At Home With The Sapa Inca Architecture Space

2 | PACH A | PL ACE A N D T I M E
The journey to Chinchero begins with three long, time was not exclusive to the Inca; it was shared
undulating roads. Ranging from flat, stone-lined by many in the Andes. As Frank Salomon de-
streets to steep stairways and elaborate viewing scribed, pacha “simultaneously denotes a mo-
places, the carefully constructed passage to Chin- ment or interval in time and a locus or extension
chero’s main plaza leaves contemporary visitors in space—and does so, moreover, at any scale.”2
exhausted and humbled. Whether an imperial The entire landscape both recorded and partic-
Copyright © 2015. University of Texas Press. All rights reserved.
Inca visitor reacted the same is unknown, but in ipated in time. Carolyn Dean has noted that, for
terms of design, traveling to Chinchero was as im- the Inca, “landscape was a memoryscape wherein
portant as being there. These roads were exclusive rocks and other natural and built formations were
landscapes that the Inca state controlled and care- actors in known narratives.”3 This complex under-
fully constructed to convey meaning for the trav- standing of the interrelationship between space
eler, the dynamic experience that is the focus of and time is still a key component of many Andean
this chapter. communities today, such that the past is under-
For the Inca, roads reinscribed the landscape stood to be visible in space, and successful leaders
by manipulating the experience of bodies across in a community must become “masters of time.”4
pacha, the Quechua word that conveyed place and It perhaps is not surprising that pacha also sig-
time.1 This complex understanding of space and nified change. Hence, pacha, or “world as a given
Nair, Stella. <i>At Home with the Sapa Inca : Architecture, Space, and Legacy at Chinchero</i>, University of Texas Press, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/cunygc/detail.action?docID=3443752.
Created from cunygc on 2019-09-04 16:26:31.
Nair_5472-final.indb 35 4/13/15 9:22 PM

arrangement of time, space, and matter, is not everyday experiences of these commanding nat-
supratemporal . . . it clearly admits change, even ural features played a critical role in defining the
5
cataclysm.” The importance of pacha to the Inca meaning of place for local communities.8
can be seen linguistically: one of the most impor- Understanding how local populations de-
tant rulers adopted the name Pachacuti (space pended upon and perceived the landscape, the
and time changer) to signify his supreme power, Inca sought to control movement as part of their
which included his ability to transform the land- conquest strategy. To begin with, they built an ex-
scape, spatially, materially, and temporally. An extensive network of way stations, communication
ample is the extensive road network the Inca built posts, and administrative centers across the em-
across their territories. Roads regulated how rap- pire. As the lands within Tahuantinsuyu were
idly travelers could move across space and when rugged and vast, Inca sites had to be carefully
they had to slow down or stop. In doing so, Inca placed for effectiveness—in locations that were
roads are an example of place-making. According visually prominent or had deep significance to lo-
to Yi-Fu Tuan, space “is that which allows move- cal populations. To access these installations, the
ment” while “place is pause; each pause in move- Inca built and carefully regulated an impressive
ment makes it possible for location to be trans- system of roads, which in effect severed critical
6
formed into place.” As we shall see, Topa Inca transportation systems, many of which had pre-
used roads to transform the vast space of the viously been used by local populations (fig. 1.6).9
Pampa de Anta (the “Plains of Anta”) into a series Travelers caught on an Inca road without official
of imperial Inca places that proclaimed his royal permission were punished, sometimes by death.
authority and divine rights. By contrast, these same roads and imperial in-
stallations allowed the sapa inca and his armies to
move efficiently and effectively across long dis-
Andean Landscapes and tances. He could swiftly stifle revolt in far reaches
the Creation of Place of the empire while also gaining quick (and of-
ten exclusive) access to diverse goods, people, and
To understand Inca roads (and the importance of places. In addition, the Inca used architectural
the Inca installations they connected), one must gestures to signal control, such as reshaping land-
first comprehend the dynamic and rugged terrain scapes with Inca terraces, incorporating outcrops
through which they passed. The Andes mountain (huaca) that were venerated by local populations
chain runs roughly northwest to southeast along into their sites, and framing the views of sacred
the western rim of South America. The extremely mountains (apu), radically redefining how people
vertical landscape makes travel inherently chal- moved (and experienced space and time) in the
lenging. The mountain range also encompasses or Andes.10 The amount of energy the Inca devoted
borders every environmental zone, from lush jun- to these activities suggests that they understood
gles to snow-capped glaciers and barren deserts. the profound power of place-making practices. As
These topographic and climatic divergences often Tim Creswell has observed, “place, at a basic level,
made basic subsistence practices a challenge. De- is space invested with meaning in the context of
spite the difficult terrains and climates, commu- power.”11
nities participated in networks of exchange and
travel for much of Andean history. The dominant
effect of this landscape on daily lives helps to ex- Royal Landscapes and
plain why mountains, rock formations, and other the Inca Place-Making
striking natural elements were viewed as power-
ful sacred forces that required veneration and ac- The design of royal estates mirrored the lay-
knowledgment throughout life’s activities.7 The out of Inca installations in Tahuantinsuyu. Like
36 Chapter Two

Figure 2.1 | Map of
the Chinchero region
showing the location
of some of the ma-
jor sites associated
with Topa Inca’s es-
tate. These include:
Urquillos (Urcos, res-
idence), Chinchero
(residence), Huanca-
pata (plaza), Machu
Colca, (storage cen-
ter), and Cuper Bajo
(shrine) next to Lake
Piuray. Not shown
are Moray (terraces)
and Maras (salt
mines) that lay be-
yond the map to the
west. Image by the
author.
the careful placement of individual way stations Inca used Chinchero to emblazon his personal
(tambo), shrines, and administrative centers across preferences upon state concerns.
a large and diverse region, these estates were not
bounded entities but were, instead, a collection
of distinct installations that represented the sapa Chinchero Landscapes and Topa Inca
inca’s authority, and access to them was carefully
regulated via Inca roads.12 In the case of the royal The location of Chinchero was noteworthy for
retreats, authority resided with the ruler rather three main reasons: First, it was part of the prior
than the state.13 lands of the Ayarmaca (former Inca rivals). Sec-
Topa Inca’s royal estate comprised a series of ond, it was near the lands of Topa Inca’s principal
sites that marked control of the landscape while wife. And, third, it neighbored the lands of pow-
servicing the needs of the sapa inca (fig. 2.1). It en- erful Inca nobles. Therefore the journey to and
compassed residential centers (Urcos/Urqui- through the royal estate was a walk through a
llos and Chinchero), salt mines (Maras), agricul- conquered land, past a diminished wife, and close
tural terraces (Moray), storage compounds (Machu to powerful noblemen who helped run the empire.
Colca), as well as a way station (Peccacachu), a The layout of these sites, in particular the roads
ceremonial plaza (Huancapata), and an elaborate that approached Chinchero, constructed an impe-
shrine (Cuper Bajo) by a venerated lake (Piuray). rial landscape that heightened Topa Inca’s power
By building on the former homeland of a rival eth- and assisted his plans for the future.15
nic group (Ayarmaca) and commandeering roads, When Topa Inca built Chinchero, the Inca had
the Inca re-inscribed the landscape as exclusively controlled the Pampa de Anta throughout sev-
their own.14 And, by creating an estate to share eral generations of rulers. However, that con-
with a favored secondary wife and their son, Topa trol did not erase its prior identity with the Ayar-
Pacha | Place and Time 37

