XALOF THE WARD ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY WoL 20Nos. Hand 2, 1995 phe TING THE ANDEAN PAST OR “A$ YOU LIKE IT” CONSTR by William H. Isbell Share University of New York at Binghamton Archaeology isthe study of past cultures by means of thir material enains As arcactlogts we ase information aout he preset & we as the more recent hisorc pas from a great many cultures, to make more mneaningful inferences about material remains But the basis of rdaecogic scours male emis, an they are usally alle he cenogieal record. My dltionary defines “ashacology” @8 "he ‘cent sy of historic or prehistoric peoples and ther cultures by ali ofthis, insspion, monuments and ler such ens special those ht have been excavated” (Se 1966.7, Readers of archaeological literature should be justified in assuring that assertions, teteologis make about he pas ae based on materi mains fam te fine, o at last have foundation in these remains. ‘That is why 1 am dared by the equey with which archaologist statements about he prise past are not based onthe acholgicl eer. ut op the Fogo eas about wha the pst wa Hk, In ome cst sms that these statements actually contradict the archaeological record. 1 pee his is happening in many word areas, but stall ieuss Andean erly, an the Andean pst that 1 kw best Ts preset eve tramps of popular and generally accepted stamens abot the ANean pat, and then billy show tat hy ae not iterpetatons that Sng fra the anatvial remain. Then T wil try to evea the source of these2 Ixus CONSTROTIN TH ANTEANPAST pele about the Andean pst seeking C0 ely what ppt an tema way archaeologists blew fey brow ce pest. What hope o Show is that Andean prhisorians, and many other archaeologiss feet consist he past on Bass of he preset smtines evento the contary of actual material remains fom tht ps Let ne begin with an assertion abut the Andean past that comes fren a wellseceived. current and poplar itodutory text. 1n The Incas and Their Ancestors. Michael Mosley (1992: 65) writes ‘he iasituions of ster that clint in Tahuatinsay were sncent ones employed by ein sites, aw. frm the principles of and community erganiztion wl Aan Kola (199% 28) uses the same approach 0 ine speci insttions deserted forthe Ines, ach asia oF aor tex forte re Inca Tiwanako ste, He wre The agricul abr tx was nota invention of he Ie, bul ancient feature ofthe Andean social landscape. Throughout the ‘Andes, local political leaders and etic lords had extracted surplus Labor in commaity owned feds ro heir bjs fr generations ‘before the coming ofthe hea In fact, he deserts Tiwanahu by means of 2 Yong discussion of Ince institutions (Kolata 1993: 206-214), Does the archaeological record supprtInc-stle labor rx. dig the time ofthe Tivanaku ate? This shold net be dial 0 deterine fox Crig Mats (Mons 197, 1982, 192; Mets and Thompson 1985 Morr and von Hager 1993) and ters (D'Altoy 1982; LeVine 192) ave shown what material cultural artifacts and monuments the Tris required to manage their labor tat sysiem. Furthermore their archaeological conelusons are convincingly supported by early coloial descriptions. The callecton of the Inca labor ax required administrative ene with vst srg comple, barks housing for women wo labored inthe prepaaion of cic eer and ine fais. and much moe Such fects appear to have ean esetl Because the fx payee S869 produto te sate, nt eer is owt fd, each worker had 10 be provisioned bythe state while ints service 15 Volume 28021 Tivanak remains do not remotely esembe the characterise Ines “vical archaeological cord cons of ones facies. Tiwana fame of which my be inrpreed as onareta ceremonial platonms, vile oers seem to be residential middens No storage buildings. tanacks for-seomen_ workers. oF other infrastructural remains vrai of ina goverment a kaw: Further. #1 evaluate the: archaeological record, no pre-tInca sti, including Huari, Chiu and Wie bad an adintatve waste ii resembling what the Incas built (0 facilitate their labor tax collection, While some vias maybe eine (Hasings and Nesey 1978 Isbell 1971, Ig; Keating 1975), ciereces ei seme, Consequently. 