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Identidade Organizacional
Identidade Organizacional
Annemette L. Kjærgaard
To cite this article: Annemette L. Kjærgaard (2009) Organizational Identity and Strategy: An
Empirical Study of Organizational Identity's Influence on the Strategy-Making Process, International
Studies of Management & Organization, 39:1, 50-69, DOI: 10.2753/IMO0020-8825390103
Int. Studies of Mgt. & Org., vol. 39, no. 1, Spring 2009, pp. 50–69.
© 2009 M.E. Sharpe, Inc. All rights reserved.
ISSN 0020–8825 / 2009 $9.50 + 0.00.
DOI 10.2753/IMO0020-8825390103
Annemette L. Kjærgaard
Organizational Identity
and Strategy
An Empirical Study of
Organizational Identity’s Influence on
the Strategy-Making Process
Organizations have to deal with increasingly complex and turbulent environments that
demand that they continuously change and adapt to new circumstances and challenges.
One way for them to cope with these challenges is to manage the strategy-making
process in order to ensure that a continuous stream of new ideas and initiatives create
new opportunities so that the company adapts to new internal and external challenges.
This has been pursued in studies of strategy formation (Mintzberg 1978), strategic
change (Pettigrew 1988), and internal corporate venturing (Burgelman 1983b, 2002)
and is still a central issue in the strategic-management discourse.
However, the need for stability and continuity in the form of a clear and strong
The paper draws upon empirical findings from a qualitative longitudinal study
of a strategy-making process. Based on a grounded theory approach, the study is
inductive, developing concepts and categories in the analysis process to construct
theoretical insights on the research topic; therefore, no hypothesis are proposed.
The findings show how participants’ perception of organizational identity at the
operational level is a fairly stable construct influencing their sense-making and
meaning construction and eventually guiding their behavior in the strategy-making
process. The study supports the suggestion that organizational identity is not a
stable set of constructs linked to a set of fixed behaviors, as early work on orga-
nizational identity suggested (see especially Albert and Whetten 1985). However,
the findings also suggest that a strong, successful, and persuasive organizational
identity is difficult to change and continues to guide the behavior of organizational
participants, even though they realize that changes have happened to the organiza-
tion. This contributes to the discussion of strategic inertia (Huff, Huff, and Barr
2000; Mezias, Grinyer, and Guth 2001).
The conclusion from the study is an empirically based argument that successful
organizational identities dominate the cognitive constructs of organizational mem-
bers and guide their behavior, even though they experience a growing dissonance
between their expectations of management’s response to their actions and their
experiences of the latter. Moreover, the empirical findings indicate that participants
make sense of the dissonance by constructing a new reality and, finally, how this
reconstruction of the organizational identity occasions a renewed sense-making
process in which they create new meaning, eventually leading to a change in their
behavior.
Strategy-making
mous action is influenced by the structural context of the organization. The latter
encompasses a broad range of possible impacts, including organization structure,
strategic planning systems, resource allocation rules, recruitment and promotion
systems, measurement and reward systems, as well as principles guiding behavior
(Burgelman 2002, 99). The structural context is dominated by influence from the
organization’s current concept of strategy and therefore operates to maintain a level
of coherence in the company’s actions (Rughase 2006). It influences the strategy-
making process in a stabilizing way by ensuring a link between the corporate strategy
and the induced strategic action. This study focuses on organizational identity as an
important part of the structural context in which both types of strategy processes
(autonomous and induced) are embedded.
Organizational identity
When I refer to organizational identity, I lean toward the idea that organizations have
identities that influence how individuals interpret issues and take action (Dutton and
Dukerich 1991). The understanding of organizational identity in this paper is based
on an interpretive perspective, arguing that identity is socially constructed and that
organizational participants have a need for some stability of meaning, which leads
them to strive for convergence (Whetten and Godfrey 1998, 35).
According to research into the concept of organizational identity, participants
tend to behave conservatively and find it difficult to adjust to fundamental orga-
nizational change (Brown and Starkey 2004). Within the field of managerial and
organizational cognition, different opinions can be found on the issue of change
and stability. Lindell et al. (1998) mentioned that where, for example, Donaldson
and Lorsch regarded mental structures as unlikely to change and argued that
one function of beliefs is to provide continuity and stability, Weick and Bougon
(1986) and Weick (1979, 1995) viewed mental maps as continuously changing in
accordance with new experiences and thereby emphasized the interplay between
thinking and acting.
Although this paper refers to an organization as having a specific identity and
thereby infers some level of stability, there is a high degree of fluidity and interpreta-
tion connected to the concept. It was suggested that organizational identity is less
stable and enduring than it was previously depicted and that a dimension of fluidity
should be included in the understanding of the concept (Gioia and Thomas 1996).
