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Media ethics in international conflict

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Media ethics in international conflict

AZIZ DOUAI

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 Medio ethic in international conflict
National humiliation and revenge in the'flyingfootwear' saga

AZIZ DOUAI

Abstract: This article explores the role of the media in international conflict,
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specifically how media contribute to the cycle of humiliation, shame and revenge.
The case study focused on Arab media's coverage of the shoe-throwing incident
in Iraq, where George W. Bush ducked an Iraqi journalist's shoes thrown during a
press conference. The analysis of four Arab newspapers' coverage of the incident
found that, while being diverse, Arab media had predominantly framed the inci-
dent as a humiliation for President Bush, revenge on the part of Iraqis for the
shameful military defeat and the torture in Abu Ghraib prison. The study con-
cludes that news media's obsession with a narrative of humiliation does not help
resolve international conflict. With relevance to Arab media, the article argues
that independent,freeand professional media outlets are more likely to provide
'balanced' coverage that lessens the intense feelings of hurt. Pro-government
media are counterproductive in resolving international conflict, the study ob-
serves. Increased professionalisation of independent media has the potential to
curb the emotional violence generated by 'unprofessional' reporting. Finally,
strengthening legal safeguards, updating media ethics frameworks, and more
press freedom enhance the potential for a constructive role for the media in
international conflict.

Keywords: Arab media, media ethics, George W. Bush, Iraq War, international
conflict, humiliation, Ahram, conflict resolution, press freedom, news frames,
Middle East, media reform, shoe-throwing

INTRODUCTION

The global jubilation welcoming Barack Obama's election experienced a jarring, but
curious, validation in Baghdad's Green Zone, Iraq, in 14 December 2008. At a press
conference, Muntazer al-Zaidi, an Iraqi reporter for Al-Baghdadiya, a television net-
work little known outside Iraq, hurled his shoes at US President George Bush. It

T H E J O U R N A L O F INTERNATIONAL C O M M U N I C A T I O N 15:2, 2009 79

 DOUAI

was a jarring validation because it came right after much fanfare about turning a new
page in US/Arab relations. President Obama's campaign platform promised to re-
store squandered global respect to the US. At the time, it seemed that the 'flying
footwear' incident was a reminder that the 'culprit' for the dissipation of global good-
will was still around, unwanted, and finally had to confront reality under the cameras'
glare. In tandem with the thrown shoes, the Iraqi reporter shared not only 'his sole',
but a piece of his mind with George W. Bush, as Andrea Stone of USA Today explained
(Stone 2008). Following the shoes, al-Zaidi yelled: 'This is the farewell kiss, dog!' and
explained that the missive was 'from the widows, the orphans and those who were
killed in Iraq' (Stone 2008). The incident became an instant media hit, a classic 'media
event' in newspapers, in television's slow motion reiteration and on the web. By the
end of December 2008, the number of views the incident garnered on the video shar-
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ing website Youtube alone exceeded four million.

The ensuing 'media circus' and how it was enabled by a media professional trigger
a host of research questions. The whole subtext of the incident revolved on the me-
dia's pertinence to 'conflictual interactions' underlying 'international crises' as well as
international conflict in general (James 2002). For media ethicists and researchers,
1

the 'flying footwear' incident raises perennial questions concerning the paradigm of
journalistic 'objectivity' and the universalisation of media values. Ethics should always
be subjected to tests and investigation but no more so than in the context of media
and conflict. The media's role in alleviating national humiliation and curbing interna-
tional conflict is the primary quest of this investigation. The article takes the 'footwear
saga' as a case study to posit and illustrate an alternative framework for understand-
ing the role of the media in international relations, a role that steps away from the
'rationalist' prescriptions of 'realism'. Curiously, only a very small number of interna-
tional relations scholars have dared broach the psychological underpinnings of con-
flict among nations, despite its pertinence (e.g. Steinberg 1991; Harkavy 2000). Media
coverage of the Abu Ghraib prison scandal (Saurette 2006), the hostage beheadings in
Iraq, the Danish cartoon row (Powers 2008), and the Iraqi shoe-thrower abundantly
signal how the cycle of national humiliation, shame and revenge operates.
The present research employs the psychological variables of humiliation, revenge
and shame to expand communication scholars' perspectives on the role of the news
media in global conflict. The focus is on Arab media coverage of the shoe-throwing
incident, comparing four Arab newspapers, Morocco's widely read Al-Massae, Egypt's
Al-Ahram, and the London-based pan-Arab newspapers, Al-Quds Al-Arabi and Asharq
Al-Awsat. How did Arab media cover the incident in terms of both quality and quan-
tity? How did Arab media articulate the frames of humiliation, shame and revenge?
Finally, what are the implications of media coverage on conflict resolution? Answer-
ing these research questions presents communication researchers with new oppor-
tunities to explore the role of media in conflict resolution, and to break the humiliation,
shame and revenge cycle.