1 cage that Messed Kola enor BED their inferences about the early origins of Incustye labor taxation on the archaeological read These infrones mest Terese some ora ‘of knowing the . Soun Gero (194; 136) infers ale organization as well as chiefs at eas. an ay remediate Paiste in he Callen de Huayles with arr sy ceramics, Her excavations seal abundant archaeological remain ro esi pts bat he goes on 0 se HAY modest transformation of the fund tenure rules by simply sieving hes oftheir obligatory priate working of ere fl, powetl Heads of tong als could actually abo espeuily if ey provided more and more Benes ‘What are the material cultural indicators of cyl organization Ger0 ened inte archaeological ecord?_ And what ae he material fro increasing pw in he bs of ov esas, Ho WER teeming chi? Ewer 1 have argued Gat allt ogni a tected inthe Nth cetry, was ly asoited wih 8 founding ancestor mumimy, and an open sepuleher ‘where each group's founder umn was preserved and venerated by his descendans (oe Isbell in aplictindcator fay orgarization sat press). Consequently the most ope sper oft kind fen called ca, G0 des discus such pcs, ar have te bean reported for Ques Regarding chiefs ot cl edits lear that some Recay pater GRP & prominent male‘ te ONSTRUCTNG THE ANDEANAST seeiving deference from mals ond emaks who sutound Hm (eg Ton 1968 79. However Ga dos wot mean she at uct ist cia ee Kind Reusy presi ae teen found the, anus cael hat ro ater vider as ben presented oa eas aig ei ower by cee be wit Fenny sabre esinies., Geshe ony esis so ti lth sone be esas of owing ie Ps Fees of eax cdma ae bev eT “The inersation of Quit may ot ota he acacia econ, bt in see cass the nonmateria altur appeach 0 hrowing Fe is 0 poner ht archos ane maior © sep icin, ter worse athens ets abt teat 0 tong ha te rei ce sede a vried to conespond with these felts. Rather than proposing she basis of materia remains, materia interpretations of the past on reins ae proposed one hiss oF eas about he pas Asan exam, ‘Alan Kola (1992: 246-247) assert tha: Impressive cult and administrative center, similar 10 those in the Trane hinterland, were founded cn te aarthem sie of Lake ‘Titicaca, sitongly implying that the Tiowanaku state unified the Tieaca basin under is rule no later than AD. S00, Like Lakurmata Pajhi, an KNonko Werke, bey were important ¢ "Toanak tah a cefer of cult act anda node of politcal and ‘economic administration. Now Lukarmata, Pair, and Khonko Wankané ae cetaiy rurecal ivanak ies, and at east f some ie isto hey were probably provincial administra centers. But no Tiwanke sites ike them have been described on he norte sie of Lake Tica i thes inesences about Tiwana. and 10 a esses degre Quest vere not based on ales cura reais we mist ask pow Most Kota Geo are infor hemes abot he Ande ast? BH Feforeeotn, te say at my nial sigh ito wht lows me from sinking and crting my own sateen aout the Andean PS itis not my intention to accuse Moseley, Kolta or Gero of Gite something we have not all engaged in —onstutng the pst nes of ISAS Vole 244 &2) 5 curexpeetationit Lam guilty of desribng the culture responsible for ‘uilding Early Horieon Garagay as though it were a modern peasant village in Ayacucho, such 2s Chosch, where I ived for nearly a year, Refering to the Garagoy pyramid I wrote (Raines and Isbell 1975: 267, tatslation mine} Construction was probably regulated bya calendricl cycle of fixed festival, for which specialists demanded the work of the entire commutty. ‘This, however, does not presuppose early polarization into social classes with differential access to economic resources. A sonal coms