maca people, who considered this area part of that directed Inca elites to walk past (and above)
their homeland.16 Before the growth of Tahuan- Urcos to Chinchero, he forced noblemen to expe-
tinsuyu, the Ayarmaca and the Inca were just two rience his marital preference in space. Thus, Topa
of many local communities that vied for author- Inca manipulated traditional Inca spatial prac-
ity and expansion in the region. They exchanged tices not to express state colonization, but instead
elite women as brides to foster political connec- to serve his own needs as patron. And he went to
tions, which temporarily stemmed conflict be- such great lengths not just because of his pref-
tween the two groups. However, the conflict in- erence in women, but also because of his plans
creased to the point that the Inca demanded the for his sons. Having Inca noblemen support this
dispersal of the Ayarmaca from their homeland. change in marital preference was crucial to Topa
Although the Ayarmaca would eventually become Inca’s intention of making his designated succes-
“Inca by privilege,” their subservient status was sor the son of Chequi Ocllo, rather than the son
reiterated when Topa Inca erected Chinchero on a of Mama Ocllo. This is because these same noble-
portion of their land.17 By building on a hillside in men were the ones who would have to formally
the fertile plains of the Pampa de Anta, the Inca vote for the next sapa inca, so incorporating them
used architecture to naturalize this former rival’s into the approval of Capac Huari was of great con-
territory as their own. (However, the Ayarmaca’s cern for Topa Inca.
connection to this region was never fully severed, The location of imperial Inca installations and
and, after the demise of the imperial Inca state the roads that connected them mapped out Inca
and during the colonial period, many returned to authority. In the case of Topa Inca’s royal estate,
18
the region.) the placement of royal residences, way stations,
Royal marriage was the second issue that gave shrines, and roads reinscribed the Ayarmaca
meaning to the royal estate, in particular the lo- homeland as Inca and encapsulated Topa Inca’s
cation of Chinchero relative to Urcos (Urquillos). political and family concerns.19 However, it was
When Topa Inca moved his residence from Ur- one thing to map out Inca authority on the An-
cos (Urquillos) adjacent to the Urubamba Valley, dean landscape with distinct settlements; it was
where his primary wife had lands, to Chinchero, another to construct the potent movement and
which he built to share with his favorite second- pauses that defined Inca space and place. For Inca
ary wife, this deeply symbolic change of location architects, the latter began with the articulation
made clear a changing allegiance from one wife to of roads.
another. Building his new estate above the lands
of his principal wife was a spatial declaration that
the new residence and its associated lady were su- The Cuzco Road: Movement, Place,
perior. To make sure that visitors to the estate ex- and the Authority of the Inca State
perienced this relationship, Topa Inca built a road
that led to Chinchero by going directly past—and Roads played a key role in creating the theatri-
above—Urcos. Thus, the visitors to Chinchero cal movement that conveyed the Inca’s message
physically experienced the hierarchy of Chinchero of power and authority. Roads leading to Chin-
over Urcos (and thus Chequi Ocllo over Mama chero came from two directions—Cuzco and the
Ocllo) in space and across time. Urubamba Valley.20 Since Chinchero functioned
The Inca noblemen who were to experience this as a temporary capital when Topa Inca was in
relationship formed the third reason that the lo- residence, one might assume that the road from
cation of Chinchero had great meaning. By having Cuzco was the most important road leading to
Inca elites build his estate, Topa Inca forced these (and through) the royal estate. It was intended to
noblemen to map onto the landscape his partial- be an impressive experience for privileged trav-
ity for a secondary wife, and by designing roads elers, such as important state officials, high-level
38 Chapter Two

administrators, ritual specialists, performers, and
Inca elites living in the capital. Servants would
have accompanied many of these elite travelers.
Weaving up and out of the Cuzco Valley before
entering the flat plains of the Pampa de Anta, the
road from Cuzco to Chinchero would have taken
about six hours to complete (fig. 2.2). Thus the road
made the estate accessible within half a day’s
journey, yet consumed enough of travelers’ time
so that they could adequately dwell upon their
subservience to Topa Inca. Architectural ges-
tures were created along the road to mark move-
ment across both time and space, with gestures
becoming more frequent and elaborate as one
neared the sacred destination. For example, at the
point where the royal road to Chinchero separates
Figure 2.3 | Map showing a portion of the Cuzco-
from that to Yucay is a huaca of the ceque system Chinchero road, passing by Lake Piuray, Cuper Bajo,
(a conceptual landscape of sacred places radiat- and Huancapata. Map data © 2014 Google.
ing out from Cuzco). This hill, called Churuncana,
was where important sacrifices for Inca victories
were made.21 Another example lay further along Here an Inca shrine was built next to the north-
the road, a few kilometers south of Chinchero. eastern shores of Lake Piuray (fig. 2.3).22 This lake
was an important source of fresh water for Cuzco,
and the Inca built water channels to speed its ar-
rival in the capital.23 As the Inca considered Lake
Piuray to be sacred, they consecrated a huaca on a
hill over which water from the lake was brought to
Cuzco.24
The lake shrine, today called Cuper Bajo, is an
elegant terraced site. The largest feature is an im-
mense raised platform with curving walls. In front
of this platform is an impressive terrace made
of polygonal limestone masonry (fig. 2.4), with
a series of door-sized niches, an attached stair-
way, and a tall fountain, all of which face the lake
(fig. 2.5). This configuration suggests ritualized

movement of an individual or a small group of
people. If this was considered an important huaca,
the Inca would have assigned a priest to preside
over it. Otherwise, select travelers may have been
called upon to make offerings on their own. Re-
gardless of who was allowed to walk through or
touch this sacred architecture, anyone who was
Figure 2.2 | Map showing the approximate location of the
able to see the site would have been alerted to its
Inca road from Cuzco to Chinchero. Lake Piuray has been special status by the existence of the fountain and
misspelled on the map. Map data © 2014 Google. finely carved, bonded limestone masonry, as well

Figure 2.4 | Site plan of Cuper Bajo. The miniature wall
lies closest to Lake Piuray. Behind is the full-scale ter-
race wall with staircase, large double-jamb niches, and
fountain. Behind both of these is the massive platform
with its large rounded corner facing northeast (the Lake).
Scale is approximate. Adapted from a map by the Insti-
tuto Nacional de Cultura Peru.
Figure 2.5 | Full-scale terrace wall with a row of large

double-jamb niches and a fountain at Cuper Bajo. This
wall is made of fine polygonal masonry, as is the large
curved terrace wall visible in the background above. Also
pictured is Jacinto Singona. Photo by the author.

