Professional Documents
Culture Documents
LOCKWOOD-Text and Context. Folksong in A Bosnian Muslim Village
LOCKWOOD-Text and Context. Folksong in A Bosnian Muslim Village
USl~
Yvonne R. Lockwood
--·-'----------~·--~·--'···--·~·~----~·-----1-----· - .-.~------ - .
Slavica publishes a wide variety of textbooks and scholarly books on the
languages, people, literatures, cultures, history, etc. of the USSR and
Eastern Europe. For a free catalog with prices and ordering information,
write to:
Slavica Publishers, Inc.
PO Box 14388 I
'{
Columbus, Ohio 43214
USA
ISBN: 0-89357-120-2.
Preface • • • • • 7
I. Introduction • 9
V. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
Bibliography 93
6
PREFACE
7
The center of the village is marked by the mosque and
an intersection of paths. (Photo by riiUiam G. Locl<:hJoodJ
8
I
INTRODUCTION
Physical Setting
9
Historical Setting
Historically, Bosnia has been a very heterogeneous
area. 2 Even during the fourteenth century Catholic,
Orthodox, Bogomil, Slav, Vlah, and other peoples inhabi-
ted the area, which suffered from internal conflicts and
was fought over by neighboring powers. In 1463, after
the fall of Serbia, Bosnia also fell to the Turks. After
some four hundred years, Ottoman rule carne to an end in
1878 when Bosnia-Hercegovina, now a united province, was
occupied and administered by Austria. Following World
War I, Bosnia-Hercegovina was united with its neighbors
to form the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
The many centuries of Turkish rule left a permanent
mark on Yugoslav culture. This is particularly true in
Bosnia where Ottoman power was very strong. Islamic
religion is perhaps the most obvious legacy of Ottoman
rule. However, language was also greatly affected, and
today's Yugoslav languages contain many Turkisms, i.e.,
Persian, Arabic and Turkish words introduced during the
Ottoman period. 3 The Ottoman legacy is present in almost
every aspect of Balkan culture, both material and non-
material, Christian as well as Muslim.4 In material cul-
ture there are many examples: food, diet, clothing,
crafts, architecture. However, more important and long
reaching are attitudes, values, customs and world view.
According to local legend, Planinica was founded
during the Ottoman period. There are two family names
in the village: Muratspahić and Sadiković. Members of
each group claim that the village was settled by their
forebearers. The Muratspahici, for example, say that a
man named Murat, from Vrlika, Dalmatia, performed heroic
deeds against Christian invaders. As a reward he was
given the title "spahija" (an honorific title bestowed by
the Sultan)5 and, hence, the origin of the name Muratspa-
hic, literally son of Murat the Spahija. He was also
given his choice of any land he wanted in the Ottoman
empire. He chose Planinica and built the first house
there. At a later date a second family, Sadiković, moved
to the same area from Hercegovina. However, the Sadi-
kovici say their ancestors carne first, although they
agree on the time and the place of origin. In any case,
the legends and the architecture of the oldest horne s
attest that Planinica was not established before the
eighteenth century.
10
Research Problem and Methodology
Since the 1960's the emphasis in folkloristics has
moved from atomistic studies of texts to holistic studies
of the folkloric events. Anthropologists were first in-
terested in how folklore contributes to the maintainence
of social institutions, i.e., how folklore functions. 6
In search of the answer, they examined the context as
well as the text of different folklore genres. However,
this shift from text to context has pushed folkloristics
beyond pure functionalism to consideration of folklore
enactment as communication in human interaction. 7 This
study examines the role of folksong in village society
generally and of particular songs in specific social
contexts. It is an attempt to understand the role and
meaning of the songs, noting who sings to whom and how,
when, where and why.
Participant observation was a very important re-
search method for this study. My husband and I took up
residence in a traditional zadruga,8 a virilocal extended
household of six nuclear families who became friends and
primary informants. I participated in formal and infor-
mal village activities: wedding celebrations, religious
festivities, evening visiting, wool processing, hoeing,
haying, weaving, milking, berry picking, and so on.
These are contexts for social interaction: gossip, argu-
ment, decision making, daily planning. These are also
contexts for folksong performance. By participating as
much as a villager as possible, I was able to share in
events and was less of an outsider, both from the per-
spective of villagers and in terms of my understanding.
Other research methods included interviewing indi-
viduals and recording performances. The tape recorder
was used only in song performance situations and initi-
ally it was disruptive, but just as villagers grew
accustomed to my presence, they also came to regard the
machine almost casually. That is not to say, however,
that they ignored it. Quite the contrary, in some in-
stances, the tape recorder served as the impetus to sing.
Songs were also recorded out of context, both on
paper and on tape. In such cases, I asked individuals
for particular songs, which I may have heard in perfor-
mance, for specific subject matter or song types, for
songs appropriate in certain contexts, and so on. Some
found it difficult to recite the song texts out of con-
text, but no one found it impossible. Information that
II
was not learned through normal discourse was obtained
through interviews, which were recorded on paper. Inter-
views were conducted with many villagers about their at-
titudes, values and sense of aesthetics concerning the
singers, songs and performances.
Women and men of all ages, marriageable girls and
boys, and children contributed to this study, but my pri-
mary informants were marriageable girls, the age group
that sang the most.
Major fieldwork was conducted in Planinica; however,
supplementary data were compiled in the nearby villages
of Bilo Bu~je and Ivica, which history and social rela-
tions link with Planinica. Marriage also links Planinica
to Varvara, a mixed village of Catholics and Muslims in
the Rama Valley in Hercegovina, a five hour hike where
limited research was conducted. Songs also were col-
lected in villages of the region with which Planinica had
little to no social interaction: Jazvenik, a Catholic
village a half hour hike from Planinica, and Jablani, a
mixed village of Muslims and Catholics on the adjacent
valley floor. This data have been included in the appen-
dix, although the study itself deals only with the
Planinica.
:", }
12
NOTES
5gka1jic, p. 570.
13
work of Dell Hymes. See his "Introduction toward Ethno-
graphies of Communication," in The Ethnography of Com-
munioation, eds. John Gumperz and Dell Hymes (American
Anthropo1ogist, Vol. 66, No. 6 [1964]), pp. 1-34. Also
recommended, Alan Dundes, "Texture, Text and Context,"
Southern Folklore Quarterly, vol. 28 (1964):251-265 and
Roger Abrahams, "Introductory Remarks to aRhetorical
Theory of Folklore," Journal of Amerioan Folklore, Vol.
81 (1968):143-158.
i
r·
.'
14
II
THE VILLAGE
Residence Groups
In the small mountain community of Planinica the
basic unit of organization is the household, or kuća.
1
Kinship
15
Just as all households are kinship based, close neighbors
are often close kin. The neighborhoods tend to be di-
vided according to descent groups, the names having been
adapted from the most prominent family name in that
neighborhood.
Relations among members of a household differ con-
siderably. In an extended family, where the husband's
father and mother (svekar and s.vekrva) also reside, a
young wife is not free to do just as she wishes. Her
husband's mother, who is in charge of household activi-
ties, has complete power over her and other household
women, and resentment and dislike often exist between the
women. A study by Vera Erlich of family life in Yugo-
slavia prior to World War II is still relevant to daily
life in Planinica. 3 It shows that 70% of the relation-
ships between the Bosnian Muslim mother-in-Iaw and
daughter-in-Iaw were poor.4 As children were born, for
example, new mothers wanted more for their own family and
resented having to contribute to the common fund. Simi-
larly in Planinica today, the young wife tends to resent
the senior authority and conflicts arise, especially in
larger extended families. Her resentment sometimes ex-
tends to the father-in-Iaw; however, the contact they
have is limited, and differs in kind from her contact
with the mother-in-Iaw. Traditionally, the daughter-in-
law shows respect for her husband's father by removing
his shoes after a day's work, bringing him coffee, heat-
ing water to wash for prayer, after meals and so on. In
cases where there is only one daughter-in law, difficul-
ties are fewer. In households with two or more wives of
brothers (jetrve) conflicts are more commonplace, often
because of excessive self-interest or interest in one's
own nuclear family, or show of favoritism by the mother-
in-law for one particular daughter-in-Iaw. Relations
between the husband's sister (zava)5 and the new bride
are generally good and often they become close friends.
Erlich's study indicates that problems arose between zava
and the bride because blood relations took priority over
those made through marriage; however, she states, in
villages with "a settled way of life" the relations were
usually good. 6
Husband and wife relations vary within the village,
but in general, public display of affect ion is rare.
Although most husbands and wives are faithful, one occa-
sionally hears about extramarital relations. Consequent-
ly, if a husband goes away to work, for example, to
16
Austria,the wife often worries that he may not come
back. On the other hand while he is gone, she usually
enjoys his absence and her newly gained freedom. She
does not have to get his permission to go visiting; there
are no sexual demands; cooking is less important. Rela-
tions between husbands and wives are changing. Some hus-
bands discuss matters of one kind or another with their
wives, others do not. Some younger couples now go visit-
ing together; some even joke and playfully tease in front
of others. According to older informants, however,
coupies did not publicly showaffection or attention in
the past.
The bond between close blood relations is usually
very strong. The brother, for example, plays the role of
his sister's protector. With the exception of the moth-
er, he has the most influence over a sister's choice of a
husband, and when she elopes, the most common manner of
marriage today, it is the mother and brother who display
intense anger.
The father-son relationship is usually good, but
also respect demands some distance. In matters of impor-
tance, for example, a son would never make a direct re-
quest of his father but would work through a third person,
often someone whom the father respects. This third party
mayor may not be kin. Action of this kind often occurs
when asking permission to marry a particular maiden. 7
The father-daughter relationship is warm but dis-
tant. A daughter shows great respect for her father, but
an outward show of affection is not common.
Fiative Kinship
Prijateljstvo
Childhood
Children are loved and cared for by everyone in the
household, no matter whose they are. A few ceremonies
are associated with childhood. Five to seven days after
birth, the umbilical cord is cut establishing fictive
kinship between the participating households or individ-
uals. Before a male child is two years old, he receives
his first haircut, establishing a second fictive kinship.
And while still very young, he is circumcised. In 1967
males ranging from babies only a few months old to boys
eight years of age were circumcised by a specialist, who
is called to the village every few years when there are
enough children to make his trip worthwhile. Only this
ritual is regarded as important because Islamic law
states that every Muslim male must be circumcised.
According to villagers, circumcision is the major dif-
ference between Christians and Muslims in Yugoslavia.
Except for the bond established by cutting the imbilical
cord, ceremonies for female babies are not enacted.
During the first year the baby is firmly swaddled
to insure straight back and limbs and is kept in the
cradle. Whenever it fusses, someone rocks it and after
several weeks, when the baby begins to show signs of
recognition, singing accompanies the rocking. Until this
time, however, it is believed that the baby is not aware
of his surrounding.
A child is pampered until school age, when he or she
is then given more responsibilities. School, however, is
still not fully accepted by all household heads. Some
villagers stated that schooling will not do the children
any good because they will just be shepherds and peasants
in any case. However, very few households, in fact, keep
their children away from school. On occasions when a
shortage of available workers occurs in a household,
children have been known to leave the cattle in his or
her charge to graze on the hillside facing the school-
house, watching them while in class.
Male children are valued because they remain in the
household and carry on family tradition, whereas girls
leave. However, one mother of five boys often bemoaned
the fact that she did not have a daughter. According to
18
her, boys demand to be helped and cannot do anything for
themselves, whereas a girl helps with the work. Erlich
reports that in general the bond between mother and
daughter is strong among Bosnian Moslems. 9 Despite the
fact that the daughter marries and leaves, a mother feels
closer to her than to a son, and their bond is maintained
even after her marriage.
Until a boy is in his early teens and almost ready
for the army, he is called a d#e (child), lA. girl is
knoii;n a,s dite or cu:t'ica (little girl) until puberty or
approximately fourteen years of age. It is during this
period of adolescence that boys and girls seriously begin
to learn their duties.
Youth
Courtship
19
-';'".'-
Marriage
Three possible ways to marry are open to Planinica
youth: l) otmica (physical abduction of the bride; 2)
marriage in "the proper fashion" where an agreement is
preafranged between everyone concerned; 3) ukrasti
(elopement or agreed upon abduction), by far the most
common. Ukrasti is an old tradition which was followed
in Planinica even before World War II. The last case of
marriage by abduction in the village was in the 1950s. 10
The prearranged form was last carried out in 1966. Today
a lad chooses his own wife. He may ask the approval of
his father, but seldom is he denied his choice.
An example of elopement occurred in 1967 between a
Planinican and a rnaiden from the adjacent valley. Having
received word from a relative of an available, hard-
werking, good-looking maiden, the Planiničan and a friend
went to her village after a Friday market. After meeting
the rnaiden and talking with her for a short time, he
asked her to marry hirn. She accepted, and he promised to
return the following week. They met at 5:00 p.m. at the
fountain, whence they began the long, cold hike to
Planinica. Despite the very late hour, a gun signaled
their arrival and villagers gather ed to congratulate the
ladIs father and mother.
For the next six days and nights the village cele-
brated. During the day people carne to welcome and see
the bride, who sat shyly in the corner. Every night the
older men of the village carne to the house of the groomls
parents where they sat in one room talking and drinking
coffee. The maidens, lads, childr.en and young married
men, including the groom, sang and danced in a second
room. Behind the closed door of a third room, the women,
bride, and young children congregated. Here, secluded
frem rnale observation, were some of the best singers and
dancers in the village who now only perform at times like
this.
On the sixth day the couple was married in a civil
ceremony in Bugojno, the market town, and afterward they
registered the marriage with the Bugojno Muslim religious
leader. Other activities began after evening prayers.
A wedding feast was held and a representative of every
household in the village attended. Later young married
men (called vukovi, wolves) roamed the village paths in
one large group chas ing people and demanding sweets or
money as ransom for the captured fernales.
20
The seventh day is called the pir. Friends and re~
latives of both the groom's family and of the entire vil-
lage came from miles around to celebrate the marriage.
There was much dancing and singing, promenading and flirt-
ing. Each household in the village had prepared special
foods for its Ov,"Il guests. By sundov,"Il, everyone had left
and village life returned to normal once again. II
Economy
. Peasants of Potoci practice a similar economy. Al-
though herding and agriculture are carefully balanced, in
the sentiments of Planiničani, herding is emphasized.
Sheep are most important both for wool and milk, and peas-
ants Ov,"Il as few as one and as many as two hundred or more.
In the local diet, milk products are second in importance
only to bread. In every household, one member, usually
an adult male, is in charge of sheep. In addition to
sheep, Planinicani feel it is vital to have a cow for
milk, a team of oxen for plowing, at least one horse for
transportation, and a number of chickens for eggs.