of specialists spoke forthe deities. perhaps no more than shamans of individuals recognized as accomplished by passing successive cargos in a civil-teligious hierarchy, that involved Jeaming religious secrets and crining apprentices in sacred rituals and hallucinogenic rites, These leaders would be temporarily served by those occupying lower positions. who contributed their own resources mobilid through their relations of kinship. In this way. service of benefit to the community was translated into prestige and authority realize in ascent to ahigher cargo, Visually no material culture in Garagay’s archaeological ecord implied these inferences, except perhaps the modest size of most architectural additions, and the lack of obvious indicators of status sifferentials, such as royal burial. [Burials with offerings suggestive of royalty, or at ast sharp clas distinctions, have now beea reported from more or less contemporary cultural contexts et Kuntuewasi (Kato 1993) Wf many of ws were not guilty of inerpreing the past a we expect to have been, the problem would not merit much attention. Furthermore I telieve that the kind of thinking underlying the examples | have just presented underies much of what archaeolgiss laa to know about the past. ‘Writing the Andean pst "a We TE Tt yprings rom two ideas oF theories that seektosknowethe-pastomtherbesivofthe present, The first appmach to knowing the past isthe theory of cultural evolution, based on of ethnographic and historic descriptions ‘of contemporary and recent cultures. Descriptions of cultures are- classified in terms of their complexity, nd the resulting groups ae organized into sets arranged according to decreasing complexity. General, more or less universal5 in ConSTRUCTING TE ANDEAN PST ‘culture change is inferred to have followed the pattern revealed im space, tut through time, Pasts for specific clare. sich as those of the prose Andes, ae infer fom hese eer pater The second source of ideas abot the preistric Andean es that also bases itself im modern ‘ethnographic and recent historic descriptions of aes. sa theory ha assumes eet conintyin "Andean, Clu Tig: Wolf (1982) points out that this approach cconceptualizes each ~ealare™as-acteal: physical -eniythartessts-oher ceulturese» Tough eoundaries and dep internal structure make each eae resis #0 alien anes ay wll to any casual change. Cte development hes lace ty sucess ations of new invitation, ech ne’ om esponting 0 cavirermenial exigencies ta veloping wi ite ex nen and item of existing scares and pattems The implication of thi thinking i that each culture is a sot of ime capsule, carrying within self simple insiutons, suchas family organization, that characterized is virest development need istaons of rink, seh as Andean institutions of cell and mrinka, survive alongside Hater institutions such as ingsip and sate. Cute then sik an onion shat adds new layers or institutions as it develops. To reconstruct past organiza ional evoluticn, the anrpolgis can parte acl into its component isin — metaphorically peeling the onion into individual layers. But unlike the ufo, ull inion Go ot evel thei sequence of deveopent by tec poston win the ye. Soantoplgits employ the fis hea. cultural evolution. to ecorsruct the past placing each institution intoits sequnialcordersatcordngt0s rules discovered shyoeasiying and reordering ethnographic cultures. expressed in hs way Hope hth nadequcts ofthis ting about culture, and of approaching the past and particularly the iewaiy ofthe log ae apparent “No sci istituin 's #8 J ange suv rom amg No cle changs by he adtion of natin witout consequences fro inition. Ani alte is slconind physical ny sha resister pact wile retsining unchanging intra structure and ode. Bur even these eres Bane not cpu al tha is wrong wh ‘knowing the pst fom continuity in “Andean Culture." eAsused by