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ITP
23,4 The affordances of actor
network theory in ICT for
development research
352
Antonio Dı́az Andrade
Auckland University of Technology, Auckland, New Zealand, and
Received 29 June 2009
Revised 24 August 2009 Cathy Urquhart
Accepted 25 June 2010
Manchester Metropolitan University Business School, Manchester, UK
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Abstract
Purpose – This paper seeks to use actor network theory (ANT) to examine the different phases – i.e.
translation process – of an information and communication technology (ICT) initiative intended to
bring development to underserved rural communities in the Peruvian Andes by providing access to
computers and the internet.
Design/methodology/approach – The paper employs a holistic-multiple case study based on
cross-sectional data collected between July and November 2005 by means of in-depth interviews, field
notes and photographs gathered in eight rural communities in Peru, plus demographic data and
background reports obtained from the sponsor of an ICT for development (ICT4D) project. The
collected data are analysed through the lens of ANT.
Findings – The ANT analysis dissects the history of the translations of the ICT4D project. ANT
analytic dimensions of convergence and devices afford a great deal of insight into the underlying
anatomy of the project and its assumptions. The study shows that when actors’ interests are not
aligned and the network procedures defined by the ICT4D initiative sponsors are unfamiliar to local
people, the network cannot be established.
Practical implications – Since ICT4D projects invariably superimpose technological networks over
existing networks, ANT analytic dimensions do provide some unique and useful understandings for
such projects. ANT overall affords visibility of the actions of both humans and non-humans, and their
disparate goals. The focus on the alignment of disparate goals is particularly important in ICT4D
research, where the recipients need to be engaged in a different way. Often in ICT4D projects,
participants are using ICT for the first time, and there is no compulsion for them to do so. So the
process of translation is very important in an ICT4D context; while there are many ways to engage
participants, ANT gives particular insight into how that process might play out.
Originality/value – The paper demonstrates the usefulness of ANT’s concepts for analysing a rural
telecentre project and itemises how the use of each ANT analytical concept might contribute to ICT4D
research.
Keywords Community development, Communication technologies, Rural areas, Developing countries,
Networking, Peru
Paper type Case study
– neither can we isolate technology in the abstract. As Law and Bijker (1992) claim
most compellingly:
Purely social relations are found only in the imaginations of sociologists, among baboons, or
possibly, just possibly, on nudist beaches; and purely technical relations are found only in the
wilder reaches of science fiction (p. 290).
We were hopeful that ANT’s emphasis on the socio-technical middle ground would
enable us to obtain some unique perspectives on the trajectory of the implementation
process of the project.
The paper is organised as follows. In the next section, we situate our paper in the
literature of information and communication technology for development (ICT4D), and
justify the use of ANT for our analysis. Then, in the third section, we describe the
context of the case study. In the fourth section, we explain how the ANT vocabulary
has been incorporated for the analysis and present the findings using ANT analytic
dimensions. In the fifth section, we discuss why different actors’ interests led to the
failure of the network, and explain the methodological contribution we feel that ANT
made to our analysis. In the final section, we note the emergence of a new network that
circumvents the one proposed by the project sponsors, and highlight the analytical
attributes that ANT can potentially afford to ICT4D research.
Literature review
In the following sub-sections, we present the extant literature on the two building
blocks of this paper:
(1) information and communication technology for development with focus on the
use of telecentres; and
(2) the appropriateness of ANT for this study.
Providing e-government and e-health services (Best and Maclay, 2002) or increasing
returns in the form of economies of scale and economies of scope (Tschang et al., 2002)
may not be workable solutions in the developing world, especially in rural areas.
However, telecentres can play supplementary, yet important, role in supporting the
distribution of information through the traditional social networks (Duncombe and
Heeks, 2002).
While the initiative analysed in this paper can be straightforwardly categorised as
one of “transformative discourse” (Avgerou, 2008) as its declared aim was to improve
people’s living conditions, our study focus is on how the existing social context
interacted with the technology provided by the ICT4D-oriented telecentres. Therefore,
our position falls within the “social embeddedness of information systems
implementation discourse” (Avgerou, 2008).