This explains why organizations do not change in parallel steps of matching new
behavior and new identity but continuously adapt to environmental influences by
reconstructing the meaning of identity without necessarily changing the labels used
to describe this identity (Gioia, Schultz, and Corley 2000). Organizational identity
is thus not separate from the environment but is constantly created and reshaped by
the participants’ interpretations of the environment and their actions on the environ-
ment (Daft and Weick 1984; Milliken 1990; Weick and Bougon 1986).
Where organizational identity is an organizational-level concept, construed re-
54 Kjærgaard (Denmark)
implying that reality is socially constructed by the observer (Gergen 2001). When
I refer to “reality” in this paper, it is the participants’ perception of reality and not
an objective reality. Accordingly, the role of the participants is understood as active
constructors of meaning as well as active interpreters of reality (Weick 1995). The
participants’ cognitive processes of sense-making and meaning construction are
central and form the basis for understanding the participants’ actions.
Research setting
The research was carried out at a Danish hearing aid provider, Oticon A/S (www.
oticon.com), which is part of the William Demant Foundation and is one of the
world’s leading manufacturers of hearing aids. The company was chosen as the
research setting because of its strong organizational identity. Due to an economic
crisis, Oticon had gone through severe organizational changes in the beginning of
the 1990s. Led by a new chief executive office (CEO) who introduced the vision of
“Think the unthinkable,” the company was trying to reestablish profitability. The
change process included physical relocation into open-space offices with no fixed
workplace for the individual, introduction of a project organization based on the
abolishment of hierarchical organization, and encouragement of the employees to
use their skills creatively (Morsing and Eiberg 1998). Oticon was soon characterized
as an innovative environment (Galbraith 2004; Kanter 1983; Peters and Waterman
1982) enabled by a set of strong values, including the importance of continuous
innovation and change (Morsing and Eiberg 1998). They created a powerful image
in the media, and, most importantly for this paper, the intended development of a
new organizational identity proved to be dominant and persistent.
The empirical data were collected during an 18-month longitudinal field study in
Oticon between February 1999 and July 2000. The primary sources of the data
collection were participant observation, interviews, and written materials.
In the first year of the study, the author spent three days a week at the organiza-
tion, followed by a six-month gradual withdrawal. Eighteen different people were
interviewed multiple times during the field study, which resulted in approximately
50 interviews each lasting from one to four hours. Written materials provided ad-
ditional information about the organization. Corporate communication brochures
showed how the organization presented itself to the environment, and newspaper
articles showed how it was perceived by the environment. Finally, other academic
studies of the organization were available, for example, Lovas and Ghoshal (2000)
and Ravasi and Verona (2001) and Foss (2003).
The analysis of the data followed the strategy of grounded theory (Glaser
and Strauss 1967; Locke 2001) through a four-stage analysis process. First, the
focus was on inspecting texts and naming phenomena by identifying concepts
56 Kjærgaard (Denmark)
and discovering their properties, quite similar to what Strauss and Corbin (1998)
referred to as “open coding.” The emerging concepts were then compared to
the empirical data and the phenomena supporting the concept or category were
questioned to ensure analytical robustness. Second, the categories and concepts
were integrated by building a first theoretic skeleton. Third, when the emergent
theory was judged to have plausibility and usefully captured the underlying
complexity of the process, the number of categories was reduced to the most
relevant and robust ones, which were then used to form a narrative of the process.
Fourth, the data were presented in a model to illustrate the role of identity in the
strategy-making process.
The key findings from the study are summarized in the inductively derived process
model (Figure 1). The model operates with two periods in the strategy-making pro-
cess of “creating” and “negotiating,” each of which has a dominant construed reality
as well as a set of cognitive processes that guide the participants’ sense-making.
Furthermore, a triggering event of collision between expectation and experiences
Organizational Identity and Strategy 57
marks the transition from one process to the other. Although there is no explicit
indicator for time in the model, the change from one stage to the other indicates
that the process unfolds over time.
Two periods emerged from the analysis of the data—“creating” and “negotiating”
the strategic action.
Creating
In the creating period, different KM activities, events, or ideas were created through
innovation processes or adaptation and adoption of ideas existing outside the
organization. The creations were primarily spurred by personal interest and done
in parallel with other work tasks. As an illustration of what was possible in this
organization, one organization member said:
If you can make do with one or just a few people, then the organization provides
great possibilities for you to start and manage something new—and you are al-
lowed to do it. Interest can be the driver . . . quite a few [projects] are allowed to run
if they have enthusiastic project managers who set the agenda for the project.