most sntnoologitsy"AnieaCule neverexed tis an dal conract 1548 Volume 23 (0&2) 1 created by anthropologists. “Andean Culture js the conflation ‘of modern arhnographic information, merged with histori description ‘And it also includes analytically infeed instution. Finally al institutions believed tp be “modem,” “ispnic” or oerise tained examples of “Andean Culture” have bean excluded. Soca teres, inuding cual evlaen, are employed to make thse decisions. Consequent “Andean Cle” sot even kv te gt onthe basi of he presen. For example Fes af the Quachua family that approximate popula heory about archaic social fonmains are iced in “Andean Culture” but frms that conic poplar concepsare ted as Hse, os products of colonialism, arcapialsn. Theory restaes what we think we know. ‘As a conflated idealization, “Andean Culture” is timeless and owngencous, Asatilessand homogeneous tenonenon, institutions belngeqully oll examples of “Andean Ct,” of enue within he jules of what institutions can belong to a given stage of evolutionary er si. Fonexaple ily descriptive information abou He ke institutions for an Andean, ‘culture. are from he Inca Empire. So Inca steinsitutons charter al ndean sates: by definition 1 bafeve thr Moseley end Kota afm Inca-stle labor tax #8 an ancient feature of Andean cules on ese teeta and menos rods. Fo hese same esos they ate nt emcee 0 est their ferences wih meri ual remains. Anyway, ti of coil ia “anean Clute” are vitwally impossible. Sinee*Andean Cultures. an ideal absrcton with no real peopl, it has no material culture associated visions, Moseley Kouta and Go donot seek to identify rutral indicator of sate Ibor tax of ay organization, for these ssons are understod as ieas or cata essences, at social ations by real people. Pre-nce states and Eatly Intermediate Period Queyash psricpated inthe essere of “Andean Cale.” by én, “Let me cite one final example that also shows how the theory uur voatin, andthe theory of cointy in “Andean Culture” low afchaeolgists to know the past Jed moder culture. This ies argument cones fom the work of Chas Sash, Speaking of the present he writes:DEAN PAST ® tye: CONSTRUCTING TE, the dominant mechanism of exchange is ether & symmetrical ‘eine base on Kinship stats or an asymmetric one Based do redistribution, Redistribution may be seen as @ strstr Fraeformatian of ecipocty in that political anthers manipulate tran symmetric elaonships to unequal nes, seine UP an reoneane system in whic resources ow disproportionate fo an elite group. (Stnis 1992: 24) Inthe inks system, when one houschold suffers a femporey seariy of esoures, they ae invited by anther howshold rail hy peasants noe ecagical zoe) milan ‘hey ae Inge an provided mls in eto for agricul abor "Acie end of the ares, part of the produce is redistributed to the jpinkabunt... This proces, incidentally, provide an insight ina the dynes of lite orton in tational Andean soc. According 10 Fonsece (1974). pebispanic Andean kaka peasant relationships were essentially tuctured by the minks system. (Stash 1992:25) Noe how the tra ronal”evokesa cultural essence whic gastand preset become intinguable, 1 eine that Stash s tsetng tat Andean cultures ae based on ecprocal ayn but modem eles manipulate —and post lies maniplated— an ino asym vnina, concentrating wealth cating rank, and establishing 2 bis for furako authority. Tis is nota inference based on the archaeological record, Nor hs effort been made 1 vei wih archuclogicel remains te springs from the expectations of cata evan and rom the assumption of te tinlesness of ition in “Andean Culture Specify. Stash resto the evolutionary egumet ta ipo ongnie eatin soit ut i is cesar 10 have redsbtin create esl thai chars of cians (ais 1958, 196, 1072; Service 1962, 197, 1975). He furaisbes Andean names and isttrions for eipoiy and for reistibuin, dawn fom syachore wancean