as its location next to (and within sight of) a sa-
cred lake.
Other elements also signaled Cuper Bajo’s im-
portance. Although much of the shrine has been
severely damaged, provocative clues remain that
hint at its former magnificence.25 While I was
working in Chinchero, Stanislau Ailler, an elder
in Cupir (Cuper), a member of one of three Chin-
chero lineage groups (ayllu), and a guardian for the
I.N.C. (Instituto Nacional de Cultura), noticed that
residents in a nearby town were collecting small,
multicolored polished stones in their houses.
When Ailler asked from where the stones came,
residents pointed to an area in Cuper Bajo where
they had recently begun farming. Ailler exam-
ined the area and saw more stones. All of these
were finely worked, like polygonal Inca masonry,
with hammered faces and polished, multi-angular
sides. However, they were in miniature and of
unusual colors. Realizing the importance of this
find, Ailler notified the I.N.C. office in Cuzco, who
sent an archaeologist to investigate. They found
a thirteen-meter-long wall (one meter high) com-
posed of finely worked sandstone, such that each
block is a distinct, natural (not painted) color of
red, green, yellow, or white (fig. 2.6).26 In front of Figure 2.6 | Miniature, multi-color terrace wall at Cuper
Bajo. Photo by the author.
this wall, the I.N.C. investigators found a long wa-
ter channel.
This wall is unique in Inca architecture for its the road from Cuzco, the transition to the revered
materiality and scale: There are no other minia- lands of Topa Inca had begun.
ture Inca walls in existence, despite the fact that A visitor continuing on the road left the min-
the miniature was highly valued (and considered iaturized architecture of Cuper Bajo to encounter
especially potent) in the Andes, particularly for the opposite thirty minutes later—the large plaza
the Inca.27 There are also no known extant exam- and immense outcrop of the Huancapata (fig. 2.3).
ples of multicolored stone walls from the impe- Terraces surround the plaza on three sides, with
rial Inca period, even though colors were deeply one side open to the Inca road. Limestone blocks
symbolic and were ascribed special meaning by formed the polygonal bonded masonry, though
the Inca.28 In addition, the miniature wall at Cu- only the lower courses remain today (fig. 2.7). The
per Bajo is the only sandstone structure on Topa generous size of the plaza suggests that large
Inca’s estate. While the particular meaning of this groups from the capital were expected to travel to
polychrome miniature wall may now be lost to us, Topa Inca’s new home and gather here before en-
it is clear that Cuper Bajo’s architecture, in par- tering the sacred retreat. In Cuzco, visitors had to
ticular its use of materials, space, and scale, con- undergo important rituals before they could set
veyed a specific and powerful message to the se- foot in the sacred space of the capital. Given the
lect visitors allowed to see it. For the traveler on elite nature of private estates, it is possible that

Figure 2.7 | View of the northwestern portion of the Huancapata, showing the remains of imperial Inca
walls as well as rough cuts into the landscape (the first stage in constructing terraces). Two terraces are
faced with polygonal masonry; one is at the bottom, lining the pata (open space), and the other is much
higher. Photo by the author.
visitors also undertook specific rituals before en- bol of occupation and possession.”32 Thus, this im-
tering royal retreats. pressive outcrop set next to a large Inca plaza gave
The most striking feature of the Huancapata is the site its name and marked it as Inca territory.
the huge stone boulder that gives the large open- As huanca existed before the Inca arrived, it is pos-
air space its unique spatial identity and name sible that this sacred outcrop previously marked
(fig. 2.8). The outcrop lies in the largest wall on the Ayarmaca territory, making its reconfiguration in
plaza (opposite the arriving visitor), composing Inca space even more poignant, as it proclaimed
most of it, and today dwarfs the colonial-period the Inca presence and Topa Inca’s possession of
29
church nestled next to it. Evidence suggests that former Ayarmaca lands.33
this impressive outcrop was deeply meaning- Pata is the Quechua word for “step, platform, or
ful to the Inca and may have been the reason the terrace”; therefore, a translation for Huancapata
Huancapata was built here. For the Inca, huanca is “terrace or platform of the huanca.” This would
(wank’a) was a sacred monolithic rock, thus a type have been an apt description of the site once it
of huaca.30 Specifically, huanca was a sacred out- was finished. Around the main outcrop and large
31
crop that proclaimed possession. As Dean ex- open-air space is a series of long, regular cuts into
plains, huanca were “rocks that were understood the surrounding hillside (fig. 2.7). This is the first
to be the petrified owners of places, such as fields, stage in the construction process that would have
valleys, and villages. . . . The wank’a was a sym- created new terraces rising up behind and around
42 Chapter Two

Figure 2.8 | View of the northeastern portion of the Huancapata with terrace wall and large rock out-
crop. Also visible is a colonial-period church (Capilla del Señor del Huanca). This building was likely
built to consecrate the huaca as Christian. Photo by the author.
this area. The construction evidence suggests that plans for a grand approach to Chinchero from the
while Huancapata’s main plaza may have been in imperial capital, it was still years away from being
use, the rest of the site was just beginning to be fully implemented.34
built when work was abruptly abandoned; the fi- However, what was completed along this road
nal plans for the impressive plaza, outcrop, and highlights the sophisticated ways in which the
terraces were never realized during imperial Inca Inca manipulated movement to create meaning
times. in the landscape. In particular, we see how the
The fact that the Huancapata was never com- Inca designers played with the tension between
pleted provides a critical clue to the priority of the movement across the Inca estate (space) and
builders of Topa Inca’s estate. Not only was this pauses (places) where time in the landscape was
immense reception area not finished, but neither extended so a traveler could focus on a material
was the southern portion of Chinchero, to which Inca statement.35 The pauses along the road from
this road led. This portion of the residential core Cuzco to Chinchero celebrated the sacred power
had the same large cuts into the hilly landscape of the Inca state through architecture (the multi-
as the Huancapata, revealing its early stage of colored miniature wall at Cuper Bajo) and nature
construction. In other words, there was no place (the huanca outcrop).
in Chinchero for travelers from Cuzco to arrive. Specifically, the miniature wall declared
While the evidence suggests that Topa Inca had (through form, facture, and scale) the unique

power of the Inca state, albeit one that was in tan- before beginning a long ascent up the mountain
dem with sacred natural forces (the lake). By con- face. Travelers such as the Inca noblemen living
trast, the Huancapata emphasized Inca power in the Urubamba Valley—but not in Urcos—would
over the disposed Ayarmaca by redefining a sa- probably have taken this route.
cred element in the landscape (the territorial out- The starting point for both roads is Urcos,
crop) with Inca architecture (terraces and plaza). which was a dense settlement that was part of
These pauses in the landscape created distinct Topa Inca’s royal estate.37 Today called Urquillos,
markers of Inca authority. As these statements of the settlement was called Urcos or Urcosbamba in
Inca power were on the road leading to Topa Inca’s colonial documents. The surviving Inca architec-
royal estate, these were also statements of the ture indicates a well-laid-out grid of finely made
power of the royal patron. buildings, similar to Pachacuti’s estate at Ollan-
Yet, despite the road’s important location and taytambo. Unfortunately, we know little of this re-
its critical message, the fact that it was left un- treat, neither what the settlement looked like dur-
finished challenges the assumption that the most ing imperial Inca times nor what activities took
important road on the royal estate must have been place here.38 We do know that Topa Inca’s princi-
the one leading from the capital—a reminder to be pal wife had lands nearby, and, given that Urcos
cautious in making conjectures about the power (Urquillos) appears to be a residential area, this is
of the state in defining how Inca landscapes were likely where Topa Inca’s principal wife and their
designed and used. This restraint supports Susan son also had quarters.
Niles’s argument that the desires of an individ- Those allowed to enter Urcos had the option
ual patron, in particular those of a sapa inca, could
drive the design of an Inca site.36 As we shall see,
the specific concerns of Topa Inca emphasized
the importance of a very different pair of roads.
The prioritizing of these roads may at first seem
surprising, but, considering the personal circum-
stances of Topa Inca’s golden years, this prefer-
ence makes perfect sense.
Urubamba Valley Roads
The direction of travel that most concerned the

builders of Chinchero came from the north. Un-
like the road from Cuzco, the two roads leading
from the Urubamba Valley appear to have been