80 T H E J O U R N A L O F INTERNATIONAL C O M M U N I C A T I O N 15:2, 2009

 MEDIA ETHICS IN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT

HUMILIATION A N D R E V E N G E AS A N ALTERNATIVE F R A M E W O R K

International relations theory's emphasis on 'rational' state interests (e.g. Morgenthau

1960; Waltz 1979) skewed much of the research on the media's role in international
conflict. Influenced by this dominant paradigm, the media have been portrayed ei-
ther as an important mechanism of conflict resolution (e.g. Galtung 1996; Wallensteen
2002) or as a tool that potentially exacerbates conflict (Coser 1984; Nichols 1996). Most
emblematic of the media's hypothesised capacity at defusing conflict is 'peace jour-
nalism', what Galtung (1998) labels the 'high road' in covering conflict. 'Peace journal-
ism' transforms conflicts by trying to 'depolarise' and 'de-escalate' violent situations,
and by focusing on the victims. The skeptics, however, argued that international
conflicts 'involve realistic confrontations over scarce resources such as status, power,
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and economic advantages' that the media are unable to resolve (Coser 1984, p.20).
Both traditions have relegated the emotional impact, the 'irrational' motivations and
other psychological variables to the back seat. As a corollary, the media's capacity to
affect human emotions underpinning conflict has escaped close scrutiny.
Thomas Friedman of the New York Times has long asserted that humiliation is 'the
single most underappreciated force in international relations' (Friedman 2003). In
corroboration, cognitive psychology has demonstrated that deeply held beliefs and
'biases' influence decision-making in foreign policy (Kahneman & Renshon 2007). De-
spite growing evidence of their relevance, the psychological variables of humiliation,
shame and revenge have received only scant systematic analysis. The few notable
exceptions include Steinberg's exploration of how shame and humiliation interacted
in the ferment of the Cuban missile crisis (Steinberg 1991). Also, Harkavy's (2000)
'Defeat, national humiliation and the revenge motif in international politics' and
Saurette's (2006) 'You dissin me? Humiliation and post-9/11 politics' have successfully
reinserted the role of humiliation emotions as an analytical lens for understanding US
foreign policy.
Harkavy (2000, p.345) postulates that national defeat, military or otherwise, leads
to 'narcissistic injury, shame, humiliation' culminating in a 'chronic collective narcissis-
tic rage' that eventually finds its psychological release in 'revenge or withdrawal or
internal revolution'. Housed in the black box of the national/collective unconscious,
these irrational motivations lead to the perpetuation of interstate conflict, and could
illuminate many historical conflicts. For example, the underlying humiliation felt by
the French loss of the Alsace-Lorraine provinces in 1870 eventually hastened World
War I. The rise of Nazi Germany and the outbreak of World War II occurred in part
because Germany's humiliation had empowered Hitler and 'rationalised' the Holo-
caust. In the Middle East, national humiliation, shame and revenge provide a potent
mix that has destabilised the region. The Arab world's repeated military defeats at the
hands of Israel, and the latter's constant sense of insecurity, or the US intervention in
Iraq, are perfect cogs in the humiliation and revenge machine. The outbreak of geno-

