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    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
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    Download as pdf
    54 views13 pages

    Arnold 2004 Mobile Men Sedentary Women.p

    Uploaded by

    nada88pe
    Mobile Men Sedentary Women

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    5.8.4 CerLrs on THE Marcin Studies in European Cultural Interaction 7th Century BC — Ist Century AD Dedicated to ZENON WOZNIAK Edited by HALINA DOBRZANSKA, VINCENT MEGAW, PAULINA POLESKA. Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Acaclemy of Sciences KRAKOW 2005 EERCSII GSAD CSN CSI CSLIN SSD GEAV GEAISEAD Contents Foreword EE eae ee . 7 Bibliography of Zenon Woéniak 9 BETTINAARNOLD, Mobile men, sedentary women? Material culture as a marker of regional and supra-regional interaction In fron Age Europe. AT OTTO-HERMAN FREY, The human figure in Lato Hallstatt and Early La Téne art en VINCENT MEGaW, Early Celtic art without Scythians? A review oid MITJA GUSTIN, Celts on the margin of the northern Adriatic spicireni 49 MARKO DIZDAR, HRVOJE POTREBICA, ‘The Late La Téne culture in central Slavonia (Croatia)... _ 57 NIVES MAJNARIC PANDZIC, Inveotigatione into the La Téne period in northern Croatia: 1970-2003 er PETAR POPOVIC, sum a Scordiscis Dacisque premeretur... 77 NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV, Coltic settlement in north-western Thrace during the Iste fourth and third centuries BC: Some historical and archaeological notes ais : 85 JAN BOUZEK, Coltic campaigns in southern Thrace and the Tylis kingdom: The Duchcov fibula in Bulgaria and, the destruction of Pistiros in 27918 BC crs in 93 JUL EMILOV, Changing paradigms: Modern interprotations of Celtic raids in Thrace reconsidered ‘AUREL RUSTOIU, ‘The Padea-Panagjurski Kolonli Group in south-western Transylvania (Romania) MIRCEA BABES, The brooch from Horodni MILOS CI7MAR, Contacts between Moravia and the territory of the Scordisci PAVEL SANKOT, Finds of La Tene weapons from Detva, central Slovakia MAREK OLEDZKI, ‘Anarti’ and ‘Anartophracti’: Transcarpathian cultural and settlement relations of the Celts, KAROLY TANKO, ‘Hom-handled’ bowls of the Central Europe Iron Ago. MACIE KARWOWSKI, ‘The earliest types of eastem-Celtic glass ornaments. MIKHAIL TREISTER, La Tane elements in the fine metalwork of the north-western Pontic area in the first century AD: Some characteristic features of ornaments of the Petriki-Porogl type MAREK BEDNAREK, La Tene settlement in Upper Silesia: An outline PAULINA POLESKA, The Caltic sottioment microregion In the area near Krakéw MARCIN RUDNICKI, A Late La Téne inhumation grave from Petczyska: Comments on the cultural situation in the upland area of Little Poland (with an analysis of the anatomical remains by Karol Piaseck) .. HALINA DOBRZANSKA AND JAN PIEKARCZYK, Caltic grey pottery from Poland: thrown or not thrown? 103 109 wo f2A 131 195 145 183. 163 173 179 187 aus 207 ‘The Celtic mercenaries of the La Téne period have been the quintessential symbol of male mobiity in the European Iron Age at least since an amused and im- pressed Alexander the Great reported his negotiations with a group of them in 335 BC. Cettic helmets, swords and shields have bean found across the ancient world, from Canosa di Puglia in south-eastern Italy to Egypt, testimony to the initiative and miltary prowsss of this subgroup of the Calc population. Atthe same time, there is evidence in La Tene western Germany and eastorn France of a decline in the population due to a large ex- tent to male out-migration (Amold 1995, 1996; Amol, Murray 2003). Individual mobility during the Iron Age has traditionally been presented as a primarily male affair, but recent analyses of gender patterns in the material ‘culture record of Iron Age Celtic mortuary ritual, com= bined with genetic evidence, suggest that mobility pat- terns varied by gender throughout prehistory (Gibbons 2000: 1081; Rosser ef al, 2000: 1528; Seielstad et al 41998; Wilson et al, 2001: 5082-6083). A re-examination of Iron Age mobility seams warranted. While a small cubest of man appear to hava traveled extremely long distances, mainly to acquire prestige ftems, from at least the late Halistatt period until the Late La Tene, large num- bers of women may have moved shorter distancas to marty outside their natal communitias during this ime, thereby establishing and maintaining crucial trade con- tacts and alliances. In short, both men and women were mobile, but women appear to have been primarily i volved in maving between territories within regions, whereas a selected group of men appear to have ex- tended their peregrinations outside their own regions. Mobiliy in prehistoric societies, including those of Iron ‘Age Europe, was gendor-spectic and mortuary assem blages should be analyzed accordingly. Mobile men, sedentary women? Material culture as a marker of regional and supra-regional interaction in Iron Age Europe Bettina ARNOLD Based on ethnographic data, most societies that ex- press gencler distinctions tend to be sedentary and food producing, live in large, rekstivaly