht's
comprehended before social change can theatre was not threatened by closure, bad
occur. Brecht did not ignore the psyche, but reviews, or a looming conference. And in
consciously focused, unlike Stanislavski, on 1955 Brecht visited Russia and saw Stanis-
social and even more specifically class deter- lavski's production (that is, one presumably
mination. preserved intact after the director's death in
1938) of The Ardent Heart at the Moscow Art
More than Just a Flash in the Pan Theatre.
Brecht again recognized affinities. Accor-
With the Katzgraben production of 1953 ding to Ruhcke-Weiler, some time after the
Brecht's concern with Stanislavski reached a performance he commented that now he
peak of intensity. Given the historical con- had to say what many had said to him -
text, the year of the Stanislavski Conference, 'that the theory contradicted the practice'
it is easy to describe the production as and that 'Stanislavski's theory was obvi-
mainly a tactic designed to protect the ously as misunderstood as his own'.76 He
Ensemble from the ire of party-line socialist defined the performer Gribov, who played
realists. Yet the rehearsal notes also illumi- the wealthy building contractor Khlynov, as
nate affinities between the two practitioners, definitely an epic actor, and expressed a
particularly in the realm of carefully organ- desire to see him perform one of the roles in
77
ized staging and attention to detail. They his own plays, perhaps Puntila.
also amplify Brecht's desire to support the Wekwerth writes that Brecht was impres-
new community through the production of sed by a carefully devised defamiliarization
a contemporary play, and how Brecht found effect in which Khylnov's behaviour as an
many of Stanislavski's methods useful for exploitative master was revealed. To coun-
this task. teract the effect of one scene in which
Moreover, had Katzgraben been mainly a Khylnov behaves as a mischievous clown
political tactic, the subsiding of the confer- and monopolizes the audience's interest and
ence-year furore would probably have been sympathy, Stanislavski gave the character a
followed by a rapid waning and eventual huge crowd of attendant servants. Like a
end of Brecht's experimentation with Stanis- comet's tail they followed him wherever he
lavski's system. However, right up until the went, offering support, creature comforts,
mid 'fifties Brecht continued his studies, and at one stage fifteen chairs. Brecht repor-
applying some of the methods even to ted that when faced with this staging the
works that, unlike Strittmatter's play, were audience's laughter caught in their 78
throat.
not in the socialist realist mode. He named it a dialectical depiction.
In February 1954 both Brecht and Weigel Given factors such as Brecht's work after
participated in a discussion with visiting 1953, the final year of the Stanislavski
Stanislavski students. During March he 'wave', the question again arises as to what
talked about Stanislavski with students of extent his Stanislavski studies were part of a

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 tactical move to avoid political and artistic
pressure. There is no denying that the
GDR's search for cultural identity was a
significant motivating force, particularly
during 1953, and John Willett regards the
Katzgraben production itself as 'evidence of a
considerable effort on Brecht's part to meet
the requirements of the official aesthetic
policy of the day'.79
Indeed, Brecht's manipulation of tech-
niques associated with Stanislavski, such as
attention to naturalistic detail, individu-
alizing, and empathetic acting can be seen as
a response to the party-liners' accusation
that he was a cold-blooded formalist. The
use of such methods in order to present
positive images of the new worker heroes is
a serious attempt to demonstrate support for
the GDR and communism.
Yet it is not the case that political pres-
sure was so overwhelming that all Brecht's
statements of affinity with Stanislavski must
be regarded as obsequiously motivated. He
was able to engage critically with Stanis-
lavski and to expand upon the Russian's
methods, rigorously manipulating them for
the purpose of social commentary and dis-
carding them whenever they jeopardized
this task. And total cynicism about Brecht's
Katzgraben production and his utilization of
Stanislavski throughout its creation is not
necessary. Given Brecht's political views and
commitment, it is likely that he genuinely
wished to deal with tasks such as celebrat-
ing reform and educating the public about
the process of revolution.
The positive impact of the political envir-
onment must also be considered. It was the
socialist state which enabled the formation
of the Berliner Ensemble company. This in
turn necessitated an understanding of realist
acting concerning which Stanislavski pro-
vided many insights. The Stanislavski wave
brought with it not only political pressure
but also access to information previously
untapped. Brecht capitalized upon the new
opportunities available for exploring the
two theatre practitioners' affinities and dif-
ferences, and began to view himself more as
Stanislavski's progressive successor than his
staunch opponent.
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Notes and References
1. Werner Hecht, 'Grund der Emporung iiber eine
"ganz unertragliche Behandlung": Brechts Stanis-
lawski-Studium 1953', Maske und Kothurn, XXXIII, Nos.
3-4 (1987), p. 82.
2. Eric Bentley, 'Are Stanislavski and Brecht Com-
mensurable?', Tulane Drama Review, IX, No. 1 (Fall
1964), p. 73.
3. Werner Mittenzwei, 'Der Methodenstreit: Brecht
oder Stanislawski?', in Werner Hecht, ed., Brechts
Theorie des Theaters (Frankfurt am Main, 1986), p. 262.