Clue” and hen offerte cenretically expected sequence of these insutons as description of what Rapened in Andean prehisony Material archaeological remains play no oe. “To conclude I want to suggest that Andean prehistorans consrut sequenees of ils change, especialy in ceramics, onthe Bass of the arcnologial ord Tey estab space frameworks of named 1545 Vooe 23 (1 82) 5 ins that have cultures out of the archaeological record Material ‘obvious meaning for prehistoric soc: al organization are taken into account _-the royal burials of Sipan for ‘example (Alva end Donnan 1993}, But far too much of what we assert about the prehistoric ‘cultural units is based on modern or recent historic ‘cultural institutions, decontextualized and inserted ino the Whroneoieal chart atthe time an place ‘where we expect them to occu ‘Te-amucological cord of material remains is hardly ~considesed., Following this procedure, modern and historic “Andean Culture” institutions are simply added 10 archaeological chronologies atthe point deeted appropriate in ‘econdance with the expectations of cultural evolution, Constructing the Andean past in his way reproduces out theoretical capecations: it certainly does not test oF prove those theories, Funhermore, we are not applying progressive methods for analogical inference about the past (see ‘Stahl 1993, 1994; Wylie 1985. 1988, 1989), Rather, we have simply used theoretically constructed “Andean Culture” and evolutionary theory to create Gescrptions ofthe pas The result is ‘Andean culture that developed just as predicted by processual evolution. Furthermore, construting the past in terms of institutions ‘drawn from the preset creates anima of timelessness and of cultures with no history of shang, .This image is now projected in popular treatments of Andean culture, for example Loren Melatye’s (1975) The Inreable Incas and Their Timeless Land of Marilyn Bridges’ (1991) Planet Peru: An Aerial Sourney Through a Timeless Land. Timeless, evolutionay pass should be the enemy of all field archaeologists who shovld seek to ground themselves inthe archaeological record of material remains. Puthermore timeless. evolutionary pass create false stereotypes with unfortunate consequences. Politicians can ese tha today’ Andean peoples resist modem culture because they are unable 10 negotiate change. Oppression and violence promoted bythe global world system conveniently recede into the tackground (WOH 1982):» Jsaekt: CONSTRUCTING THE ANDEAN PAST Note This ic rien also of an rl pesetiion given athe Febery 1995 Anas Necing ofthe Mids Cofeteac 0 Aneun a Amazonian Atal and epee on, eld atte Fel Mee, Chao, Mia patil ant pein statement ina lone: std io prearin bythe aai References Cited ‘lv. Wand CB. Donnan 193 Ronul Tb Span. Power Maen of Cole History, Las Angles Brg. M TOL Plonet Pers Aw Ariel Jomoey Though a Timeless Lad Professional hongaphy Division of te Eas Kodak Company andthe Aperare Funaton, New York. yi 1992 Provincial Power tela Enpire,Sritsorian Istatin, Washinton be Gero, J. 199L Who Experienced What in Prelsny? A Nave Expat from Quya Prue Presale Acie: Maile Way of Koning he Past edited by R. W. Prac p. 126-130. Contr for Artagoogcal Invexigion Oso Piper No. Sour ins Unive at Crone, Carboni, asings, C. Mant 8. E Mosely THIS. The Adobe o Hua dl So and Huaca dela Lon Amercun Au (2)96205, Ie BJ 1918. To Defer Ouseles, Univesity of Texas Pres, Avi Iatel, WH. OAL UnPaelo Rural Ayacchan Duarte imei Hs, Actary Memorial 3 Conqess neroiona de Americas 389105, 1948 Cyan Satin Mite Horzon Ha, In Prin Preiss, by W.Keage pp. 164189, Cane Univesity Pres, Camb. in ess Wid rte Pas: A Sh of Ancestor dy, Maroy ad Morty romano inte Ancient Andes of Pr. Unversity of Texts Pres, Aust. Kate, ¥. 