ANT has also been used for the analysis of information technology development,
implementation and/or adoption in the developing world. It served to demonstrate the
conflict between the Western assumptions inscribed in a geographical information
systems and the local practices in India (Walsham and Sahay, 1999). In the same way,
Gao (2007) explains the difficulties of achieving standardisation when the actors have
dissimilar views, while Heeks and Stanforth’s (2007) study reveals the tension between
stabilising the network of actors and stabilising the technical design of a Sri Lankan
e-government initiative. The ANT analysis of the scalability of the Health Information
Systems Program (HISP), a project aiming at the delivery of primary health care in
several developing countries, not only highlights the relevance of an attractor – the
one which enrols users around a new design – but also confirms Latour’s (1986)
observation that divergent yet sufficiently similar interests of the actors make the
network robust (Braa et al., 2007).
The studies summarised above demonstrate the advantages of using ANT as a
theoretical lens. ANT makes it possible to frame the analysis of the interplay between
technology and society in the middle ground amid two conflicting approaches:
(1) technological determinism; and
(2) social determinism.
Huanico, La Encañada, Llacanora, Puruay Alto and San Marcos. As a result, these
communities had computers available and were connected to the internet for the first
time in 2003. Table I summarises their most salient characteristics; it is worth noting
the distance and travel times from the city of Cajamarca – the largest in the region – to
get an appreciation of the remote nature of some of these communities.
Since rural areas in Peru neither provide the market potential nor enjoy the
infrastructure that the cities do, they entirely depend on government’s decisions for
getting access to telecommunications infrastructure. Hence, the government created
the Fund for Investment in Telecommunications (FITEL), whose mission is to provide
the required funds for telecommunication services in locations of recognised social
interest by meeting the expense of the initial investment in order to attract
complementary private venture. The project built upon the existing telephone network
installed by a foreign telecommunications company, named here as Satel. Satel had
provided access to satellite telephones to more than 6,500 rural communities
throughout Peru by virtue of an agreement with FITEL.
At the time of the fieldwork, Chilete, La Encañada, Llacanora and San Marcos
enjoyed an acceptable infrastructure: electricity 24 hours a day, television broadcasting
and public telephones – even home landlines in San Marcos. In addition, these towns
were served with relatively good roads and had easy access to Cajamarca City.
square. The only computers available were the ones at the infocentros; except for
Combayo, where the infocentro’s computer had been stolen for the second time in 2004.
In addition, travel to these communities is either extremely difficult (i.e. Combayo and
Puruay Alto) or far away (i.e. Chanta Alta) or a combination of both (i.e. Huanico).
Something distinctive in these four communities, marking a clear contrast to Chilete,
La Encañada, Llacanora and San Marcos, is the existence of two major institutions in
their own right: the Peasant Organisation and minka. The former provided the
legitimising forum for collective decisions, while the latter is the millenarian tradition
of communal, voluntary work.
emphasise the fluid role of the actants, whose improvised actions eventually made
the network unstable. Similarly, we have steered clear of the presentism trap,
which ignores the unique circumstances that influence the shaping of the network
of actors (Avgerou and Madon, 2004; Kallinikos, 2004). Unlike Latour (2004), who
considers contextual explanations irrelevant – “mere ornaments” (p. 68) – in ANT
studies, we strive to portray the contextual background that helps in
understanding actors’ behaviour. Knowing the context in which the project was
deployed contributes to the understanding of the institutional allegiances within
which the negotiation process between humans and nonhumans took place
(Avgerou and Madon, 2004).
Both primary and secondary data were collected during four and a half months of
fieldwork between July and November 2005 in the aforementioned rural communities.
Thirty-eight in-depth interviews (with local people and the project sponsors), more
than 200 pages of hand-written annotations and over 100 photographs were produced.
Among secondary data, the researchers gathered demographic information as well as
reports and both electronic and printed material elaborated by the project. All these
pieces of data were analysed through the theoretical lens of ANT.
The effort to establish the network – the translation process in Callon’s (1986)
words – was initiated when the leading NGO approached other NGOs, FITEL, Satel
and communities’ representatives trying to convince them about the benefits of the
initiative. This negotiation process in the making of the project included people,
organisations, computers, communications hardware, procedures and content. The
translation process involves four stages, as shown in Figure 1:
(1) problematisation;
(2) interessement;
(3) enrolment; and
(4) mobilisation (Callon, 1986).
Establishing the network requires the four stages to be realised in full; otherwise, it
never stabilises. Tracing the project evolution throughout these four stages provides
rich insights that allow us to observe the various and contradictory interests of the
actors during the network deployment.
ITP
23,4
360
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Figure 1.
