Professional Documents
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Critical Essays On Rainbow
Critical Essays On Rainbow
Critical Essays On Rainbow
Collana diretta da
Francesco Marroni
A10
129
Volume pubblicato con il contributo del Dipartimento di Scienze Lingui-
stiche e Letterarie Università degli Studi “G. d'Annunzio" di Chieti–Pescara.
D.H. LAWRENCE’S
THE RAINBOW
RE-READINGS OF A RADICAL TEXT
Edited by
Renzo D’Agnillo
Copyright © MMX
ARACNE editrice S.r.l.
www.aracneeditrice.it
info@aracneeditrice.it
ISBN 978–88–548–3604–4
Introduction 7
Peter Preston
The Polish Dimension of The Rainbow 15
Francesco Marroni
D. H. Lawrence’s Ontological Aporias: Ursula and
the Broken Rainbow 39
Renzo D’Agnillo
“Wedding at the Marsh”: Lawrence’s Rhetorical Strategies
in Chapter V of The Rainbow 61
Stefania Michelucci
Uprooting: The Beginning of Existential Crisis in
The Rainbow 85
Tony Dunn
Generation and Education in The Rainbow 109
Carla Comellini
The Rainbow and the Metaphor of Food 125
Raffaella Antinucci
Going “beyond”: Ken Russell’s The Rainbow (1989) 135
Claudia Zilletti
Gardens of Initiation: Experience and Growth in
D. H. Lawrence’s The Rainbow 155
Renzo D’Agnillo
1
See D. H. Lawrence, Simon Finch Catalogue 51, London, Simon Finch
Rare Books, 2002, pp. 7-8.
2
John Middleton Murry, Reminiscences of D. H. Lawrence, London,
Jonathan Cape, 1933, p. 48.
14 Foreword
John Worthen
30 May 2007
3
See e.g. Warren Roberts and Paul Poplawski, A Bibliography of D. H.
Lawrence, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2001, p. 29.
4
D. H. Lawrence, “The Bad Side of Books”, Introductions and Reviews,
ed. Neil Reeve and John Worthen, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,
2005, 77:30-3.
Peter Preston
Introduction
serfs and controlled the use of the land. More distant rulers,
whether they were in Moscow, Berlin or Vienna rather than
Warsaw, made little difference to the day-to-day lives of the
Polish peasantry.
It was among the rural serf-owning class and the intellectuals
in Poland’s towns and cities that opposition to the dismemberment
of their country was to be found. They lamented the demise of a
kingdom with a history and identity that could be traced back to
the country’s adoption of Christianity in 966 CE. Since the
sixteenth century it had been organised as a democratic monarchy,
a system that had both advantages and drawbacks. An elective
monarchy limited dynastic power-seeking, but the absence of a
hereditary royal house deprived Poland of a central point of
identity that could transcend the temporal limits of individual
reigns. Other points of potential vulnerability were the lack of a
standing army and an insistence on unanimity for all decisions
made in the country’s legislative assembly. Such arrangements,
instituted in the interests of democracy and the balance of power,
resulted in social stagnation, especially damaging in the rural
areas, where agricultural practices changed very slowly during a
period of rapid modernisation and mechanisation in other parts of
Europe.
The other major determining feature of Poland’s history in
the nineteenth century was its Catholicism. When in 966 CE
Mieszko I led his people into Christianity, he ignored the Eastern
Orthodox Church and chose to accept the authority of the Pope in
Rome. This decision, as J. M. Roberts points out, “gave the
Polish people a particularly difficult destiny (often heroically and
tragically fulfilled) as a nation Slav by descent and language, but
western European in culture and religion, ground between
aggressive and fearful powers on both sides”1. It was this Poland,
Catholic, democratic and rich in cultural achievement that
Lawrence’s Paul Lensky and others like him died to defend.
Others were driven into an exile that brings Lydia Lensky to
Marsh Farm as Tom Brangwen’s wife.
1
J. M. Roberts, A History of Europe, Oxford, Helicon, 1996, p. 157.
18 Peter Preston
2
For all the democratic claims of the elective monarchy, about ten or a
dozen powerful families were able to act as kingmakers. One of the best-
known of these was the Radziwills, who owned estates half the size of Ireland.
3
David Thomson, Europe Since Napoleon, Harmondsworth, Penguin,
1966, p. 122.
The Polish Dimension Of «The Rainbow» 19
[…] the idea of a nation of […] Poles could accommodate, without the
slightest difficulty, the fact that a large part of the inhabitants […] were
not […] Poles by any modern national definition. For these plebeians
counted no more than the plebeians who happened to be […] Poles.
They were by definition outside the enclosure of the “political nation”7.
4
Norman Davies, God’s Playground. A History of Poland. Vol. 2. 1795
to the Present, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1981, p. 276.
5
Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme,
Myth, Reality, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990, p. 73.
6
Ibid, p. 44.
7
Ibid, p. 74.
20 Peter Preston
Only after about 1880 did the mass of the people subscribe to
the same ideals of nationhood as had been created and fought
for by the political minority of earlier decades. Before then the
Polish revolutionary movement lacked “a crucial element of the
romantic revolutionary vision of 1830-48; the barricades, the
masses, the new and desperate proletariat”8.
As a result of the comparative indifference of the peasantry
to the issue of nationality, the uprisings of 1846 and 1863-4
received little support in the countryside. The nobles and
intellectuals who in 1846 led the revolt in Galicia failed to
mobilise the peasants, in spite of promises of freedom for the
serfs; indeed they found themselves at their mercy, since the
Austrians dealt with the uprising by encouraging the peasants to
turn against their masters, the szlachta: they preferred to
“massacre gentlemen and trust to the Emperor’s officials”9, a
trust repaid by brutal suppression. In 1861, however, Tsar
Alexander I liberated the serfs and it was hoped that he might
support Poland’s nationalist aspirations. Alexander displayed
some sympathy, but the Catholic Church was implacably
opposed to closer ties with Orthodox Russia and had the
support of the rural nobility and gentry. During the revolt of
1863-4 the Russians adopted the Austrian strategy of 1846 and
encouraged the peasants – less interested in independence than
in land and power for rural communes – to defy their masters.
The defeat of the 1863-4 uprising brought Polish resistance
to an end for the remainder of the nineteenth century. In the
face of further Russianising of the old kingdom and the
beginnings of industrialisation a more pragmatic strain of Polish
nationalism began to emerge, but the country still stood out as
an exemplary victim of the ambitions of greater powers. “It
would not be too much to say”, writes Hobsbawm, “that, after
1871 – always excepting the slowly disintegrating Ottoman
empire – few people expected any further substantial changes in
8
Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution 1789-1848, London, New
English Library, 1962, p. 317.
9
Ibid, p. 169.