T H E J O U R N A L O F INTERNATIONAL C O M M U N I C A T I O N 15:2, 2009 81

 DOUAI

cidal civil wars in Rwanda, Burundi and the Balkans is to be construed within the same
cycle of historical/ethnic humiliation that tragically culminates in bloody retribution
and revenge.
The assertion that national humiliation results in a collective sense of shame and
revenge urges does not negate the existence of legitimate or rationalist claims on
either side, however. Saurette (2006, p.505) describes humiliation as 'both a potent and
painful emotional sensation and a technique of social control', predicated on actions
that seek to demean the other and make them feel inferior. For Saurette (p.505), 'the
idea that thought and action takes place within a thick sensibility in which emotion is
not merely a limitation on rational decision-making, but a key element of any decision
and action' remains not in dispute.
Working on the Abu Ghraib prisoner torture, Saurette (2006) lays out a preliminary
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theory that elucidates several dynamics operating in the humiliation cycle, chief of
which are loss of dignity, publicity and shared cultural sensibilities. Primarily, 'the
feeling of humiliation is deeply and closely linked to ideas about, and perceptions of,
"honor" and "respect",' according to Saurette (p.506). Second, humiliation is about
stripping away the self-respect and dignity of the other. Third, the larger the audience
the more intense the humiliation becomes. Further, 'humiliation is a culturally and
historically specific phenomenon insofar as the elements that trigger humiliation
depend heavily on a specific cultural sensibility (the meanings, expectations, judg-
ments, affective and emotional reactions disciplined and enabled by a culture)' (p.508).
While humiliation can aim at disciplining and subjugating the 'other', it does not nec-
essarily lead to that intended outcome. In fact, loss of self-respect and dignity can end
in a burning desire to redress the hurt through revenge and rebellion (Harkavy 2000).
The Muslim world's violent reactions to Denmark's Jyllands-Posten's caricature of
the Prophet Mohammed, and the ensuing uproar neatly fit in the humiliation, shame
and revenge model. On the one hand, many Muslims were too outraged not to con-
strue those cartoons from the prism of a Western assault on the sacred persona of
the Prophet. Arab media coverage of the incident predominantly focused on the
frame of humiliation, insult and righteous anger (Douai 2007; Hussain 2007; Powers
2008). Alternative frames, such as freedom of the press, were rarely on display. By
virtue of media publicity, public feelings of humiliation and injury arguably intensified.
Other evidence that media coverage plays a strong role in international conflict,
whether in Rwanda, the Middle East or Bosnia, is thus robust (Bennet & Paletz 1994;
Raston 2002; Wolfsfeld 2004).
One way to examine the implications of media coverage is to analyse how Arab
media framed the incident, and how the humiliation cycle played out. Drawing on the
rich theory of framing (Entman 2004), a framing analysis of the content shall focus on
how extensive and expansive Arab newspapers' coverage has been. The dominant
sources used and the tone of the coverage are instrumental to the framing process,
as previous studies have well demonstrated (Baden 2003; Ryan 2004). Based on the

82 THE J O U R N A L O F INTERNATIONAL C O M M U N I C A T I O N 15:2, 2009

 MEDIA ETHICS IN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT

above theoretical framework, the following research questions address the role of
Arab newspapers' coverage of the 'flying footwear' incident, how the coverage per-
petuated or diminished the feelings of humiliation, shame and revenge:

RQ1: How did Arab newspapers cover the shoe-throwing incident in terms of
a) the number of stories devoted to the incident, b) dominant sources quoted,
and c) tone of coverage?

RQ2: How did Arab media's overall coverage present the frames of humilia-
tion, shame and revenge?

Arab media outlets and journalists have strained under difficult conditions, threat-
ening their relative professionalism and precarious independence. Threats to Arab
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media are embodied in domestic censorship by repressive regimes, incarcerating

journalists and media workers, or financially stifling non-compliant media voices.
Outside pressures have been mounting on Arab media, especially pan-Arab televi-
sion stations, accusing them of anti-Americanism or anti-Semitism. A l l the while me-
dia research has slowly taken up the task of studying the systemic and diverse nature
of Arab media. In exclusively focusing on Arab print media, and seeking to compre-
hend their potential role in conflict resolution, the present study fills another gap in
Arab media research. Theoretically, furthering the linkages between global media
research and conflict resolution is another objective.

METHODOLOGY

This study focused on Arab newspapers' coverage of the Iraqi shoe-throwing incident
from 15 to 21 December 2008. Arab newspapers have historically targeted educated
elites and opinion leaders in the region (Rugh 2004). In recent years, some newspa-
2

per editors have capitalised on pan-Arab satellite television's popularity to expand

their reach to the Arab masses. While Al-Quds Al-Arabi's editor, Abdel Bari Atwan,
frequently appears on the Al-Jazeera Television channel, Hisham Melhem is simulta-
neously working as the Washington-based correspondent for both Annahar, the lead-
ing Lebanese daily, and Al-Arabiya Television. Melhem made world news after he
gained the first post-inauguration television interview with President Barack Obama
(MacLeod 2009). Influential Arab newspapers have functioned as a catalyst of Arab
public opinion and a potential window into the thought process of Arab elites.
The homepages of four influential Arab newspapers have been selected for this
study. The selection process reflects the political and cultural diversity of Arab media
by including two London-based pan-Arab newspapers and two regional newspapers,
Al-Ahram ('The Pyramids') and Al-Massae ('The Evening') from Egypt and Morocco
respectively. The pan-Arab newspapers Al-Quds Al-Arabi ('The Arab Jerusalem') and
Asharq Al-Awsat ('The Middle East') have been included because of their diverging
editorial lines and their coverage of the whole Arab world. Based on sheer circulation