complete—as was an impressive reception area in
the northern portion of Chinchero (fig. 2.9). Today
local residents still use both of these roads. The Figure 2.9 | Map showing the approximate locations of
lower Inca road begins within Urcos (Urquillos), two roads between Urcos (Urquillos) and Chinchero. The
first (lower road) goes through the Urcos (Urquillos) Val-
and runs along the narrow but lush Urquillos Val-
ley before rapidly ascending. The second (upper road)
ley before ascending to Chinchero. This was the
rises slowly up the exposed mountain face before reach-
road most likely used by Topa Inca and his imme- ing the bottom of the Chinchero Valley. The two roads
diate household when moving between the two share the final leg of the journey, through the Chinchero
residences. The upper road runs alongside Urcos Valley. Map data © 2014 Google.
44 Chapter Two

to walk to Chinchero via the lower road. This is colored sandstone formations next to the road-
an intimate pathway; it passes through the royal way. Both of these are important. First, Pitusiray
buildings of Urcos before proceeding across the was one of the most sacred apu in Tahuantinsuyu.
narrow, lush green valley, past abundant terraces, It lies between two suyu (quarters of the empire),
and alongside a channeled river before dramati- and its twin peaks are said to illustrate the sew-
cally rising into the forests, past a natural water- ing together of the two suyu. Second, the sand-
fall, and terminating at the far eastern end of a stone formations are of the same color and con-
narrow valley tucked into the mountainside. This sistency as the individual blocks in the miniature
valley belongs to Chinchero and runs along the wall in Cuper Bajo. Thus the same rare material
bottom of the estate’s dramatic terraced hillside. marks the two (directionally opposite) roads lead-
Throughout the journey, the landscape is rich in ing to Chinchero.
plant life that protects and shields the traveler There is only one significant architectural mon-
from the elements. ument along this road—Peccacachu (fig. 2.10).
No grand architectural gestures signaled the It lies about two-thirds of the way to Chinchero.
approach to Chinchero, perhaps because the trav- For nobles who regularly made their pilgrimage
eler never actually left the lands of Topa Inca’s to see Topa Inca, this would have been a familiar
royal homes. Instead, the emphasis was on the marker on the road that would signal how far in
bodily experience as dictated by the Inca roads. time and space they had left to reach their des-
The person who walked along this highly re- tination. But for novice travelers, this monument
stricted road would have experienced a verdant would have come as a surprise and would have
landscape filled with the sounds of birds and been a reminder of their vulnerability within the
rushing water. This bucolic journey ended on a imperial landscape. Eliciting this latter reaction
dramatic note, with a final steep and exhaust- appears to have been of critical importance to the
ing climb to the entrance of Chinchero, leaving no Inca designers, as Peccacachu was built behind
doubt as to which residence was the real seat of a fold in the mountain, hidden from oncoming
Topa Inca’s authority. travelers (fig. 2.11). This concealed setting magni-
The passage along the upper road was very dif- fies its ability to surprise the traveler, suggesting
ferent. Like the lower road, it began in Urcos; how- that the site may have been a tambo, or guard sta-
ever, rather than fully penetrating the estate and tion. Its secreted setting would have allowed im-
its lush landscape, the road carried the traveler to perial guards to quickly apprehend travelers not
the outskirts of the residential area and the adja- sanctioned to be on the Inca road. Peccacachu also
cent hillside, where a long, steady ascent began. signaled the approach of sacred space. A series
For the traveler following this path, Urcos rap- of terraces and a tall water fountain reflected its
idly diminished below. As the entirety of the trip high status. The buildings were made of bonded
(about four hours) was on the unprotected moun- limestone masonry topped by finely shaped adobe
tain face, the traveler was exposed to the pene- blocks, a combination of materials that came into
trating sun and sometimes savage winds. fashion for elite architecture during Topa Inca’s
As on the lower road, architectural monuments reign.
did not define the experience. Instead, a collection After leaving Peccacachu, the traveler would
of architectural gestures directed the traveler’s have continued along a wide and well-made road,
body as it moved across space. On the upper road, paved with finely worked stone blocks (fig. 2.12).
there were occasional lookouts to behold the dra- Far above Urcos, the final portion of the journey
matic views of distant mountains, such as the sa- led to the bottom of the Chinchero Valley, next
cred apu Pitusiray, as well as moments of imme- to the point of entry for the lower road.39 The vi-
diate interest such as a small area of vibrantly sual climax for travelers on both roads would

Figure 2.10 | Site plan of the tambo
of Peccacachu. Much of the western
portion has been destroyed as a re-
sult of farming. However, the base
and wall sections of the eastern
portion were still intact when this
plan was made. Two fountains, one
above the other, run down the wall
that lies between the two halves of
the tambo. Image by the author.
Figure 2.11 | The remains of Pecca-

cachu today. Travelers coming from
Urcos (Urquillos) would have turned
around the fold in the mountain
and suddenly been confronted
with the tambo. As seen in the fore-
ground, the road continues on to
Chinchero. Photo by the author.
have been a grand surprise.40 They were suddenly of the land (fig. 2.14). What may have grown on
faced with a towering hillside (chiru) reshaped by these numerous terraces is unknown. It is fertile
a profusion of large Inca terraces that would have terrain and, until the I.N.C. prohibited local resi-
dwarfed even the tallest and proudest of visitors dents from farming them in the 1990s, the ter-
(fig. 2.13). races yielded rich harvests.41 Crucial food supplies

may have been cultivated here, providing the in-
gredients to feed not only the ruler and his fam-
Terraces ily, but also visiting dignitaries and royal fam-
ily groups (panaca).42 Some of these terraces may
Even today, this view is breathtaking. But during have also been used for ornamental plants. The
Inca times, it would also have had great signifi- Spanish writers marveled at the lavish gardens
cance. Finely carved polygonal limestone blocks of the Inca, especially those found at royal resi-
redefined the hillside’s elevation, making visi- dences. Yet the most important aspect of Inca ter-
ble Topa Inca’s profound relationship with Pa- races may have lain deep below the surface. The
chamama (earth mother) and other sacred forces geologically young Andes suffer from landslides,
46 Chapter Two

Figure 2.12 | A portion of the Inca road on the way to Chin-
chero. Photo by the author.
Figure 2.13 | Travelers from Urcos (Urquillos) would have en-

tered the Chinchero Valley along the Inca road (shown in
the lower left of the site plan). Image by the author.

Figure 2.14 | Terraced northern façade of Chinchero. An Inca road runs below the terraces, along the
valley bottom. Travelers from Urcos (Urquillos) would have entered from the east (bottom left in image).
Photo by the author.
which, along with a plethora of underground wa- message of the relationship between Topa Inca
ter movement, made this unstable landscape dif- and sacred natural forces (the latter often mani-
ficult to build upon. However, Inca terraces helped fested in unusual outcrops); however, on closer ex-
to control underground water sources and stabi- amination the stones reveal complex spatial prac-
43
lize lands. tices that operated on multiple levels. Through the
In sum, the Inca terraces would have delivered manipulation of space, materials, and the bodily
a strong, threefold message to the newly arrived senses, these stones became key places in which
traveler. In addition to symbolizing Topa Inca’s re- Topa Inca’s authority was acknowledged and Inca
lationship with sacred natural forces, the terraces history and hierarchy were reiterated.
at Chinchero proclaimed his power to produce The first sight of the lavish terraces alerted
valued plants and made visible his ability to sta- travelers that they were entering the hallowed
bilize a fragile land. In the Andes, where ayni, or lands of Topa Inca’s favored residence, but it was a
reciprocity, was the source of immense power, the group of stones at Chinchero that formally marked
use of terraces to welcome the traveler to Chin- this spatial transition. This lithic collective, called
chero made a very bold statement of the personal Chinkana (a name also given to outcrops at other
power of Topa Inca. Inca sites), is located at the entrance to the Chin-
chero Valley and was a sayhua (saywa), a very dis-
tinctive type of sacred rock to the Inca. While
Chinkana: The “Hidden” Sayhua at Chinchero
huanca symbolized a territory, sayhua symbol-
These remarkable Inca terraces were also dotted ized boundaries and “were petrous embodiments
with stone outcrops (fig. 2.15). At first glance, these of passage and transitions, which is inherent in
stones seem to convey the simple but important travel, and they memorialized land rights.”44 Thus
48 Chapter Two

