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Witch-bottles: Fact or Fiction

Using archaeological and historical evidence, evaluate the accuracy of witch-bottle


interpretationsand offer any alternatives

Introduction

During the 20th Century, a number of bottles and jugswere discovered in England and parts of
Great Britain;buriedinside the foundations of old buildings and in open ground. They were
labelled as ‘witch-bottles’ and believed to have been used in the act of repelling witchspells
(counter-magic). Interpretations suggested this practice began in the 16 th or 17th Centuries and
continued into the early 20th Century (Merrifield 1954:3, 1987:163, 180; Allen 1991:150; Gazin-
Shwartz 2001:269; Hoggard 2013a, 2004:170; Williams 2005:142; M.C. Manning 2012).
Thesejars or bottles,were usually constructed fromstoneware or glass andcontained certain
ingredients; for example: pins, iron nails; urine; hair; nail parings and cloth shaped hearts,
pierced with pins. The combination of these ingredients, when used in a certain configuration;
were believed to initiate a counter-magic spell (Blagrave 1671, Glanvill 1681, I. Mather, 1684, C.
Mather,1691, Aubrey 1696, cited in Merrifield 1954, 1955, 1987; Allen 1991:152; Massey and
Edmonds 2000; Geddes 2009; Museum of Witchcraft 2014).“Magic – A name used to denote
various techniques of breaking through the barriers imposed by the material plane into the
spiritual realms which lie behind that realm” (Gettings.1986.134).

The practice of white or black magic is essentially based on the principle of: an intangible
connection created between the victim and the witch called the ‘Law of Sympathy’. The Law of
Sympathy is divided into two parts: the ‘Law of Similarity’ and the ‘Law of Contagion’. ‘Similarity’
implied a thing can be affected by altering its duplicate image. ‘Contagion’ suggested that things
can affectboth by physical contact and afterphysical contact has been severed. Items of clothing
or bodily by-products (nails, blood, etc.) were popular examples of this form of magic (Frazer
1920, Hand 1980; citied in M.C. Manning 2012:8). The underlying belief in both approaches was
that material forms could be used to transmit negative or positive incorporeal directives from
one thing to another (Froome 2010:19).Another name for this form of enchantment was
‘sympathetic magic’. “Sympathetic magic – A special form of magic involved with exercising an
influence upon a person or entity at a distance through the medium of some object which is in
some way representative of that entity” (Gettings.1986.215).The use of witch-bottles was
probably established along these principles.

A witch-bottle was either used to reverse a spell or castigate a black magic practitioner. The
victim’s DNA (urine, hair), opened a link between the victim and the witch; the nails or pins

1
caused intense pain when the witch urinated. The bottle could be buried or heated on a fire to
destroy the witch and could also be employed to trap a witch (Maple 1962:158-9, Merrifield
1955:195;Hoggard 1999; Marriott 2008:154). The contents were identified as a spiritual barrier
which annulled malevolent forces and reflected them back to the sender (Pennick 1989:181).
The most well-known witch-bottles were salt-glazed stoneware bottles, originally from
Germany called ‘Bellarmines’ or ‘Greybeards’ which were decorated with a cruel bearded face
(Merrifield 1987:163, Hoggard 2004:170). These ceramic jars were the earliest known to have
been used as witch-bottles, in the 17th Century.It may be possible that the distinctive unkind
anthropomorphic images which adorned their exterior were the inspiration for their use in this
magical practice (Merrifield 1987:173). Bellarmine bottles were believed to represent Robert
Bellarmine (1542-1621), a hard-line Catholic inquisitor (Knight 2009). However, the bearded
face may have been used to ward off evil or to represent the Devil. Bellarmines were also
identified as ‘Bartmanns’ (meaning ‘bearded face’ in German) and their link to the inquisitor
may have been intended as a cultural spoof of the time (Hoggard 2004:170). Their introduction
into Britain seemed to have occurred after 1660 (Karl 2008:56). Yet, M.R. Holmes (1951, citied
in Hoggard 1999) indicated that some bottles pre-dated the Cardinal by a number of years
(Hoggard 1999).

Fig. 2. An example of a typical


bellarmine witch-bottle (Jackson
1991:27).

2
The archaeological record of magical practices and witchcraft has never been fully represented
in the discipline of archaeology, even though there has been a great deal of physical evidence.
Ritual deposits such as: written charms, horse skulls and witch-bottles appeared to have been
used to deflect malevolent attacks from witches and evil spirits (Hoggard 2004:167, Osborne
2004:1). There were a number of ethno-historical accountsdated from the 17 th Century
regarding witch-bottles. I will discuss these in more detail in chapter 3. The first serious modern
study was conducted by archaeologist and former deputy director of the Museum of London,
Ralph Merrifield (1954, 1955; 1987). Currently, Brian Hoggard (1999, 2004; 2013a); a writer
and historian on archaeological ritual magic; is the most prominent analyst in Britain on the
subject ofconcealed magical charms inside structures. M.C. Manning has written a detailed
thesis on concealed objects (2012) and witch-bottle practices. These three academics have
studied the subject in detail, a subject which has had limited research in the academic world.
Unfortunately, academics and historians are reluctant to accept the subject as a serious
discipline due to the general perception of magic; as superstitious fantasy. The lack of
informative documentary sources is another reason for the limited interest (Hoggard
2004:169).However, in recent times; the topic has gained interest. Scholars such as Behringer,
Gaskill; Labouvie and Ronald Hutton have skilfully fashioned the subject into academic literature
(Davies and de Bleé court 2004:2).

The social environment of ritual practices in the medieval period

The belief and fear of witchcraft grew to great proportions between the 15 th and 17th Centuries,
resulting in the execution of thousands of innocent people; accused of practicing black magic
(Merrifield 1987:159, Greenwood 2002: 142; Bailey 2006). However, earlier; in the Middle
Ages;witches were not seen as a threat because devils were deemed less powerful than Christ.
This would change during the growth of the heretical movements in the medieval period
(Behringer 2004:4). A series of religious acts and the publicationof the Malleus Maleficarum
(Hammer of Witchcraft) in 1486, by the religious Dominicans; Sprenger and Kramer were
instrumental in spreading the fear of witchcraft (Merrifield 1987:160-1; Maple 1962:31;
Greenwood 2002: 133-4; Bailey 2006). The Malleus Maleficarum was the first printed handbook
on how to resist witchcraft (Behringer 2004:73). Kramer (1430-1505) promoted his handbook
as having the approval of the Pope (Greenwood 2002: 135; Behringer 2004:5), during a time
where printed books were viewed as being factual; this was enough to guarantee its legitimacy
to the public.

3
Fig 3. The Malleus Maleficarum
written in 1486 and intended as a
guideline for other inquisitors (©
Barclay 2010).

The concept of evil spirits causing harm was just as tangible as the belief in heaven (Hart
1987:11). Church leaders who previously acknowledged folk customs as ‘godly’ now viewed
magical practices with disdain. The conflict between Catholics and Protestants progressed with
the destruction of any traditions, which would challenge their authorities (Thomas 1975:97).
Legality for the persecutions came from a landmark papal bull issued by Pope Innocent VIII in
1484, calling for the eradication of heresy in all Christian lands (Hart 1987:12). It was the
combination of the publication of the Malleus Maleficarum and the papal bull, which began a
tidal wave of fear and persecutions for the next 200 years. Witch oppressionsalso appeared to
be ignited by disease, famine and climate change (Fisiy 1990, citied in Behringer 2004); leading
to agricultural catastrophes; as in the early 17th Century (Behringer 2004:113). In England, the
Witchcraft Act was introduced in 1542, and although it was repealed in 1547, the Elizabethan
Witchcraft Act in 1563 re-introduced the obsession with renewed vigour (Maple 1962:42, 45).
During this era of superstitious panic and terror, the use of magical charms to protect oneself
became amplified.

Fig 4. A cunning woman divinates


the future from a teacup, Artist
Unknown, 19th Century, British (©
Marriott 2008:325)

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Fear caused many to seek out cunning folk (white witches) to assist them (Merrifield 1987:159).
During the 17th Century, cunning men and women were very popular amongst the general public
(Froome 2010:3). In early modern Europe, cunning folk were the healers and medicine men and
women who the people turned to for assistance. They practiced across the country and came
from all walks of life (Maple 1962: 28, Hughes 1965: 202; Hole 1986:128-9; Davies 1997:92;
Greenwood 2002: 104).Cunning originated from the Anglo-Saxon ‘cunnan’ (to know) and
cunning folk knew how to divinate, cure illnesses and unbewitch spells. However, many of their
methods were similar to witchcraft, for example; sympathetic magic and word spells (Marriott
2008:321). Common people also produced witch-bottles or were instructed in the art by
cunning folk. The average individual had enough elementary knowledge of white magic to
protect themselves but if the spell was too powerful, then a cunning man or white witch would
be sought (Maple 1962:96, Froome 2010:19, 249). Witch-bottles became the most common
counter-magic protection (Karl 2008:56). The popularity of cunning folk continued well into the
mid-19th Century, where they still fashioned witch-bottles for customers (Maple 1960:38) and
‘charmers’ were a distinct group who practiced healing medicine. They outlasted the age of
cunning folk and practiced into the 1970s (Davies 1998:50). Cunning folk or white witches
instructed the populace in counter-magic practices and directed the construction and use of
witch-bottles (Maple 1962:96, Wood 2006). However, they were also in danger of being accused
of being witches themselves, as many Christian groups viewed all forms of magic as heretical.
There were many publications which criticised the practise of white magic, including; ‘A
Dialogue Concerning Witches and Witchcraft’ by George Gifford (1593, citied in Froome 2010:3-
4). It insinuated that magic practitioners gained their powers from the Devil, rather than the
divine and were not to be trusted.

The 16th Century saw great upheavals, with the dis-establishment of the guilds and monasteries;
religious chaos and feudal reforms. This left many living in poverty. Periods like this saw the rise
of the white witches. In his ‘Simboleography’ (1594, citied in Maple 1962), William West listed
the types of magicians who peddled their trade: enchanters, charmers, divinators, soothsayers
and wizards. “By the middle of the sixteenth century the sorcerers must have represented a vast
parasitic growth upon society, and it was perhaps inevitable that they should have been regarded
with growing disfavour” (Maple 1962:36). Witch-bottles appeared after the mid-16 th Century
and their introduction apparently after the creation of the 1542 Witchcraft Act (M.C. Manning
2012:98-9). This world of fear and suspicion concentrated on witchcraft; was the environment
from which witch-bottles were introduced.

To verify the general interpretations regarding witch-bottle functions and their origins, three
approaches will be used: firstly, a study of the archaeological and scientific examination of the

5
Reigate witch-bottle. Secondly; an analysis of geographic and temporal patterns to verify
patterns of provenance. The third approach will be an interpretation of functions by examining
three case studies and a multiple survey. The method will be to exploretheir context and
contents and to compare them to literary accounts. I will conclude with a proposal for any
alternative interpretations. I will conclude by discussing my findings, evaluating my
observations and reflecting on the strengths and weaknesses of my research processes.
Additionally, aside from academic research; this paper will also contain a fieldwork report
located in Appendix II. The report will consist of a first-hand study by the author of a bellarmine
witch-bottle displayed at the London Archaeological Archive and Research Centre (LAARC) with
kind permission of the curator, Mr. Glynn Davies.