Every household also carries on some agriculture.
The most important crops are grain, cabbage, potatoes,
onions, beans, squash, and pazija (a green, spinach-like
vegetable). Agricultural technology is basic, utilizing
men and animals and some simple machinery.
The household is the basic productive unit, but at
certain times of the year, a larger force is summoned
through labor exchange and cooperative enterprises, for
example, for hay cutting bees which are the high point of
the year. Large numbers of men answer the call for help
and despite the strenuous v,'ork, the occasions are festive.
These cooperative work groups, called mobe, are also or-
ganized for hauling hay and wood into the village. Simi-
lar cooperative work groups of maidens whitewash private
home s for those without female help, rake and stack hay,
dig potatoes, and process flax. The household that re-
quests aid provides meals, usually consisting of special~
ly prepared festive dishes. Often these work events are
social events as well. Hhen maidens process flax togeth-
er, for example, the village women, young men and lads
also gather, and joking, flirting and singing ensue.
Since World War II, dependence on wage labor has in-
creased. Before the war, Planinicani would seek occasion-
al employment as agricultural laborers for large landov,"Il-
ers. Only since the war, however, have Planinicani been
21
hired for full time employment by the developing forest
industry. Nine househo1ds are presently supported in
this way. These workers also carry on agriculture, but
often other vi11agers perform some of their tasks, either
in moba or for cash payment. This latter phenomenon be-
gan only recently, drawing Planinicani even further into
a money economy.
Only since 1966 men from the Potoci area have gone
to other countries as migrant workers for part of the
year. In 1967, six young married men and one bache10r
from Planinica worked in Austria. When they returned to
the village they brought not only money, but also western
sty1ed clothing, velo ur wall hangings made in Japan and
Italy, portable radio-phonographs, and phonograph re-
cords, all of which aided an increasing money economy.
Some cash has always been a necessity, for example, to
pay taxes and to purchase coffee and sugar. But with the
exception of those few individuals who regularly or only
occasionally have a source of cash, the majority still
obtain money by marketing products of pastoral and agri-
cu1tura11abors.
3 PamiZy in Transition.
4 I bid., p. 107.
23
.
8 prijateljstvo 1itera11y means friendship. Here,
however, the term connotes an even stronger bond. In the
dia1ect it means in-1awship; in~laws are know as prije.
9Er1ich, p. 96.
24
III
Epic Song
The primary types of song in the village are epic
and lyric. Narrative songs on heroic subjects, commonly
referred to by scholars as epics, were called junačke
pjesme (heroic songs) by the nineteenth century Serbian
ethnographer Vuk Stefanovi~ Karad~ic. He described these
as songs whose words are more important than the music
and which are performed to the accompaniment of the gusle
(a bowed, single string instrument).l Although epic songs
once were part of Potoci tradition, today there is only
one active bearer: a middle-aged Muslim from the village
of Skrte who learned his skill and obtained his gusle
from his father. Many of his songs are from a well-worn
book of Muslim heroic songs. 2 Some, however, he learned
from his father, and others about the postwar period are
his o~~. On special occasions, such as a mevlud (a reli-
gious event to commernorate Muhammed's birth), this guslar
(one who accompanies himself on the gusle) is called upon
to sing to older men from the entire Potoci area whogath-
er to hear him. However, younger men and youth are not
interested in this form of expression, and no one is now
learning the art of the guslar. Although the tradition
of epic song is still familiar to everyone today, it is
possible that in Potoci it will disappear in its tradi-
tional form with this single bearer.
A new form of epic performance attracts a male audi-
ence of all ages. Once a year a distant relative of a
Planiničan visits the village from Skoplje Polje. His
presence is anxiously anticipated, and an audience of men,
lads and boys flock to listen as he reads texts of epic
songs from the very volume from which the guslar of Skrte
had learned songs.
Lyric Song
Unlike the epic, lyric song tradition is very dynam-
ic. Pjesma (literally, song, but in the village, lyric
song) is usually a two-line, seemingly rhyming composi-
tion which expresses a complete idea. Some songs consist
of several such two-line verses, but the shorter form is
most common. Traditional songs are not accompanied by
25
musical instrument, nor are traditional dances, which,
rather, are accompanied only by singing.
The relationship between song text and music is not
a fixed on e-t o-one ratio. Whereas the number of differ-
ent melodies is limited, the number of song texts is not.
Moreover, the same songs may be performed to different
melodies. 3
Most songs heard in Potoci are lyric, or according
to the terminology of Vuk KaradžiE, ženske pjesme (women's
songs). In 1824 Vuk described this type of song as that
which not only women and girls sing in unison but also
men, especially young men. 4 According to Vuk, singers
perform for the enjoyment of others, and the music is more
important than the text. These statements are only par-
tially applicable to present-day Planinica. Whereas lyric
song is sung by girls, women and young men, it is the ver-
bal text, in most cases, that is more important than the
music; the context in which singing occurs bears this out.
With few exceptions, however, songs are seldom sung .in
complete unison; rather, polyphony is the most common
mode of singing. Also, singers perform for their ow~ en-
joyment as well as for the enjoyment of others. They
sing as often without an audience as with. Enjoyments it
should be added, is but one of the functions of song.
All songs are called pjesme; however, when a' distinc-
tion is necessary, folk categories are recognized. Songs
of "olden days" (starinske pjesme), for example, differ
from the more popular two-line songs in structure, con-
tent and context; they are narratives, often romantic,
and sung in the company of older women, usually at a rite
of passage. (See Appendix I, Nos. 237 and 310 and "1'Ted-
ding Songs.") This type of song is not a popular form
among the young er generation. It is sometimes sung by
older women, i.e., those born before 1930, as they work,
but even they sing these songs less than they once did. 6
Bećarac became popular in the area about the time of
World War II. To Planinicani bećarac means a roudy
type of polyphonic song style. Bećarac is also called
vesela pjesma (happy song). Bosnian Muslims say that
they sing bećarac when they are happy; Catholics, when
they are drunk (that is to say, when happy). The term,
then, refers to a male style of performance as much as to
specific texts by men. Many of the songs Planinicani
sing today are of this type. (See Appendix I, No. 347.)
A type of song most recently introduced into the
village is sevdalinka (from Arabic sevdah, love), an ur-
26
ban, Bosnian love song which embodies both a poetic and
musical concept. 7 Planinicani are learning these songs
from the radio and phonograph records and slow1y incorpo-
rating them into their shared repertoire. Already sevda-
Unke seem to be influencing tradition. 1iJhen performed
solo, for example, it is with the same 10ud, nasal quali-
ty and style of traditional singing. On the other hand,
when a group sings sevdaZinke, it does so in a soft, re-
strained voice in imitation of performances heard over
mass media. Although vi11agers do not yet sing these
songs with instrumental accompaniment, this and other
changes in singing tradition seem just a matter of time.
The fourth type of song is sung only while dancing.
There are two kinds of dances; both are called koZo (a
circle dance), but one is danced only to instrumental ac-
companiment while the other is danced only to the meter
and melody of song. The former may be accompanied by a
fruZa (an end-b10w~ flute) or tambura, but today the ac-
cord ion is by far the most common for dance, which is a
simple, fast and 1ive1y ušest. Instrumental music for
dance is a relatively new development introduced in the
village since World 1iJar II and slow1y replacing the more
traditional form of dance accompanied by song.
KoZo danced to singing consists of a walking step
set to the rhythm of the song. The oldest of these danc-
es take their names from the first line of the chorus,
each of which has its particular melody, e.g., "Ja sam
crnija" (I Am Darker) and l'Hop la le me le la le," which
has no meaning. The newest dances of this type were in-
troduced immediately after the war and do not have a cho-
rus, e.g., "Kozara~ko kolo," which was named for a famous
Partizan battleground and was learned in school.
With only a few exceptions, dance song texts are in-
terchangeable with other traditional songs. For example,
maidens may perform the same song words as they weave a
rug and as they dance; only the melodies may vary. Con-
sider the following song:
When this song text is sung for the dance "Ja sam crni-
ja," the chorus is inserted after each line as follows:
27
Moj dragane~ vidila ti majku.
Ja sam crnija~ crnim očima.
Nosi džaku liči na Ciganku.
Ja sam crnija~ crnim očima.
( ..•. I am darker, with dark eyes.)
Performers
28
in her songs and manner of dress. The other two lead
singers were also less traditional in behavior and from
poorer than average households. One smoked and wore men I s
trousers much of the time. However, she did not receive
the same severe criticism as the first mentioned lead
singer; because she was older (twenty-six years), she was
regarded an old-maid and judged differently than the youn-
ger marriageable maidens. Also, unlike the others who
attended four years of school, she was not literate. The
last of these primary informants also was reputed to be
immodest in her songs, but she did use discretion in her
performances. Despite village criticism, she was also
thought to be witty and to improvise songs better than
others.
Village women did not agree as to which of the girls
was the best singer. Only lead singers were evaluated;
everyone sings, but only good singers are leads. They
must have strong, full, clear voices with a high range;
the community would not tolerate a weak voice as the lead.
The second group of informants consisted of young
married and divorced men and marriageable lads. They
ranged from age seventeen to forty-nine. Young newly
married men and lads form a close group and little dif-
ference is obvious in their behavior. Often the young
married men continue to flirt as though unmarried. Be-
cause of their age and married status, they play a domi-
nant role in group activities and provide role models for
the unmarried ones. But also, the best male singers are
married.
Without a doubt, the data I recorded from males was
influenced by gender difference; nonetheless, I heard
songs that I had not expected: a corpus of obscene texts.
Males regarded me as an outsider--not like village wo-
men--and in this case that status worked to my advantage.
On the other hand, they regarded these song texts as only
mildly obscene. When anyone tried to recite a song in my
presence that others considered too obscene, he was si-
lenced. Later I obtained some of these from my husband,
who was told to pass them to me, or from my best male
informant.
A third group of informants were married women rang-
ing in age from twenty-seven to sixty years old, none of
whom were literate. Restricted by their married status,
they sang in the confines of their homes or among other
women, separated from men and ideally not in public. On
pome occasions, however, they, in fact, did join maid-
29
ens in song before an audience of villagers, but they
would not call attention to themselves by taking the lead.
Relative to unmarr~ed females, women usually have
limited association with the outside world. Whereas
males and maidens go to markets, fairs and festivals, wo-
men leave the village once or twice a year to visit their
natal village and relatives. One exception is a sixty
year old widow who went to market almost every week and
often travel ed elsewhere to visit friends and relatives.
She usually did errands in tow~ for less mobile women of
the village--sold their eggs in the market place, bought
necessary items--and acted as liaison between sweethearts
by delivering secret letters. She also was immodest in
her language and behavior, and although not a typical wo-
man in these ways, she was, nonetheless, very tradition-
al. She was one of the very few women in the region, for
example, who could spin the tevsija (a large, round, cop-
per pan) or who knew how to make certain pieces of tradi-
tional clothing or to tell fortunes.
Children's songs are not central to this study.
Young girls and boys, school age and younger, sing while
doing chores or while with their peers on the school
ground. However, when older groups perform, they listen
and learn. The social transition of child to maiden, for
example, is signaled by her active participation with
other marriageable females in song and dance performance.
At this time she is urged to join in by both women and
performing maidens. This seemingly casual process is
part of an important rite of passage when a little girl
(dite) is recognized as a maiden (aura).
The oldest generation, men and women over fifty
years old, seldom sings. Hhereas elderly women enjoy
listening to song, the men usually denied this as plea-
sure, and some even regarded singing as a waste of time.
It should be noted that research was not restricted
to singers; they were the active bearers of song tradi-
tion, but the entire community was very important, pro-
viding the context and sanctions for singing. I conduct-
ed open-ended interviews in informal contexts with many
villagers. At such times, I focussed on attitudes,
changes in tradition, aesthetic criteria, and other rele-
vant data.
30
one is alone or in a group, singing is a natural outcome.
Singing and dancing, for example, are very common occur-
rences at prelo attended by males and females. The word
prelo in standard Serbo-Croatian is usually defined as a
spinning bee; however, in Planinica the term means any
occasion of visiting. On the other hand, all women and
maidens occupy themselves with some type of work as they
visit--spinning, knitting, embro ider ing , sewing, prepar-
ing wool--because it is considered disgraceful to sit
idle. Work, however, is not the purpose of a prelo; many
occasions call for a prelo. Someone may have a guest, for
example, from another village. If the guest is a woman,
village women and maidens gather at that home to visit;
if a man, then men gather. Should the guest be amaiden,
a large group of lads, young married men, village maidens
and women might come together. In other situations, wo-
men may go on a prelo during the afternoon because they
would like coffee; it is almost unheard of for a woman to
make coffee for herself. People might also gather to
keep maidens who are weaving company. Depending on the
mood of the participants, a prelo may be a quiet gather-
ing with just a few individuals or many may gather for
singing and dancing.
Prelos are seasonal. They occur throughout the year
to some degree; however, during long winter nights there
is at least one every evening. During the summer, when
villagers work long, hard hours and retire early, prelos
are few.
A prelo provides the context for play and relaxation.
Sometimes it may be planned, as in the case of a guest,
or one might go na prelo when participating, for example,
in village wedding celebrations. But more often, it is
impromptu. Whenever a group of maidens gathers, one can
expect to hear songs. Women, in fact, encourage maidens
to sing, often suggesting specific songs. If a group of
males is present, a singing duel could take place in
which maidens and lads or young men tease each other. A
successful prelo is one that is well attended with much
singing-and dancing. Therefore, in order to insure a
good time, maidens often announce to the rest of the com-
munity that a prelo has begun by singing at an open win-
dow or in a court yard . As their song cuts the quiet dark-
ness, other villagers join them.
Singing may be heard in many other contexts. Coop-
erative work groups (moba), for example, might stop their
work, cluster together, and sing. Afterwards, they resume
31
their work. At the end of a long, hard day of cutting
hay on high mountain slopes , village males stop a t a speci-
fic place on the trail above the village and wait for oth-
ers to join them from "their respective meadows. After
they have assembled, they form lines according to their
singing ability: the best singers stand in front and the
more inferior singers behind. Then they continue into
the village together, singing as they go, until they reach
the center of the village, where they disperse.
During the summer months, all maidensfrom Planinica,
Ivica, Jazvenik, and Bilo Bucje are hired by the state
forestry division to plant trees in the area. This situ-
ation provides occasion for song. on normal working days
during lunch and rest breaks, the maidens cluster togeth-
er, face in a chosen direction--usually toward one of the
villages--and sing loudly. The entire population of po-
toci can hear them. In cases where several maidens are
working closely together, they may sing in unison as they
work, but more commonly they stop working and stand in a
group. In addition, these workers also sing a song be-
fore departing for their respective villages.