at Chinchero, the Chinkana stones marked the Regardless of whether there was a gold band
traveler’s spiritual and spatial transition into the around these stones, the Chinkana outcrop dis-
new residence of Topa Inca and his favorite wife, plays a remarkable range of carving types, some
Chequi Ocllo. Topa Inca is credited as being one of shared across boulders, others articulating singu-
the first rulers—if not the very first—to use sayhua lar stones, that were visible only to select visitors
in organizing imperial space in Tahuantinsuyu.45 who were allowed to approach the stones.
For travelers, Chinkana marked a critical place Another example of this exclusive landscape
—their entrance into Chinchero. However, for a is a series of connected pools carved into the
small selection of high-status people coming from outcrops. Their purpose may have been to col-
within the royal residence, Chinkana also served lect water, blood, aka, or sacaya as part of Inca
as a ritualized landscape that had its own spatial rituals. (Aka was an alcoholic maize drink, and
practices. For example, several of the stones have sacaya was a sacrificial offering for huaca made
geometric carvings, most of which cannot be seen from maize and ticti—the residue left after aka
by people arriving from Urcos (fig. 2.16).46 Another has been brewed.)48 Liquids were an important
stone has a long “band” carved around its middle aspect of Chinkana. Behind the stone, a bustling
(fig. 2.17). Whether this carved impression was an creek drops down the mountainside in a series of
important symbol or if something was set inside fountains. Some were natural; others were chan-
it is unclear. The Inca placed gold bands around neled using fine Inca stone walls. This stream was
special stones, and Topa Inca, after conquer- diverted to flow around a large portion of Chin-
ing the Chimu region in the north, collected gold kana’s perimeter (fig. 2.18). Here, a series of water-
47
and brought it back for use in the Cuzco area. falls captures the rushing water, creating distinct
Figure 2.15 | The four major rock outcrops in Chinchero (each composed of two or more stones) are out-
lined: Chinkana, Condorcaca, Titicaca, and Pumacaca. Image by the author.


Figure 2.18 | Largest rock at Chinkana, showing a band of Figure 2.19 | Portion of water course and geometric
geometric carvings with running water channeled below. carving near the bottom of the largest rock at Chinkana.
Photo by the author. Photo by the author.
sounds before ending in a basin of swirling mass. ticulate elite space. Water emphasized the multi-
The result is an auditory delight of gently flow- sensory aspect of elite Inca landscapes, as it could
ing waterfalls and rustling streams (fig. 2.19). Wa- be seen, touched, tasted, and heard. The inclusion
ter was highly valued in the Andes. It was under- and articulation of water at Chinkana (as at Cuper
stood (along with light) as being one of the most Bajo and Peccacachu) gave the place an even more
tangible manifestations of sami (camay), or the an- formidable presence (and deeper meaning).
49
imating essence of the world. It also could have The design of Chinkana indicates that sanc-
connotations of maleness and fertility.50 The Inca tioned visitors were to be actively engaged, and
used it to evoke status—creating fountains, wa- the spatial practices of its intimate landscape
ter channels, and other liquid landscapes to ar- were complex. Select people coming from within
Figure 2.16 | (opposite above) Stepped geometric carvings (a.k.a. “seats”) on one of the smaller outcrops at
Chinkana. Photo by the author.
Figure 2.17 | (opposite below) Eastern portion of a Chinkana stone showing the continuous band that
wraps around the large outcrop. Photo by the author.

Figure 2.20 | View of the northern face of the largest outcrop at Chinkana. The entrance to the cave lies
about one-third down the face of the stone (directly above the large rectangular cut). It appears as a
heavily shadowed, natural indentation in the stone. Photo by the author.
the estate, such as Topa Inca and his priests, could ing as it goes. Just beyond where it disappears lies
walk around the outcrop (and rushing water), a narrow slit in the stone, inside of which is an im-
climb on, and even go through it. For example, on pressive cave. It is impossible to use this staircase,
the west side is a well-made stairway that leads suggesting that it was a symbolic or spiritual en-
up the stone and then curves down along the rock trance to the cave. But there is another, hidden
edge, ending in a large niche from which one can pathway that goes over the top and wraps par-
see along the valley and across Chinchero’s north tially around the outcrop, where a crack in the
terraces. Although people along the Inca road stone leads to a tunnel, which in turn ends in
could see this stone, they could only pause, per- the tall, narrow cave inside the outcrop (fig. 2.20).
haps make their own reverential gestures, and Here, a smooth, well-paved floor has been created
then walk past it.51 But for those lucky enough to and the interior walls are partially shaped to indi-
be allowed to come in contact with the stone (en- cate the Inca presence. At the far end of this nar-
tering from within the estate), a complex system row but tall cave is a large fissure that provides a
of movement engaged the visitor’s body in multi- view of the hill opposite, in clear sight of travel-
ple ways. ers proceeding on the Inca road.52 Just outside of
But Topa Inca and his special guests may not this view is the narrowing staircase, which may
have been the only ones who moved through and have indicated passage between worlds.53 Given
gave meaning to this lithic and liquid place. A dra- the importance of caves to the Incas (they were
matic stairway wraps around the stone, narrow- considered places of origin) and the efforts made
52 Chapter Two