1993 Resolados dels Excuvaioes en Kunur Wai, Cajamarca, In EY Mac Ceremonial Andina edie by L, Milnes and Y. Oki pp, 203228. Sean tuolgia Stafits No 37, Nana Museum of thology, Osa Keating, RW. TOTS. Lion Selemen Systems and Rural Sesining Comrie An arp aon Chan Chass Hinerand Jawa! of Fit Archonlogy 2:15-22. 4 4895 Vale 281 2) un Kola, AL TDNE TheTivnuPorit ofr Aen Cheatin Blacks, Cari, MK sl Ost, UK. vine TY. Eto) 1902. ak Sora Stes. Univesity 0f Otho, Noman Leaiop. 5. WO6tTroares of Ace Arie: Pre Calin At from Metco 1 Fre eioesc it Albert Sir, Gene Ment. 1815, The eile and Te ils Low Nall Geo Sore. Washington DC. Wows. ind Rvtscing Pte of Nona Podecon ni Ice Esa eng rd acu iI Aas, The Reostcion f aati Se: a AcelgieSpesia, etl by C Mone po. 0 ‘The Amica Shoals of Onl Reseach, Ca iva Telarc of ka Con it he Perin Cel Hic Te dtr. GA. Cole RRs aD. Wish [S371 Aeademi Pres, Ne Yor pe) The Tctology of Wiha Ina Fod Ste, ony Sane Se Mey TV LeVine pp. 237.28. Univesity of Okltome Pes, Norn. Mori, Cand D. E. Thompson BRS Muancr Pap Saco City and is Hieron. Thames ad Huon, Lanta. Moris Cand A. vs Hage 1993 The ka Eire ats Ate Moe. MLE 1992 Then oe A avis Rad W. tel IMA Guaay: Sia Censmoil Tempra ex Vale Nacional #5253222 Sal M 1958S Saeatonin Pageia Unive of Wasigon Pes, Sel 19) Poor Men, Rich tn, BM, Cie: Polite Types in Manes an Peigre Couper Stasi Society and His? 5 3):285 35 912 Sue Age Economies. Aline, veo. 1, Atel Press, New Yor us, Tass Hs, London. eis, Rev del Museo Senie.E. 1962 Priv Sra Orguntaron, Radom Hose New York, WOM CatarlEvini: Theory Prot, Hol Rinehart an Wins, Ne Yor. 1995 Org of he Stead ian, Noon & Company, New Yk Sash 1952 Ancient Anew Pola onan. Universi of Teas Pres, Asin.|ggeut: CONSTRUCTING THE ANDEAN PAST Sul A.B 193 Concepts of Time and Approaches 10 Analogical Reasoring in Historical Perspective. American Aniguty $8(2):235-260- 1994 Change and Continuity inthe Banda Area, Ghaa: The Diet Histol “Apo ownl of Fed Arhucogy 21 218-203, Sein. (Bio in Chie 1966. The Randoe Howse Dictionary of he English Language. Randorn House, New York sit a Wolf E.R 1982 Europe andthe Penple Wihew His. University of Calfoia Press, Brel and Los Anges Wylie 98S The Reaction Against Analogy, Advances in Archaeologica! Methad and “Theory Seite by Michal B, Schiffer, pp. 6111. Academic Press New Yor 1988 Simple’ Analogy and the Role of Relevance Assumptions: Implication of cae gal Pace, feria Stales in he Phi of cece 2134 |KO. Thelnespetve Dir. In Cita ratios ia Cowtemporar cco Essays in the Pilosophy, Hist and Soia-Politice of Archaeol. elite by V Pinsky and A. Wi, Cambridge University Press Cambie {soURNAL OFTHE: STEWARD ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY Mok 23 Nas. ad 2.195 pe Bl RECENT ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS ON THE SOUTH COAST OF PERU: CRITIQUE AND PROSPECTS by elaine Silverman University of init Urana-Champagn Introduction Twentyfve yeas ago, when Edvard Laing published bis ithe book, Per Befone the Incas, Peruvian archaeology in the United sje as heady withthe cnt else of ine ela chrono forthe soul ns. The chrorolgy hud ben developed by archetlogS sea Love Museum ofthe Urine of Califo at Bele one pos associated and usoied wine ves (ie Menzel 1964, 976 nel and Rowe 1967 Menzel Rove, and Dawson 196A Rowe 1960, i962 inter aia, Confidence in the detalled ceramic chronology W850 song tat the fea Valley was chosen 8 te anchor of @ mast Chenloia olunn to which al of he potery-sing cures of ae pen eo be cell (Rove 1962.1 is important engize ht a te te the Berkley sequence was created Peruvians wer Using @ sche of eveluinary tages oor he vas and complicated Peon ofthe Cental Anes ee Benet 148 Benet and Bd 198% Bushel igs), The Besley sequence was received as & tremendous rooloial and eur reativough, atest in the United Stes tat ee Lumbrrs 197, 19740, b 982, 190 ner ali aso Rie 1993) During the 1950s the sou coast had been & Rt spt of sceologal idvor wi te peso Song at Cahueci Srons