6
Chapter 1

The archaeological and scientific analysis of the Reigate witch-bottle

Witch-bottles accounts implied that they were concealed within buildings as counter-magic
tools (Hoggard 2013a), either; in upright or upside down positions (Allen 1991:152). 17 th
Century bellarmines in the eastern counties of England differed (from their London counter-
parts) by their spatial locations, which were under the thresholds or hearths of buildings. Their
purpose appeared to be as protective charms, used to ward off evil (Merrifield 1987:167).
However, Merrifield (1955:205) suggested that building deposits could be linked to European
foundation customs. The action of a foundation deposit defined a sacralisation of a place which
is related to the architect. This relationship encompassed the broader cultural belief system
(Osborne 2004:8).

The excavation of a witch-bottle in Reigate, Surrey, in 1992;presented an opportunity to test the


interpretations of these current beliefs under archaeological conditions. A more detailed report
is presented in Appendix I. This was also the first scientific analysis of sealed witch-bottle
contents, conducted under laboratory conditionsby Dr. Alan Massey of Loughborough University.
Brian Hoggard (2004:168) statedthat most encounters weremade by complete accident. Due to
the nature of this type of discovery, vital information wasdeficient from the archaeological and
historical record (Osborne 2004:1).

The temporal and spatial positionsand contents of the Reigate witch-bottle will be
corroboratedto see whether they conform to current beliefs.

The archaeological excavation of the Reigate ‘witch-bottle’

In 1992, archaeologists conducted an in-depth excavation of a specific area in Reigate, Surrey


(12 to 14 London Road). They discovered the ruins of a 17 th Century structure (Williams
2005:125).

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Fig 5. The 12-14 London Road site,
displaying the location of the 17th
Century structure (Fig 2, © Williams
2005:127)

Fig 6. An OS map of 1872 (Fig 1,


©Williams 2005:126).

According to historical data, the site was first habited in the mid-17 th Century (ibid, 125) by
Anne Glazebrook (1675). It connected to an orchard, belonging to John Miles and John Haybeetle
(ibid, 126).

The excavation work began with the subtraction of the top layers (ibid, 126). Attention was
focused on the 17th Century level of phase 2c, where the ‘witch-bottle’ was discovered (ibid,
131).

8
Fig 7. The excavation of phase 2c
with the witch-bottle in context 33
(Fig 4, ©Williams 2005:130).

Fig 8. The 17th Century wine bottle


excavated in Reigate (©Massey and
Edmonds 2000:34).

Thresholds such as: hearths, chimneys or doorways were considered susceptible points of entry
for witches and their familiars, accordingly, witch-bottles were predominantly buried there
(Maple 1962:166, Merrifield 1987:177; Suckling 2006:26).

9
Initial examination of the phase 2c layer (see fig 6) revealed that two outer walls had been
reassembled, sometime after the construction of the chalk surface. It appeared that the southern
section of wall 47 was reassembled with brick at the point where it continued past the partition
wall (14). From the inside of the eastern wall was a straight hollow (33) which intersected the
chalk ground and contained a mixture of brick, stone and soil where the witch-bottle was
discovered (Williams 2005:130). This witch-bottle was concealed adjacent to a wall (47); within
a depression containing building material. ‘Ritual’ objects hidden under houses implied that
they were used as ‘protective charms’ or to deflect malevolent magic (Merrifield 1987:167).
However, witch-bottles appeared to be similar in methodology and content; regardless of their
two different functions: protective charms or counter-spells.

Fig 9. The uncovered layer of phase


2c (Fig 5, © Williams 2005:131).

In phase 2c (context 33), a copper buckle; two buttons; three dress pins; a key and an iron
stirrup;in addition to a piece of whetstone and copper-alloy scissors were discovered (see fig 6).
The corked wine bottle (witch-bottle) was placed upside-down and apparently concealed
adjacent to wall 47,along with these artefacts (Williams 2005:131).

Fig 10. Copper buckle from context


10, scale 1:2 (Fig 10, no 1,
©Williams 2005:137).

10
Fig 11. Two buttons, three pins and
scissors from context 33, scale 1:2
(Fig 10, ©Williams 2005:137).

Fig 12. Key and iron stirrup, scale


1:2 (Fig 11, ©Williams 2005:138).

Many of the finds were domestic (figs 9, 10, 11), however;the owner of the stirrup may have
participated in the English civil war between 1642 and 1645 (Anon 2014) but without further
evidence this cannot be verified. The Reigate bottle was dated to the last twenty years of the 17 th
Century and the Staffordshire stoneware foundin the same context may be from around 1720
(Jennings 1982:222, cited in Williams 2005). It is possible the bottle may have been 30 to 50
years old when it was placed there (ibid, 140-2). This places the deposition date between the
late 17th Century and the early 18th Century.

Fig 13. There is damage to the rim


which could be evidence of prior use
(©Massey and Edmonds 2000:34).

11
There is also the possibility that the bottle may have been displaced during the continuous
renovations of the property (ibid, 142). Evidence showed the wall (47) was rebuilt after it
passed the partition wall (14). This means the section where the bottle was discovered may
have had limited renovation (fig 6). One thing is certain; the last resting place of the witch-bottle
was beside wall 47. The location of different house sections may have had ritual significance
(Gavin-Schwartz 2001:276) and the positioning of the bottle may have impliedsome purpose in
a facet of the counter-spell.

The scientific analysis of the Reigate witch-bottle

The bottle enclosed nine twisted pins and an unidentified liquid(Massey and Edmonds 2000,
Hoggard 2013a). This intact find provided the opportunity to scientifically examine the bottle in
detail. The bottle was identified as a green wine bottle made of glass and dated around 1685
(Massey and Edmonds 2000:34). Some bottles which only contained urine may not have been
recognised as witch-bottles (Hunt 1923, cited in Merrifield 1955) and may have been removed
from the historical record regarding ritual objects (ibid, 196). The fluid was examined by
introducing it to a gas chromatography column. The test showed there was less than 0.02%
alcohol; this discounted the contents as wine. The internal materials were removed and were
found to be nine bent pins. Upon this discovery, the liquid was tested for urea but none was
found. The fluid was sent to Dr Alan Massey for analysis (Williams 2005:142).

The bottle was first opened in 1994 and the examination in 2000, identified fungal development
on the microscope slides due to external contact (Massey and Edmonds 2000:36). This event
contaminated a percentage of the examination. A number of tests were conducted which
suggested that urine was present and mixedwith saltpetre (potassium nitrate in gunpowder).
Other substances were located in the urine, but couldbe found in other materials (ibid, 34). A
witch-bottle spell allegedly defeated or repelled curses when the bottle (sealed with wax) was
concealed inside a building (Karl 2008:57). The main organic constituent of urine is urea, which
is quickly degenerated by an enzyme called urease; into ammonia and carbon dioxide (Massey
and Edmonds 2000:34). The presence of saltpetre linked the substance with gunpowder.
Whoever, created the mixture may have had military knowledge and in a period not long after
the Civil War, possibly suggested a participant. The bottle was dated to 1685 and Ann
Glazebrook occupied the building from 1675, which inferred that she or a companion were the
possible architects of the bottle. As urine is the predominant ingredient of a witch-bottle, it is
likelythat the excavated wine bottle was used for counter-magic purposes.

The other contents of the bottle were nine small brass pins which had been twisted into an L-
shape design. The pins were a combination of copper, zinc and tin; which made them properly

12
identifiable as either brass or bronze (ibid, 35). The modern view of magical tools consisted of
wands; crystal balls etc. but in the medieval period, the most common tool for practising
physical magic was the pin. Pins were used in a variety of spells including: divination, cursing;
healing and protection, and also love magic (Froome 2010:5). They were frequently used in the
practice of counter-magic but commonly against cursing. There is a reference in ‘The Evil Eye’ by
Frederick Thomas Elworthy (1895, cited in ibid, 19) which stated: ‘Some of the old people
declared it to have been a custom when a pig died from the ‘overlooking’ of a witch to have its
heart stuck full of pins and white thorns, and to put it up the chimney, in the belief that as the heart
dried and withered so would that of the malignant person who had ‘ill wisht’ the pig. As long as
that lasted no witch could have power over the pigs belonging to that house’ (ibid, 19).

Fig 14. A sketch drawing of the


‘witch-bottle’ and its nine pins
(Fig 14, ©Williams 2005:142).

Fig 15. An enhanced image of pin 5


revealed that the top of the pin was
created by encircling the wire twice
around the end (©Massey and
Edmonds 2000:35).

On the floor of the bottle was a tiny amount of hard brownish material, which contained calcium
phosphate, silica and calcite (Massey and Edmonds 2000:35).An optical microscope was used to
verify whether nail-clippings, human hair or a heart shaped impaled cloth were present in the

13
Reigate bottle. It revealed the remains of cotton fibre segments (ibid, 35). The cotton remnants
could be evidence of a cloth shaped heart, but textile materials do not survive well over time.
The traditional animal heart custom (Froome 2010:19) may have been superimposed onto the
witch-bottle and its function may have been more diverse.

A few of the cotton fragments may have been dyed after it was woven. Other materials evident
were animal hairs (fig 17), an insect’s leg; linen; wool fibres and grass (fig 16). These fibres may
have been deposited into the bottle with airborne particles (Massey and Edmonds 2000:36).

Fig 17. Image of animal hairs found


Fig 16. A plant epidermis which
in the bottle (©Massey and
indicated a complete grass with
Edmonds 2000:36).
stem and root structure
(©Massey and Edmonds
2000:36).

The bottle was concealed in an inverted position for over 300 years. The contents did not
escape, so the cork may have been secured with beeswax. Infrared spectroscopy was used to
analyse a section of the cork, which revealed mainly calcium carbonate and calcium phosphate
withtraces of hydrolysed beeswax (ibid, 36).

The organic materials could be radiocarbon dated, to localise an exact date. With the building
data and more detailed study of the occupants and their experiences, it could be possible to
discover who manufactured the bottle. Witch-bottles were the only counter-magic objects,
which had been cited in the historical record, concerning their usage. This distinction could
provide scholars with the opportunity to build a more defined profile of their inception. The
Reigate bottle, has so far, demonstrated the characteristics of a ‘standard’ witch-bottle; it
contained evidence of urine and nine bent brass or bronze pins. Both elements are identified as
primaryingredients in ethno-historical accounts. There were also, indications of a textile

14
material; which could be remnants of a cloth shaped heart but unfortunately; due to limited
material it was difficult to prove.

The enclosed concoction supposedly instigated terrible suffering onto a witch when she or he
passed water (ibid, 34). This examination demonstrated the Reigate bottle contained the
necessary ingredients for such a role. It does not appear to have been guarding a threshold or
entranceway, so it may not have had more than one function. It may havebeen used as a
protective charmor perhaps to trap an evil spirit (Merrifield 1955:206). The level of difficulty
encountered to conceal an object, implied that this objective was paramount to its success. A
major factor in achieving a positive anti-witchcraft spell was the effective concealment of the
witch-bottle (Karl 2008:57).