to modify this space, it was likely used for ritual doing so, the visitor acknowledged that the say-
purposes and may even have housed sacred ob- hua marked important historical events and tran-
54
jects and beings, such as mummies. For the Inca sitions between territories.65
and other Andean groups, caves were important Thus, if Chinkana was a sayhua, travelers would
spaces, in which mummies were kept, visited, have made offerings to the huaca from the road
venerated, and fed.55 below, acknowledging their subservience and the
Given its complicated entrance, knowledge of transition into the core of Topa Inca’s sanctified
Chinkana’s cave may have been highly restricted. estate. By contrast, someone coming from within
Chincana (chinkana) means “hidden” in Quechua Chinchero made offerings at Chinkana itself, ac-
and alludes to being lost in water.56 This cave, with knowledging with one’s body the sacred powers
its special carvings, articulation of water, and evo- of the landscape, the great achievements of Topa
cation of the senses, suggests that a special form Inca’s ancestors, and one’s close relationship with
of rituals occurred here—and that this stone had both. This rarified visitor was most likely Topa
unseen powers that could engulf errant visitors, Inca himself and a few sanctioned priests.
a perception that continues to the present day. At Besides status and timing in relationship to the
Chinchero, Chinkana is one of the few stone out- landscape, the Chinkana stones also reveal how
crops still considered to be an active huaca, and it the Inca manipulated directionality in movement
is the most powerful at that. to convey meaning in space. As noted earlier, most
In the Andes, sacredness was most often found of the worked areas of the Chinkana stones are not
in geography rather than in the cosmos.57 This di- visible to arriving visitors. Instead, most of what
vinity or sacred essence was called camay, which they would have initially seen was the unworked
was a continuously active force.58 Camay could in- portions of the stones. By contrast, for people leav-
habit places and people, as well objects (natu- ing the estate, most of what they would have seen
ral and man-made).59 These huaca, or sacred, ma- of the Chinkana stones were carved portions. The
terial manifestations, came to define the Andean result is that to the arriving visitor, the stones ap-
landscape.60 As the Spanish soon came to learn, pear as largely natural, standing as powerful sa-
huaca were frustratingly hard to categorize, for cred huaca that were gently modified by Topa
they could be “any material thing that manifested Inca. But for the departing visitor, the stones ap-
the superhuman: a mountain peak, a spring, a pear heavily carved, revealing Topa Inca’s ability
union of streams, a rock outcrop, an ancient ruin, to profoundly reshape sacred forces. For those re-
a twinned cob of maize, a tree split by lightening. turning down the Inca road, the hand of Topa Inca
Even people could be huaca.”61 lingers most forcefully, imprinting on the depart-
Regardless of their form or materiality, all huaca ing traveler the dominant power of the patron.
were understood to be powerful and alive.62 There- Chinkana reveals how the Inca could design
fore it is not surprising that in Chinchero today, very distinct experiences in one small space.
residents tell stories of people who have gone too These experiences unfolded according to one’s sta-
close to Chinkana at night and have not been seen tus and location. Visitors who traveled the north-
since.63 Hence, people who made contact with the ern roads to and from Chinchero were confronted
stone at an inauspicious time were lost to it. This with huaca that marked a sacred boundary, Topa
is a reminder that the timing of one’s movement Inca’s authority, and his relationship with the sa-
on the landscape was deeply meaningful in the cred landscape. By contrast Topa Inca (and se-
Andes, particularly when it came to huaca. People lect visitors coming from within Chinchero) were
were obliged to venerate and offer gifts to huaca given a very different experience of Chinkana, one
at specific times.64 In Tahuantinsuyu, it was also that engaged all the senses and allowed bodily
customary to make offerings to sayhua as one contact with sacred materials and origin places.
passed, whether one could touch them or not. In With minimal architectural gestures, the design-

Fig 2.21 | View of the (reconstructed) eastern staircase that lies between Chinkana and Condorcaca. Also
pictured is Andy Sallo. Photo by the author.
ers of Chinkana created a dynamic, complex, and northern façade of Chinchero all the terraces that
deeply meaningful place for very different indi- concentrated around outcrops were fully com-
viduals, living and dead. Chinkana is an impor- pleted, indicating that the articulation of these
tant reminder of the need to be cautious when as- places was one of the priorities of the builders.
cribing a singular movement, actor, or meaning to The two outcrops of Condorcaca comprise pri-
an imperial Inca place. marily sharp peaks and valleys on their upper por-
tions that show no obvious signs of having been
carved (figs. 2.22–23). As Dean has demonstrated,
Condorcaca: The Saycusca Stops Here

stones in their natural state could be considered
While a person making the journey to Chinchero as sacred as carved ones. Evidence that some of
via this northern road could view parts of the Condorcaca’s natural formations had been consid-
Chinkana outcrops, nothing of Condorcaca (“crag ered sacred includes the fact that they were inten-
of the Condor”) would be visible.66 The “hidden tionally destroyed, most likely during the colonial
stones” of Chinkana were connected via a nearby period. In this iconoclastic attack, several of the
stairway to the Condorcaca outcrops.67 From the peaks on the largest stone were hacked off and
road, a stairway rises before disappearing into the thrown down the hillside.
high terraces, with no view of the distant Condor- In addition to these natural formations, both
68
caca (fig. 2.21). However, a knowledgeable visitor stones have a small selection of geometric cuts
may have guessed at its location, because on the that form platforms or seats (figs. 2.22–24). Ac-
54 Chapter Two

cording to local residents, the larger stone is said that face north-northeast, toward Pitusiray (the
to represent the most important apu of the Inca sacred mountain discussed earlier) and Anta-
state, and the smaller outcrop is believed to sym- kilke (the local apu venerated in Chinchero; see
bolize the main apu of the Chinchero area.69 This fig. 2.24).71 The latter is a unique view. It is the only
is not necessarily a figurative reading of the nat- place inside Chinchero from which the imperial
ural formations, but instead may reflect a long- apu Pitusiray can be seen.
standing understanding of huaca in the Andes. The fact that this stone sits in such an auspi-
During imperial Inca times, stone huaca were of- cious location was not an accident. Despite its
ten understood to represent (or present) sacred seemingly natural appearance, the large stone of
mountains.70 Condorcaca is not part of the bedrock (like most
Clues to the relationship between these stones outcrops), but instead was brought to this specific
and sacred mountains can be found in the Inca spot by the Inca. While the siting was perfect for
carvings. On the largest stone, there are two viewing the apu, the newly created pata was not.
groups of geometric carvings, sometimes referred Sometime in the last five hundred years, the earth
to by scholars as “seats.” One consists of a sin- beneath the western portion of the stone gave
gle seat that faces west, toward the most sacred way, causing it to sink considerably on one side.72
mountains of the Inca state, Salcantay (fig. 2.23). When this side of the stone became buried, it
The second group is composed of a row of seats hid a small group of important Inca carvings. A
Figure 2.22 | The smaller of the two Condorcaca stones is nestled in the corner between two tall, polyg-
onal limestone terrace walls. This image shows natural peaks and a single stepped geometric carving
(a.k.a. “seat”). Photo by the author.


Figure 2.25 | Heavily weathered carvings on the large Condorcaca stone of a puma, condor, and two pro-
jecting depressions, or “offering cups.” The puma is shown on the left, positioned upright with its face
and legs directed toward the double cups (tail stretching out below). The condor is shown on the right,
its triangular tail almost touching one of the cups, its wings spread wide, and its head reaching down to
the surrounding earth (before the stone started sinking, the head would have faced upward). One of the
condor’s legs and claws (right) is also shown, stretched behind as if in fl ight. Photo by the author.
puma and condor were depicted, separated by dor (Vulture gryphus) is a scavenger, feeding pri-
a projection that contains two cuplike depres- marily upon dead animals.74 For the Inca, the con-
sions that may have been used to hold offer- dor was understood as a symbol of the transition
ings (fig. 2.25).73 The Inca considered the condor between realms, able to transcend the world of
and puma to be powerful sacred beings. The bird the living and the inner world of the ancestors. By
carved in the stone is depicted in flight, with contrast, the puma carved in the stone is shown
wings outstretched. As it flies away, its tail almost facing the condor, with all four of its feline feet
touches the right offering cup. The Andean con- reaching out toward the cups. The Inca consid-
Figure 2.23 | (opposite above) The large stone of Condorcaca lies in the open, on the flat plain of a pata
(view is from the small stone shown in fig. 2.22). Visible is the long, low shape of the outcrop’s natural
peaks and a stepped geometric carving (“seat”) facing west (left in the photo). Photo by the author.
Figure 2.24 | (opposite below) View of the large stone of Condorcaca, as seen from the north (behind is the
small stone of Condorcaca). Visible is a long row of geometric carvings (seats) and the stone’s dramatic
slope (due to the collapse of its soil foundation). Photo by the author.