To sing before a group disperses is ritualized be-
havior. Whenever an activity of work or leisure has col-
lected a group of maidens or lads, it seldom, if ever,
breaks up without first singing a song together. Exam-
ples have already been given for tree planting and hay
cutting, but many more can be cited. When Muslim villag-
ers of the region return home from a fair together, they
stop at the point where the mountain tra il divides and
sing before going their separate ways.ll After an eve-
ning prelo, maidens often sing one last song before going
home. In this tradition, a newly married woman from
Planinica made her ritual first visit to her family after
marriage. Before she left that evening, for "old times
sake," she led the village maidens in song just as she
had done as a maiden for many years. This is the only
instance in which I observed a married woman lead a song
in public before males. However, the situation was very
special: she was in her natal village,amongfriends and
family who had always knowTI her. She used her native
daughter status in order to behave like a maiden just
this time without reproach. It was a nostalgic and emo-
tional performance for singers and audience alike.
Unlike labor done in cooperative work groups, daily
chores carried out by Ione individuals is reported as
boring. When one cleans house, makes bread, washes
32
clothes, spins wool, drives cattle to water, he or she
sings "so time 1;.;ill pass quickly." It is said that shep-
herd s , who spend day after day on lonely mountain mead-
ows, pass time singing and, consequently, have large song
repertoires. Likewise, it is explained that amaiden
weaving rugs sings a great deal because the work is slow,
boring and tedious. On the other hand, when several maid-
ens weave together, they also sing. According to villag-
ers, however, they sing in that situation because it
pleases them.
Spinning the tevsija is an old art tradition brought
to the Balkans by the Turks. 12 This flat copper pan,
which is approximately sixteen inches in diameter and re-
sembles a tray, is spun on its edge upon a sofra (a low
table) or wooden floor. The woman who spins it or, more
commonly, a second woman, who reclines on her side hold-
ing her head in one hand so as to be level with the pan,
sings loudly into the pan. Any songs may be sung, but,
in practice, they tend to be starinske pjesme, sung usu-
ally as a solo and on occasion as a duet. The pan re-
flects the voice, accompanying it with a constant whirl-
ing hum. The woman spinning the pan may also wear a ring
which adds an additional dimension when it hits the pan. 13
Today only a few women know the art of spinning the tev-
sija, and therefore it is not performed frequently. Dur-
ing a fifteen month period, the tevsija was spun at a
wedding prelo and once at my prompting. (See Appendix I,
Nos. 327 and 328.)
Like proverbs, song texts are commonly recited as
social commentary about current events. In response to a
remark about the beautiful weather, for example, a woman
recited a song which praises the beauty of her ow~ natal
village. (See Appendix I, No. 286.) When a girl com-
plained of a toothache, however, the mother recalled the
words of a song which did little to ease the child's pain
(see Appendix I, No. 124):
33
In another situation, village women were exchanging their
impressions about the new bride in the village when some-
one commented that she had only seen the bride from the
back. With the words of a traditional wedding song, one
woman reminded the others of the nuptial night. (See Ap-
pendix I, No. 343.)
On occasion, memorable events have inspired totally
new songs; two of these are still viable and credited to
their authors. One village lad was caught stealing
grapes while working in Vojvodina, and he sings a song
about it to this day. (See Appendix I, No. 350.) In an-
other case, a wedding party came for a village maiden,
who had led a lad to believe she would marry him. How-
ever, when the group arrived, she refused to go. This
occasion inspired another village maiden to improvise a
song about the event. (See Appendix I, No. 351.) Al-
though it is not usually sung, many still recite the
words, and do so with great amusement.
It would appear as though singing is appropriate on
almost any occasion. On the contrary, it would be highly
inappropriate and unacceptable at the time of a death.
According to the village eIders, singing and all forms of
merriment should cease for at least fifteen days to three
weeks, but today, they say, the silence seldom lasts for
more than two days. 14 Singing is also forbidden in the
mosque. Although some special prayers resemble village
song style, they are symbolically very different and not
regarded as songs.
34
rives, for example, the first act of a host or hostess is
to turn on the radio and then to see that coffee is pre-
pared. When a visiting son-in-1aw sits dow~ at the table
to eat, someone sits at his side to change records on the
phonograph. When a household head visits a friend in a
neighboring village, the phonograph and records are taken
to share. In each case, the effect is similar: conver-
sation is stif1ed and everyone stares at the wonderous
machine. Television is still one of the symbols of the
unobtainab1e. No one has yet introduced Planinicani to
the portable television set; whoever does, will cause a
another revolution.
The radio and phonograph have been principal instru-
ments of culture change, both directed and spontaneous.
By far the most popular programs are the news and folk-
music. P1anini~ani se1dom listen to anything else, and
it is important to note that they make a point of listen-
ing. Regardless, whether a household has a radio or not,
the broadcasting schedule of fo1kmusic is common knowl-
edge. When a program is particularly good, those with
radios put them in open windows so everyone can listen.
In 1968 fo1kmusic was still most popular. The fa-
vorites were Bosnian, Serbian and Macedonian, whereas
Dalmatian, Greek, A1banian and Turkish--a11 of which
were broadcast--were not enjoyed. At that time, a series
of Bosnian folkmusic programs consisting of field record-
ings made in villages of the adjacent valley, Skoplje
Polje, were broadcast. Every available radio in the vil-
lage was propped in open windows and the entire popula-
tion listened. For days the programs stimulated discus-
sions on the quality of the polyphony, the strength and
clarity of the voices, and the song texts. This series
of programs received much attention, and it would not be
surprising if new texts and sty1es were learned from
them.
Change, of course, can be stimulated by the content
of radio programs. Sevdalinke~ the urban love songs
heard on radio and record, are especially appreciated.
Some village maidens, who are eager to keep up with their
urban peers, attempt to sing this type of song. Over a
fifteen month period, the frequency of sevdalinke had in-
creased, and it is possible that the unison singing of
this type of song will replace the po1yphonic style of
the present.
Another example of the influence of radio was ob-
served as two women spun wool and sang a Macedonian song
35
along with the radio. But unlike the radio version and
contrary to their OwTI polyphonic tradition, they harmoni-
zed the parts softly. The style was similar to the songs
of old-times, the starinske pjesme that are so rarely
sung today. Because the women had heard the song so of-
ten on the radio, they knew the words, but were unsure of
the meaning because of the language difference.
Members of the older generation have noted a change
in singing since I-Torld I-Tar II. Although song content has
remained basically the same, the context has changed sig-
nificantly. Young people do not sing as much as they
used to. In the past, singing marked all activities.
Whenever maidens gathered--at the spring, on the path, in
the meadows--the entire village heard them. They sang
all the time. But today, according to a ninety year old
woman, the youth just "fools around." This criticism may
be just an expression of that proverbial generation gap,
but it is interesting that elderly informants seem to see
the change in terms of social degeneration rather than in
decline of song quality.
36
NOTES
37
6 0n1y songs of a similar type are included in a 1908
publication by Milan Beš1i.ć, "Bugojno i okolina" [Bugoj-
no and the Surrounding Area], školski vjesnik3 Vol. XV:
436-440. In contrast to Planinica, the youth in nearby
Catho1ic villages is more familiar with this type of song
and performs it.
38
",.
13 For an example of a tevsija performance by women
from Gacko, Hercegovina recorded in 1951, see "Yugoslav
Folk Music," in the Columbia LP (KL-217) series World
Library of Folk and Primitive Music~ Vol. XV, edited by
Alan Lomax. Also see Appendix III, Nos. 24-28 for re-
corded performances in Planinica.
39
IV
Protiv momaka
40
TABLE I
Song types in the order of their numerical prevalence.
Contents Informants
No. Female Male
Songs Directed Against a Social Group 92
Against lads (protiv momaka) 49 49
Against maidens (protiv cura) 17 17
Against men (protiv ~judi) 2 2
Against spouses (protiv žena i muževa) 9 3 6
Against rivals (protiv suparnica) 15 15
Courtship 66
Social Relationships within Households 31
Husband's mother (svekrva) 23 22 l
Husband's father (svekar) l l
Husband's parents l l
Husband's brothers' wives (jetrve) 3 3
Wife's mother & father (punica i punac) 3 l 2
Unrequited Love 28 23 5
Marriage 28 28
Obscene (Bezobrazne pjesme) 25
About maidens 21 21
About men 2 2
About wives 2 2
Villages & Their Inhabitants 18
Other villages 14 14
Ov,n village 4 4
Work 13
Beekeeping 5 5
Herd ing 4 3 l
Hay cutting 2 2
Weaving 2 2
LulIabies 8 8
1..Jedding 7 5 2
Miscellaneous 38
41
Naši momci kao mršavi konji~
Sad će doći Italijani po njih.
Our lads are like skinny horses,
Now the Italians will come for them.
42
use even when working in the fields if maidens are pre-
sent.
This last song heaps insu1t upon injury. Not on~y is the
lad rejected; he also is to1d that he is not good enough.
Peasants, especially from remote villages, are re-
garded as stupid and backward by tow~speop1e, often them-
selves newly resett1ed from villages. Young vi11agers
are sensitive to these negative views; therefore, when
they go to tow~, they attempt to look as urban as possi-
ble. Maidens pull up their dimije to the length of ur-
ban dresses, and 1ads wear slacks or suits. Hhen they
reach the out skirts of tow~, they replace their rubber
boots or opanci (a traditional low slipper) with shoes.
Maidens use these exoteric views to express criticism of
1ads with urban pretensions or, conversely, of 1ads who
fu1fi11 the stereotype. 1
43
Moj dragane~ glupavi seljače~
Hajde kući pa izpeglaj lače.
Hy beloved, stupid villager ,
Go home and press creases in your pants.
Protiv cura
44
In songs performed by lads, of course, they have the
upper hand, unless, as in the following example, the maid-
ens respond to the challenge and engage in verbal duel-
ing. This song questions the morals of maidens:
45
My little one, skinny as a calf,
It is prophesized that you will never marry.
Protiv Suparnica
46
also may have two or more boyfriends. Unlike maidens,
however, lads usually do not sing about their rivals.
The following are samples of the kinds of songs maidens
sing:
I saw my rival,
My eyes are worth more than all of her.
Suparnica~ ja te se ne bojim~
Ti si krem od cipela mojih.
Rival, I am not afraid of you,
You are the shoe polish of my shoes.
47
morals, they, in fact, do not engage in premarital sex.
These songs may function to tease or express wishful
thinking, but the message warns about being socially de-
viant.
Bezobrazne Pjesme
48
However, it would have been more proper to have ignored
the males altogether.
Most of the songs in this category are sung by lads
and young men about maidens. Although women and maidens
also know many such songs, they are restricted by social
mores from public performance. On one particular occa-
sion at my prompting, the females of a household enter-
tained each other by reciting obscene songs. After each
one, they broke into gales of laughter and tried to bet-
ter the previous. Many of the songs are usually sung by
men about maidens.
49
including those of Yugoslavia. Bartok and Lord, for ex-
ample, present only one song of this nature, and other
collectors usually ignore them comp1ete1y.4 This sample
contains a larger number of maidens' songs in opposition
to males, i.e., songs of the protiv type, than maidens'
obscene songs. On the other hand, there are more obscene
songs in the sample from men and lads,or attributed to
them, than from women or maidens. The reason may be that
while men reinforce their dominance through sex or threat
of sex, females reject male superiority and dominance by
ridiculing and insu1ting them. It is socially acceptable
for fema1es to "put-dov."TI" ma1es with songs; however, only
improper maidens would dare to sing a vu1gar song in a
similar situation.
There are very few cases of premarital sex involving
maidens from Planinica. On the basis of a study conduct-
ed in 1930, it has been suggested that sexual songs are
a substitute for intimate contacts and over step culture
barriers by expressing desires which could not be ex-
pressed in speech. 5 Generally in song and other verbal
folklore, there is greater license to communicate what
could not or should not be expressed in conversation.
However, the message in these examples is not sexual de-
sire. Quite the contrary, these songs utilize sex hos-
tile1y, aggressively and derogatori1y.6
Whatever other messages maybe in these songs, sub-
ordination on the basis of sex is one of the most domi-
nant. Lines that refer to "my sledge hammer shot" (No.
257), "my gun aims" (No. 252), and "I. .. drive my jeep"
(No. 246) may be metaphors for sexual organs, but they
are also weapons. Even when females 1augh, they do not
experience the songs in the same way as males; females
objectivize these songs.
This small but uncensored corpus of bezobrazn~ pjes-
me denigrates females and expresses male superordination.
Because society condemns maidens who use obscene songs to
"put-dov."TI" males, males benefit from the status quo which
keeps females in their place. The entire context of this
song performance functions to perpetuate the power struc-
ture.
Courtship
50
lage. Dancing and singing become a means of interaction
and expression when maidens and 1ads can look, flirt and
tease each other. Members of the opposite sex become an
important focus as this maiden's song verifies:
51
While l am a maiden all the lads are mine,
When l am married, there will only be one.
52
him a shirt. Such gestures usually secure the bond be-
tween them.
53
times a brother and sister. Seldom does a wife get mail,
especially when she is part of an extended household.
Letters also are exchanged between boyfriends and girl-
friends. Thus, it is not surprising that letters are a
common motif in song:
Unrequited Love
54
Umri~ mala~ i ja ću umreti~
Kad se nama ne daju uzeti.
Die, little one, and I will die also,
When our families will not let us marry.
55
Similar songs are perfoTmed about every village
~lieremarriageable males live and, therefore, in which it
is possible to marry. Many of the songs are unfavorable
like those about Ivica or the following one about Porić,
a village in the valley, Skoplj e Polj e: 10
Da mi se je udati u Poriće~
Nosila bih kočku i piliće.
Oh, if I were to marry into Poric,
I would bring a hen and chicks with me.
56
not as common as those about outsiders. 12 One of the few
songs about Planinica compares it with Sarajevo, where
the singer, in fact, had never been:
Marriage
57
Marriage is the only traditional avenue to respect and
adulthood; a village girl has no other options. Linguis-
tically , "woman" (žena) signifies a much broader social
category than just a married female. Concurrent with it
is a new status and conformation to social expectations.
The term for maiden (cura) signifies an intermediary so-
cial position between child (dite) and adult (žena). Al-
though a maiden has low status, an old maid (stara cura)
has even lower status. Marriage, then, is an important
rite of passage to adulthood and respect.
Maidens accept the inevitable as their fate; nonethe-
less, they are anxious about what awaits them:
58
I begin to cry and mother asks, "What's w'rong?",
My marriage has come closer.