Urine was, judged from primary literary sources to be the vital portion of a witch-bottle and in
some instances was used alone. The significance of urine was emphasised by this extract
(Blagrave 1671, cited in Merrifield 1987:169) which highlighted its importance: “Another way is
to stop the urine of the patient, close up the bottle, and put into it three nails, pins or needles, with
a little salt, keeping the urine always warm: if you let it remain long in the bottle, it will endanger
the witches life: for I have found by experience that they will be grievously tormented making their
water with great difficulty, if any at all, and the more if the moon be in Scorpio in Square or
Opposition to his Significator, when its done” (ibid, 169).

The text inferred that sharp objects and urine were transferred into the witch and to keep the
mixture warm. Salt was another charm used against witchcraft (Hughes 1965:79, Suckling
2006:25).The use of a bodily fluid in this magical conflict was different from other forms of
magical acts, as it opened a directlink to the witch. This bridge was where the battle took place,
urine opened the door and the pins and/or nails were the weapons used to strike the enemy. We
have seen only the rudimentary tools of this conflict but its tactics, goals; directives and
objectives are as yet waiting to be discovered.

Both archaeological and scientific examinations confirmed the basic ethno-historical ingredients
of witch-bottle methodology. The bottle was filled with urine and nails and a cotton segment,
and then concealed underneath a wall. The building and the occupants date to the mid to late
17th Century, around the time of concealment. The precise spatial position and the saltpetre in
the urine maysuggest additional variations to the practice. The saltpetre may have transformed
the urine for another purpose and the significance of the wall could have highlighted a particular
function and aim of the spell. However, the exact purpose of the bottle and its spatial position
will require more research.

15
Chapter 2

A study of witch-bottle origins based on geographic and temporal patterns

Hypotheses suggest the practice originated in the south-eastern areas of England and that
witch-bottles were produced in the 16th or 17th Centuries (Merrifield 1954, 1955, 1987; Hoggard
2004, 2013a; M.C. Manning 2012). Witch-bottles are a unique phenomenon with their own
specific functions and methodologies. The locations of archaeological finds and an analysis of
ethno-historical records can possibly chart their geographic and temporal diffusion (Hoggard
2004:167, M.C. Manning 2012:94-5).

Geographic patterns

This is the earliest distribution map of bellarmine witch-bottles (fig 18) and the later
steeple/glass bottles and was created by archaeologist, Ralph Merrifield (1955:203). It
highlighted witch-bottles in the south-east of England and London (M.C. Manning 2012:98).
Diffusion to any degree can highlight patterns of association and movement.

Fig 18. 1955 dispersal map of


bellarmines and steeple bottles
(©Merrifield 1955:203).
16
The current (1999) distribution map (fig 20) of witch-bottles (Hoggard 2013b) in Great Britain
displayed a larger number of bottles than previously shown.

Fig 19. Map of Great


Britain (© Quorn Village
Museum 2014)

Fig 20. Distribution map of witch-


bottles found in Britain from 1999
17 (©Brian Hoggard 2013b).
The column chart (fig 21) highlights locations in the 1999 map (fig 19) which have the highest
number of witch-bottles discoveries in Great Britain. There are about 185 bottles and 82 are
situated inside seven concentrated areas. Around 103 are dispersed across England; mainly in
the south-eastern regions. This indicates that over 44% of witch-bottles are located inside major
sea trading sites, while, over 55% are dispersed across a wide area.

Fig 21. Chart displaying


the places in Britain with
the highest number of
witch-bottles (© author
2013).

The results revealed that London had the highest concentration of finds with 19, followed by
Norwich with 14; Ipswich with 13 and Margate with 12. The 1999 map (fig 20) also,
displayedconcentrations located near the south and eastern coastal areas, or areas with coastal
access. This could indicate foreign influences from the European mainland (Merrifield 1987) or
from trading ships from more far afield. Bellarmines originated from Germany but some had
Dutch origins (Hoggard 2004:170, 2013). However, there was an industrial mass bellarmine
production industry in London during the 17th Century (Museum of London 2013). The high
number of bottles in Jersey (9) suggested the practice may have been circulated by sailors or sea
travellers. Sailors were very superstitious and were in a position to assimilate distinct charms
from different lands to protect themselves. Being lost at sea was far more common than it is
today and many deaths were blamed on witchcraft. ‘White sea witches’ were prominent in sea
ports, selling charms to sailors to protect them from storms (Maple 1962:96, Hole 1986: 57-8).
Some researchers have insinuated that witch-bottles may have been created from amalgamated
magical practices (Merrifield 1955, 1987), since the practice shared European traditions of
foundation sacrifices and ritually deposited ceramics (Merrifield 1955:206, Atzbach 2012:252).

Another pattern which is evidentin the 1999 map is that the dispersal arrangement appears to
span the whole of England. The custom was practiced nationally, however; the lack of
concentrated finds in other areas may be due to a number of factors. Many towns and villages

18
were demolished after the Second World War, in order to modernise the country and create
social housing. Most discoveries were only made by chance (Hoggard 2004:168) and some finds
were not reported. The high number in London may be due to greater development projects in
the capital, than in lesser cities or towns. Nonetheless, the practice appears widespread in
England and is not limited to the south-eastern regions.

Temporal patterns

An examination of 3 case studies

Witch-bottles could also be temporally traced. They were believed to have been created in the
16th or 17th Century and used continually into the early20 th Century (Merrifield 1955:198,
Hoggard 2013a). In order to verify this assumption, three examples were selected for analysis. A
second method was the interpretation of a chronological study of around 200 witch-bottles,
(Hoggard 2004). The initial witch-bottles had been identified as Bellarmines (Merrifield 1955,
1987; Hoggard 2004:170). However, there were three general types of bottle forms identified in
the use of this practice, ceramic jars; glass bottles and steeple bottles (M.C. Manning 2012:101).
It appeared that bellarmine usage was abandoned in the mid-18 th Century and later bottles had
countless variants(Merrifield 1987:174, Hoggard 2004:174). These interpretations will be
evaluated by the two procedures.

Fig 22. Bellarmine witch-bottle


dated around 1650-1700 and
containing nails and a felt heart
stuck with pins, found near Paul’s
Pier Wharf, London (©Merrifield
1987:164).

19
The first example was a 17th Century bellarmine bottle (fig 22),unearthed in London and
displayed at the Guildhall Museum. Inside were acollection of iron nails and a cloth shaped heart
injected with five brass pins (Merrifield 1987:163-4). The contents adhered to witch-bottle
methodology and the artefacts contained within, conformed to 17 th Century materials.

Fig 23. The Langton Matravers witch-


bottle (BBC News 2005).

This witch-bottle (fig 23) manufactured in the 18th Century was examined by Dr. Alan Massey. It
was believed to hold a liquid mixture of nicotine, saltwater and deteriorated animal fat, possibly
used as holy water. The Langton Matravers witch-bottle was exhibited at Corfe Castle and the
resident National Trust archaeologist, Nancy Grace believed it was used to protect the cattle
from distemper, supposedly caused by evil spirits. The Parish documents revealed that horned
cattle distemper was present for twelve years during the mid-17 th Century (BBC News 2005,
Harte 2013). The vessel was a variation on the traditional process; as it contained no nails or

20
urine. However, it was believed to be a counter-witchcraft device used to protect farm animals;
rather than humans and was categorised into the witch-bottle convention.

Fig 24. A circa. 1900 witch-bottle


found in Padstow, Cornwall in 1934,
with the Exeter label still attached
(© Merrifield 1987:180).

The third example, dated from around 1900 (fig 24); was made from a cod liver oil bottle and
had pins inserted on the exterior. It demonstrated that the practice continued into the modern
era but in a unique form. It was discovered inside a chimney during renovations in 1934. The
bottle contained decayed urine and the unusual method of sticking pins on the exterior may
have been based on a local tradition. This tradition was hiding the heart of an enchanted animal
implanted with pins, inside a chimney to ward off witchcraft. The introduction of the witch-
bottle to the area may have allowed the two counter-spells to be amalgamated (Merrifield
1955:196, 1987:180; Hole 1986:134; Froome 2010:19).

The examination confirmed that witch-bottles were continually used from the 17 th and into
the20th Centuries. Ceramic jars appeared to be the earliest form. However, it remained to be seen
whether bellarmines were the original forbearers of witch-bottle tradition or just the first
discovered. The salt-glazed ceramic jar (fig 22) was found buried in open ground, near the
Thames and Merrifield (1987) suggested it was a ritual deposit. Thesecond example, the glass
witch-bottle (fig 23); was discovered buried near farmland and may have been used to protect
cattle. The last example (fig 24) was concealed in a cottage chimney and may have been a
protective charm. The three examples indicated that there was no temporal change in basic

21
methodology but there was complex manipulation of contents and meanings. This implied that
different bottles may have had diverse functions.

A temporal analysis of multiple witch-bottles

187 known witch-bottles have been presently surveyed (Hoggard 2004) and temporally
categorised (fig 25). By dating the finds it may be possible to identify a recognizable pattern.

Fig 25. Pyramid chart


displaying the temporal
division (© author 2013).

108 bottles (58%) were dated to before 1700 and 21 (11%) after 1700; while 58 (31%) were
undated. Hoggard (ibid, 170) speculated that the undated bottles may have originated after
1700. The 17th Century appeared to be the most prevalent period of use. The witch persecutions
were at their highest between 1600 and 1700 and gradually declined after 1700 (Greenwood
2002, Behringer 2004; Bailey 2006). There appeared to be a relational pattern between witch
trial peaks and witch-bottle usage peaks in the temporal record, which centred on the period
between 1600 and 1700. The archaeological record and the historical record appeared to
supplement each other during this period. Around 58% of archaeological finds originated from
the era when anxiety over witch cursing was at its greatest. From the 15 th to the 17th Centuries,
the preoccupation with protecting oneself from malign magic instigated the custom of adopting
magical charms (Merrifield 1987:159).

After conducting the two methods, two interpretations have been formed; one is that; witch-
bottle practices continued from the medieval period and into the early modern period. This
practice was altered in function and material use. The second interpretation is that the witch-
bottle practice was more extensive before 1700 and declined to whatever degree in the
following years. This pattern followed the same formation of the witchcraft hysteria time
period,in the 15th to 17th Centuries(Suckling 2006:51) and could be relational.

22
Chapter 3

An analysis of witch-bottle functions based on contents

The function(s) of witch-bottles have been discussed by a number of academics and this author
will attempt to interpret this aspect of the study. The contents and spatial positions of three case
studies will be examined, along with a survey of multiple witch-bottles(Hoggard 2004). The
general and ethno-historical accounts of witch-bottle usages will be presented and used as a
source of comparison. Finally, a contribution of any possible alternative ideas or interpretations
will be added by the author.

An analysis of ethno-historical sources

The general premise of witch-bottle applicationin the ethno-historical records was as a defence
against witchcraft attacks. The function was to reverse a witch spell back onto the witch who
had projected it (Merrifield 1987:167-8).