ered the puma (Puma concolor, a hunter) to be con- this huaca.81 Mobile stones were an important part
nected to elite Inca men, such as the sapa inca.75 of the Inca landscape, both physically and meta-
In the case of Chinchero, this would mean Topa phorically.82 Illustrative of this importance are the
Inca. So the iconography of the condor, puma, and stones called saycusca (sayk’uska). During the pro-
offering cups on the Condorcaca outcrop ritually cess of transporting stones as part of the Inca con-
ties Chinchero’s royal patron to the sacred huaca struction process, when a few blocks suddenly
76
and the divine ancestors. stopped, refusing to go any further, they were
The fact that a huaca would have made refer- called saycusca. In rejecting Inca desires to move
ence to ancestors would not have been unusual them, these defiant stones highlighted the power
in the Andes. In colonial Huarochiri, people con- of materials and the negotiability of facture in cre-
sidered certain huaca as “apical ancestors of their ating Inca architecture. As Dean has shown, by
patrilineage,” and for others huaca was a “major- telling stories of saycusca, the Inca were not pro-
77
founder huaca.” Huaca could also give a group claiming their failure, but doing just the oppo-
of people special powers and their “life energy.”78 site. The few saycusca that refused orders empha-
Considering that the land on which Chinchero sized the fact that most stones agreed to be moved
had been built likely belonged to the Ayarmaca, by the Inca and become part of their imperial
one must wonder how these huaca fit into Ayar- place-making practices.
maca history and identity. The fact that they may Saycusca served as material metonyms of their
have been important sacred places for the Ayar- previous location.83 For example, when construc-
maca heightened their significance for the Inca. At tion was completed, a block from a quarry was
Chinchero, the Inca were not creating new sacred brought out and placed in a newly completed site
places, but instead, they were redefining the lithic to serve as the saycusca.84 Because the block was
numina of conquered people. The Inca claimed understood as a presentation (as opposed to a rep-
these spaces as their own by marking them as es- resentation) of the sacred quarry, offerings were
sential to Inca history and Topa Inca’s relationship made to the saycusca as a way to show their thanks
with the sacred. for the lithic materials the quarry had provided.85
This incorporation of local huaca into the Inca Was this the reason for the large stone of Con-
landscape was not unusual. For example, one of dorcaca?86 It is possible that it was brought here to
the huaca of the Cuzco ceque system was an out- commemorate the building of the estate, but there
crop the Ayarmaca venerated as their source of is too little evidence to say for sure. What is clear
79
origin. Thus, the Inca co-opted one of the most is that we cannot assume stone huaca are “natu-
sacred spaces of the Ayarmaca people by making ral” (original to their location) and that Inca design
it a critical node in Inca place-making practices. always worked around permanent elements in the
They did this not by erasing the Ayarmaca pres- landscape. Instead, we must recognize that some
ence, but by articulating it and subsuming it un- of these “natural” landscapes were constructed:
der imperial Inca narratives. In doing so, they re- stones were carefully selected, transported, and
vealed the complicated and entangled relationship placed in specific locations so that they could con-
between Inca and Ayarmaca history and space.80 nect with sacred places, claim territory, mark fac-
It is unclear how the Ayarmaca or other lo- ture, and bear witness to specific histories for
cal groups may have viewed the outcrops around the Inca.
Chinchero, but for the Inca, the Condorcaca carv- The movement of saycusca is also an example of
ings would have been easily visible to the few peo- how the Inca understood spatial practices as going
ple allowed access to this stone, and the message beyond people, living or dead, to include elements
of the iconography would have been clear. What such as stone. For the Inca, the journey of these
is surprising is that this stone later sank: the Inca huaca created powerful places in the Inca land-
were used to moving stones, even large ones like scape, such as their starting and resting points.
58 Chapter Two

The large boulder of Condorcaca marked a mo- to miss the impressive outcrop Titicaca, even from
ment in the past when it decided to end its trav- afar (fig. 2.26).88 But, like the Chinkana collective,
els on this terrace at Chinchero and the Inca rec- Titicaca constructed distinct experiences depend-
ognized this place as sacred with their carvings.87 ing on the access one’s status allowed.89
In doing so, the saycusca brought an important apu Titicaca is the largest single stone in the resi-
into the royal estate, inscribing Topa Inca’s new dential core (fig. 1.22). Immediately visible to arriv-
residence within the sacred landscape of Tahuan- ing travelers, it serves as a beacon as they leave
tinsuyu and the divine world of the ancestors. Chinkana and walk along the Chinchero Valley
floor. Titicaca stretches up the hillside and accom-
panies the visitors as they make their final, la-
Titicaca: The Architectural Landscape of a Huaca
bored steps to the heart of Chinchero. Like Chin-
Though the consecrating of Chinchero’s space at kana, Titicaca lies tantalizingly close, but always
Condorcaca may have gone without the notice of beyond the visitor’s reach.
arriving travelers, they would not have been able The journey along the Inca road to Titicaca may
Figure 2.26 | View down the Chinchero Valley from Chinkana. The Inca road leads to the Titicaca rock
outcrop and entrance staircase (both are visible in the distance, left in the photo). Staircase and neigh-
boring terraces have been recently reconstructed. Photo by the author.

neering is subtly done, and therefore not apparent
to most people, who merely look at the stairs. Be-
cause the change in grade is not visually obvious,
the increasing pressure on the body during the
climb comes as a surprise to travelers today, leav-
ing them more exhausted than they anticipated
when they arrive at the top. While Chinchero res-
idents refuse to use the stairway today (preferring
to weave up the terraces in a gradual manner),
during imperial Inca times this daunting stairway
was the only way to penetrate the royal estate. Its
carefully designed architecture did not allow de-
viations from the path.
The play between visual and physical displace-
ment was reiterated as the traveler walked up the
narrow stairway from the road below. Following
the sights and sounds of a cascading series of wa-
ter fountains that ran along the finely built stair-
way, visitors would have passed through each of
the layers of terracing, having been granted closer
views of each terrace level, yet barred from touch-
ing them. The fountains, found primarily at elite
sites, would have also signaled to the visitors their
increasing proximity to sacred, elite space as they
approached the main plaza at the royal estate.
Figure 2.27 | View of the beginning (bottom) of the main This combination of rushing water and ter-
staircase (before recent reconstruction). The stepped wa- races conveyed notions of fertility and masculine
ter course with accompanying fountains ran down the power, both of which celebrate the authority of
eastern side of the staircase (in the photograph, to the
Topa Inca at Chinchero. Motion and altitude were
right). Several of the adjacent terraces (just out of sight to
associated with maleness (in contrast to stability
the right of the photograph) were still under construction
during imperial Inca times. These consisted of a series and depth, which embodied femaleness).90 Water,
of construction ramps that have since been destroyed by when in motion, was considered to be male, and
the I.N.C. and replaced by “modern Inca” terraces. Photo when interacting with the female earth was a po-
by the author. tent fertile force. Salomon calls this a “biotic sys-
tem,” such that Andeans imagined “the hydraulic
have been more intimidating during Topa Inca’s embrace of moving water and enduring earth (as)
time than it is now. Currently there is a wide Inca sex.”91 Thus, the long stream of water rushing down
road framed by terraces. But, if Martin de Murúa’s the terraces that accompanied a visitor walking
description of another royal estate is correct, this the steep staircase was both a powerful sensory
carefully bounded road may have been stationed experience as well as one that proudly proclaimed
with guards, serving as an additional symbol of the potency of Topa Inca. It is a striking example
the control and authority of Topa Inca. of why exposed waterfalls such as these tended to
The road leads directly to the foot of a very be reserved for elite Inca sites such as the royal es-
long stairway made of finely carved limestone tate of an important Inca ruler. Given that Chin-
blocks, which shoots directly up the terraces, get- chero was built to acknowledge Topa Inca’s prefer-
ting steeper as it goes higher (fig. 2.27). This engi- ence for one of his sexual partners, Chequi Ocllo,
60 Chapter Two