59
When a maiden finally elopes, she invariably incurs
the anger of her mother. According to song, the maiden
confers with her mother qefore marriage:
60
The social implications of marriage, as well as the
attitudes and anxieties associated with it, are well re~
presented in song. Maidens' lives change drastica11y be~
cause marriage not only removes them from their families,
but also from the familiar environment of their nata1 vi1~
lages. The unknow~ confronting them causes much anxiety
about impending social relationships and is communicated
in songs about in~laws and about their new status and re~
sponsibilities .
Svekrva
A maiden's anxiety about marriage is due, for the
most part, to anticipated social relationships within her
new household. This anxiety is expressed, reinforced and
perpetuated in traditional songs by unmarried fema1es,
whose expressed sentiments are not toward a particular
individual, but rather toward the general social category
of mother~in-1aw (svekrva). The songs range in sentiment
from rejection of the mother-in-1aw to a desire for her
death.
In a study conducted before World War II, Bosnian
Muslim women expressed what marriage meant to them: 14
61
Songs insu1t the mother~in~law, defy her authority
and threaten action against her. Insu1ts begin with the
d im inu t ive form of mother~in-1aw as a term of address
(svekrvice). Although this term is a poetic form and is
not used in everyday discourse, it is, nonetheless, sar-
castic and disrespectfu1 in the context of song perform-
ance. It is best translated as "mom-in-1aw" or "mommy-
in-law." Her position in the household, however, demands
more respect than this term expresses.
Rather than depict a properly submissive daughter-
in-law, songs exacerbate insu1ts by also defying the au-o
thority of the mother-in-1aw:
62
Unlike the songs of hatred, insult, and defiance,
the mother-in-law is the topic of another group of songs
that express a different dimension of concern, namely re-
ciprocity in this antagonistic relationship with the
daughter-in-law:
Svekrva me ne begenisala~
šta sam nakarmenisala.
My mother-in-law did not approve of me,
Because my cheeks were rouged.
Svekar
The husband's father (svekar) is not the subject of
many songs. As the patriarch, respect is shown him by all
members of the household; however, the daughters-in-law
63
--'-~'-Jr--
have little contact with him. Because the women of the
household are directly responsible to the svekrva and
have more contact with her, she figures more prominently
in songs. Only one song about the husband's father is in
the collection. (See Appendix I, No. 180.) Another about
both in-laws together was also recorded, but the express-
ed sentiment to get rid of him may be due to association
with the mother-in-law. (See Appendix I, No. 181.)
Jetrve
The relationship between wives of brothers (jetrve)
is very important. The division of labor and the struc-
ture of the household mean more contact with each other
than with one's ow~ husband. However, principal bonding
within households is not provided by marriage but along
blood lines, and since these women are linked only
through marriage, they often lack loyalties to each other.
Instead, they vie with one another for the attention and
favors of the mother-in-law. Each wants more for her ow~
children and rivalry often develops. Despite the reali-
zation that an extended family household is more effici.,..
ent and economical, large households do break up into
nuclear family units. It is popularly believed that the
discord between sisters-in-law is the cause, which is corn-
. t e d, ·lf not verl·f·led
munlca , ·ln song: 15
Udat ĆU se .. udati ja što ću?
Gdje ja do dj em.. rastavit ĆU braću.
64
I'll marry, of course I will, for what else
is there?
Where I go, I will separate brothers.
65
songs. When the ma id en becomes a bride, she no longer
performs them because she is now restricted by specific
behavioral norms of her new role as a woman.
Wedding Songs
~1uslim wedding customs have changed drastically
since World War II. In the older tradition of arranged
marriage between families, a large wedding party (svat-
ovi) composed mostly of men from the groom's village
went to fetch the bride from her village, singing the en-
tire way. Singing, dancing, feasting and merriment con-
tinued at the bride's home for many hours. When the wed-
ding party left for the groom's village, maidens of the
bride's village sang:
66
Are you sorry that we are part ing?
We are apart, we do not meet,
May God kill who separated us!
Through his bones penetrating grass,
And through his mouth dense bitter grass,
Through his jaws nettle stings.
67
to visit and to see the bride, who usually sat quietly
with the female guests.
In the evenings at. such celebrations, songs and danc-
es are performed by young men, lads and maidens in one
room and by women in another room with the bride. Wed-
dings provide women with a rare opportunity to sing and
dance. On such occasions, they literally perform every-
thing they know, collectively and as individuals. Away
from the men, in a room closed off from others, they per-
form a repertoire not well-knov."TI by maidens. "Kuna,"
for example, is performed specifically at weddings; al-
though it could be performed at other times, it seldom
is. (See Appendix I, No. 297 and Appendix III, No. 29.)
This dance and song are widespread throughout western
Bosnia among Muslims and Christians. 18 The name is deriv-
ed from the verb skunjiti se (to be depressed, to brood),
and the song details the concerns of a maiden who pre-
tends to worry that her suitor seeks a large dov.~y.
For young people, activities vary only slightly from
ordinary preZos; they do not perform special songs or
dances at this time. On the other hand, the young mar-
ried men play special roles during the wedding celebra-
tion. One evening at a preZo during the celebration in
point, two men, one dressed as a woman, performed an im-
promptu skit with explicit sexual meaning. The "woman"
acted naive and inexperienced, while the male gestured,
grabbed for her body and used suggestive language. With
the exception of the elderly, everyone watched, respond-
ing with prompting, comments and laughter. Even married
women came out from their closed room to participate in
the fun.
Another activity dominated specifically by young men
took place on the sixth and most important evening. While
the heads of households feasted with the groom's father,
a pack of young men and older lads roamed the village
paths and court yard s looking for people from whom they
demanded money and for maidens whom they threatened to
kidnap unless money was paid for them. The behavior of
these vukovi (wolves) was raućbus. Ih response, maidens
giggled, screarned with delight, and scattered hysterical-
ly.
The wolves also entered the groom's house, where the
guests still sat after the wedding feast, and engaged in
various scenarios. One wolf pretended to be dead, while
the others collected money from the guests to buy linens
to bury him. They also staged an argument over which
68
part of the stove each ow~ed. The father of the groom
settled the situation by "buying" the stove. Then the
wolves left the house to dance a silent dance in the court-
yard. They re-entered and sang in front of the door of
the bride and groom until the groom appeared to give them
money and cake. (See the following song.) The groom's
family also gave them a pan of cake, which they then had
to buy back.
It is on the sixth day that this marriage was con sum-
mated, and the evening festivities ended early. Having
dispensed with the wolves, the groom once again disappear-
ed into the room only to be sung to by a group of women
and maidens. Their song was the same as that of the
wolves:
As with the wolves, the groom came to the door and bribed
the females with sweets to go away. Again in the morning
a group of maidens and women woke the couple with a song
that presents an imaginary dialogue with the bride:
This time the bride passed out sweets. Money and small
gif ts were also left under the mattress for the girls who
69
straightened up the room. The song predicted the day's
activities. Relatives of the groom arrived from long
distances with gif ts, and in return they received gif ts
from the bride's trousseau, e.g., shirts, scarves, stock-
ings, handkerchiefs. l9 In addition to the groom's kin,
friends and relatives of other househoids also visited
the village for the last day of feasting, singing, danc~
ing and foot rac ing. On this last day, the pir>, everyone~
celebrated the occasion.
Although it is not the aim of this study to examine
these songs as poetry, it is interesting that the wedding
songs are similar to those of other groups in Yugoslavia .20
One sees para11e1s in nature-human associations, for ex-
ample, when the groom's pursuit of the bride is compared
to a bird's flight and fading flowers is allegorical for
the bride's loss of virginity. These ritual songs are
obviously older examples of tradition than are the lyric
songs performed in an everyday context. The performance
of each song marks an important stage of the ritual, and
the words are prescribed by the act. Thus, we find these
songs performed during the bride's departure from her na-
tal village, her journey to the groom's village, her en-
trance into her new home, and before and after consumma-
tion of the union. The words themselves are sexual, ex-
p1icitly or implicitly in metaphor. In general, the sex-
ual nature of the performances predominates the celebra-
tion.
LuUabies
Both Christians and Muslims of the area recognize
only one traditional 1ullaby melody, the rhythm of which
is set by the rocking crad1e. Different words, however,
are sung to this melody.
Lila~ Ula~
Lila~ lila svoga mala sina.
Ja ga Ulam~
Ja ga lilam svom pjevom.
Pivala mu~
Pivala mu pismu bešiku.
Rock, rock,
Rock, rock my OwTI little song.
I rock him,
I rock him with my song.
70
I sang to him,
I sang to him alullaby.
71
A shepherd plays the trube that he made. (photo by
WiZZiam G. Lockwood)
72
Hay cutting season is a very popular time of the
year. Despite the hard work, it is also a social event.
Men and youth from the village, and beyond, are invited
by specific households to assist in the hay cutting,
while maidens and women rake and stack the hay. This is
one of the few times that males and females closely share
work and, as a result, one hears gossip about extramari-
tal affairs. on song describes flirtation in this con-
text:
73
--'--~~--,- -
about love and friendship are more often performed at the
loom, behind the hoe, and over the wash. On the other
hand, songs about work are more apt to appear while danc~
ing or singing during leisure. An exception are beehiv-
ing songs.
Songs performed during beehiving activities are ex-
ceptional from other songs that deal with a work theme.
More than any other kind of animal husbandry, the process
of beekeeping, and especially beehiving, requires parti-
cipation in the traditions of special magical practices
and in ritual behavior.
An important component to successful beekeeping is
song. Traditionally, the beekeeper is a woman; she cares
for the bees, extracts their products, and performs sea-
sona 1 rituals during hiving. The night before bees break
away to form a new hive, the beekeeper hears the queens
"sing" to one another: the first queen sings "put, puut,
puut" (to the road, to the rooad, to the rooad); the sec-
ond sings "kada, kaada, kaada" (when, when, when); the
third remains silent. On one particular occasion, the
beekeeper was away when the queens sang; consequently,
she was not prepared for their departure from the hive.
When she saw them flying toward the forest, she ran ahead
to a cornfield. There she squatted and banged two rocks
together in a steady rhythm as she sang, encouraging them
to swarm:
74
While holding a hive under swarming bees in a tree, the
beekeeper urges the bees into her hive by singing "Drop
toward the ground, mother •... " (Photo by WiUiam G.
Loc7o»ood)
75
Interspersed with these songs, she repeated short rlslng
whistles. Finally, the bees swarmed on a fru'it tree.
Next, the beekeepe+ prepared an empty hive by rub~
bing the opening with a special leaf, called bee's grass,
which she said attract s bees, and spink1ed the interior
with a mixture of milk and honey. While someone else
shook the tree, the beekeeper held the empty hive under
it and sang:
Bees dropped into the hive and onto the ground. The hive
was turned right side up on a board, and the bottom was
propped up with rocks to allow bees to enter. The bee~
keeper gently brushed bees into the hive with a twig as
she sang:
u kući" majko"
U kući" seko"
U kući" drage"
U kući" ljube.
Into the house, mother,
Into the house, sister,
Into the house, dears,
Into the house, sweet anes.
Children' s Songs
Ivičani repati~
Sutra ćete krepati.
Teško Y'Uci~
Koja će vas vući.
Teško lopati~
Koja će Vas kopati.
77
Ivicani tails,
Tomorrow you will die.
It's difficu1t for the hand,
That will drag you away.
It's difficu1t for the shQve1,
That will bury you.
Dance Songs
Dancing like singing is an important form of social
interaction. Several dances are associated with a speci-
fic melody ("Biranje kolo") or specific song verses ("Zec-
ko kolo" and "Kozaračko kolo"). These are simple circle
dances in which participants join hands and walk in a
counterc1ockwise direction as they sing. Although ma1es
and fema1es group together by gender, 1ads at one end and
maidens at the other, the individuals who link the two
segments together are fictive or consanquinea1 kin and not
potential spouses.
"Biranje kolo," which means a dance in which partners
are chosen, is performed by all 1ads and maidens of Potoci
and much of Skoplje Polje. In general, kolo danced to
songs is slow moving without much interaction between par-
ticipants. "Biranje," on the other hand, is like a game
in which an individual in the center of the circle is en-
couraged by the dancers' song to choose someone to join
her or him. Partners in this dance are also often linked
by residence or marriage, although occasionally boyfriends
and girlfriends are chosen, despite teasing from others.
(See Appendix I, No. 337 for an example of "Biranje" re-
corded at a prelo and Appendix III, Nos. 10-11 for the
musical transcription.) (
78
came out o~ the Partisan movement and a version is o~ten
taught in school. In Planinica only some of the original
verse$, which appear at the beginning of the song, are
still sung; the remainder of the dance song consists of
verses that may be sung to other melodies as well. (See
Appendix III, No. 18 for a musical transcription.)
79
NOTES
5Er1ich, p. 145.
8Vucinich, p. 90.
80
9 The same curse was recorded in Romanian folksong.
See Bela Bartok, Rumanian Folk Music, 3 Vo1s. (The Hague:
Martinus Nijhoff, 1967), p. xci.
14 Erlich, p. 229.
81
XV-XVI (1961):203-219.
82
Maidens singing at an evening pre to. Note the hand posi-
tion of the lead singer. (photo by wittiam G. Lockwood)
83
Weaving is more enjoyable when the work is shared. Women
and maidens visit the weavers daily, but singing also
helps to pass time. Here, the maidens are between songs.
(Photo by William G. Lockwood)
84
While sewing her son's shirt, a mother sings softly and
rocks a cradle with her foot. (Photo by WiZZiam G.
Lockwood)
85
Village women, maidens and children gather ed to witness
the spinning of the tevsija which occurred for the bene-
fit of the author. Today, this art is becoming rare in
this area of Bosnia. Here, the performers are women;
the singer directs her song toward the whirling tevsija.
(Photo by William G. Lockwood)
86
Maidens dance in a meadow at the edge of the village dur-
ing an annual village celebration which friends and re-
latives from elsewhere attend. (Photo by WiZZiam G.
Lockwood)
87
During an annual village celebration, rnaidens stro 11 the
village paths to see and to be seen. (Photo by William
G. Lockwood)
88
v
CONCLUSION
89
.-------.-~--- ..
How.ever. premarital relations are rare since such action
would limit a maiden's choice of a husband; only lads re~
garded as less desirable, older divorcees, or widowers
would consider her for a wife. Visits of this kind are
often precursors to elopement. Consequently, many a maid-
en's brother has been said to attempt to prevent such vis-
its by physical force; thus, they are kept secret.
Gender unity is reinforced when songs of a ridicul-
ing, insulting and obscene nature are performed. Maidens,
for example, are socially restricted from publically sing-
ing obscene songs; women are even more restricted. Con-
sequently, females sing such songs for each other only in
absolute privacy from males. In such instances, the songs
are entertainment; this is their intent. Males, on the
other hand, intend obscene songs for other purposes also.