A commonly referenced example of a primary source was Joseph Glanville’s ‘Sadducismus


Triumphatus’ (Merrifield 1955, 1987:171; Hoggard 2004:171; M.C. Manning 2012:105) written
in 1681. It contained an account told by a William Brearley, who (possibly during the period
1620 to 1640) was told a story of the use of a witch-bottle by his landlord. Thelandlord’s wife
was advised to place abottle, containing urine and nails onto a fire;thus destroying the witch-
spell. After this had failed, she was advised to bury the bottle under the ground. The story
inferred that the landlord’s wife had been attacked by an evil spirit (in the guise of a bird), but
that the bottle had deflected the spirit. It was possible that the witch’s familiar(bird) may have
been the intended target (Merrifield 1955:199-200). Familiars were demonic servants of
witches, usually appearing as small animals (Hole 1986:39, Sharp 1996:248). Trapping witches
or their servants (familiars, imps) may have been another function of witch-bottles. This was
one of the earliest known written accounts of the use of a witch-bottle and dated the practice to
the mid to late 17th Century.

Another popular historical reference was Joseph Blagrave’s ‘Astrological Practice of Physick’
published in 1671 (Merrifield 155:198, 1987:169, Hoggard 2004:171; M.C. Manning 2012:106).
It stated that due to the intricacy of the Devil, a witch was not allowed to imbue the body of a
man or beast without using their own blood. This magical act created a ‘link of sympathy’
between the witch and the victim, which made both sides susceptible to attack (Merrifield
1955:198). John Aubrey discussed a witch-bottle case in his ‘Miscellanies’ in 1696, whereby; a
bottle was filled with a horse’s urine and buried in the earth to cure the animal from witchcraft.
In ‘An Essay for the Recording of Illustrious Providences’ (1684, cited in Merrifield 1987), the

23
religious author Increase Mather criticised the use of urine-filled witch-bottles and other forms
of white magic (Merrifield 1955:198). His son, Cotton Mather (1691, cited in ibid); another New
England cleric; also condemned the use of magic (white or black); he criticised the presence of
nails and pins inside witch-bottles; as tools of suffering (ibid, 174).

It is prudent to evaluate the background of the authors. Joseph Glanvill (Glanvil, 1636-1680) was
a member of the Royal Society who attempted to verify the existence of witchcraft using
scientific methods. He was an avid believer ofwitches and the soul and believed to have initiated
the beginnings of psychical studies (Encyclopaedia Britannica 2014a). John Aubrey (1626-1697)
was an eminent antiquarian and best known for studying the Avebury stones. He was also, a
member of the Royal Society and an author of numerous studies (Encyclopaedia Britannica
2014b). Joseph Blagrave (1610-1679) was a keen studier of astrology and astronomy. He also
claimed to have cast out a devil from a maid in Basingstoke (Nash Ford 2011). Increase Mather
(1639-1723) was a church minister. Although, he and his son Cotton Mather (also a church
preacher) held that witches existed and that deliverance from supernatural misfortunes came
from God; they also doubted some claims in witch trial cases (Encyclopaedia Britannica 2014c).

All the accounts dated from the mid to late 17 th Century. What is apparent is that the authors
divided into two groups; learned antiquarians and religious scholars (with the exception of
Aubrey), who all had a strong belief in witchcraft. Glanvil and Blagrave had an acute interest in
many aspects of the supernatural and attempted to scientifically prove its existence. While,
Increase and Cotton Mather were opposed to all forms of magic; whether white or black. Aubrey
may have had beliefs in magic but they are not highlighted in his career. The use of urine and
sharp items injected into bottles is stated in many of the accounts. Similarities from such
opposing perspectives would indicate that the method was well-known and linked to counter-
magic or anti-witchcraft practices. One other substantiation is information assembled from an
Old Bailey court record from 1682. In which, a husband was advised to protect his wife from
witchcraft by a Spitalfield apothecary and told to“take a quart of your Wive’s urine, the paring of
her nails, some of her Hair, and such like, and boyl them well in a Pipkin” (Alleyne 2006, Viegas
2009).

A number of factors are highlighted in the historical sources, either:the bottles containing urine
and nails should be heated on a fire or buried and that an intangible connection is made with the
victim and the witch by the use of urine.The victim can use the link to harm the witch, however,
it does not state whether the witch can do the same. Animals can be unbewitched using the
same methods. Lastly, no other purposes are mentioned, except that the nails are used for
causing pain and urine is the method of delivery.

24
The interpretations from current scholars insinuated; witch-bottles were used as protective
charmsor as deflect spells or caused a strangury (unable to urinate). Other roles were, perhaps;
to trap an evil spirit or to heal illnesses (Maple 1962:159, Merrifield 1954:4, 1955:195,
1987:167; Hoggard 2004:170, 2013a; M.C. Manning 2012:95). Three separate witch-bottle cases
will be analysed to verify or expand on these interpretations.

Case 1: the Hellington witch-bottle

During the restoration of a cottage in Hellington, Norfolk in 1976, a bellarmine stoneware bottle
was unearthed beneath the hearth in an upturned position. The jar appeared to be a Holmes’
(1951, cited in Walker 1987) type VIII. The bellarmine appeared to be a Dutch copy constructed
between 1680 and 1700 (Walker 1987:113).

Fig 26. An example of a Dutch


bellarmine jar (c. 1650) discovered
in a Dutch East Indies shipwreck
(Wisma Antik 2014).

The contents of the jar were as follows (Walker 1987:113):

 A section of string 115mm long and shaped into a loop by means of a single reef knot
accompanied by two comparable knots
 Eight thorns about 65mm in length taken from an adult hawthorn branch
 Pieces of a cork plug
 Twenty-four segments of a French religious volume written in the 15th or 16th Century

25
 One segment from the same volume wrapped in a 10mm length of hair and inserted with
a 17th Century bronze pin around 25mm long.

All the volume sections came from the same page and the single piece of perforated paper (fig
27) came from a top section of the page and showed a 17th Century handwritten message, along
with two decorations (ibid, 113). Devotional books assisted Christians to physically focus their
faith and beliefs, either in a church or their own homes (Metropolitan Museum of Art 2013).

Fig 27. Single pierced fragment


showing inscription and pin (Walker
1987:113).

The Hellington jar contents were a form of white magic, which could be targeted at a specific
witch. For example, the impaled felt heart may (as already mentioned) have been used as a
protective charm (Froome 2010:19) or to detect witches (Hole 1986:134). It was also believed
that heating the bottle would intensify the power of the counter-spell (Walker 1987:113-4).
Finds in Sussex, Coddenham and Andover, Hants proved that witch-bottles were used in many
parts of Britain. The 17th Century appeared to be the most popular period of use and the
Hellington bottle and its contents originated from that time (ibid, 114). The Hellington bottle
contained a unique written charm. Although, the inscription cannot be understood; it is one of
the few witch-bottles discovered with a written spell. The counter-spell also relied on the effect
of magical numbers and possibly certain symbols of the zodiac (ibid, 114).

This example highlighted interesting conundrums; the bottle represented the early bellarmine
versions; which usually contained only urine and sufficient amounts of nails or pins. Apart from
thorns, this particular witch-bottle contained none of the major ingredients for fighting
witchcraft. This bottle dated from the period of greatest popularity and its inception. However, it
is not stated whether the bottle was unearthed sealed; which would clarify if the liquid (urine)
contents had leaked. The lack of other primary features, such as; hair and nails; indicated that
the motivation for its usage may have been distinct. The use of one hair and pin to bind and
pierce the single section of paper indicated a precise method of probable counter-spell. This

26
does not appear to be a standard counter-spell stated in the primary sources,to deflect a witch
curse. Such a complex methodology could equate with an architect with more knowledgeable
experience in the art of enchantments.The religious contents may suggest either, a greater threat
was perceived or the author was from a religious background. It indicatedthe creator could read
and possessed a religious volume. The use of the knotted string is another added facet in the
spell which may have had a specific function. Cords or strings with three knots were sometimes
called ‘rain ropes’ or sold as ‘wind spells’ by sea witches at ports to sailors. Untying one knot
generated a small wind, the second; a stronger wind and the third knot could create a storm
(Maple 1962:166, Hole 1986:57-8; Golden 2006b:1199; Suckling 2006:82-3). The positioning
near to the hearth could have transformed the essence of the spell. Hoggard believed the bottle
would not have come into contact with heat (Hoggard 2004:173), which refuted the argument
its power could be augmented by heating. The presence of the knotted string and the written
charm implied that multiple charms were used, either for one role or many. I would propose that
the bottlewas incorporating different charms and customs; used for a variety of reasons.The
hearth position was not necessarily linked to house protection but may have augmented the
power of the bottle. This suggests that 17th Century witch-bottles were employed for more
complex functions than the ethno-historical accounts implied.

Case 2: the Ipswich witch-bottle

At Pottery Street and Arthur Street in Ipswich, a stoneware witch-bottle (fig 28) was discovered
under a former old house, in 1958 during the building of the Ipswich Civic College. The bottle
may have been a later development of the bellarmine tradition because the bearded face had
been replaced by a decoration of three horse shoes. It probably dated to the last decade of the
17th Century (Merrifield 1987:168).

Fig 28. The 17th Century stoneware


witch-bottle from Ipswich
(©Merrifield 1987:169).

27
The Ipswich bottle was found inverted and contained over forty rusty iron nails, along with
sections of human hair (fig 29). There were also pieces of felt, which probably were the
remnants of a heart shaped facsimile; inserted with seven pins. Additionally, a number of other
objects were found including: a two-pronged iron fork, 24 brass studs; a collection of pointed
flat wooden spills, used in tinder boxes for making sulphur matches and over 40 pieces of glass
shards (ibid, 168). The significance of the position of the witch-bottle in a building may be
crucial in its function as a counter-spell. The use of iron as a material in the counter-spell is also
interesting, as it has always been perceived as a protection against evil (Gavin-Schwartz
2001:270, Hoggard 2013a).

Fig 29. Some of the


contents of the Ipswich
bottle (Merrifield
1987:170).

The bottle and the items discovered inside were analysed by Dr A. E. Werner of the British
Museum Research Laboratory. Herevealed an application of phosphates found in the neck,
resulting from salts collected if the urine had deteriorated over time when the bottle was placed
inverted (Merrifield 1987:169).The exact position of the bottle is not stated, except that it was
discovered underneath the house. The role of the cloth shaped heart inserted with pins is not
clear. An animal heart implanted with pins inside a chimney to ward off witchcraft, was a local
tradition in Cornwall in the 17th Century. This custom may have merged with the witch-bottle
(Merrifield 1955:196).Toads were believed to have magical properties and the most common
animals used for magical practices. Toads produced venom from their bodies which was crucial
for making charms. In the book, ‘Egyptian Secrets’ by Albertus Magnus, (de Laurence 1972, cited
in Froome 2010) it is stated: “That the toad must be prepared for sympathetic remedy, - we must
hang him in a chimney by the legs, and set him under a dish of yellow wax, to receive whatever may
come down.”In the Museum of Witchcraft (item 138, cited in Froome 2010) a desiccated toad is

28
displayed which was discovered in a building in Devon suspended inside a chimney and inserted
into a decorated metal container (ibid, 204).