compact settlements, ‘and exhibit patilineal descent and patilocal residence. Recent studies suggest that gender-specific mobility patterns vary according to a number of factors, inclu- ding tha complexity of the society, its subsistence strat egy and degree of sedentism. in foraging societies, popu- lation density appears to most strongly influence the dis- tance traveled by individuals to find mates and the natal ‘community is defined socially rather than spatially, we in complex sedentary societies with large populations an individual's natal population can be located spatially as well as socially and more variables influence mating effort. For example, elite individuals in complex socio- ties generally contract marriage alliances involving much greater geographic distances than non-elites. In most foraging and simple horticulturalist societies for which ethnographic cata exist, malas on average traveled con- siderably further than females in the course of thei If times (MacDonald, Hewlett 1999), an observation that appears to directly contradict genetic studies sugges: ting that female mobility aver the millennia has been greater than that of males. However, this apparent dis- crepancy is due to the fact that the two approaches ac: tually involve different scales of analysis, The genetic _ data reflect the cumulative mobility of generations of women a the level of the population while studios like those of MacDonald and Hewitt compare female mo- bility to male mobily at the level ofthe individual. ‘Three levels of individual mobility are defined by MacDonald and Hewlett: 41) micromovement, which involves individual and group mobilty related to subsistence, possibly including the acquisition of mates; 2) mesomovement, involving 8 Benina Amota travel at intermediate distances to visit friends and rela- tives, including the creation of long-term marriage links; 3) macromovement, involving mobility to explore exotic sites for potential or exceptionally scarce resources, which may include mates. Not everyone participates in this last category of movement because of the greater risks and energy expenditure involved, but significantly ‘MacDonald and Hewlett (1999: 511) found that “males with few kin resources or individuals with unusual backgrounds...are likely to travel these long distances", ‘an apt deseripton of Celie mercenary activi i Ue ealy La Tene period. The motivations MacDonald and Hewlett propose for individual mobilty in their study are limited to what they call “reproductive or somatic efforts” (ibid. 512), which reflects the biological doterminism that cha- racterizes many studies of foraging societies. In this pa- per the categories of individual movement proposed by MacDonald and Hawiott will be utilized, but the motiva- tions will include extra-somatic and extra-reproductive catalysts for mobility, including ideological, socio-economic and political incentives. For the purposes of this paper, mating distance is defined as an approximation of the distance between the birthplaces of parents and chil dan (Cayall-Sforza 1999: 515). The distance between the natal community and the community of residence at the time of an individuals death may or may not be the same as the distance between the parent's natal com- munity and that of his or her child, The mortuary record can potentially provide information on both forms of dis- tance based on relationship analysis of skeletal remains as wall as the patterned distribution of material culture (Alt 1997; Alt ef al. 1995; Muller n.d.) Recent gonatie studies clearly indicate that individual ‘and group mobility must be taken nto consideration when interpreting pattems of grave good assemblages in mor- ‘wary populations Ina recent study by Rosser ef. (2000), Yéchromosoral diversity in Europe was shown to be c= ral and influonced primary by geography rather than lan- ‘quage, The ¥ chromosome exhibits a high degree of geo- ‘raphic differentiation in comparison with othar parts of to human genome, and the stucy conducted by Rosser cet a. identied clear clinal variation in five of the six major lineages in Europe, in spite ofthe senstivity ofthe ¥ chro- mosome to genetic dif. They remark on the contrast bot- ween the clinal variation of Y-chromosomal lineages and the lack of clines in m{DNA data (ibe: 1539), although they note that even taken together geography and lan- ‘guage account for only 16.8% of the observed genetic variance, suggesting that ather forces have significantly affected current pattems of spatial variation (ibid: 1640) Genetic studies have only recently begun to take into consideration the posstblty that male and female mo- bility patterns might have been different enough consis- tently enough through time to have an effect on the pat- tems seen in the European miDNA and Y chromosome data (Gibbons 2000), Research in areas lke Polynesia that have experienced historically documented sex-spe- cific migration episodes supports this hypothesis. A re- ‘cont study of European Y-chromosomal lineages in Polynesians by Hurles of al. (1998) demonstrated the

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