They usually sing such songs, most of which are about
maidens, when maidens are present. Their songs are not
erotic; rather, they are degrading and exploitative. The
songs emphasize male power and superordination which is
stressed even more by the fact that the females cannot re-
spond in kind. Instead, they must resort to songs which
insult male pride and masculinity since only such retali-
ation is socially acceptable. Despite a lack of shock
effect, however, maidens' songs put males in their place
and reject their dominance. Here, of course, song is
wishful; males are, nonetheless~ dominant.
The performance of other songs functions to reinforce
solidarity of Planinicani, in general, vis~~-vis others.
Villages of Potoci are regarded as backward and isolated
by the lowland population of Skoplje Polje. In reaction
to such stereotyping, Planinicani proudly defend their
village. They do not have electricity nor a road, but
they have features lowlanders lack, e.g., their village
is believed to have the best water and fresh mountain air.
However, these qualities are only implicit in their songs.
The singers praise Planinica by critic iz ing other villages
and villagers; their standard for comparison is Planinica.
Water is more accessible, unlike in other mountain com-
munities; mountainsideP1i:ii:iliiTca is never clogged with
knee-high mud as are the villages in the valley; Planinica
is self-sufficient, unlike the lowland villages which de-
pend on the nearby market town. Planinicani form a front
against their critics in songs.
Just as the act of singing strengthens the unity of
a group, refusal to sing suggests the lack of unity. In
Potoci, for example, Muslim and Catholic maidens plant
90
trees together for the state forestry. Singing can be
heard throughout the day, but the Catholic maidens, who
are in the minority, do not participate. It is not that
the words are strange to them; quite the contrary, they
sing many of the same songs with slight variation (see
Appendix II). Rather, these youth live in ethnically
homogeneous villages and do not have opportunities to
associate with each other, unlike in mixed villages. Con-
sequently, the cultural barriers, perpetuated by lack of
contact, prohibit shared song performance. Clearly, sing-
ing together and, more important, expressing the same
sentiments, is a sign of groupness; refusal to partici-
pate is also evidence of this fact.
Song performance is both a sign and mechanism that
links generations of Planinicani in a process of cultural
continuity. Children observe and imitate, while youth,
encouraged by adu1ts, perform. Thus, tradition is trans-
mitted and perpetuated. Much of the excitement of per-
formance depends on the composition of the audience;
songs directed against males can be performed without the
presence of 1ads, but it is more fun when they are there.
The audience shares the energy and vitality of such per-
formances, which may be shocking or merely satisfyingly
appropriate, but always enjoyable. However, it shouldbe
stressed that song performance is as much auto-communic-
tive as allo-communicative. In fact, the performers of
songs' messages are often their most significant receiv-
ers, for example, songs about the mother-in-law. An out-
side audience also influences the degree to which songs
are improvised. Singers manipulate the context to their
benefit and rework song texts to address specific issues,
depending on the audience and the dynamics of the situ-
ation. It should be understood, however, that most songs
are about a social category or status rather than about a
specific individual.
The social implications of a song performed by fe-
males are different from those of the same song performed
by males. The meaning and function depend on the total
context of the performance. The act of singing reinforc-
es the bond between females both horizontally and genera-
tionally; the song itself becomes a medium of communica-
tion, as well as a sign of social position. Singing is
especially important because of social and cultural re-
strictions on fema1es. Song is one of the few sanctioned
expressive outlets available to females.
91
Moje srce vene kad ne pJeva3
K'o karanfiZ kad se ne zaZJeva.
My heart withers when it doesn't sing,
Like a carnation when it isn't watered.
92
BIBLIOGRAPHY
93
Erlich, Vera. Family in Transition. Princeton: Prince-
ton University Press, 1966.
94
Kajmakovic, Radmila. "Etnološka i folkloristička ispiti-
vanja u livanjskom polju: zenidba običaji" [Ethnolog-
ical and Folkloristic Investigations on the Livno
Plain: Wedding Customs]. Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja
u Sarajevu~ XV-XVI (1961):203-219.
Karadžic, Vuk Stefanovic. Crven han [The Red Governor].
Edited by Blagoje Jastrebic. Beograd: Prosveta, 1980.
96
Parry, Milman and Albert B. Lord. Serbocroatian Heroic
Songs. 4 vo1s. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Universi-
ty Press, 1953-1974.
07
Songs]. Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu~ XVII
(1962):199-225.
1 f'l1
Informant o: Female. Age 33, married, nonliterate. Born
in Karadza (Glavice) and married into Plani-
nica in- 1965. In the same household as Iu-
formants e, K, N, S, V.
Informant P: Male. Settled Gypsy, age 45, married, re-
sident of Gornji Vakuf, literate.
Informant Q: Male. Age 49, married, head of household,
nonliterate. In the same housho.1d as In-
formants D and T.
Informant R: Male. Age 27, divorced, nonliterate.
Informant S: Female. Age 28, married, nonliterate. In
the same household as Informants e, K, N,
O, V.
Informant T: Female. Age 13, nonliterate. In the same
household as Informants D and Q.•
Informant U: Female. Age ll, a second grader. In the
same household as Informant W.
Informant V: Male. Age 10, a second grader. In the
same household as Informants e ,.K, N, O, S.
Informant W: Female. Age 34, married, nonliterate.
Born in Grnica and now in same household as
Informant U.
Informant X: Female. Age 60, widow, head of household,
nonliterate. Born in Pavice and now in
same household as Infor:mants E and I.
Informant Y: Female. Age 43, married, nonliterate.
Born in Jagnid.
SONGS OF OPPOSITION
Protiv momakal
,.
I will not marry a lad who curses God,
But I will marry one who honors Him.
41. U mog dragog sahatić na ruci~
Prodaj sahat pa majku obuci. (Informant ej
My dear one has a w~istwatch,
Sell your watch, buy your mother something to wear.~
42. Kosa moja pala nad očima~
Prkosila potočkim momcima. (Informant BJ
My hair fell over my eyes,
It is obstinate like the Potoci lads.
43. Planiničani~ alaj ste u strani~
U tebe su momci k'o hajvani. (Informants ej
Planinicani, you are isolated and backward,
Your lads are like animals.
44. Vidi momaka iz dva iz tri sela~
A iz moga~ nema ne jednoga. (Informant ej
See the lads from two, from three villages,
But from mine, there isn't one. 13
45. Planinica~ ispod tebe Doci~
Najgore su u tebe sad momci. (Informant ej
Planinica, below you [in the valley] is Dolac,
The very worst right now are your lads.
46. Po čemu možeš poznati budalu?
Zimi šešir a ljeti šubaru. (Informant BJ
How can you recognize an idiot?
In the winter he wears a brimmed hat, in the summer,
a fur cap.14
47. Moj dragane~ jesi ili nisi~
Okreni se da vidim čiji si. (Informant ej
Protiv cura 16
1 "n
Open your mouth, little one, so I can see you molars,
How much older you are than mother.
54. Prodaj~ majko~ i kravu i tele~
Pa mi kupi cipelice hele. (Informant G)
Mother, sell the cow and ca1f,
And buy me white shoes. 2o
55. Garavuša~ šteta što si mala~
Uzeo hih te na jesen hez para. (Informant I)
Dark eyes, what a shame you are small,
I would marry you in the fall without money. 21
56. Svaka hi se curica udala~
Da joj nije ispod nosa hala. (Informant J)
Every little girl would get married,
If snot were not under her nose.
57. Moja mala mršava k'o tele~
Nikad ti se udati ne vele. (Informant K)
My little one, skinny like a ca1f,
It is prophesied that you will never marry.
58. Oj djevojko~ zubi ti se hijele~
K'o u moje krepane kohile. (Informant L)
Oh, maiden, your teeth are white,
Like those of my dead mare. 22
59. Oženi se i dovede iz Srema~
Pa mi ne zna ni ručka da sprema. (Informant G)
He marries and brings her from Srem,
And she doesn't even know how to prepare 1unch. 23
60. Oženi se i dovede iz Broda~
Prvo jutro ne može da hoda. (Informant G)
111
There is no lipstick left in Bugojno,
That 1s difficu1t for a maiden not good 100king. 28
Protiv covjeka
Protiv suparnica
1 1 I.
Rival, if you have some money,
My old sweetheart is for sale.
88. Suparnica~ suparnice nismo~
Ti si moje pročitaLa pismo~
PročitaLa što ti hona piše~
Da Bog da ga ne dohiLa više. {Informa:nt BJ
Rival, we are not rivals,
You read my letter,
I read what my dear one writes to you,
God grant that you don't receive anymore.
89. U što si se dragi zagLedao?
U inoču mršava k'o dJavot? {Informant BJ
What did you look at, dear?
At my rival who is thin as the devil?
90. U što si se~ dragi~ zagLedao?
U inoču čupava k'o djavoL? {Informant ej
What did you look at, dear?
At my rival who is unkempt like the devil?
91. Imam hLuzu~ nevaLja mi krojaLa~
KrojaLa je suparnica moja. {Informants e~ NJ
I have a b1ouse, the pattern is no good,
My rival sty1ed it. 33
92. Inočice~ ja ti fine hLuze~
Fina kroja~ samo da je tvoja. {Informa:nt DJ
Dear rival, you have a fine b1ouse,
A fine pattern, too bad it isn't yours.
COURTS HIP
Protiv čovjeka
Protiv suparnica
, 1 /.
Rival, if you have some money,
My old sweetheart is for sale.
88. Suparnica~ suparnice nismo~
Ti si moje pročitaZa pismo~
Pročita Za što ti bona piše~
Da Bog da ga ne dobUa više. (Informant BJ
Rival, we are not rivals,
You read my letter,
I read what my dear one writes to you,
God grant that you don't receive anymore.
89. U što si se dragi zagZedao?
U inoču mršava k/o djavoZ? {Informant BJ
What did you look at, dear?
At my rival who is thin as the devil?
90. U što si se~ dragi~ zagZedao?
U inoču čupava k/o djavoZ? {Informant ej
What did you look at, dear?
At my rival who is unkempt like the devil?
91. Imam bZuzu~ nevaZja mi krojaZa~
K:i>ojaZa je suparnica moja. (Informants e~ NJ
I have a b1ouse, the pattern is no good,
My rival sty1ed it. 33
92. Inočice~ ja ti fine bZuze~
Fina kroja~ samo da je tvoja. (Informant DJ
Dear rival, you have a fine b1ouse,
A fine pattern, too bad it isn't yours.
COURTSHIP
l?i
,',
149. CU('e naše, gdje su vaše momci?
Moj bi došao samo je u vojsci. {Informant BJ
Maidens, where are your boyfriends?
Mine would haye come, but he is in the army.
150. Kažu meni~ "Udaj se i ti~"
Dragi vojnik~ pa mi se ne hiti. {Informant BJ
They tell me, "You get married too,"
Dear soldier, I'm in no hurry.
151. Kad se sjetim što je vojnik rek'o~
Mila majko~ ko ga ne bi ček'o? {Informant BJ
When I remember what the soldier said,
Dear mother, who wou1dn't wait for him?
152. Oj vojniku~ pošalji mi sliku~
Pa da vidim kakog čekam diku. {Informant BJ
Oh, soldier, send me a picture,
So I can see what kind of sweetheart I lm waiting for.
153. Piši~ dragi~ ne žali olovke~
Ni papira za svoje djevojke. {Informant CJ
Write, dear, don't spare the pencil,
Nor the paper for your gir1friends. 54
154. Piši~ dragi~ ne žali olovke~
Ako nećeš~ ja ću varat' momke. {Informant BJ
Write, dear, donlt spare the pencil,
If you donlt, 1'11 lead others on.
155. Ja kod kuće a dragi u svijetu~
Piši meni iz armije~ diko~
Meni amo ne zanima niko. {Informant AJ
I'm at home and my loved one .is out in the world,
Write to me from the army, love,
No one interests me here.
156. Ataj imam u armiji vraga~
Uvijek piše~ "Ne ašikuj ~ draga."
A ja njemu napisala pismo~
"Moj dragane~ vjenčati se nismo." (Informant AJ
1 ., /.
I have a little deyi1 in the army.
He always writes, "DonIt :l;'lirt, dear."
But I wrote him a letter,
"My be1oyed, we are not married.' l
Svekrva
l?h
My beloved, I saw your mother,
She carries a sack and is like a Gyp~y.
1 ?7
I have a lovely mother-in-law,
I'll photograph her in the forest in an oak tree.
179. Svekrvice~ našla sam ti zgodu~
ČuEiću te čuprije u vodu. (Informant ej
Mother-in-law, I found a place for you,
I'll push you from the bridge into the water. 62
Svekar
Jetrve
UNREQUITED LOVE
1')0
All sweetheart s are here but two,
Your red rose and mine. 69
192. Pismo moje pZivaio po mo~u~
VratUo se nije našw ZoZu. (Informant DJ
My letter floated about the sea,
It returned, it did not find my sweetheart.
193. Moj je dragi hio pa nema ga~
Srce moje ne zaboravZja ga. {Informant DJ
My love was here but now he is gone,
My heart does not for get him.
194. AZaj moja od Travnika huZa~
Tri godina za me nije čuZa. {Informant HJ
Ah, my woman from Travnik,
She hasn't heard from me for three years.
195. Moj dragane~ jabuka najsZadja~
Dušo moje~ ko zi nas zavadja? {Informant EJ
My beloved, sweetest apple,
Sweetheart, who is separating us?
196. Kosa moja paZa je na čeZo~
Moj dragane~ zavadja nas seZo. {Informant EJ
My hair falls ont o my forehead,
My beloved, the village is separating us.
197. Sjedi~ dragi~ pa jednu zapaZi~
Nemoj žaZit što smo rastaZi. {Informant EJ
Sit down, love, and light a cigaret te,
Don't feel sorry that we separated.
198. Koga sam ja voZiZa najhoZje~
I on mi je izaš'o iz voZje. (Informant EJ
He whom I loved best,
I no longer love.
199. Oženio se ko je mene zvao~
Nije sudjen i nije mi ga žao. {Informant EJ
He who asked for me is married,
It wasn't fated and I don't feel sorry.
1 ':11
208. Srce mi se zavilo u rane~
K/o jabuka u zelene grane. {Informant DJ
My heart is wrapped in wounds,
Like an apple in green branches.
209. Ja zaplakam za plavim sudarum~
Kažu meni za starim sevdahom. (Informant BJ
I cry for a blue scarf,
They tell me I cry for an old love.
210. Moj dragane" moja mila nada~
Za te se osuši ~rce moje mlado. {Informant DJ
My beloved, my dear hope,
My young heart is withering for you.