This Ipswich bottle appeared to contain urine, as well as nails and pins; the rudimentary
ingredients of a witch-bottle. However, the probable facsimile heart could be an amalgamation
of two distinct customs;indicating contents were used to transform the roles of the bottles. The
addition of glass shards is not comprehended, as forty iron nails would have been sufficient to
initiate any ‘sympathetic’ attack. It could mean that a different material had different functions,
iron was known as an effective charm against witchcraft; perhaps the properties of glass were
understood to contain unique qualities. The 24 brass studs, iron fork and wooden tinder box
spills could each have had a distinct function. The symbolism of the fork as an eating tool could
signify a new method of directing the spell to the witch. The items of glass or the brass studs
may have been calculated to be forcibly ingested by the witch in the counter-spell. The addition
of the spills which are linked to burning, could heat the items along the link and when they reach
their target. I believe that every item had significance and a specific purpose within the spell. A
high degree of attention, detail; effort and expense; went into the construction of the witch-
bottle and its function(s).

The practice of counter-magic should be analysed in a non-ritual way. Ritual is a modern broad
label used by present-day academics. However, before the advent of science; these methods and
actions were viewed as legitimate contemporary tools and a form of technology; with which to
combat a real threat. Magic is viewed today as an intangible concept without substance but in
the past was seen as a solid force engineered by real beings of evil. To combat these threats,
weapons and protective shields were employed as in contemporary armies. This was a war and
wars have tactics, strategies and innovations.

Case 3: the Plymouth witch-bottle

This bellarmine witch-bottle (fig 30) was discovered hidden inside a wall of a house in Plymouth
and is now displayed at the Museum of Witchcraft in Padstow, Cornwall. It was secured with wax
and contained no liquid. Even though, the bottle is centuries old; indications were that it was
filled and sealed between 1895 and 1912. It was believed to have been used for ‘retribution
magic’ against an employer (Williamson 2014).

29
The contents included, bird bones; hair; pins; nail parings and a red (coral?) hand; shown in the
adjacent box (fig 30).

Fig 30. Bellarmine witch-


bottle discovered in Plymouth
(© Williamson 2014)

The museum interpreted the bottle,as used for numerous reasons: a protective charm, a curse
for revenge and a witches’ tool for containing hexes and spirits. Unfortunately, it does not
provide any evidence for the latter and so cannot be substantiated. Williamson (ibid) mentioned
an 18th Century document held at the Cornwall records office, which related a method of
creating witch-bottles by cunning folk. It stated; that once the bottle had been constructed: “no
enemy will have power over you” (ibid).

Although, the bottle appeared to be a 17th Century bellarmine; its ingredients were forged and
initiated for witch-bottle usage in the late 19th and early 20thCenturies. This is the first indication
of bellarmine use, beyond the 18th Centuryand does not conform to previous patterns or
interpretations. The use of traditional ingredients (hair, pins and nail parings) suggested
intimate knowledge of past methods. Animal and bird bones have been used in European
concealed vessels. For example, a vessel was placed with other charms beneath an oven in
Moö ttlingen, Germany and enclosed with bird bones; coins and earth (Kiessewetter 1893, cited in
Merrifield 1955). In some cases, the buried objects were inverted just like the British ritual

30
bottles (ibid, 205). This similarity with a custom from the European mainland and the proximity
with a witch-bottle in Plymouth could propose a link. As I have indicated earlier, different
materials could have had unique properties in counter-magical practices. The (coral) amulet is
related to the sea and is red (signifying blood).The location near to the seacould have involved a
maritime facet to the bottle-charm. Williamson indicated a motive of retribution, which implied
that the bottle was used as a hate weapon.

The presence of hair could replace urine, in the role of a link; as it is a personal organic product
of the possible architect. This could infer that a bodily product linked to the creator is just as
potent at opening a bridge for the spell to work. The contents advocated that more than one
magical tradition is present in the bottle and that witch-bottles aretransformative mediums. A
variety of functions could be applied, a theory advocated by current beliefs. The bottle also
disprovedthe notion that bellarmines ceased to be used after the 18 th Century.

An analysis of multiple witch-bottle contents

This section will analyse the functions of witch-bottles, using the results of a multiple bottle
survey (Hoggard 2004). The analysis of any general pattern may reveal some insight into the
methodology of witch-bottle practices.

The following chart displayed the various contents highlighted in the survey of 187 witch-
bottles (ibid). It should be noted that organic substances are vulnerable and decay over time but
inorganic materials are more resilient. This research can provide a general parameter of
available material, which can be used as a guide in establishing an interpretation.

Fig 31. Chart highlighting


the various contents of
witch-bottles (© author
2013)

31
An examination of the contents (fig 31) revealed that iron was the most common. Iron was a
strong metal and an individual charm against witchcraft. Hair was a personal element of the
architect and sharp objects were presumably used as weapons, based on literary accounts. The
heart shaped cloth suggested this facsimile was more popular than previously realised, as 10%
survived from a material that was extremely prone to decay. The remains of the potential effigies
could indicate a hitherto unknown link between figurines and witch-bottles.

It is logical to assume that these items were not placed randomly but had a specific purpose.
Also, these elements were engaged in an explicit alignment which would have been paramount
to their success and effectiveness. The configurations and roles could have been numerous.
Since the tradition was practiced for a number of centuries, the development of methods could
have progressed with increasing complexity.

Certain materials and metals may have had unique abilities in the spell, either used in unity or
individually. The other sharp objects consisted of: thorns, grass; pieces of wood and nail parings
(ibid, 172). It is possible that each material represented a unique quality. Sharp objects could be
unified together in the spell and transformed into a single weapon. Past interpretations have
interpreted the contents in a divisible manner but they may have worked in unison, rather than
individually. The resulting fabrication may have become a single spell inside the bottle.

The presence of possible effigies introduced a unique element into the witch-bottle magico-
object. The bottle itself was interpreted as a facsimile of the creator (Suckling
2006:26)composed of separate parts, which combined to form a single unit. The insertion of
another whole entity, such as the figurine created a dilemma of interpretation. The witch-doll is
one method used by witches to cause injury. The doll could be manufactured from a substance
that the victim came into contact with (wood, wax or corn) or an irregular impression of the face
could be constructed. Once it was created, it could be destroyed quickly or slowly, using fire;
water or sharp objects (Ankarloo 2002:59, Suckling 2006:65). To offer some explanations,
perhaps;by inserting the doll into the bottle; it was neutralised but this would mean the victim
managed to acquire the doll from the witch; which is unlikely. Another explanation is that the
creator of the bottle made the doll to harm someone and amalgamated it into the witch-bottle to
create a new unknown tradition. Unfortunately, it is not possible to determine whether the
effigy was pierced by pins. One other reason could be that a witch created the effigy and
implanted into the bottle. This would imply that witches used witch-bottles for their own
purposes. Although, historical records indicated people used witch-bottles against witches;
there is no indications that witches did not use them also. The primary literary sources are not a
representational of the majority of society.

32
The record is far from complete but current indications are that a high degree of creativity was
applied in witch-bottle contents and methodology. Some bottles were used without urine, so
other organic components could have beenused as substitutes.The variety of contents and
methods could reflect a variety of creators, including witches. It is the final formation of a
weapon that makes it dangerous and not the individual components. I surmise that the contents
were a combined spell and that the bottle was a medium and functioned in a similar fashion to a
gun. The principles appear to be comparable;it is a loaded container which impels a projectile
towards the intended target. However, this bout was conducted in the non-physical realm of
spiritual magic.

An analysis of multiple witch-bottle spatial positions

It has been suggested that the locations of the bottles within the buildings were possibly linked
to their purpose and that the hearth was the most popular position for their function (Maple
1962:159, Merrifield 1987:167; Hoggard 2004:170). The spatial study by Hoggard (2004:173)
highlighted certain locations where the bottles were discovered. By analysing the results, it may
be possible to ascertain a pattern from which to draw a conclusion.

Fig 32. The spatial


positions of witch-
bottle finds, within
buildings. The various
locations also includes
outside discoveries (©
author 2013)

33
The survey (fig 32) showed that half of the finds were discovered under or within the hearths
which verified current interpretations. The hearth was the integral place of a household,
culturally and socially. The position may be accommodated for charm protection, rather than
used for creating links with the witch (ibid, 173). The second most common place was below the
floor. The placing of bottles at particular locations is obviously intentional, as great effort went
into their emplacements (Gavin-Schwartz 2001:276, Hoggard 2004:170). The question is
whether this had functional significance. It has been suggested that witch-bottles were placed
within buildings for use as protective charms or used in general magical protection(Merrifield
1987:167, Hoggard 2004:173; M.C. Manning 2012:99; Museum of Witchcraft 2014; National
Museum of Wales 2014).I have suggested that the range of contents represented a variety of
functions and I believe that this is also the case with the locations within the buildings.

One of the greatest threats that people faced in their homes was the menace from the servants of
witches(familiars or imps). These servants took the shape of numerous animals including: toads,
cats; mice; dogs and ferrets (Wherry and Jennings 1905:188, Maple 1962:72; Sharp 1996:248).
It may be that the size and versatility of these animals in entering households encouraged
people to protect walls and floors magically. The floor was also vulnerable to underworld
creatures. This may be another reason for its protection. Protective charms may have ‘magically’
protected the house but also protected individual walls and floors; making them impermeable to
access by animal Demons.

A number of bellarmine witch-bottles in London have been discovered in open ground


(Merrifield 1987:164) and some were believed to have been ritually deposited in ditches.
Unfortunately, there is too little evidence to support this view. There could be any number of
reasons for their presence, as the landscape had been transformed to such a degree, both
environmentally and temporally. The bottles could have been lost orreburied. The discovery of
witch-bottles containing personal body products would have made the owner(s) extremely
susceptible to witchcraft.

The assigning of witch-bottles at individual locations could signify different functions. Each part
of a building may have had a symbolic meaning, which may have required a specific bottle with a
specific content. To identify any patterns, it would be required to study the types of bottles and
their contents at each spatial location.

An alternative analysis of witch-bottles

A study of witch-bottle origins by Merrifield (1954, 1955) implied an amalgamation of European


and English traditions. In Europe, pots were believed to be buried beneath buildings as

34
‘foundation sacrifices’ or as traps designed to capture spirits (Kiesewetter 1893, de Bruyn 1929;
Essink 1953, 1955; Renaud 1955, cited in Merrifield 1955). The tradition in England was the
heating of a bewitched person’s urine into a pot with nails, which led to the harming a witch.
This counter-spell appeared to pre-date the use of witch-bottles and was mentioned in ‘A
Dialogue concerning Witches and Witchcraft’ by George Gifford(1593, cited in Merrifield 1955), a
date seemingly older than any witch-bottle discovered so far. If these different forms of white
magic merged together then it is entirely possible that one result could have been the creation of
the witch-bottle (Merrifield 1955:200-7). England had a tradition of concealing shoes inside
houses from the medieval period (Hoggard 2004:179) and so did Germany (Atzbach 2012:252).
This demonstrated that traditional customs were copied across the channel. The possibility of
an origin created from an environment of: cross-cultural traditions; trading ports; the pottery
industry and London are popular with this author. The study of: maritime magical
traditions,European customs and the link between bellarmine production and witch-bottle
practices could be an avenue of investigation.