4. Wolfgang Langhoff, 'Aus dem Schlusswort',
Theater der Zeit, VIII, No. 5 (1953), p. 11.
5. Hecht, op. cit., p. 78.
6. Werner Hecht, 'Das Vergniigen an einer ernsten
Sache: Ein Leben im Dienste Brechts - Erinnerungen
von und an Kathe Riilicke', Der Tagesspiegel, 3 Novem-
ber 1992, p. 17.
7. Books that highlight the later theories include
K. S. Stanislawski, W. Prokofjew, W. Toporkow, B. Sach-
awa, G. Gurjew, Der schauspielerische Weg zur Rolle: Fiinf
Aufsatze iiber Stanislawskis 'Methode der physischen
Handlungen', trans. B. Ensslen, K. Fend, K. A. Paffen
(Berlin, 1951), while amongst the theatre practice
oriented works is W. Toporkow's, K. S. Stanislawski bei
der Probe, trans. Karl Fend (Berlin, 1952).
8. Jiirgen Riihle, 'Uber den Umgang mit Stanis-
lawski', Sonntag, 9 August 1953, BBA 1153/86.
9. Kathe Rulicke-Weiler, interviewed by Matthias
Braun, 'Brecht and Weigel at the Berliner Ensemble',
New Theatre Quarterly, VII, No. 25 (February 1991), p. 15.
10. Hecht, 'Grund der Emporung iiber eine "ganz
unertragliche Behandlung",' p. 86.
11. Bertolt Brecht, 'Was unter anderem vom Theater
Stanislawskis gelernt werden kann', 1951, in Crosse
kommentierte Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe der Werke
von Bertolt Brecht, XXIII (Berlin; Weimar: Aufbau-Verlag;
Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1993), p. 167-8.
12. 'Leise - es wird geprobt!', trans. Grossmann,
Teatr, No. 12 (1952), BBA 45/11.
13. 'Uber die Bezeichnung "restlose Verwandlung",'
c. 1935, in Grosse kommentierte Berliner und Frankfurter
Ausgabe, XXII.I (1993), p. 178-9, and 'Einfuhlung', May
1953, XXV (1994), p. 440.
14. 'Bericht von einer Probe zu Tage der Turbins mit
Stanislawski -1927', BBA 45/51.
15. 'Einige Gedanken zur Stanislawski-Konferenz',
April 1953, Grosse kommentierte Berliner und Frankfurter
Ausgabe, XXIII, p. 238.
16. '[Fortschrittlichkeit des Stanislawski-Systems]',
Grosse kommentierte Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe,
XXII.I, p. 284-5, and 'Stanislawski-Studien [5]', March/
April 1953, XXIII, p. 228.
17. Brecht, BBA 233/19.
18. 'Zu Stanislawski', February 1953, Grosse kommen-
tierte Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXIII, p. 224.
19. Brecht and P. Palitzsch, 'Stanislawski-Brecht
(Besprechung am 1 Juni)', 1953, BBA 551/136.
20. Brecht, 'Einige Gedanken zur Stanislawski-
konferenz', BBA 1852/18.
21. '[Rede fur die Stanislawski-Konferenz]', April
1953, Grosse kommentierte Berliner und Frankfurter Aus-
gabe, XXIII, p. 234.
22. 'Einstudierung von Einzelrollen durch Regie-
Assistenten', notes taken by Kathe Riilicke, 'Uber un-
sere Inszenierungen', BBA 1340/60.
23. Brecht, 'Stanislawski Studien', BBA 44/12.
257
IP address: 138.251.14.35
 24. Brecht, 'Einige Gedanken zur Stanislawski- 54. See, for example, 'Protokoll 18.5.53', BBA 551/60,
konferenz', BBA 1852/18-9. and 'Uber die Diskussionen mit Kulturfunktionaren der
25. Tvlogliche Experimented March-April, 1953, Grosse Berliner Betriebe am Anschluss an Vorauffiihrung Katz-
kommentierte Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXIII, p. graben am 21 Mai 1953', BBA 551 /91.
227. 55. Brecht, 'Uber die Diskussionen mit Kulturfunk-
26. Hecht, 'Grund der Emporung iiber eine "ganz tionaren der Berliner Betriebe am Anschluss an Vor-
unertragliche Behandlung": Brechts Stanislawski-Studium auffuhrung Katzgraben am 21 Mai 1953', BBA 551 /94.
1953', p. 81. 56. 'Kritik an Elli II', 1953, Grosse kommentierte
27. Mittenzwei, op. cit., p. 262. Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXV, p. 479.
28. Brecht, 'Mit studium begonnen', BBA, 44/7. 57. Notes taken by Kathe Rulicke, 'Li', 10.5.53, BBA
29. Kathe Riilicke, 'Katzgraben-Manuskript - Inhalts- 963/23.
iibersichf, BBA 949/7-10. 58. 'Einfiihlung', Grosse kommentierte Berliner und
30. 'Erwin Strittmatters Katzgraben', June 1953, Grosse Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXV, p. 439.
kommentierte Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXIV 59. 'II.3 [Preisgabe und Rechtfertigung]', Grosse
(1991), p. 437. kommentierte Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXV, p.