211. Moj dragane ~ kad susretnemo "
Sakrij oči da ne zaplačemo. {Informant BJ
My beloved, when we meet each other,
Cover your eyes so we don't begin to cry.
212. Nedu momka" volim oženjena"
Čekat du ga dok mu umre žena. {Informant AJ
I will not marry alad, I love a married man,
I will wait for him until his wife dies.
213. Od ljubavi ne umire niko"
Od nas dvoje mora jedno diko. {Informant FJ
No one dies from love,
But one of us, dear, must.
214. umri" dragi" nek te zakopaju.
Mi demo se vjenčati u raju"
Kad nam vamo dušmani ne daju. {Informant FJ
Die, dearest, let them bury you.
We will marry in heaven,
When our enemies won't allow us to marry here.
215. Umri" mala" i ja du umreti"
Kad se nama ne daju uzeti. {Informant IJ
Die, little one, and I will die also,
When our families will not let us marry.
1,:\?
MARRIAGE 70
BEZOBRAZNE PJESME
- '--i 'A
Amaiden urinates, she fills up a bottle,
And toasts her mother and father.
262. Curica muške gade prela~
Gdje su muda stala.
U curice~ kako moje žene~
Medju nogama gade obojene. (Informant SJ
A young girl washed ments underpants,
Where the balls had rested.
The young girl, like my wife,
Has underpants stained between the legs. 88
263. Mladi momci travu kose medju gorama~
Djevojke nose vode medju nogama.
Ponesi mi vode hladne iz te doUne~
Ja du propiti tvoju kantu do polovine.
Ne mogu ti vode dati iz te doline~
Da propiješ moju kantu do polovine. (Informant HJ
Young lads cut grass between the wooded hills,
Maidens carry water between their legs.
Bring me cold water from this valley,
I will drink half of your container.
I cannot give you water from this valley,
So that you can drink half my container. 89
264. Pošla cura kroz musti pa sjela pod jarca~
Ja kakve je životinje ko ima mudarščica?
(Informant S J
A maid en went to milk a nanny goat but sat under a
billy goat.
What kind of animal is it that has balls?9o
265. Moja žena žito žela~
A ja za njom vez'o.
Other Villages
WORK
Herding
Hay Cutting
1 /. L:
292. Kad se kosi da sam kod kosaea~
Kad se kup da sam kod oVaca. CInformant BJ
When the hay is'reaped, I am with the rea~ers,
When it is gathered, I am with the sheep. 08
Weaving
CHILDREN I S SONGS
LULLABIES 1l3
, 'o
308. Majka Nedži" majka Nedži košulja kroje la.
Koliko imaš" koliko imaš u košulji žica?
Beša ti se" beša ti se na moru kovala.
Trojica je" trojica je kovača kovala.
Jedni kuju" jedni kuju" drugi pozlačaju. (InformantN)
Nedžad' s mother, Nedžad' s mother made him ~ome shirts.
How many, how many threads do you have in the shirt?
Your cradIe, your cradIe was forged at sea.
Three, three blacksmiths forged it.
One hamm.ers, one hammers, the others pIa-te it with gold.
309. Koliko ti" koliko ti u košulji žica?
Toliko ti" toliko ti" sine" godinica. (Informant NJ
How many, how many threads are there in your shirt?
As many, as many, son, as you have years. 116
310. Majka ima" majka ima devet sokolova"
SVe deveti" deveti majka oženi la"
Sve deveti majka oženi la.
Jaka kakva sjajna mjesečina"
Još je lipše Isaj begovi'" Isaj begovica.
Ona rodi'" rodila devetu djevojku"
I desetu" i desetu pod pasom nosi'" pasom nosila.
Kad je beže u džamiju poš'o" u džamiju poš'o"
On svojoj ljubi odgovara" ljubi odgovara"
"Ako rodiš desetu djevojku"
Il se višaj" il se višaj" il u Drinu skači."
Pa se zavi" pa se zavi u bilu svilu"
Pa se pusti" pa se pusti nizu Drinu vodi'" nizu
Drinu vodicu.
"Hajde ćeri" hajde ćeri" stignut će ti majka"
Hajde ćeri" hajde ćeri svojoj bijeloj kuli.
I otvori" otvori sedeflije sanduke"
Izvadi" izvadi devet košuljica" devet košuljica"
I obuci" obuci devet sirotica.
Djeco moja" kad vam babo dojde"
Redom stan'te" redom stan'te" redom zaplačite"
'Dragi babo" dragi babo" gdje je naša majka?
Naša majka Drinu zamut'" Drinu zamutila. ",
Isaj begu" Isaj begu vrlo žao bilo.
Kako je se" kako je se ljuto udario" kako je se
ljuto udario!
, ""
Here's your mother-in-1aw,
Don't be distressed.
What will my mother-in-1aw do for me?
What will my mother-in-1aw do for me?
I'm not distressed.
Here's your brothers-in-1aw,
Don't be distressed.
What will my brothers-in-1aw do for me?
What will my brothers-in-1aw do for me?
I'm not distressed.
Here's your sister-in-1aw,
Don't be distressed.
What will my sister-in-1aw do for me?
What will my sister-in-1aw do for me?
I'm not distressed.
Here's your beloved,
Don't be distressed.
Let me have my dear one,
Let me have my dear one,
I will be his happiness. 121
BEEKEEPING
1 'ih
320. Pada' zemlji~ majko~
Pada' zemlji~ seko~
Pada' zemlji~ drage~
Pada' zemlji~ ljube. {Infomant yJ
Drop toward the ground, mother,
Drop toward the ground, sister,
Drop toward the ground, dears,
Drop t award the ground, sweet anes. 12'+
321. U kući~ majko~
U kući~ seko~
U kući .. drage ..
U kući .. ljube. {Inforrnants N.. YJ
In the house, mother,
In the house, sister,
In the house, dears,
125
In the house, sweet anes.
322. Eto kiše .. majko ..
Eto kiše .. seko ..
Eto kiše .. drage ..
Eto kiše .. ljube. {Informant yJ
There' s the rain, mother,
There's the rain, sister,
There's the rain, dears,
There's the rain, sweet anes. 126
MISCELLANEOUS
1 <;7
Why will I begin to sing, why will I?
For my own heart's amusement. 128
325. Moje srce vene kad ne pjeva~
K' o karanfil kad se ne zaljeva. Unformant DJ
My heart withers when it doesn't sing,
Like a carnation when it isn't watered.
326. Kad zapjevam tri me sela čuju~
Četiri se dragana raduju. (Informant ej
When I begin singing three villages hear me,
Four sweethearts are delighted.
327. Kiša pada i pomalo rosi~
Merhaba~ ti dragi~ i kako si?
Kosu češlja na lijevu stranu. (Informants N~ XJ
Rain falls and a little dew,
Greetings, dear, and how are you?
She combs her hair anto the left side. 129
328. erna zemlja i zelena travo~
što me nisi prekrila odavno?
Da ne gledam jada po sokaku.
Black earth and green grass,
Why didn't you cover me long ago?
So I don't see the sorraw about the street. 130
329. Ja ne gledam sahat ne lonca~
Već ja gledam tora i ovaca. Unformant BJ
I don't look at watches nor at necklaces,
I still look at sheep pens and sheep.
330. Svidja mi se danas ova moda~
Naročito kogod gologlav hoda. (Informant BJ
The style today p1eases me,
Especially whoever goes about bareheaded.
158
331. Što sam znala to sam ispjevala 3
159
337. A ko nam je u koZu?
Abida nam je u koZu.
Haj de.. Abida.. biraj..
Biraj ne studiraj.
Ko je puno studir'o ..
Najgore je isabro'o.
Hajde.. bona.. šta se staZa?
Kanda nisi večera Za.
Ako ovdje tvog nema..
Izaberi druga dva.
(She chose a family member, Ramiz.)
Kako pravo sad imaju..
Sve rodbinu da biraju.
Hajde .. Ramiz .. biraj ..
Biraj ne studiraj.
U šparetu ima Zuga..
Biraj sebi .. Ramiz.. druga.
(He chose amaiden, Ha1ima.)
Sad se vidja.. ividja..
Ko se kome svidja.
AZaj su nam Zepe ruže ..
Da Bog dadne da se združe.
Hajde .. HaZima.. biraj para..
Da vidjamo da zi vaZja.
Ako ovdje tvog nema..
Izaberi druga dva.
što si nešto zamišZjena ..
Konda da si zaručena?
Who is in our kolo?
Abida is in our kolo.
Come on, Abida, make a choice,
Choose, don't study.
One who studies a lot,
Chooses the very worst.
Come on, dear, why did you stop?
As though you didn't eat dinner.
If yours isn't here,
Choose two others.
(She chose a family member, Ramiz.)
How do they have the right,
They chose all relatives.
Come on Ramiz, make a choice,
Chose, don't study.
There are ashes in the stove,
160
Choose another for yourself, Ramiz.
(He chose amaiden, Ha1ima.)
Now it is clear,
Who p1eases whom.
Ours are pretty roses,
God grant that they unite.
Come on, Ha1ima, choose a couple,
To see whether they are worthwhile.
If yours isnlt here,
Choose two others.
Why are you so thoughtfu1,
As though you are engaged? 134
338. Pod onom~ pod onom~ gorom zeZenom~
I onom~ i onom~ visom pZaninom~
MaZo se~ maZo se~ seZo vidjeZo.
U seZu~ u seZu~ koZo igraZo.
U koZu~ u koZu~ svojkadjevojka.
Po čem je~ po čem je dragi poznaješ?
U pasu~ u pasu tanka~ visoka~
U Zicu~ u Zicu beZa rumena.
Ono je~ ono je moja djevojka. Unformant M)
Beneath this, beneath this green mountain,
And this, and this high mountain,
A small, a small village is seen.
In the village, in the village a koZo is danced.
In the koZo, in the koZo is my girlfriend.
How do you, how do you recognize your love?
By the waist, by the waist, slender, tall,
By her face, by her face white, rosy.
That is, that is my gir1friend. 135
339. Nisam fina~ dragane~ izvini~
Rodila me majka na brzini. Unformant B)
lIm not good looking, beloved, lIm sorry,
Mother bore me in a hurry. 136
1 hl
.. '
340. GPne oči rodiZa me mama~
A obrve nagaraZa sam. {Informant DJ
My mother gave birth to my dark eyes,
But I myse1f darkened my eyebrows. 137
341. Oči moje k'o dve crne kave~
PrevodiZe žedne preko Save. {Informant BJ
My eyes like two black coffees,
Led the thirsty across the Sava River. 138
1 hh
APPENDIX II
~::
The following song texts were collected in Jazvenik3 Jab-
lani and Varvara. They are not included in the analysis
hut are offered as comparative material. Jazvenik3 a
Catholic village 3 is within a one hour walk from Planin-
ica; however3 there is relatively little social interac-
tion hetween the two villages. Jahlani is located in
Skoplje Polje. It is a Catholic hamlet within the pre-
dominantZy MusUm viUage of Zanesovići. PZaniničani
have very little interaction with either Muslims or Cath-
olics of this village. Varvara is a mixed village of
Catholics and Muslims located in the Rama ValleY3 a five
hour walk from Planinica. There is some intermarriage
hetween Planiničani and Muslims of Varvara.
SONGS OF OPPOSITION
··r . "-- t
COURTSHIP
, .., ...
15. Na livadi kabanica ne znam čija je.
Čobanica progovara Ivanova je.
O Ivane 3 mlad čobanE3 života ti tvog3
Ko ti dade zlatne ključe od ormara mog?
Dala mi tvoja seja 3 lijepa Marica 3
Dala mi je zlatne ključe i dva poljubca.
Oj3 Marice 3 sejo mila3 šta uradiš ti?
Jer je Ivan stari čoban pa te prevari. (Informant AJ
In the meadow is a coat, I don't know whose it is.
A shepherd girl said it is Ivan's.
Oh, Ivan, young shepherd, I beg of you,
Who gave you the golden keys to my closet?
Your sister, pretty Marica, gave them to me,
She gave me the goldenkeys and two kisses.
Oh, Marica, dear sister, what are you doing? q
Because Ivan is an old shepherd and deceives you.
16. čitaj3 dragi3 u novinama naćeš3
Koliko te volim3 eto znaćeš. (Informant AJ
Read, dear, in the newspaper you will find,
How much I love you, you will find out. 5
17. Moj dragane 3 iz daleka ništa3
Ja sam tvoja da ih dodje trista. (Informant AJ
My beloved, there's nothing from faraway,
I am yours even if three hundred come.
18. Ovo svijeta i još ovoliko 3
Nema dragog kon do nema niko. (Informant ej
1 -, ,.
I have a love, his name is Marko,
Protect him, Mother of Christ.
21. Ja i dragi jedne vjere nismo 3
Mi hoćemo bratstvo i jedinstvo. {Informants B3 FJ
My love and I are not of the same faith,
We want brotherhood and unity.
22. Oj3 Šokice 3 kad si tako fina 3
Hajde 3 jadne 3 poide za Srbina. {Inforrnants B3 ej
Oh, Croatian maiden, when you are so nice looking,
Come on, poor thing, marry a Serb. 6
23. erne oči g~eda~e u Dnnu3
Šokica se dopa~a Srbinu. {Informants B3 ej
Dark eyes looked into the Drina,
The Croatian maiden is p1easing to the Serb.
24. Moj drugane 3 ja sam po~utanka3
Tata Šokac 3 majka Srbijanka. {Inforrnant ej
My beloved, I am a sandwich cookie,
My father is Croat, my mother a Serb. 7
25. Ja šokica~ dragi meni Srbin vo~i3
Mojoj majci to nije po vo~i. {Inforrnant ej
I am a Croatian maiden, a dear Serb loves me,
This is not to my mother's liking.
26. Vo~im Srba nego devet Šokaca 3
Jer je Srba omi~jat k'o vrba. (Inforrnant BJ
I prefer a Serb to nine Croats,
Because a Serb is loveable like a cat.
27. VoZim Šokca nego devet Srba3
Jer se Šokac razvio k'o vrba. {Informant BJ
I pre fer a Cro at to nine Serbs,
Because a Cro at developed like a wi110w.
1"'7'"
28. Kad me dragi za udaju pita~
Ja sam rekla i amanet da"la.
Sad se mis"lim kako bi s"laga"la. (Informant B)
When my love asked me about marriage,
I said yes and gave my promise.
Now I wonder how I might lie out of it. 8
29. Zaručena imam i sjedoka~
Mjesec dana produži "la roka. (Informant B)
I am engaged and ~ have witnesses,
I extended the time for a month.