Translation process
Problematisation
In this stage, the initiator defines the interests and the roles of the other actants; the
defined interests should be consistent with those of the initiator (Callon, 1986, 1991).
The leading NGO had conceived the project in 1996; its first stage started in 1998 and
was implemented over two and a half years, partially funded by the World Bank. As a
result, local libraries – without computers – were installed in Chanta Alta, Combayo,
Huanico, La Encañada and Llacanora in 2001. Likewise, the leading NGO opened an
Information Processing Centre at its premises in Cajamarca City in 2001.
Certainly, the project’s initiator defined the problems and solutions. Since the very
beginning, the leading NGO’s assumption was that they would be the suppliers of
apparently much needed information to local people in rural communities in the
Cajamarca region. The wording of the project’s specific objectives makes it evident: “to
design and install a system for information delivery” (author’s translation, Pereyra
Romo, 2002, p. 29). The project manager justified their approach: “Cajamarca is a
region where we had been working for some years; a lot of work needed to be done in
order to rebuild the grassroots organisations”. The project sponsors’ dominant idea
was that if they provided information, they would be contributing to improving the
living conditions of local people. One of the project sponsors declared:
We planned to give rural people, the small producers, information for decision making like
what they should plant, how much and how to do it, how to sell their produce, how to know
about market opportunities, about fertilisers, about technical assistance from international The affordances
cooperation, etc.
of actor network
The Information Processing Centre’s role was to consolidate the information received theory
from different sources and distribute it to the communal libraries. In this way, the
Information Processing Centre, a proxy of the project’s initiator, implicitly became an
“obligatory passage point” (Callon, 1986). As the project coordinator said:
361
The experts [who elaborate the information] are based here [at Information Processing
Centre] . . . we prepare the information in different formats and then distribute it through the
local libraries.
Although the project did not preclude the infocentros of being producers of
information, it defined its position as an arbiter who would filter, reformat and
selectively distribute the received information.
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Interessement
This stage “emphasises the existence of a bundle of links which unite the object to all of
those which handle it” (Akrich et al., 2002, p. 205). Specifically, it “involves convincing
other actors that the interests defined by the initiator(s) are in fact well in line with their
own interests” (Mähring et al., 2004). Between 2001 and 2003, the initiator NGO
engaged other international agencies and NGOs working in the Cajamarca region in
order not only to increase the funding sources but also to coordinate the information
production and distribution effort while expanding the project’s geographical scope.
The manager of one of the contributing NGOs remembers:
Back in 2001, we held the first meetings . . . The project’s objectives [presented by the
initiator] were consistent with ours, so we committed our organisation as soon as we were
invited to participate.
International agencies and NGOs were not the only parties to be engaged in the project.
By the end of 2001, the idea of creating a rural telecommunication system, which would
integrate and provide instant access to the database created at the Information
Processing Centre, came up. Given that the local libraries were not interconnected at
that time, the leading NGO also started negotiations with FITEL in order to include the
communities – where the communal libraries had already been set up – under the
government’s countrywide rural telephony initiative. An officer from FITEL explains:
[The initiator] proposed a telecommunications project pilot where they had already installed
the libraries . . . Our share was to provide the telecommunications infrastructure.
As a result of the negotiations, Puruay Alto, which was not part of the project’s original
plan but had already been included within the rural telephony programme, was
incorporated as another beneficiary of the project. The intention of transforming the
libraries into fully equipped infocentros with access to and linked to each other by the
Internet revealed one facet of scalability – i.e. raising the complexity of the project.
A series of negotiations with local authorities and communal representatives had
been taken place since the early stages of the project too; it comes from the time of the
installation of communal libraries back in 1998. The prolonged presence of the
international agencies and NGOs in the region facilitated the discussion of the new
ITP plans with local people in the would-be beneficiary communities. As the project
23,4 manager reasoned subsequently:
Providing telecommunication services at and interconnecting the local libraries were the
obvious move . . . It was a kind of offspring project.
In August 2003, the Llacanora infocentro was equipped with three computers with
362 access to the Internet. Soon after, the infocentros at Chanta Alta, Combayo, Huanico, La
Encañada and Puruay Alto were provided with Internet access too. Later, the project
opened infocentros in Chilete and San Marcos, depicting another facet of scalability –
i.e. rolling out the service to a wider area. The infocentros offered, for a fee:
.
internet access;
.
document printing, scanning and typewriting;
.
phone calls and phone messages; and
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.
computer training courses.