The presence of pins, impaled hearts and iron; inside bottle contents; exhibited a custom of
amalgamated diverse magical practices within the witch-bottle tradition. However, there were
other forms of witchcraft in England which could have influenced the formation of the witch-
bottle. Two forms of malevolent witchcraft in the medieval period were the witch doll (fig 33)
and the wax figurine (fig 34); used by witches to inflict harm or death (Ankarloo 2002:59.
Golden 2006a:537).In 1595, King James I of Scotland tried and executed the ‘witch’ Agnes
Sampson for attempting to destroy him with a wax effigy (Suckling 2006:73-4). In 1538, a wax
effigy found in a graveyard pierced with pins was said to epitomize Prince Edward (Maple
1962:38).

Fig 33. Wooden witch or


‘curse’ doll (19th Century)
found in the wall of a house
in Hereford, the curse reads:
"Mary Ann, I act this spell upon
you from my holl heart wishing
you to never rest nor eat nor
sleep the rester part of your life.
I hope your flesh will waste
away and I hope you will never
spend another penny I ought to
have. Wishing this from my
whole heart" (©Hereford
Museum 2014).
35
Fig 34. Wax effigy displayed at the
Ann of Cleves House Museum,
Sussex (undated). Dolls were also
known as ‘poppets,’ the German
word for doll (©Flickr 2009).

I suggest this custom of black magic was appropriated and its role reversed; as the wax figure
and the witch-doll shared similar properties with witch-bottles. A witch doll (fig 35) could be
made from different materials, with personal items of the victim attached to it. Similarly, a rough
image could be carved of the victim and then the effigy could be stabbed with pins or set alight
(Maple 1962:159, Merrifield 1987:155; Suckling 2006:65; Walker 1992:23; Greenwood
2002:97; Hereford Museum 2014).

Fig 35. Late 18th Century witch doll


with attached curse (© Greenwood
2002:97).

36
A witch-bottle was also a representation of a person containing bodily-products andpins. Both
magico-objects used image magic and the Law of sympathy in their methodology. Image magic
was applied by creating an image of something and affecting it. The imitating principle
functionedby; the likeness or personal item being imprinted onto the object (Maple 1962:15,
33). I suggest that the concept of wax effigies was utilised by either; cunning folk or a member of
the public and its process reversed. Reversing ideas and beliefs was a well-known impression in
the past and referred to as ‘inversion.’ ‘Inversion’ was the medieval concept of evil, whereby; the
Christian faith and symbols were reversed to represent the forces of evil. The descriptions of
witchcraft were presented, as the reversal of all cultural signs. The entire cosmic edict was
inverted, with the Black Sabbath replacing the Christian mass; with dancing backwards and the
mocking of Christianity. The Devil supplanted God and his servants replaced priests (Toiva
2004:14-5, Golden 2006b:1226; SUPERSTITIONS 2014). The concept of inversion in the world
of spiritualism and witchcraft was highly ingrained within medieval society.One role of a witch-
bottle was to divert a spell away from the victim by becoming a facsimile created from the body
fluids or items of the person (Suckling 2006:26). The use of a duplicateimage is possibly the
oldest form of magic known (Maple 1962, Hole 1986; Golden 2006a) and could have been the
inspiration for the final metamorphosis of the witch-bottle.

Discussion

The archaeological evidence highlighted a number of points. The Reigate bottle was deliberately
concealed in an area which had been renovated in the late 17 thto early 18thCenturies. The bottle
was hidden under the floor adjacent to the outer wall and contained nine brass pins and urine
and remnants of a cloth. The wall area may have represented a symbolic meaning and a factor in
the function of the bottle. The pins denoted a second magical custom and possibly, do the cloth.
With the inclusion of the urine as a bridge, this implied that four separate meanings could have
been simultaneously operated inside the bottle. The inversion of the bottle and the pins may
also have constituted a fifth meaning. The presence of saltpetre in the urine inferred that
primary ingredients could be altered to increase or transform their properties. Lastly, the bottle
is not a bellarmine, which suggests that various vessels were being used much earlier than
thought and that the importance of bellarmines diminished rapidly. It may also suggest that
different regions had different formats in witch-bottle practices.

The analysis of geographic patterns indicated London had the densest number of finds and may
have been a possible location of provenance. The capital was also a major area of bellarmine
production in the 17th Century and there could be a connection. London is a centre for shipping

37
trade and with the high concentrations in other coastal cities; I would suggest that the practice
was spread through shipping routes, which combined English and European traditions. An
analysis of trading ships that frequented those ports and the magical traditions they practiced
on board could be an avenue of investigation. A study of traditions practiced by south-eastern
potters could also inject new information into current interpretations. The study highlighted the
wide distribution of finds across England. This indicated that the practice became popular in a
short time span.

The temporal and functional studies demonstrated that witch-bottle practices were a
continuous custom between the 17th and 20th Centuries. However, the Reigate wine bottle and
the Plymouth Bellarmine do not conform to the premise that witch-bottle material forms
followed a set pattern of temporal typology. Vessels of different materials including bellarmines
were used throughout the lifespan of the witch-bottle practice. Even though, bellarmines were
more popular before 1700, other forms were also being used. The variety of bottle contents was
present in both earlier periods and later periods, which implied that witch-bottle methods were
highly complex from their inception. Content manipulation mirrored the diversity of roles and
was maintained throughout the centuries of use. The basic format stated in the ethno-historical
sources of; urine and nails;only reflected the archaeological record from a general
interpretation. It did not present or explain the high levels of complexity displayed in the
contents. The peak of bellarmine use in the temporal record coincided with the height of the
witch trial hysteria in the medieval period and is believed by this author to be relational.

The differences in contents may reflect the use of multiple charms from different magical
traditions (iron, salt; pins and impaled hearts). These traditions were culturally accepted to be
used in the witch-bottle practice, which was recognised as a medium for exercising magic or
counter-magic. . They may also represent a diversity of opponents, other than witches. The
study of witch-bottle practices has shown an evolution of complex methodologies which must
have paralleled the social environment. The museum tour contained an interesting fact. A shoe
embodied a protective charm but a slashed shoe represented ‘dark magic’. The inversion of the
bottle and the pins may signify a sinister form of unknown magic not mentioned in the literary
texts.

The similarities of witch-dolls and witch-bottles could provide an avenue of investigation


regarding the formation or transformation of witch-bottle practices. A study of ethno-historical
accounts, oral histories and archaeological remains of witch dolls and wax figurines could
convey new information in this endeavour.

Conclusion

38
The study of witch-bottles has predominantly been based on, temporal and spatial positions and
magical traditions; in comparison with ethno-historical and archaeological evidence. Although,
this research has been expertly accomplished; it has produced mainly a general interpretation of
the subject. This paper has demonstrated that the witch-bottle practice was highly intricate and
involved a diversity of functions, forms and purposes. To create a more defined understanding, it
would be required to follow a more interpretive approach.

Witch-bottles were not created in isolation but in a cultural sea of beliefs, customs and social
stresses. These stresses were generated by the fear of witchcraft and the antidote was the
creation of a practice, composed of using multiple magical customs through a single medium.
The variety and complexity of applications suggestedthe protagonists were also numerous and
complex.

In a world with limited science, misfortunes were blamed on the supernatural. The public
sought aid and it came in the form of cunning folk. These were professional practitioners of
counter-magic and countless other remedies. Theses practitioners of white magic came from all
walks of life and were highly ingrained in society. Their influence on the provenance and
functions of witch-bottles could be extremely underrated.

A study of this social group and the methods and customs they perpetuated in the 17 th Century
could shed new light into the research of witch-bottle provenance. It would also be necessary to
analyse the myriad of magical traditions that were present during that period in order to
discover any patterns of interlinking traditions. Regional customs could be compared to witch-
bottle contents. These patterns could highlight geographic and temporal arrangements of
merging traditions into a coherent design.

I would like to stress that witch-bottle studies are extremely limited and only a handful of
scholars and historians have analysed the field. I have used their interpretations to write this
paper and am particularly grateful to them and to Brian Hoggard. His generous support and use
of the unpublished distribution map (fig 20) has been invaluable. The primary sources were also
limited but the distinction of the authors with similar views gave credence to the authenticity of
the practice. My methods have used specific examples from a wide field but a more detailed
study would require the analysis of numerous witch-bottles and their contents. A more in-depth
analysis of English and European magical traditions would also achieve greater results. This
field of study has many possibilities and avenues ofinvestigation but more research is required. I
hope my research has added some further knowledge to the study of witch-bottles.

39
Appendix I: The archaeological and scientific report of the
Reigate witch-bottle (Williams 2005)

40
Fig 36. The Reigate witch-bottle (© Massey and Edmonds 2000)

Appendix I

The archaeological analysis of the Reigate witch-bottle

During development work in 1988, the remains of a structure were discovered on London Road
in Reigate, Surrey; on the previous site of a group of Auction Rooms. This site was close to the
western slope of Reigate Castle and was identified as the remnants of a 17 th Century building.

41
The building was believed to be the first structure constructed on the site in the 17 th Century,
and removed in the 18th Century; according to historical and archaeological reports. In 1992,
archaeologists conducted an in-depth excavation of the specific area (12 to 14 London Road);
along with a study of its history. The ruins of the structure were located in the earlier gardens,
which backed onto a house on London Road. An analysis of an OS map from 1872 revealed that
some surrounding areas were unoccupied and that only number 14; an antique shop still
remained (Williams 2005:125).

Fig 37. The 12-14 London Road site


during excavation in 1992,
displaying the location of the 17th
Century structure; near the centre
(Fig 2. © Williams 2005:127)

Fig 38. An OS map of 1872, showing


the London Road site in fig 2 (Fig 1.
© Williams 2005:126).

The history of 12 – 14 London Road relied on information referenced from Court Rolls, arranged
by Mrs Ewart Smith for a Mr D J Turner and focused on rentals of allocated properties. However,
it was not possible to verify the accounts in the Surrey historical archive centre. According to
archaeological data, the site was first habited in the mid-17 th Century and the rental information
confirmed this belief (Williams 2005:125). Witch-bottles have so far, been unearthed without

42
any identification of their creator(s). However, this site appeared to be the first to have records
of occupation; apparently during the period of its concealment.

The first owner to appear in the records is called Mercer, who owned a residence on the site in
1644; which was let to a Simon Glazebrook. The Glazebrook property was situated next to land
habited by John Cuddington and Daniel Ware in 1665. In 1675, the residence was occupied by
Anne Glazebrook and adjoined the property of Thomas Street to the north. The Street tenement
appeared to associate with the 1725 record of a structure connected to an orchard, belonging to
John Miles and John Haybeetle (Williams 2005:126). Historical and archaeological evidence
suggests the building and its occupants originated from around the mid-17 th Century, who were
in residency during the theorised introduction of witch-bottles in the region.

The excavation work began with the subtraction of the top layers which consisted of garden soil
and building rubble. There were four major levels of excavation on the site, which were recorded
(Williams 2005:126). Attention was focused on the 17th Century level of phase 2c, where the
‘witch-bottle’ was discovered (Williams 2005:131).