31. Ibid. 435-6.
32. Manfred Wekwerth, Schriften. Arbeit mit Brecht 60. Notes taken by Carl Weber, '31.3.53, Stiickprobe
(Berlin, 1975), p. 112-13. Akt 1,2', BBA 1897(I)/128.
33. 'Dekoration', May 1953, Grosse kommentierte 61. Rulicke-Weiler, interviewed by Braun, 'Brecht
Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXV, p. 405. and Weigel at the Berliner Ensemble', p. 8.
34. Kathe Riilicke, 'Protokoll 18.5.53', BBA 551/69. 62. Brecht, 'Probe vom 9.4.53', BBA 948/51.
35. 'Dekoration', op. cit. 63. See, for example, Carl Weber's notes 'Eman-
36. 'Diskussion mit Vorstandsmitgliedern des Zentral- zipation auf dem Dorfe Act III, 2', BBA 551/6, and
vorstandes der VdGB aus alien Bezirken der DDR am 'Probenauszug vom 15.4, 9.5, und 13.5.1953 Die Frauen:
4 Juni 1953 nach der Vorstellung Katzgraben', BBA Emanzipation und das Bier (III.2)', BBA 551/39.
1508/52-3, and 'Protokoll der Diskussion zu Katzgraben 64. Brecht, '16.4.53, II.2', BBA 948/82.
am 11.5.1954 mit dem Volksgut Aktivist, KVP und 65. 'III.2 [Aufbau eines Helden]', March 1953, Grosse
Intendanten im Theater', BBA 1898/2. kommentierte Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXV, p.
37. Brecht, 'Einige Gedanken zur Sranislawski- 419-20.
konferenz', BBA 1852/18. 66. Ibid., p. 418.
38. 'Details III, 3', Grosse kommentierte Berliner und 67. Ibid., p. 419.
Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXV, p. 442. 68. Ibid., p. 420.
39. Notes taken by Kathe Rulicke, '2.5.53', BBA 69. Carl Weber, 'Brecht as Director', The Drama
1514/113. Review, XII, No. 1 (Fall 1967), p. 104.
40. Notes taken by Carl Weber, '27.2.53 Probe Act I, 70. '2. Hauptprobe', 13 May, Grosse kommentierte
Stellprobe Act II', BBA 1897(I)/18. Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXV, p. 469.
41. 'Probenweise', Grosse kommentierte Berliner und 71. Brecht,'1,3', BBA 963/26.
Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXV, p. 404. 72. Brecht, '30.4.53, Probe Katzgraben', BBA 963/68.
42. 'Leerlauf, May 1953, in Grosse kommentierte 73. Notes taken by Carl Weber, '31.3.1953 Stiick-
Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXV, p. 488. probe Act 1,2', BBA 1897(0/128.
43. Ibid. 74. 'Was machen eigentlich unsere Schauspieler?',
44. Ibid., p. 489. Grosse kommentierte Berliiter und Frankfurter Ausgabe,
45. Report from Kathe Rulicke, '30.4.53', BBA XXV, p. 449.
1513/73. 75. 'Brecht (anl. des Besuches von Stanislawski-
46. At least, it is not to be found in the following text Schiilern), Febr. 1954', BBA 1340/23; 'Brecht: Diskus-
available to me: Erwin Strittmatter, Katzgraben (Berlin, sion mit Studenten der Philosophischen Fakultat Leipzig
1958). am 21.3.54', BBA 1824/44; 'Diskussion mit Praktikanten
47. 'Lied vom Wettbewerb in III.3', in Grosse kom- am 8. Okt. 1954 bei Frau Berlau', BBA 943/75-84; and
mentierte Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe, XXV, p. 443.Brecht, Palitzsch, Rulicke, Wekwerth, Bohm, Schubert,
48. Notes taken by Ruth Berlau, 'Der Schauspieler Kilian, Besson, 'Arbeitsbesprechung am 20. Januar
als Ochsenkenner', BBA 949/37. 1955', BBA 1299/02.
49. Ibid. 76. Kathe Rulicke, 'Die Arbeitsweisen Stanislawskis
50. 'Naturalismus und Realismus', in Gesammelte und Brechts (I)', Theater der Zeii, XI, No. 17 (November
Werke, XVI (Frankfurt am Main, 1967), p. 796. 1962), p. 58.
51. 'Der Neubauer, der Mittelbauer, der Grossbauer', 77. Ibid., p. 56.
Grosse kommentierte Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe, 78. Wekwerth, op. cit., p. 53.
XXV, p. 441. 79. John Willett, trans, and ed., Brecht on Theatre
52. Brecht, '1. Besprechung mit Strittmatter 6.5.52', (London, 1964), p. 251.
BBA 960/38.
53. Helene Weigel, in 'Diskussion iiber das Stuck Acknowledgement
Katzgraben von Strittmatter am 2 Marz 1953 mit einer
Gruppe von Studenten von der Universitat Greifswald', Unpublished material as attributed in Endnotes 23, 24,
BBA 960/31. 28, 37,52, and 64 is copyright © Stefan S. Brecht 1995.

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