Enrolment
In an attempt to establish a solid network – i.e. to make it irreversible (Callon, 1991) –
actants needed to be organised. With the technical aspects somewhat solved – the
infocentros linked to each other and with access to the Information Processing Centre
database through the internet – the project was on the move. FITEL had already done
its share; having signed a contract with Satel, it was in the latter’s hands to provide the
telecommunication service and maintain the technological infrastructure. However,
there were some issues – the non-technical aspects – that still needed to be addressed.
The NGOs shared their responsibilities in a way that resembled their geographical
scope previous to the launching of the project, while the initiator NGO kept its
coordination role and leadership position. As regards the infocentros, their
management model included three interrelated entities:
(1) the owner;
(2) the supervisory committee; and
(3) the manager.
Depending upon the political structure of the community, which sometimes was an
identifiable formal local authority and sometimes not, the actual ownership of the
infocentro was open to question. According to the project plans, municipal authorities
were supposed to be the legal owners in Chilete, La Encañada, Llacanora and San
Marcos. In the smaller communities – Chanta Alta, Combayo, Huanico and Puruay
Alto – with no official authorities, their Peasant Organisations – in other words, the The affordances
community – were nominated as the owners of the infocentro. The supervisory of actor network
committee, whose role was to oversee the proper use of the infocentro facilities, was
constituted by individuals appointed by either the local authority or the Peasant theory
Organisation. As regards the infocentro managers, they were appointed on a two-step
competitive basis. First, the project sponsors offered computer training to those who
volunteered and presented the shortlist for local consideration; then, the community 363
made the final decision based on the candidates’ leadership qualities. That said, there
were instances where the infocentro’s legal owner was still the project (i.e. Puruay Alto
and San Marcos), the supervisory committee was non-existent (i.e. Chanta Alta) or the
infocentro manager appointment process was overlooked (i.e. Huanico).
Regardless of the infocentro management model, interaction between human and
non-human actants became apparent. On the one hand, local people granted agency
properties to ICT tools. For example, Antero from Puruay Alto vigorously affirmed
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that “computers represent development for our future generations” and Marı́a from
Llacanora maintained that “having the infocentro represents a symbol of progress for
our community”. On the other hand, ICT tools were perceived by local people as a
means for achieving their personal goals. For instance, Manuel from Huanico
envisioned the empowerment computer-mediated information can offer: “If you learn
how to use computers, you might have information to confront local authorities”, while
Antenor – the Chanta Alta infocentro manager – recognised: “I became known by
very important people because of my role as infocentro manager”. These instances
illustrate the dynamic and mutual influence between humans and non-humans.
Furthermore, they demonstrate the indeterminacy of the actant, at times “a power
which enrols and dominates or, by contrast, an agent with no initiative which allows
itself to be enrolled” (Callon, 1999, p. 182).
A second reading of these quotations also reveals the unrealised potential of the
provided computers; except for Antenor, whose role as infocentro manager gave him a
tangible benefit, the other participants reflect more a desire, a hope, than an actual
advantage. These expressions of longing, rather than actual benefits from the
infocentros, when the project has been well underway for at least two years, are signs
that the network has not yet been solidly established.
Mobilisation
Mobilisation is the stage when actants become spokespersons representing the
network (Callon, 1991). This stage involves the “use of a set of methods to ensure that
allied spokespersons act according to the agreement and do not betray the initiators’
interests” (Mähring et al., 2004, p. 214). The project initiator’s objective was to establish
the network as a single actor, including both humans and non-humans; in other words,
it functioning as a “black box” (Latour, 1987, 1999b).
The project initiator, with the support of the other sponsors, made sure that the
opening of the infocentros was not an unnoticed event. It was announced through
different media format – web site, news clips on the radio and press – enriched with
testimonials from local folks. Well-known and distinguished people in each of the
communities were invited to the openings and posters and brochures were distributed
to advertise their services and explain their advantages. The infocentros’ location was
ITP another aspect to be considered; they were located at the heart of each community – at
23,4 the main square, next to the school, or at the communal meeting room – and some of
them had their exteriors decorated with murals painted by one of the infocentro
managers. From a visitor’s perspective, besides the church, and the municipal building in
those communities where formal local authorities do exist, the infocentro was the first
recognisable building upon arrival. Furthermore, loudspeakers were installed in the
364 exterior of those infocentros located right next to the area where the open-air markets
take place – i.e. Chanta Alta and Huanico. The idea was to page phone call messages not
only to local people any time but also foreign traders who visited the communities during
the once-a-week crowded fairs. It was a deliberate attempt to attract more people to the
infocentros. As if these measures were not enough, Chanta Alta, Huanico and San
Marcos benefited from the installation of radio broadcasting stations. The project
sponsors mobilised all the available resources around the network.