Fig 39. Layer of 17th Century


building unearthed in 1992,
43 showing the excavation of phase 2c;
with the witch-bottle sighted in
context 33 (Fig 4. © Williams
2005:130).
Fig 40. The 17th Century wine bottle
excavated in Reigate and examined
by Alan Massey and Tony Edmonds
of Loughborough University and
believed to be a witch-bottle (©
Massey and Edmonds 2000:34).

The excavation of phase 2 involved the analysis of the 17th Century structure and its
development over time. There were two incomplete remaining rooms in the structure, and the
northern room (1) was constructed lower than the southern room (2). The separating wall
resided next to a formed rung composed of sections (Williams 2005:128). Analysis was directly
focused on phase 2c which revealed a partial section of rooms: one and two. Initial examination
of the phase 2c layer revealed that two outer walls had been reassembled, sometime after the
construction of the chalk surface. It appeared that the southern section of wall 47 was
reassembled with brick at the point where it continued past the partition wall (14). The
northern wall (48) was also reconstructed on a stone base using brick, while lime plaster was
used to cover both walls. From the inside of the eastern wall was a straight hollow (33) which
intersected the chalk ground and part of the same wall. It was lower in room one than room two
and contained a mixture of brick, stone and soil where the witch-bottle was discovered,
apparently deliberately placed (Williams 2005:130).

44
Fig 41. The uncovered layer of the
17th Century building at 12-14
London Road, highlighting phase 2c
(Fig 5. © Williams 2005:131).

A number of interesting artefacts were discovered in phase 2c (context 33), in addition to the
witch-bottle; which comprised of a copper buckle found in trench 10. There were multiple items
including: two buttons, three dress pins; a key and an iron stirrup; as well as a piece of
whetstone and copper-alloy scissors. The corked wine bottle (witch-bottle) was placed upside-
down and apparently concealed adjacent to wall 47. The bottle enclosed nine twisted pins and a
portion of liquid. Also, a splinter of stone window moulding was found in context 52 and may
have originated from the late medieval period (Williams 2005:131).

Fig 42. Copper buckle from context 10,


scale 1:2 (Fig 10, no 1. © Williams
2005:137).

This buckle perhaps from a belt or shoe had a tiny swivel hole in the middle (21x17mm) and
dates to the late 17th Century (Williams 2005:136).

Fig 43. Two buttons, three pins and


scissors from context 33, scale 1:2
(Fig 10. © Williams 2005:137).

45
The buttons had round tinned heads of a diameter of 15mm and the pins were 23, 28 and 30mm
in length. Only the handle and section of the blade (60mm long) survived from the scissors
found in context 33 (Williams 2005:136-8).

Fig 44. Key and iron stirrup, scale


1:2 (Fig 11. © Williams 2005:138).

The key was 60mm long and the twisted stirrup is comparable to those found in Beeston Castle
from the Civil War and its full length was around 140mm (Williams 2005:139). The Civil War
began in 1642 and lasted until 14th June, 1645, when the Royalists were defeated at the Battle of
Naseby (Anon, 2014).

These objects give an indication of the time period of the bottle. Many of the finds are domestic
and apart from the stirrup; represent the typical type of possessions of a medieval citizen. The
owner of the stirrup may have participated in the English civil war but without further evidence
cannot be verified.

The Reigate bottle was dated to the last twenty years of the 17 th Century and two analogous
closed bottles were highlighted by Dumbrell (Pl 10, 1983, citied in Williams 2005) from 1684
and 1690. The channel where the bottle was unearthed contained two white fragments of
Staffordshire stoneware found with a collection of thirteen pottery shards. The Staffordshire
pieces may be from around 1720 (Jennings 1982:222, citied in Williams 2005) and it is possible
the bottle may have been 30 to 50 years old when it was placed there (Williams 2005:140-2).

46
Fig 45. It has been surmised that the
bottle was possibly between twenty
and thirty years old when it was
hidden in the cottage. There is
damage to the rim which is evidence
of prior use (©Massey and Edmonds
2000:34).

There is also the possibility that the bottle may have been displaced during the continuous
renovations on the property and moved to that location. The ritualistic function of the bottle was
not primarily suspected (Williams 2005:142). The bottle was found in the deposit of context 33,
parallel to wall 47. Although, Williams (2005) suggests the bottle may have been replaced due to
additional structural rebuilding of the wall, evidence shows the wall (47) was rebuilt after it
passed the partition wall (14) and not before.

The scientific analysis of the Reigate witch-bottle

The practice of filling a ceramic or glass bottle with urine, pins and nail clippings had been
extensively analysed (Merrifield 1987) and interpreted as a protection against witchcraft
(Williams 2005:142). Most witch-bottles had leaked their liquid contents before they were
unearthed. This intact find provided the opportunity to scientifically examine the bottle in
detail. The bottle was identified as a green wine bottle made of glass and dated around 1685.
Archaeological analysis also suggested the bottle was concealed in the cottage after 1720
(Massey and Edmonds 2000:34).

The fluid was examined after the wine bottle was opened by introducing it to a gas
chromatography column. The test showed there was less than 0.02% alcohol, which discounted
the contents as wine. The internal materials were removed and were found to be nine bent pins.
Upon this discovery, the liquid was tested for urea but none was found. The fluid was sent to Dr
Alan Massey for analysis (Williams 2005:142).

Unfortunately, the analysis was not conducted immediately after the bottle was opened, and so
some materials may have formed due to later oxidation and biological interaction. The bottle
was first opened in 1994 and the examination in 2000, identified fungal development on the

47
microscope slides due to external contact (Massey and Edmonds 2000:36). A number of tests
were conducted to ascertain whether the bottle contained urine, which was the definitive
ingredient of a witch-bottle. The components of the fluid were calcium, magnesium; potassium;
sulphate; chloride; sodium and nitrate and phosphate ions. The presence of nitrate was
explained by referencing historical accounts, which suggested that urine was added to form
saltpetre (potassium nitrate) in gunpowder. Although, the other substances could be located in
urine, they also could be found in other materials (Massey and Edmonds 2000:34). The main
organic constituent of urine is urea, which is quickly degenerated by an enzyme called urease;
into ammonia and carbon dioxide. Continuous breaking down from bacteria can alter the
ammonia to nitrate. When the bottle was first opened, the noise of fleeing gas was probably
caused by the build-up of lingering air and carbon dioxide (Massey and Edmonds 2000:34).

Fig 46. A table showing the


ingredients of the fluid discovered in
the bottle (©Massey and Edmonds
2000:35).

The other contents of the bottle were nine small brass pins which had been twisted into an L-
shape design. Comparison of the angle of the pins revealed that they were bent together in one
motion. Interpretation suggest that pins 1(102°), 2 (104°), and 3 (105°) were at the front, while
pins 4 (111°), 5 (111°), 6 (111°), 7 (112°) and 8 (113°) were in the centre and pin 9 (116°) was
at the rear (Massey and Edmonds 2000:34). The pins had remnants of a black material which
was identified by electron microscope as black copper (II), sulphide (CuS); along with white
remains recognized as calcium phosphate. The sulphur may have originated from methionine,
cysteine and alkylsulphates present in new urine. The pins were a combination of copper, zinc

48
and tin; which made them properly identifiable as either brass or bronze (Massey and Edmonds
2000:35).

Fig 47. A sketch drawing of the


‘witch-bottle’ and its nine pins
(Fig 14. © Williams 2005:142).

Fig 48. An enhanced image of pin 5,


which was 20.5 mm long and had a
mass of 54.2 mg. It revealed that the
top of the pin was created by
encircling the wire twice around the
end, and then snipping the edges at
an angle to form a rounded figure
(© Massey and Edmonds 2000:35).

On the floor of the bottle was a tiny amount of hard brownish material, which contained calcium
phosphate, silica and calcite. These constituents were discovered using x-ray powder diffraction
and infrared spectroscopy (Massey and Edmonds 2000:35). The use of x-ray diffraction also
highlighted the presence of crystalline silica (α-quartz), which may have been brought into the
bottle with the soil material present in the grass (Massey and Edmonds 2000:36). An optical
microscope was used to verify whether nail-clippings, human hair and felt shaped impaled
hearts were present in the Reigate bottle. It revealed the remains of cotton fibre segments
(Massey and Edmonds 2000:35). The cotton remnants could be evidence of a cloth shaped
heart, as textile materials do not survive well over time. This may explain why many witch-
bottles have been discovered without textile heart shaped paraphernalia and why it can be
difficult to identify witch-bottles in the archaeological record.

49
A few of the cotton fragments contained remnants of reddish-pink, black and blue dyes. A couple
of pieces had pink and blue sections which showed that the cloth may have been dyed after it
was woven. Other materials evident were animal and human hairs, an insect’s leg and linen and
wool fibres. There were also tiny unknown hairs and some grass remains. However, the cloth
fibres were so tiny that they could represent air-borne particles which may have been carried
into the bottle (Massey and Edmonds 2000:36).

Fig 50. Image of animal hairs found


Fig 49. A plant epidermis
in the bottle, viewed under a
enhanced 200 times which
microscope (© Massey and
indicated a complete grass with
Edmonds 2000:36).
stem and root structure which
had been initially deposited in
the bottle (© Massey and
Edmonds 2000:36).

The bottle was concealed in an inverted position, so any contents would have rested on the cork
for over 300 years. The contents did not escape, so the cork which was brown and desiccated;
may have been secured with beeswax. Infrared spectroscopy was used to analyse a section of the
cork, which revealed a number of components. The majority of the examined remains were
calcium carbonate and calcium phosphate. However, two peaks revealed under a low resolution
mass spectrum appeared to be long-chain alcohols and fatty acids, which could be traces of
hydrolysed beeswax (Massey and Edmonds 2000:36).

The various organic materials present could be radiocarbon dated, to localise an exact date and
reveal a confirmable temporal date of usage. With the building data and more detailed study of
the occupants and their experiences, it may be possible to discover who manufactured the bottle
and why? Witch-bottles are the only counter-magic objects, which have been cited in the
historical record, concerning their usage. This distinction could provide scholars with the
opportunity to build a more defined profile of their inception and role(s) in the world of magic

50
and counter-magic. The Reigate bottle, has so far, demonstrated the characteristics of a
‘standard’ witch-bottle; it contains evidence of urine and nine bent brass/bronze pins. Both
elements were used in witch-bottle construction. There is also, indications of a textile material;
which could be remnants of a cloth shaped heart but unfortunately; due to limited material it is
difficult to prove.

Massey however, believed that witch-bottles were used against witches and not by witches; they
were white magic spells in a physical form. If a person was thought to be bewitched, their urine
would be placed into a bottle (usually a bellarmine or stoneware), along with pointed items such
as nails and pins. This enclosed concoction supposedly instigated terrible suffering onto a witch
when she or he passed water (Massey and Edmonds 2000:34). This period appeared to be the
first use of a glass wine bottle for witch-bottle usage. However,Merrifield (1987:174) highlighted
one similar example from Pennsylvania (c1740-50) found upside-down and enclosing six
twisted pins (Williams 2005:143).