Negotiating
In the negotiating period, ideas and activities were shaped into more coherent
proposals by participants who then subjected them to what they imagined to be
a decision-making process in which management would decide which ideas to
support. The participants argued for their proposals and insisted on the value
of their ideas for the organization, but at the same time, uncertainty ruled, and
participants referred to management as being indifferent and not treating the new
ideas seriously.
This has something to do with the attitude that you are allowed to do something.
This is a somewhat peculiar attitude—to be allowed to do something. If you have
written a proposal, or a project plan, or a strategy note, you are allowed to work on
it. This makes it—I don’t know if it is a misunderstood form of communication—
the responsibility of the individual to take it further.
Uncertainty also showed in the lack of consensus about priorities in the strat-
egy-making process. Organization participants referred to this process as “highly
political,” stressing the implicitness of the process and the struggles between par-
ticipants resulting in “internal conflict.” They lamented that management did not
pay attention and took no action.
There are “too many cooks to spoil the broth.” When there is a project meeting,
then a lot of people have to come and “they all have a voice in the matter.” . . .
It makes it unclear who has the competence to make decisions, which makes it
all a bit of a mess.
In summary, the negotiating period was characterized by pessimism, frustration,
and increasing inaction. The majority of the participants involved in the process
gave up the KM action and, in the end, the process came to nothing and fizzled
out. A few activities were still talked about as KM activities, but the envisioned
KM strategy was never implemented. Table 1 provides empirical examples of the
dominant attitude about action in the two periods.
Figure 1 shows how participants made sense of their experiences in the two peri-
ods of “creating” and “negotiating” by drawing from different construed realities.
Moreover, it shows how their perception of a collision between expectations and
experiences brought about the change from one dominant construed reality to the
other.
Thinking spaghetti
The initially dominant construed reality of “thinking spaghetti” was based on the
results of the metamorphosis of the company in the early 1990s, as mentioned earlier.
Organizational Identity and Strategy 59
Table 1
Characteristics of the two periods in the strategy-making process
Creating Negotiating
The label of “spaghetti” was created and used by the participants as a metaphor for
the apparent chaos and continuous change that characterized the new organization,
on the one hand, and the ability for the employees to pursue a specific interest of
their own choice, on the other.
The new organization was heavily promoted in the media that fed the story back
to organizational participants and thus reinforced their sense of being in a special
or unique organization. Morsing (1999) referred to this process as the “media boo-
merang.” The interaction created a strong organizational identity that was identified
by participants as “thinking spaghetti.” This image was dominant at the beginning
of the strategy-making process studied.
Drawing from the grounded analysis of the process, the spaghetti identity was
expressed in the participants’ descriptions of the organizational characteristics as
“informal,” “unstructured,” “chaotic,” and “trusting.” The participants described
themselves as “talented” and “committed,” as having “skills of networking” and
being “able to maneuver politically,” being “self-promoting,” “determined,” and
“courageous.” Moreover, they described the organization’s external image as
“strong” and “front-running” and the organization’s self-image as being “unique”
and “different.”
Oticon has a very individualistic culture. You have the opportunity to do what
you want to do, but you have to fight for it. . . . And some people give up because
they do not have the energy to fight for their interests.
Although these findings initially showed a strong identity closely linked to the
60 Kjærgaard (Denmark)
Living lasagna
Collision
The shift from “creating” to “negotiating” was triggered by a collision between the
participants’ expectations and experiences that changed their attitude toward action
Organizational Identity and Strategy 61
Table 2
Characteristics of the two construed realities in the strategy-making
process
spaghetti,” which was the case, for example, in the case study reported by Isabella
(1990), where managers in the process of interpreting a change process drew from
a different construed reality at each stage of the process. In the strategy-making
process at Oticon, the two construed realities instead coexisted for a time and thus
created a situation where the participants had to cope with multiple realities.
During the year and a half field study at Oticon reported in this paper, “thinking
spaghetti” clearly dominated the behavior of organizational participants. Their ac-
tions in the first period of the strategy-making process reflected their perception of
their organization as creative, front-running, and daring, which they enacted in their
persistent creation of new strategic initiatives. The construed reality of “thinking
spaghetti” was so strong that they did not hesitate in generating new initiatives,
although they did not see themselves as receiving support from management. Only
over time, when the support still did not come as expected, did they change their
behavior.