Following the initial enthusiasm of having access to computers and to the internet for
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the first time, the acid test was making the infocentros sustainable. The project sponsors
unambiguously expected the infocentros to be independent from the funds they were
providing, while contributing to the region’s development through the provision of
computer-mediated information. The truth is that the infocentros did not reach
self-sustainability, compromising their operation – which ultimately should have
contributed to bring development to the region, as the project sponsors had planned.
Discussion
The ANT four-stage description of the project so far hints at the fragility of the
network. The emerging question is whether the actants’ interest was sufficient and
whether the modus operandi of the project was appropriate in order to establish the
network. An examination of the interaction between the project’s technological
network and the existing social networks can shed light on this matter.
The issue that we were particularly interested to address was whether all the
actants were committed to and interested in the success of the project, as the initiator
conceived it. Callon (1991) defines convergence as the degree of agreement among the
actants; when convergence is high, the network should tend to stability. An analysis of
the two dimensions of convergence, alignment and coordination, reveals the facets of
the process of establishing the network that are hidden at first glance.
Alignment
Alignment refers to the extent to which actants can agree to the translation (Callon,
1991). Not all the actants agreed on the terms of the translation of the project, as can be
seen from our analysis below. While different actors’ agendas make a network robust,
this diversity denotes the actants’ pluralism in terms of their contribution to the
network; yet a minimum degree of agreement is needed (Braa et al., 2004).
Enthusiasm describes the recipients’ initial sentiment toward the project. However,
not everybody uniformly shared this feeling; some individuals were more enthusiastic
than others, and in general their level of commitment toward the project started
diminishing over time. In the communities where local government bodies existed, the
authorities initially perceived the arrival of the computers with great satisfaction,
because it might have contributed to their own agenda (e.g. the Chilete infocentro was
managed by the local council). However, different priorities across local governments The affordances
over time made the allocation of council budgets for the infocentros expenses irregular. of actor network
A case in point is the San Marcos infocentro, which was transferred from the
Mayoralty to the Prefecture, including a period in limbo, when the former Prefect theory
judged that the project’s objectives were not aligned at all with the Prefecture’s.
Among the funding international agencies and NGOs, interests were dissimilar and
sometimes incongruent. At the time of the fieldwork, one of the sponsors had deserted 365
the project, and two others were considering withdrawing their participation –
eventually, they did so. Silvia, the project Coordinator of one of the NGOs, explained
the source of disagreement:
Our position is different from the initiator’s . . . Communication is not an issue in Chilete
[because it got an acceptable infrastructure] . . . What they need there is information, not
communication . . . Some other sponsors emphasise information in places where it is simply
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Coordination
Coordination is the degree to which the interpretive flexibility is restricted by rules or
conventions (Callon, 1991). In an ideal scenario, coordination should have resulted from
ITP a bargaining process on which everybody had compromised in order to accept the rules
23,4 of the planned network; however, this was not the case. The initiator – and its partners
at the beginning – demonstrated their willingness in and commitment for a successful
venture, but failed in putting into effect the planned rules. Unsolved tensions among
the actants persisted along the way.
A case in point is the contract between FITEL and Satel, which stipulated that the
366 satellite telephones must be accessible between 08:00 and 20:00 every day, and if they
were not, the latter was to be fined. Obviously, Satel avoided the slightest possibility of
making the telephones unavailable; Satel prioritised the operation of the telephones
and imposed severe restrictions on the functioning time of the computers – only two
hours a day in the communities where power supply was not available. Since Satel was
the government contractor for providing satellite telephones in thousands of other
rural communities, their dedication to the project was almost nonexistent, which had
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created some friction with local people. For instance, Fernando – the Puruay Alto
infocentro manager – had manipulated the solar panel timer in order to have energy
for more hours; when Satel detected this manoeuvre, they tried to confiscate the
computer and faced strong local opposition. The project initiator mediated in this
conflictive situation and Puruay Alto eventually kept their computer. Paradoxically,
Puruay Alto was not in the original plan of the project; it only became one of the
beneficiary communities after a negotiation with FITEL.