Appendix II:A practical fieldwork study of a bellarmine witch-bottle displayed at the


Museum of London (2013).

51
Fig 51. Abellarmine witch-bottle displayed at the Museum of London, LAARC (© author 2013)

A practical fieldwork study of a bellarmine witch-bottle displayed at the Museum of


London (2013).

This appendix contains a fieldwork study of a witch-bottle bellarmine bottle displayed at the
London Archaeological Archive and Research Centre (LAARC). The centre is situated at the

52
Museum of London Archaeological Archive, Mortimer Wheeler House, 46 Eagle Wharf Road,
London N1 7ED.

On the advice and encouragement of my tutor and supervisor, Dr. Melanie Giles; who notified me
of a museum tour called Ritual and Magic: Delve into the supernatural side. I enrolled on a
museum tour held at the LAARC Centre on the 2nd November, 2013. The tour was a study of
concealed items consisting of slashed shoes, leaky pots and witch-bottles. Accompanied by two
fellow students, Jody Harrison and Rebkah Corvill; I embarked on a trip to the museum to
discover any relevant information. The primary goal was to study, in person; a genuine witch-
bottle and its characteristics.

“The Museum of London Archaeological Archive is part of the museum's Department of


Archaeological Collections and Archive. Based at Mortimer Wheeler House in Hackney, the
archaeological archive holds information concerning nearly 8,500 archaeological sites that have
been investigated in Greater London over the past 100 years” (Museum of London 2013).

The tour began at 12pm and lasted for one hour. It was conducted by two volunteers, John
Walledge and Kim Boursnell. Although, the tour discussed various items which had been
concealed between the 15th and 18th Centuries; my interest concerned the information regarding
witch-bottles. One fascinating aspect of concealed shoes which intrigued me was that hidden
shoes were perceived as protective charms but slashed shoes could be viewed as ‘dark magic.’

Mr. John Walledge discussed the interpretations of witch-bottles and believed that Cardinal
Bellarmine (1542-1621) was the inspiration behind the bellarmine anthropomorphic image. His
explanation for the concealment of witch-bottles was as he understood, to be a trap to capture a
witch’s spirit. It was believed that witches could not fly backwards and their essence could be
contained within the bottle.

During the tour, I asked permission from the curator; Mr. Glynn Davies if I and my fellow
students could stay behind and analyse a resident witch-bottle. Mr. Davies agreed and due to his
kind generosity I would get my first chance to study a witch-bottle in person. The archive centre,
also; held a large amount of bellarmine jars which included a display of examples and an
account of their production.

53
Fig 52. Students, Rebkah Corvill and
Jody Harrison (right) and LAARC
volunteer and tour guide, Kim
Boursnell (© author 2013)

Fig 53. Curator, Mr. Glynn Davies


highlights a collection of bellarmine
jars, 02/11/2013 (© author 2013).

The collection of bellarmines included an account of their manufacture and a history of local
producers in the 17th Century. It is important to remember that bellarmines were produced for
domestic use and not for ritual practices.

54
Museum of London: Bellarmine production information (02/11/2013)

“Dwight’s stoneware, like its German models was glazed with salt thrown into the kiln, late in the
firing. Products from the mid-1670s often have a greenish/yellow tint, sometimes with cobalt
(blue) or manganese (purple) slips. But in the mid-1680s, the pottery settled on a near universal
plain iron slip; which gave a functional motted brown appearance.

Bellarmine jars/bottles with German styled bearded masks belong to the early phases of the
industry, as do a series of medallions that vividly encapsulate the popular art of the time. They
were made for direct sale to individuals, taverns or coffee houses and probably pre-date Dwight’s
agreement in 1676 to wholesale his entire stock through the Glass Sellers company.

During the 1680s, Fulham developed a distinctive range of beautiful-made functional wares that
owed less and less to German tradition. It has been estimated that over 100,000 vessels were
manufactured each year but that, apart from these excavated finds, there are as few as 80, in
museums today.

Back-right – ‘Original’ stoneware bottle or bellarmine, made in Frechen, near Köln, Germany.
Foreground right – Fulham bellarmine bottles. The bearded masks are the work of at least two
modellers, 1675-6.Back left – Fulham globular mugs (gorges): a large pair with medallions, a lion
and a ‘Saracen’s head; a small pair with typical brown iron slip; and a miniature with plain neck
for mounting pewter of silver hinged lid.”

(LAARC: Museum of London 2013).

This information disclosed that London was a major centre for bellarmine mass re-production
during the 17th Century. The highest number of bellarmine finds in England was also, in London.
There could be a connection and even a possible source or provenance located in the ceramic
manufacturing industry.

The witch-bottle

After examining the bellarmines on display and their local production history, I was invited to
inspect the witch-bottle kept at the centre by Mr. John Walledge. The museum’s description of a
witch-bottle stated: that witch-bottles were used predominantly in the 17 th Century to repel
witch curses against you or your home. Items including, hair; nail clippings; pins and urine;
could be placed into the bottle. The bearded image represented the witch and the nails in the
urine prevented the witch from urinating. It was used to ward off the evil eye and the basis of its
power was the principle of sympathetic magic.

55
Fig 54. Volunteer, John Walledge holds up the
segment of the witch-bottle, item no DUK77 (©
author 2013).

The site report (DUK77) gives the following account of the find. The find was discovered at St
James's Passage Subway, 2-7 Duke's Place, EC3, City of London in 1977.

Greater London SMR No. 041910, 041949-51. Location; latitude: 51.5138661, longitude:
-0.0771917
National Grid Ref.TQ3352081190. Organisation: DUA. Type of fieldwork: excavation, watching
brief Archaeological periods: Roman, Medieval, Post-Medieval.

The find was excavated inside the context of a medieval wall constructed to block a doorway.
This was believed to be passage used by the occupants of the Holy Trinity priory. A large wall
was built adjacent to the city wall which may have been part of a medieval refurbishment
scheme. A Civil War ditch and two medieval ditches intersected a group of post-medieval pits.
The post-medieval pits contained kiln accessories, delftware wasters and a stoneware section;
dated 1591. Apart from numerous amounts of pottery shards, there was also a bellarmine
stoneware bottle (witch-bottle) housing a number of pins (Schofield and Maloney 1998).

56
Fig 55. The witch-bottle was excavated in 1977 at St
James Passageway Subway in London. The contents are
still in situ and consist of corroded brass pins (©
author 2013).

The bellarmine stoneware witch-bottle was partly intact and contained only a number of
corroded brass pins. Its location would suggest it was buried underneath or parallel to an inner
wall on the site of the medieval Holy Trinity priory. One of the pottery sherds was dated to 1591,
which implied the bottle could be dated to that specific year. If was true, then it suggested the
practice was conducted earlier than previously thought. However, the intersecting of pits from
medieval and post-medieval periods created difficulties in accurately dating the context of the
bottle deposition. The bottle may have originated from the post-medieval pits and could be from
a later date. There is an opportunity to further explore the possibility of dating the context by
consulting the “Archaeology in the City of London, 1907-1991: a guide to records of excavations by
the Museum of London and its predecessors” by Schofield and Maloney (1998). There are a
number of paths of research presented here. The pins could be radiocarbon dated and a

57
thorough study of the deposition date could be achieved. An analysis of historical records could
highlight any potential owners or the social circumstances during the period of deposition.

This field trip has given some insight into bellarmine manufacturing practices in the London
area. Bellarmines were mass re-produced in England during the 17 th Century and London was a
major region in this regard. Archaeological and geographical studies have shown that London
was the densest area for (witch-bottle) bellarmine finds, in the country. It could be that mass
bellarmine production in London could be linked to greater witch-bottle use in London.

Evidence has shown that this bellarmine jar was buried under or parallel to an inner wall and
contained at least a collection of brass pins. These facts have corroborated the Reigate
archaeological examination as genuine form of practice. However, the dating implied a date
around 1591 or after. This could date the use of witch-bottle practices to a much earlier period
than previously believed. However, without detailed analysis, this statement required more
research. The idea of a slashed shoe (dark magic) representing the opposite of a concealed shoe
(protective charm) could signify the concept of inversion. This could infer that an inverted
witch-bottle or inverted (bent) pins could denote a much darker meaning or function not as yet
discovered.

I would like to thank the curator and staff at the Museum of London for their generous support
and for giving me permission to photograph the exhibits and to use them in my paper. A consent
form is displayed at the end of this appendix.

58
Fig 56. Museum consent form (Museum of London 2013).

59
Glossary

Apothecary: a historical name for a medical professional.

Bewitched: someone who has been magically harmed or under the influence of a magical spell.

Charm: a physical object with magical protective properties or an incantation written or spoken.
Used to cure sickness or drive away an evil spirit. Charms can also be employed by witches.

Charmers: see cunning folk.

Counter-magic: the act of preventing a spell from resolving (also a counter-spell) by use of
written, spoken or physical charms.

Counter-spell: see counter-magic.

Cunning folk: someone who makes a living from herbal healing, undoing curses and
unbewitching, finding objects, charming warts, fortune-telling and seeing into the future by
magical means.

Curses: a spell or incantation intended to harm.

Demon: is derived from the Greek ‘daimon’ meaning ‘divine power’, fate or good. A low level
spirit who interacts with the physical world. In Western mythology it is a servant of the Devil
and devoted to evil.

Distemper: a viral infection.

Divination: see cunning folk.

Effigies: is a representation of a specific person in the form of sculpture or some other three-
dimensional medium.

Enchanters: see cunning folk.

Familiars: an almost exclusively English minor devil, often in animal form, provided by Satan as
an assistant to a witch.

Hex: is a magical spell, usually with malevolent purposes such as a curse.

Image magic: the principle of sympathetic magic (i.e. like produces like) applied to the
destruction of an enemy by means of injuries inflicted upon a model of them.

Imps: see familiars.

60
Inversion: a reversal of a belief or idea, to mock or parody.

Papal bull: a particular type of letter or charter issued by a Pope of the Catholic Church.

Ritual: a ceremonial act, especially for religious purposes, a means to come into contact with
God or supernatural forces.

Sabbat(h): blasphemous parody of the mass and other Christian rites conducted by devil
worshippers or witches.

Spell: a charm, orincantationis a set of words, spoken or unspoken (prayer). Casting a spell is
considered by its user to invoke some magicaleffect.

Spills: see tinderboxes.

Tinder-boxes: A tinderbox is a small container containing items such as: spills, flint, firesteel,
and tinder(matches) to light a fire.

Magic: derives from Greek ‘megus’ meaning ‘great’, it is the ability to control natural forces by
supernatural means or with the aid of spiritual entities.

Unbewitch: to reverse a malevolent spell or curse using white magic.

Witch: a person (usually a woman) regarded as having supernatural powers and knowledge
employed usually for anti-social ends.

Witchcraft: a magical act and an organised religion based on magic. A type of sorcery involving
the mechanistic casting of spells. Usually, two forms; white magic (creative and good) and black
magic (destructive and evil).

White magic: see witchcraft.

White witch or wizard: a wise man or woman or magician usually employed to combat
malevolent witchcraft. However, the field overrun by charlatans (cunning folk) resulting in lowly
reputation.

61
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