30. Zaručena opet ašikuje~
U jednog se momka ne vjeruje. (Informant B)
She's engaged and again she flirts,
It isn't wise to trust in one lad. 9
31. Tri put me se uzdane s tugom~
Moj dr>agane~ kad te vidim s drugom. (Informant B)
Three times I sadly sigh,
My beloved, when I see you with another.
32. Tri put me se uzdane B tugom~
Kad mi dragi prošeta sa drugom. (Informant B)
Three times I sadly sigh,
When my beloved strolIs with another.
33. Lastavica "lasta mi"la~
Pošto bi mi pošta bi"la?
Varoš gradu od"leti"la~
Bije"lo pismo odnosi "la.
Draga mi je pozdravi"la~
Kaza"la mu tako vako~
Da mi nije čekat "lako. (Informant G)
Swallow, dear swallow,
How much would my mail cost?
It flew about the town,
It carried my white letter.
Svekrva
178
49. Svekrvice~ našla sam ti mjesto~
Za vratima medju taračima. (Informant EJ
Mother-in-1aw, I found a place for you,
Behind the door among the rags. 12
50. Svekrva me vidila na vodi~
Kaže sinu~ "Meni je ne vodi." (Informant EJ
My mother-in-1aw saw me at the water,
She says to her son, fiDo not bring her to me. fl13
51. Svekrva mi ljuta kao zmija~
Hvala Bogu nisam dobra ni ja. (Informant EJ
My mother-in-1aw is as angry as a snake,
Thank God l'm not kind either.
SZ. Svekrvice~ ništa ti ne mogu~
Moja kletva stigla te u grobu. (Informant EJ
Mother-in-1aw, I can't do anything to you,
I hope my curse reaches you in the grave.
53. Svekrvice~ moraću te slikat~
Ne mogu te zaboravit' nikad. (Informant FJ
Mother-in-1aw, I must photograph you,
I cannot ever forget you.
54. Svekrva mi poslala pozdravi~
U maramu zavezala mravi. (Informants E~ FJ
My mother-in-1aw sent me greetings,
She wrapped ants in a scarf.
55. Svekrva mi šalje kolo pite~
Od miline što joj ljubim sina. (Informant EJ
My mother-in-1aw sends me a round pastry,
Out of sweetness, because I love her son.
56. Svekrva mi narandju poslala~
Od miline što joj ljubim sina. (Informant EJ
My mother-in-1aw sent me an orange,
Out of sweetness, because I love her son.
179
57. Svekrva mi tri jabUke šalje~
Da joj sina ne zavodim dalje. (Informant EJ
My mother-in-1aw sends me three apples,
So I don't lead her son astray.
58. Ja ću svoju svekrvu zaklat' ~
Pa ću meso u zadrugu dat'.
I will slaughter my mother-in-1aw,
And give the meat to the cooperative.l~
59. Ja ću svoju svekrvicu udavit'~
Eno odbor~ nek idem najavit' .
I will strangle my mother-in-1aw,
There's the council, let me report it.
60. Svekrvice~ dugo bolovala~
Tri dušeka nova poderala. (Informant E~ FJ
Mother-in-1aw, may you be sick a long time,
And wear out three new mattresses.
61. Svekrvice~ našla sam ti zgodu~
Sa ćuprije gurnem te u vodu. (Informant A~ EJ
Mother-in-1aw, I found a place for you,
I will push you from the bridge into the water. 15
62. Kad se udam i podjem u drva~
Ja ću zadnja~ svekrva će prva. (Informant EJ
When I'm married and go to the woods,
I will go last, my mother-in-1aw will go first. l6
180
64. Imam svekra i svekrvu finu 3
PY'odat ću ih pa ću kupit mašinu. (InfoY'mant EJ
I have a fine father~in~law and mother~in~law,
I will sell them and buy a machine.
65. Imam svekra i svekY'vu Zjutu3
Obo dvoje ciY'kZi za minutu. (InfOY'man t EJ
I have an angry father~in~law and mother~in~law,
May both die in a minute.
66. Ja sam Y'ekZa sZušat' svoga svekY'a3
I svekrvu ja je ne zatekZa. (InfoY'mant EJ
I said I would obey my father~in~law,
And avoid my mother~in-1aw.
Djever
Zava
181
72. Udajte se zave prije mene 3
Svaka zava od neviste vene. (Informant EJ
Sister-in-law, marry before I do,
Every sister-in-law withers because of the bride.
73. što ćU3 majko3 kad zatečem zavu?
Uzmi kamen pa joj razbije glavu.
Mother, what will I do when I meet my sister-in-law?
Take a rock and break open her head.
Jetrve
Punica
UNREQUITED LOVE
182
_.
78 • Mene dragi po ZjUbi pa ode ..
Ostavi me k'o ribu bez vode. (Informant FJ
My love kisses me and then goes,
He leaves me like a fish without water.
79. Nema moga dragana odavno ...
Njegovo je srce zaboravno. (Informant DJ
My be10ved has not been here for a long time,
His heart is forgetfu1.
80. Moj dragane .. gdje zi si mi sada?
Imaš zi me spomenuti kada? (Informant BJ
My beloved, where are you now?
Do you have time to remember me?
81. Ob Začina.. čekaZa vedrine ..
Ja dragana četiri godine. (Informant BJ
There are large clouds; I waited for clear skies,
I waited for my love for four years.
8Z. Srce pZače i ova dva oka..
Gdje si.. dragi.. sunce sa istoka?
My heart and these two eyes weep,
Where are you love, sun from the east?
83. Ja i dragi rješiZi se svega..
Nemamo se voZit' radi čega. (Informant FJ
My love and I have made ourse1ves clear,
There is no reason to love each other.
84. Nemoj dragi da te iznenadi..
Protiv naše ZjUbavi se radi. (Informant FJ
Don't be surprised, dear,
Something is being done to oppose our love
85. Kad je RadabiZa mZada"
Momiru se obeča Za.
Kad je biZa jesen duga ..
VoZi Rada momka druga.
U sobici Rada šiZa ..
Svojoj braći govori Za ..
"Ne dajte me.. braćo miZa..
Poginut ću od Momira. "
U sobici prozor zveknu..
U sobici Rada jeknu.
183
Mrtva Rada kad je biZa~
Svojoj braći govorila~
"Sahra:nte me~ braćo mila~
Pokraj groba mog Momira."
Na grobu im kamen~
"Plavi poginuše zbog ljubavi." (Informant F)
When Rada was young,
She promised herself to Momir.
When the autumn was long,
Rada loved another lad.
In the little room Rada sewed,
She said to her brothers,
"Don't give me away in marriage, dear brothers,
I will perish because of Momir."
In the little room the window clinked,
In the little room Rada kill ed herself.
When dead Rada was alive,
She said to her brothers,
"Bury me, dear brothers,
Near the grave of my Momir."
On the grave there is a stone,
"She perished because of love.,,21
MARRIAGE
184
Last night I read,
That I will leave my mother.
90. Moja mama mog tatu volila~
A mene bi dala za nemila.
Mila majka~ podaj me za draga~
A imanje nek ide u vraga. (Informant ej
My mother loved my father,
But she would give me to someone I don't love.
Dear mother, give me in marriage to my beloved,
And let the property go to the devil.
91. Da znaš~ majko~ što je dragan Marko~
Dala bi me Marku u naramku. {Informant EJ
If you knew, mother, what a dear Marko is,
You would give me into his arms.
92. erne oči~ rodila me mama~
Selo moje~ selo od rodjenja~
MiZa majko~ udaj me u selu. {Informant DJ
Mother gave birth to my dark eyes,
My village, village of my birth,
Dear mother, marry me to someone in the village.
93. U Kordiće ne bih se udala~
Već kad bi me bomba natjerala. (Informants E~ e~ EJ
I wou1dn't marry into Kordici,
I cou1dn't be forced to.
94. Očiju mi sa kojima gledam~
Mene majka u Kordiće ne da. {Informants E~ e~ EJ
I swear by my eyes,
Mother is not giving me in marriage to Kordici.
Other Villages
185
96. Oj~ Kordići i te tvoje dole~
Da Bog da se srušile u more. {Informants B~ C~ EJ
Oh, Kordici and your meadows,
God grant that they sink into the sea.
97. U nedelju petnaestoga maja~
U KOrdići uhvati se graja.
Uhvatili divljega medveda.
Te mu onda donesoše vode~
Te ga oće da u selo vode. {Informants B~ C~ EJ
On' Sunday, the fifteenth of May,
In Kordici there was a commotion.
They caught a bear.
After that they gave it water,
And then wanted to bring it to the village.
98. Volim bit' oko plota trnje~
Nego ljubit' Kordičane crne.
I prefer to be around a fence of thorns,
Rather than kiss dark lads from Kordici. 23
99. U Ivici se dogodila buna~
Esrefova mlada rodila majmuna. {Informants D~ C~ EJ
In Ivica there was a riot,
Esref's bride gave birth to amonkey.
100. U Voljici gdje ne grije sunce~
Liti malo a zimi ne malo. (Informant IJ
In Voljica where the sun does not shine,
Summers are short, but winters are not.
101. Da sam znala da ću u Crniće~
Ponijela bih kočku i piliće. (Informants B~ C~ EJ
If I had known I would marry into Crnice,
I would have brought a hen and chicks. 24
102. Kiša rosi a Skrčani bosi~
Samo Vlado što šarvole nosi.
A Vlado se smije ~
Jer da vidi da mu dobro nije.
187
.i: .
own Village
WORK
188
All his sheep crossed over, easily.
Only one cannot,
(Refrain)
Only one cannot, not in any way.
The shepherd took a small branch,
(Refrain)
The shepherd took a small branch, slow1y.
And he pushed the sheep,
(Refrain)
And he pushed the sheep, carefu11y.z7
110. Oj livado~ rosna travo~
J avore ~ j avore ~
Ko po tebi čuva stado~
Zlato moje?
Čuvala ih djevojčica~
Javore~ javore~
Od sedamnaest godinica~
Zlato moje.
Čuvaj~ mala~ stado svoje~
Javore~ javore~
Da ne jedu žito moje~
Zlato moje.
Ako jedu žito moje~
Javore~ javore~
Ja ću ljubit' lice tvoje~
Zlato moje. (Informant A)
Oh meadow, dewy grass,
Map1e tree, map1e tree,
Who among you is tending the herd,
My dear one?
A little girl tended them,
Map1e tree, map1e tree,
Of seven teen years of age,
My dear one.
Tend your herd, little one,
Map1e tree, map1e tree,
So they don't eat my grain,
My dear one.
If they eat my grain,
Map1e tree, map1e tree,
LULLABIES 30
191
114. Nina~ nina~ rodila te strina. (Informant G)
Nina, nina, your aunt gave birth to you.
115. Nina~ nina~ rodila te majka. (Informant G)
Nina, nina, your mother gave birth to you.
116. Nina~ nina~ zaspeh spavi~
Kao janje u travi.
I janje u travi će zaspati~
Kamo neće Anka u bešici. (Informants F~ G~ H)
Nina, nina, go to sleep,
Like a lamb in the grass.
And the lamb in the grass will fall asleep,
And so Anka will even sooner in the crad1e.
117. Rasplaka se dite uz djevojku.
Kučko~ kero~ što mi dite cviliš?
Kad je dite što si ga ženila?
Nužda bila je dita ženi la. (Informant G)
The child burst into tears beside the maiden.
Bitch, eur, why do you make my child cry?
Why did you marry him when he is a child?
It was a necessity that I marry a chi1d. 31
"
WEDDING SONGS
192
119. Uz polje ruža procvala~
Samo jedna staža ostala~
šalaj ostala i tude mi dragi prolazi.
Hladne vode donosi~ šalaj donosi. (Informant IJ
Beside the field a rose bloomed,
Only one path remained,
One remained and my love comes this way.
He brings cold water. 33
120. Naša neše evo tvoji dvora~
Ovdje ti se obiknuti more.
Svekrvice~ otvaraj kapije~
Evo tvoje neše u avlije.
Naša neše~ ti otvori oči.
Hoćeš l i se obiknuti moći?
Naša neše~ nemoj biti tužna~
Lip je Frano~ ni si ~i ti ružna.
Pratioci~ pozdravIte joj majku~
Naći ćete je plačuć u sokaku. (Informant JJ
Our new bride, here is your court yard,
Here you must become accustomed.
Mother-in-1aw, open the gates,
Here is your bride entering the court yard.
Our new bride, open your eyes.
Will you be able to get accustomed?
Our new bride, don't be sad,
Frano is handsome and you are not ug1y either.
Escorts, greet her mother,
You will find her cryiug in the street.3~
193
.--.---;----_... -- :."
Mother-in-law, open the gate,
Here comes the bride into the court yard. 35
194
MISCELLANEOUS
129.
At whom my dark eyes glance f1eetingly,
Immediately his heart stirs.
Angelina vodu ljeva~
Nad vodom se nadnijela.
Samo sebi govorila~
l
rJj
I
Angelina pours out water,
She leaned over the water.
She said to herself, .
Dear God, am I not lovely?
Whoever claims me is lucky.
Still I wish my eyes were dark,
38
Oh, so that I charm you, my be10ved.
130. A ti ne znaš~ ne znaš~ srce moje~
Nisam lijepa~ ali jesam sebe.
Ni za ko se promjenula ne bih. (Informant D)
But you don't know, you don't know, my love,
I am not pretty, but I am satisfied.
I wou1dn't change places with anyone.
131. Pod onom~ pod onom~ gorom zelenom~
I onom~ i onom visom planinom~
Tamo se~ tamo se selo vidjelo.
U selu~ u selu kolo igralo.
U kolu~ u kolu svojka djevojka.
Po čem je~ po čem je bolan poznaješ?
U pasu~ u pasu tanka visoka~
U licu~ u licu bela rumena~
Ono je~ ono je moja djevojka. (Informant A)
Under this, under this green mountain,
And this, and this high mountain,
There, there a village is seen.
In the village, in the village a kolo is danced.
In the kolo~ in the kolo is my girlfriend.
How do you, how do you recognize her?
In the waist, in the waist slender and tall,
In the face, in the face white and rosy,
This is, this is my gir1friend. 39
132. Svi Cigani u kafani~
A Ciganke stoje vani. (Informant I)
All the Gypsy men are in the coffee house,
And the Gypsy women stand outside.
133. Ja bih ovo kolo završila~
Sviju u redom pozdravila. (Informant B)
196
I would finish this koZa,
And greet everyone in order. 4o
134. Oj~ KOzaro~ duga i široka~
Ja u tebi ne otsZuži roka.
KOzara je sve od sebe daZa~
Prve borce za Tita MaršaZa. (InfoY'rnant LJ
Oh, Kozara, long and wide,
I didn't serve out my time.