There were other unsolved tensions too. The attempt to establish the project as the
obligatory passage point through the Information Processing Centre, through which it
would control the information flows to, from and among the infocentros, proved to be
unrealistic. On the one hand, the project could not address every question the peasants
might ask – they were as diverse as their interests, needs and contexts. One of the
project sponsors representative admitted:
We overestimated our capacity to provide answer to peasants’ inquiries . . . We designed a
system by which the peasant asked a question, we processed the answer and then delivered
the answer . . . It just did not work.
On the other hand, the majority of people in the beneficiary communities were not able
to use a computer; they resort to their face-to-face contacts when they need information
bypassing the somewhat insufficient and inadequate information prepared by the
project. As Latour (1986) affirms, the diffusion “of anything – claims, orders, artefacts,
goods – is in the hands of people” (p. 267).
The preceding discussion makes clear that human and nonhuman actors did not
converge according to the project initiator’s plan. Devising the Information Processing
Centre as an “obligatory point of passage” (Law and Callon, 1992) did not contribute to
make the network stable.
extend the locally situated environment of information exchange and augment the
sources of information. This initiative carried with its own procedural device; it
assumed unidirectional communication logic from the Information Processing Centre
to the communities through the infocentros and also defined the role of the infocentro
managers as the exclusive information brokers in their communities.
This procedural device, designed by the project and which the project attempted to
impose, proved to be inappropriate for local conditions. As a result, there was a
superimposition of the project’s technological network over the existing social
networks, and the logic of the former was to be an obligatory point of passage. The
passage between these two networks implied “movements that are difficult or
impossible” (Moser and Law, 1999, p. 205). Simply, that was not the way that rural
inhabitants exchange information; that is why sustainability – making the telecentre
independent from donors’ funds – could not be achieved. It is a reminder that the
“adoption of an innovation . . . goes through a series of decisions which depend on the
particular context within which the innovation is to be inserted” (Akrich et al., 2002, p.
202), well beyond the intrinsic characteristics of the innovation.
From our perspective, the use of ANT as an analytic device is revealing in of itself.
In Table II, we summarise the insights we gained from applying various analytical
constructs of ANT to the project, and comment on their possible wider application in
ICT4D.
Viewing through the lens of the translation process enabled us to see the trajectory
of the project. For instance, we could see that the original problematisation of the
project, with the Information Processing Centre as the sole conduit of information,
caused some issues later on. We could also see that the interessment stage was
somewhat imperfect in terms of various differing objectives on the part of the
stakeholder organisations. The enrolment stage, too, could be seen to have various
problems in terms of how the management of the infocentros was organised. We could
also observe quite clearly the attempts to mobilise individuals around the project using
different means. That said, it would be quite possible to have these insights without
necessarily having to see them as part of a translation process using ANT.
The useful insights that ANT provided for us in this study occurred when we
applied the analytical dimensions of convergence and devices. In particular, the degree
of restriction of interpretive flexibility in the network helped us to see the importance of
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ITP
23,4
368
Table II.
in ICT4D research
and possible applications
constructs to the findings
Applying ANT analytical
ANT analytical construct Key findings from this study Possible applications in other ICT4D research
Alignment as a dimension of convergence – Some individuals enthusiastic, but commitment While most ICT4D projects conduct some form of
degree to which actants can agree with the diminishing over time stakeholder analysis, the idea of alignment
translation Lack of commitment of resources from apparently enables the analysis to go one step further in
supportive authorities thinking about the degree to which actants are in
Economic pressures on NGOs leading to a agreement with how the project will proceed
uniform solution for all communities in the project
FITEL and Satel unenthusiastic about
maintaining computers and infrastructure
Coordination as a dimension of convergence – Prioritisation of satellite phones operation over Many ICT4D projects proceed with an incomplete
degree to which interpretive flexibility is computers by Satel, due to fines if phones knowledge of rules of conventions in the host
restricted by rules and conventions unavailable country, so this is an analytical dimension that is
Solar energy restricted by Satel and their attempt very useful. Also, looking at the way spoken and
to confiscate the computer at Puruay Alto unspoken rules and conventions in a project may
The bypassing of the infocentro as an obligatory operate is also very helpful
passage for the seeking of information, due to
price and access restrictions
Substantial devices (which interplay with material The substantial device in the network was For ICT4D projects, this is an important question
and procedural devices to establish the network) information of all kinds – what is the substantial device in the network?