and their offspring, Capac Huari, the rushing wa-
ter on the main stairway would have been a par-
ticularly compelling symbol.
Like Chinkana, the Titicaca outcrop appeared
differently depending on one’s access and van-
tage point. For the visitor traveling along the road,
Titicaca appeared natural, with some Inca modi-
fications. Yet on the top (and other sides) a pleth-
ora of carvings created distinct spatial practices
(fig. 1.22). There were geometric planes on which
people could stand or objects could be placed,
carved pathways for liquids to be poured and flow
through, and figurative carvings of a serpent.92
Titicaca also has natural peaks and valleys. For
those allowed to travel to Titicaca from inside the
royal estate, the outcrop opened up a heavily al-
tered landscape that was very different from the
largely natural one seen by those following the
Inca road.
Figure 2.29 | After climbing up through the narrow en-

closed entrance, one emerges high up on the Titicaca
stone, looking down a long, exposed hallway cut into
the bedrock. During imperial Inca times, this stepped
hallway would have been framed by masonry walls.
Thus, one entered the primarily “natural” rock outcrop
to emerge in the middle of Inca architecture (which in
turn, is physically rooted in the outcrop). Also pictured is
Jacinto Singona. Photo by the author.
The elite person coming from within the royal

estate entered the outcrop by passing through a
darkened tunnel on the north side of the stone
(fig. 2.28). Stepping over subtly carved steps, the
select visitor exited to the top of the outcrop into
an open passageway bounded by finely made po-
lygonal walls (fig. 2.29). These walls also created
terraces on top of the stone, so that one walked
Figure 2.28 | The entrance to Titicaca is a narrow fissure
inside a carved stone only to emerge into a man-
in the rock into which stairs have been carved. Also pic- made landscape of Inca walls and garden plots
tured is Jacinto Singona. Photo by the author. (fig. 2.30). This corridor of finely made limestone


walls is almost gone today, but the long rows of meant making potent huaca subservient to his im-
bedding joints remain etched in the natural stone perial agenda.
base, along with a few stones still in situ (fig. 2.31).
It is this end result that sets Titicaca off from
Pacha: Inca Roads and the Making of Place
the other sacred rocks at Chinchero. One goes into
a narrow fissure of a natural outcrop and emerges The Inca were brilliant at manipulating movement
onto a long, finely made masonry hallway. Thus through their empire, whether in the form of long-
what appears on the outside to be a natural out- distance roads undertaken by a diversity of trav-
crop with some modifications was experienced elers, or local passages traversed by special elites
from the inside as an imperial architectural cen- (dead or alive) according to the ritual calendar.
ter with some natural features. Whether it was When they could not completely control move-
Topa Inca, his priests, or select family members, ment, the Inca were masters at articulating action
the lucky few who passed into Titicaca entered in a way that aggrandized their authority, as can
a place that visibly demonstrated the supreme be seen in the carving of sacred animate stones
power of the sapa inca to redefine a sacred land- who journeyed through imperial lands. While
scape and material. these architectural gestures may have devel-
This heavy-handed architectural presence at oped as part of colonizing practices to reinscribe
Titicaca is similar to what departing visitors to the the landscape as Inca, individual patrons such as
estate would have experienced as they walked by Topa Inca used these design traditions to cele-
Chinkana and is linked with an important change brate their own authority.
in stone masonry practices at the estate. In all of For Chinchero, this meant the creation of grand
Chinchero, there is not a single boss on any stone roads and intimate pathways to create distinct
walls. These bosses, rounded projections used to and increasingly exclusive theatrical experiences
move stones during construction, marked archi- for visitors and inhabitants. Sight, sound, touch,
tectural facture at Machu Picchu and Ollantay- hearing, and even taste were manipulated to con-
tambo and became one of the defining features of vey distinct meanings to different individuals.
Inca architecture built under Pachacuti. These nu- Movement was constructed and marked not only
anced gestures carried important messages that for humans (living and dead), but also for things,
tied the Inca state (and ruler) with huaca and other such as huaca and water.
sacred natural forces. However, at Chinchero, in- These processional movements allowed for a
stead of petite but powerful carvings that signified “kinesthetic mapping of space.”93 For most travel-
the collaboration between powerful huaca and the ers, the places created along roads conveyed mes-
Inca, Topa Inca left heavy architectural imprints. sages about Inca conquest and possession, impe-
On top of Titicaca, on the departing wall of Chin- rial oversight, boundaries, and sacredness. These
kana, and across the many lithic masonry walls markers redefined the landscape as Inca while
of Chinchero, Topa Inca confidently used archi- also reminding visitors of their “outsider” status.
tecture to emphasize his own power, even if that By contrast, those select few who were able to get
Figure 2.30 | (opposite above) The bedding joints of the former Inca walls are still visible in the natural
bedrock, revealing where masonry blocks had once been placed. Terraces on top of the stone were also
built in this way, creating a miniature Inca built environment growing out of the natural stone. Photo by
the author.
Figure 2.31 | (opposite below) Some of the original stone blocks that were used to form walls on top of
Titicaca are still in situ. The one shown here belonged to a side wall that reached from the long hallway
to the edge of the stone and helped to define a terrace on top of the outcrop. Photo by the author.

close to these constructed places witnessed the heart of Chinchero, the main theatrical place lay
presence of important apu, sacred quarries, divine ahead. Having endured hours of being directed
ancestors, and the authority of Topa Inca. These by carefully designed Inca roads that controlled
nuanced and highly localized architectural narra- movement and evoked the senses, the visitor en-
tives communicated a deep interaction with the tered the focal point of the estate for the public,
sacred landscape that would have been readily the main plaza. However, instead of finding an in-
understood by the elite insiders. timate or comfortable setting that marked the end
But for the newly arriving visitors, this jour- of the exhausting journey, the traveler was flung
ney was just the beginning. Although the noble suddenly into a place of vast openness, completely
traveler from the Urubamba Valley and his reti- exposed. It is this enormous void that will be the
nue of family members, servants, and perform- subject of the next chapter.94
ers were about to achieve the goal of entering the
64 Chapter Two

At Home With The Sapa Inca Architecture Space

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At Home With The Sapa Inca Architecture Space

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2 | PACH A | PL ACE A N D T I M E

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Pacha | Place and Time 37

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(fig. 2.5). This configuration suggests ritualized

Pacha | Place and Time 39

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Figure 2.5 | Full-scale terrace wall with a row of large

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Pacha | Place and Time 41

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Pacha | Place and Time 43

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Urubamba Valley Roads

The direction of travel that most concerned the

from the Urubamba Valley appear to have been

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Pacha | Place and Time 45

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Figure 2.11 | The remains of Pecca-

(fig. 2.13). races yielded rich harvests.41 Crucial food supplies

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Figure 2.13 | Travelers from Urcos (Urquillos) would have en-

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Pacha | Place and Time 49

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Pacha | Place and Time 51

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Pacha | Place and Time 53

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Condorcaca: The Saycusca Stops Here

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Pacha | Place and Time 57

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Pacha | Place and Time 59

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Figure 2.29 | After climbing up through the narrow en-

The elite person coming from within the royal

Pacha | Place and Time 61

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Pacha | Place and Time 63

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