Kozara gave all of herself,
The first fighters for Marshal Tito. 41
135. Pero nam je u koZu.
KOšuZjica na njemu~
Na Peri je košuZja bijeZa~
BijeZom sviZom sašivena i bisernom kićena.
lj šparetu ima Zugu~
Hajde~ Pero~ biraj drugu.
Ko je ono u koZu?
ZZato je u koZu.
Ove cure što u koZu~
Neće one misZit' da su rosno civjeće.
Od Bugojna do IZidZe~
Nema takvog para nigdge.
Hajde~ Bose~ izaberi~
što ti tvoje srce žeZi.
I rešeto ima žicu~
Biraj~ Bose~
drugaricu.
Ove naše oko koZa šuše~
Podajte im ZuZu neka puše.
Ove naše oko koZa dame~
Njima treba poZožiti sZame. (InfoY'rnant BJ
Pero is in the dance circle,
He is wearing a shirt,
Pero is wearing a white shirt,
Sewn with white silk and decorated with pearls.
There are ashes in the stave,
Come on, Pero, choose another.
197
. I
Who is this in the dance circle?
Zlato is in the dance circle.
These maidens in the dance circle,
They will not think they are dewy flowers.
198
APPENDIX I II
MUSIC TRANSCRIPTION
I··
KEY TO MUSIC TRANSCRIPTION
201
10. Biranje kolo as performed by a group of Muslim maid-
ens and lads from all over Skoplje Polje. Recorded
at a mevlud in Drazev Dolac.
11. Biranje kolo as performed by Muslim maidens from
Bilo Bučje and Planinica at a prelo in Bilo Bučje.
12. Ja sam ornija as performed by Muslim maidens from
Bilo Bučje and Planinica at a prelo in Bilo Bučje.
The lead singer is from Planinica.
13. Ja sam ornija as performed by Muslim maidens from
Ivica, Bilo Bučje and Planinica at a wedding cele-
bration in Ivica. The lead singer is from Ivica.
14. Zeoko kolo as performed by Catho1ic maidens from
Jablani. Recorded at a prelo in Jablani.
15. Zeoko kolo as performed by Muslim maidens from Bilo
Bučje and Planinica at a prelo in Bilo Bučje.
16. Zeoko kolo as performed by a group of Muslim maid-
ens from all over Skoplje Polje at a mevlud in Draz-
ev Dolac.
17. Zeoko kolo as performed by Muslim maidens from Bilo
Bučj~, Ivica and Planinica at a wedding celebration
in Ivica. The lead singer is from Ivica.
18. Kozaračko kolo as performed by Muslim maidens and
1ads from Bilo Bucje and Planinica at a prelo in
Bilo Bučje. The lead singer is from Planinica.
19. Hop la le mi le la le as performed by the same group.
20. Čuvam ovoe dolje u jasenje as sung by a group of
Catho1ic maidens at a prelo in Jablani. (See Appen-
dix II, No. 14.)
2L Pod onom as sung by the same group. (See Appendix
~~ .
II, No. 131.)
22. Na livadi kabanioa as sung by the same group. (See
Appendix II, No. 15. )
23. Čoban tjera ovčioe as sung by the same group. (See
Appendix II, No. 109.)
24-28. Songs sung by women from Planinica into the tev-
sija. (See No. 8 of music transcriptions for anoth-
er example.)
29. Kuna as sung by women and a few maidens from P1anin-
202
ica at a wedding prelo in Planinica. (See Appendix
I, No. 317.)
30. An example of a wedding song once performed by wed-
ding parties from Planinica when escorting the bride
to her new home. This song is se1dom performed to-
day, but a group of men and 1ads performed it for
my benefit at a prelo. (See Appendix I, No. 313.)
31-33. Examp1es of sevdalinke as sung by a maiden of
Planinica as she worked.
~" '
203
1"
1=;
~w
W J euJ mJ zaJ noi)
me sr
i ??
Ja cu
BId'" pr
wo-me
~iJTm i]j i JJ Dj D j j
sr- eu m- zo- no- du ja ću SĐO- rrr:>
f}Jl] a' ~
sr- cu m-
mJ lJ j
zo-
j jO ~
no- du ja
i
ću-
il-
--
ff,JMJM
--.",
204
vi 1'e- gru- te
f:J=jgfJJ)g=i*~
81'- oo mo- je m- 20
-JJ mn JI
no- du
J
če-
'1~!~~~~
~~"l~i~JI=-~~
cp:=
ka ce mo-
1J]" "_ -~ 81'-
f~~-~~~~~~
je
205
~f~~-~pr~~~~tJ~·gr~F~~
~'-ip -
Jfrb
=i$J =LJ J
~~\ i-::=i==t-=d J J
1:-~I~-t1-· ,j =4 =4._ ,_:
~-:I!~~~~~--=1t==tt===i-~~=~h_=t~!,'t~~
r~&tJl~~t
~ne- mo-g:x dm-ga- if1 s ~-
kb-
na o-d:l:v no ma ---
tf!F-~~t-~t~:::~_ccc~~=!~~=t=====~=!!===~_--===---
::~~d=~~-=b;- ~~_~==t_______."___ _
~
-:::J=:
. ~-- .•-.-.-=1?~.~:j~:~-.-~.=EI3_==I=
no ne- ma mo- (J1 dra-g:x-na o-dav- no
nje- go-
---·-~::l:.-l--···---·---t-·---·
." _.-p . .. _. .-.- _____.._ .______ . . . ___ ". __._____....___. .___ .__
____ • • •
'lX!
__ • • • _
je sr- ce m-
_ •• ~_
r-aV- no
- - .- -. .-- .-.---.. ---.-. . -----.---
nje-
-- q-::- --:=::~.,-~-!~:3:::-:::-:;::::::-: :::~···:f-·. ·-::ffl-
" -.=: -- -·-1··. --j.--.. ------ . . .__ • . _____ "_0- .. _ _ _
#r
0_ •• _
•• "_.
- .. -.- .....
.0 _ _ •••••• ____ ••
......
_
.____
- -.-
oo _.
.. ,".- ..._-_."
,"
"".
• • •_ .
---
•••
.... "'"
__
". --
"• • • • " '
_-_
, _• • _ . _ _ _ _ _ _ " • • • • •
~~~J~··~~~iil~=ii~4iiJ==li-Ffl=T-
I1Vj dm- g::r.-
f=.f:H JP;3 ;~ ~n
i tvo- ja
ne
je
y>U-
pro- pa-
ži-en
za
;
iz
Zje- po-
_,JI ~
pZo-
ta
ta
,i
'-:f--7- fP JJ
t1-1;J--jJ41EJ J J ' J
IKt-:~~41 #J J JJ ,lp ,il
{iff-'FiJ J 1k Vim; i iMEJ
i
.~
207
~1
rroj
JP J lP J ,J.
d:m-ga- ne m:J;]
PJ bil 1
28- m
U. } lne
dPi-
Ze-
~ J
noj
J n J #0
dra- ga- ne moj
J #0
ze- le-
lj
ni
,i) J
d;t>i- ne ;
~ gdje
JJ siJ da,J siJ neU ,lP tiLJ I'
m-
tJ 1
bor- a- vi
,
4 J$J J J J
1,
~ J jj J lJ jj J jj ;in iH J
O;] u- m- do ros- na tr>a;-
$J vo
;Jo
ja-
ii
vor-
i
e ja-
ti lt ttir-
1"
e
4j l j ~ bj if] 1 j
ko po te- bi ču- va sta- do
Ii te-
i. ~j
b-z. cu-
Im l
Va sta- do
i iAu tjzla- to rroj-
$ jkann
e
208
6,
~ lJ J ID fl I; J lJ JJ Ir PJ?sp
oj u- 00- do :ros- na tra-vo ja- vor- e
#4 ljja- ror- e
lJ
7<0
r 10r
ro te- hi
IJJdJ ln tll
ču- va sta- do
11r- gJ/JJ
zla- to
Ii lJ J lj J iD J
rro- je ov- ce ču- vam p;jes- rru
~ i - lJ tJ I- lj) Ir EJ lj lj F
pje- 1w71 ja- mr- e ja- ror- e od se-
fr r ,MJ lj iS
d:xm- naest g:;- di- ni- ea
Ir
zla-
taliJ lj
to mo- je
~P JJ F 'r 6F J J W Q J J
~ J J r jA,R,R 6J J
Fl- fl fi3 hl J) #1 J
209
to 11V- je 01)- ce ču-
J~ , ,
~BB In r IcriJ Ini] IRB lfir
4nn1 fJ11
210
ll.
~j!Ui) lp. EJ lp ~ H 11)0
a- 7<0 nam je u 7<0- lu A- bi-ih je u 7<0- bA.
,i i i i li i • I' ~ t i it' t
a-7<o nam je u ko- lu A- bi- da je u 7<0- lu
l1, . )
$; U~ lij r
kad i?a
lp ph lB J lj i II ~ I
pje-ram tri rm sa-la Č~ ju kad za pje- 7XUI1
~"
4J J Ir C:J I~"~ ob )1 IJ J Ij
rroj ć/;m- g:z- ne i J~si i ni si rroj
=
d:t>a-
211
Z~ .
~ fl J JJ J U @r JJ eglA
;lihJJ J' pJ pi li pi IR Ji
,~ pi Jj lj ~J lj dJ f3 j j J
4J r r jir r,JJ J !J i,Jo i !J
~ J i ~ r jiij j i !j " li i im
! !
JJ J J D! r ,J ,iJ J lj JJ JJ J lj J JJi
~J J J J lij lj lj J 1Ulj" J !J J j j!
~G, ~ ~~ ~ ~
(ill) t l,l,t ),t i r Ih II ;Pir :r PU"
za-i-gra-mo m-še ko-lo rm- lo za- i- gra- mo
~iH [J J
na-še ko-lo m:::r.- lo
inn jHn jj
;;a- i-gra-mo na-še ko-lo ma- lo
J
f-:~. l~
;;a- i-
=
gra- rro
1$$" i=
m-še ko-lo rm-
=
lo
212
.,>;Jrao JJ ir=-r lttp-tr
sa jcrbu-ke si na ši- pak sa ja- 7:;U-
J
ke
~ ,
f1·r r r J !JJ JF=TJJ J J
213
11,
$-);)): ,. lj JJ iJU
k:t:e- yi ko- lo $0 si ta- ko 'lje- no
nO Ir:JJJ. lIn
k:t>e- n1.- ko-
fJ
lo
I
~ J: .~l )1 W J ji)J ji)
što si ta-ko 'lje- no
» lij J.
kro-yi ko-'lo što sita-ko 'lje-no
4j }). II J J
ču- je A- Imr- i- ka
I, ka kad
JJ, , ,';';)"1 ..
kadm-pj;vam eu-je A:-Imr- i-
m- pje- mm
fJj
ka
4Jj j If, I~ II t Ij j I
kad za pje- Vam ču- je A-mer- i- ka
Jf,
~D F
ja u
iro :JJ in J
ja u te- be
!J
ne
o in o !
ot- s'lu- žih
J ".
,J J lJ i iJ
10- ka ja u ja u i;e- be ne ot-
Đ:i)
~,j i= ~ i-t ik r T- J=;
s'lu- žih 10- ka prv- e
~J tJ ir fJ if] J
~j tl
fur-
za Ti-
x
ta
jj j
za
Mar-
Ti-
i'
ša-
ta
'la
j
M::a>-
prv- e
13 =
Š2;- 'la
prv- e
214
z9.
~ o-u mi-r "li rm. wj- ni~ ka p:x- m- da
,
, jj
o- mi-
" j ,,'=' if IfJ j I
~j I' i
mp la le mi- le la le w jnič-ka p:x-
~i tt ,,~ ~
mp la le mi-le la le wj-nič-ka pa- m- da
~ J 11 Ir tf I~ ~ ~ P lj J
17Vr- na- ri- cu i ti- to Va git? da 1
,I I IF Jo I~ f ~ ~ I~ j I
rror- na- ri- cu i ti- to-m gar- da
~j i t III t i Ii i' t I 1= =
I, ;
mp la le mi-le la le i ti-ta-va gar- da
~ j i I ll' f -' II t tI
mp la ze mi- le la le i ti- to-va gxr'- da
215
1,0,
$F'
ču
jjA~ J ib/tm j iJ: iJO j
v2m ov- de dol-je u ja-sen-je gle- daj dm- gi
!
,- IM ii i/-UfI1!
a gle-daj dm-gi [xx do-dji rb me-ne
'3 fJ J'I
ze- le-
pod cr-
nom pod
nom rod cr
.~ I,j
nom
o-nom rod
gar-
,j l
cr nom
om
p.
gar-
U'
• J J n J J ,J J JJ J
na u- m- di 7<a- ba- ni-
Jj Jj
ea ne znam či-
:s
ja
~jj jjjiiJijJjjg
u- ~ či-
I.
m Je na m- - -ni- ea ne znam ja
~j_ J •
je čo- ba-ni-ea pro-go-var- a I- m- no-va je
216
U,
,ir Jr jj 6J . iJ. } J l1)j pU ,j JJ!-
(b- han t je- :m: 01)- či- ce Za- koj la- ne
$••: W. PiJ
la- g:z- no
~~, ~ ~
$JfJJ J;lnnĐtJHa'
$a r -a fi) fl fi fi '~ J J
4J J ji; nznti1 JJ J i J""
a [XJ dl'u-gim m-no ru-ho d;je-vojač- k;
~ J rl ifj,)))} i) ;. ) J- J
a P:J d:ru-gim mno ru:hod;je-7Joj-ač- ko
2;.
lj OmanjoJ; J
217
ze- le- m i;yu- vo
~."
~;J J J J j D ir J lJ ~J.
•JJ J m&lU r EpJ } J
~ ot. ~Ii; lj j
na ne bi- za
mm ' J. m- pa- ši-
;; J
1
$i J ,J U jJ Ji ) J J;J J,J. J #J
.nJ aj nr J J AJ
ea ses- -tre U- re m- pa- ši ea ses- tre iJr>a- ge
~ EJ n,o J J) ,UJ1J],u #~ rn
ku- na bo- na u jad- na ne
~HJiE1]
bi- za
'Cr
, 'r r
219
~l, 1
$f) ) J J fl D r n,n JJ
~ :a fl ); J n r J J J,n
, J J' nnr J n,n iiJ J
'Z, .. '~
~J J J J nn J) ,JIT] ..
$lJ J tn n ) §foD ' Dn J J
$fJ J Jprm
",
$;. ) J J nnJ J J, ~ n J
$JJ J ; J, J! a J nnu J
1 i
j pnn
~
JJ ) i] J ;glJlJ J
220
Other Books From
Slavica Publishers, Inc.
PO Box 14388
Coiumbus, Ohio 43214