This presupposes a network view, of course, but it
allows the researcher to understand the key
purpose of the network
Material devices (which interplay with substantial The material devices were oral communication In most ICT4D projects, the material device is
and procedural devices to establish the network) and radio, and the infocentros increased the assumed to be ICT. Yet this assumption might
devices available to participants well ignore other existing material devices
Procedural devices (which interplay with The project assumed one-way communication In ICT4D projects, certain assumptions might be
substantial and material devices to establish the coming from the Information Processing Centre to made about how people interact, or their
network) the infocentros (top-down approach); however, the willingness to interact in another way. So an
usual procedural device was face-to-face examination of procedural devices, of how people
communication interact, gives an insight into the implementation
of the project and its underlying assumptions
existing rules and procedures and how they might work against a project. Close The affordances
examination of the alignment of actors’ agreement with the translation also helped us of actor network
see some issues, and to think about why alignment is so crucial in ICT4D projects,
where the use of the technology provided is completely voluntary. Looking at the theory
substantial, material and procedural devices was particularly helpful, as it helped us
think more deeply about the networks involved and we realised that the project in fact
superimposed a network over another network. Given that all ICT4D projects probably 369
seek to supplement existing networks, we think these analytical dimensions are
important and useful, as they necessitate a deep look at what the network actually is,
and the underlying assumptions of the ICT4D initiatives. Table II gives our view in
detail on each analytical dimension and the possible applications to other ICT4D
projects. The key strength of these ANT analytical dimensions was a detailed
understanding of the overall anatomy of the project under study.
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Conclusion
During the fieldwork, it became apparent that information was highly appreciated by
local people. Individuals were constantly exchanging information and did not hesitate
to walk long distances across valleys and mountains to find the piece of information
they needed. Indeed, information is not a new phenomenon and computers cannot
make information more important now; its importance has been recognised throughout
history (Holvast et al., 2005).
The introduction of computers opened new possibilities for obtaining information;
however, computers were not massively adopted in these communities. Just a few
individuals in each community enthusiastically learned to use computers – sometimes
by themselves – and made them part of their toolbox in their everyday life. They
demonstrated a great interest in using computers and overcame many difficulties in
accessing them, including technical restrictions at the infocentros and/or unattended
infocentros – so these individuals resorted to accessing computers in internet cafés
during their periodical visits to Cajamarca City. Interestingly, they operated as
“activators of information”, forwarding their fellow villagers’ questions to their virtual
contacts or searching through internet web sites for an answer and sharing the
collected computer-mediated information through their traditional face-to-face
networks (cf. Dı́az Andrade and Urquhart, 2009). In their actions, local villagers
were using procedural devices other than those envisaged by the project.
The causes of the structural weakness of the project are to be found in the inability
to build the network throughout the four stages of the translation process. In the
problematisation stage, the project initiator conceived a centralised information system
distribution, where they would be the hub through the Information Processing Centre;
however, the Information Processing Centre never became the planned obligatory
point of passage. The interessment stage shows mixed episodes. Although the initiator
managed to draw other actors around the idea, not all of them were equally committed
to the project; most importantly, the plan of making computer-mediated information
available in rural communities was not fully understood by most of the alleged
beneficiaries who felt that their most immediate needs were not addressed. As a
consequence of the somewhat lukewarm involvement of some of the actors – i.e. poor
convergence – the fissures of the project became apparent during the enrolment stage.
ITP It followed that in the mobilisation stage the network was left adrift to the needs of
23,4 quite dissimilar contexts of the communities and the priorities given by different
actors. The project’s attempt to substitute the supposedly uncoordinated interactions
between rural inhabitants with a centrally controlled purpose-built network has not
been successful because the network itself constituted a bad passage (cf. Moser and
Law, 1999).
370 From an ANT perspective, the existing social networks and the superimposed
technological network were incompatible. Although the infocentro managers to some
extent had polyvalent characteristics because they were participating in both networks
(cf. Hanseth and Monteiro, 1998), there was little that they could do because of the
weakness of the project network. However, the growing interest by some individuals in
using computers – the computer enthusiasts who bypass the infocentros to access
computers – demonstrates that a new network is emerging; one that we call a
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Corresponding author
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