In contrast to the behavior in the first period of the study, the behavior in the
second part of the process was not guided in the same way. “Living lasagna” was
not as uniformly perceived as “thinking spaghetti.” The higher level of ambiguity
and uncertainty instigated a crisis in the participants’ feeling of loyalty toward the
organization. The employees were faced with a dilemma: should they adapt their
actions and thereby contribute to a new identity, or should they hold on to the
identity of “thinking spaghetti?” The old-timers had been keen ambassadors of the
spaghetti organization, praising Oticon in the media and commending it to the many
visitors it hosted. The newcomers had been attracted to the spaghetti organization’s
external image, and some people had even waited years for a suitable position to
be vacant. Self-evidently, they were not keen to accept that the organization was
not what they had expected.
These reactions support the growing understanding of the conjoined existence of
cognition and emotion in the cognitive perspective on strategy (Johnson 2008), as
the participants recognized that changes had taken place and they had accordingly
constructed a new dominant construed reality. Emotionally, however, they still clung
to the spaghetti organization, which many of them had participated in building. A
few of them openly resisted the changes being made, declaring that they did not
like the way management downplayed the spaghetti organization.
Equally important to the participants’ persistence in “thinking spaghetti” was
their perception of management’s inaction. Management was not seen as encour-
aging the participants to reconsider the organizational identity nor to make an
effort to construct a new organizational identity. Put differently, the participants
did not experience encouragement to change their perception about the organiza-
tion. This situation makes two issues stand out from the study as important in
Organizational Identity and Strategy 63
this bracketed reality, they interpreted (C) the values of the organization (and man-
agement) as supporting creativity and courage. They enacted (D) this interpretation
by being creative, coming up with new ideas, thus reaffirming “thinking spaghetti”
(A) and, accordingly, their commitment to similar action in the future.
The participants ignored management’s inaction as they saw themselves as
frontrunners, daring individualists ready to fight for their ideas that, again, reflected
the organizational identity. Furthermore, they did not create a formal proposition
for spending time generating strategic actions, and they did not ask permission
from anyone as they expected chaos and taking initiatives on their own as being
in line with “thinking spaghetti.” They then evaluated the results of the creation
process against the presumptions of “thinking spaghetti,” and their behavior was
confirmed by the presumptions that they had constructed themselves. This “think-
ing in circles” resulted in the escalation of the participants’ commitment to action
and created a self-fulfilling prophecy.
The more diffuse organizational identity that the participants construed in the sec-
ond period of the strategy-making process did not guide their sense-making and
meaning-construction as narrowly as the first construal. The consequence of this
situation was a more ambiguous perception of the organizational reality among the
participants, governed by whether or not they accepted the new organizational iden-
tity based on “thinking spaghetti” and whether they chose to continue to create new
strategic initiatives or let them go. The empirical findings show four different ways
of making sense of the organizational reality, which are displayed in Figure 3.
Adapting in this situation refers to the observation that some organizational
participants continued to propose new strategic actions even though they accepted
that the organization’s identity was changing. They made sense of the dissonance
between expectations and experiences by reconceptualizing strategic action to fit
the new construed reality of “living lasagna.” By creating new initiatives that bet-
ter fitted the current concept of strategy, the participants made them more easily
acceptable for management to support. The outcome became, in other words, less
autonomous and more induced.
Adhering happened when some participants continued to propose new strategic
actions but did not recognize a new reality. They ignored the discrepancies they
66 Kjærgaard (Denmark)
experienced and based their sense-making on the expectations they had at the be-
ginning of the process to justify continuous suggestions for strategic action. These
participants made a difficult case for themselves in the organization, and eventually
some of the key actors left the company to “pursue their interests elsewhere.”
Ignoring occurred when participants did not accept that “reality” had changed
and continued to propose strategic initiatives as before. Unlike those who were
“adhering” to the old ways of doing things, however, these participants made sense
of their lack of success by blaming themselves that the strategic initiatives they
had suggested were not good enough for management to embrace. The process of
ignoring should be viewed as a group-level phenomenon as new participants also
ignored the results of previous participants’ attempts and failures. This process
resembles a failure trap (Levinthal and March 1993), where exploration is in focus
and where new ideas and technologies fail and are replaced by other new ideas and
technologies which fail in turn (1993, 106).
A final process of abandoning happened when participants made sense of the
dissonance they experienced by giving up the attempt to develop strategic actions.
These participants realized that their proposals “did not fit into this organization
that [we have] become.” By abandoning the activity, participants accepted that
“reality has changed” and that the ideas they proposed did not fit this new reality.
On this basis, their old activities “just slowly disappeared and nobody talks about
[them] anymore.”
This description of the four different ways of making sense of reality in the
second period of the strategy-making process clearly shows that the participants
were much more ambiguous in their meaning construction, when compared to their
earlier activity that led to a different and broader range of behavior.
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