T H E J O U R N A L O F INTERNATIONAL C O M M U N I C A T I O N 15:2, 2009 83

 DOUAI

numbers, Al-Quds Al-Arabi ('Al-Quds') is the third most important pan-Arab newspa-
per after Asharq Al-Awsat and Al-Hayat. With unknown owners, Al-Quds' editorial line
overtly pursues Arab nationalist and populist patterns, frequently critical of US Mid-
dle East policy and endlessly covering the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, observes Rugh
(2004, p.172). The Saudi-owned Asharq Al-Awsat is the largest pan-Arab newspaper
with a 'conservative' to 'moderate' editorial line. Both newspapers are available in
most Arab countries and internationally. The other regional newspapers belong to
two different political forces and journalistic traditions in the Arab world. Al-Ahram
closely reflects the Egyptian government's line (Dimitrova & Connolly-Ahern 2007). In
addition to constituting a different breed of regional Arab newspapers, the young Al-
Massae is the most widely circulated daily in Morocco, with an 'independent' editorial
line (see Table 1).
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Table 1 - Selected A r a b newspapers and the n u m b e r of the shoe-related

stories f r o m 15 to 21 D e c e m b e r 2008 3

Newspaper Homepage Circulation Number

(year) of stories

Asharq Al-Awsat (London,UK) www.aawsat.com 60,000 (2003) 18

Al-Quds Al-Arabi (London, UK) www.alquds.co.uk 15,000 (2003) 39

Al-Ahram (Egypt) www.ahram.org.eg 900,000 (2008) 5

Al-Massae (Morocco) http://almassae.press.ma 114,784 (2008) 10

The homepages of these four newspapers were saved from 15 to 20 December,

that is, a week's coverage of the incident was made available for analysis. The data
consisted of all the homepage stories and editorials covering the shoe-throwing inci-
dent; stories and opinion columns linked from the homepages were later retrieved
and added to the data. Readers' responses and 'Letters to the Editor' were eliminated
from the analysis. The full paper edition of Al-Quds was available on the newspaper's
online archive, and it was incorporated into the analysis. The homepages were subse-
quently searched using the dates above to retrieve any stories missed or overlooked
through the initial data collection phase. The resulting data consisted of 72 news
stories. Table 1 shows a breakdown of the newspapers included in the study and the
number of stories per newspaper. A n Arabic-speaking student from a Moroccan uni-
versity assisted in coding the compiled news stories. The student was trained and
provided with a code-sheet to identify the news sources, tone of the coverage and
news frames. Discrepant data entries were resolved after the researcher discussed
them with the coder. The overall analysis incorporated textual insights to illuminate
the findings.

84 THE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL COMMUNICATION 15:2, 2009

 MEDIA ETHICS IN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT

FINDINGS

RQ1: How did Arab newspapers cover the shoe-throwing incident in terms of a)
the number of stories devoted to the incident, b) dominant sources quoted, and c)
tone of coverage?

a) Number of stories

During the week immediately following the shoe-throwing incident, Al-Quds had by far
the greatest number of stories (N=39) devoted to the event's ramifications. Asharq Al-
Awsat was second (N=18), with a higher number than Morocco's Al-Massae (N=10); the
Egyptian daily, Al-Ahram, had the lowest number of stories (N=5). The pan-Arab news-
papers apparently devoted greater space and attention to the incident.
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b) Sources

The analysis of Arab media framing of the shoe-throwing incident partially relies on
the sources used in their reports, particularly the type and frequency of the sources
used. Five categories were identified: media sources, family/friends of the Iraqi jour-
nalist, Arab/Iraqi officials and US officials, plus the 'Other' category, which was used
for any source that did not fit in the former four categories.
The dominant sources used in Arab media coverage have overwhelmingly been
media sources, that is, news agencies, newspapers, television stations, and other
journalists. Media sources reached 41% across the four newspapers. Quoting Arab/
Iraqi officials was the second most frequently used source at 23%, while US officials
were rarely quoted at only 4% of all the sources used (see Figure 1). Consistently, the
two pan-Arab newspapers used more sources compared to the spare use of sources
in the other local newspapers (see Table 2). Except for the category designated as
'family/friends' sources, Al-Quds surpassed Asharq Al-Awsat in using more sources
throughout its coverage of the event.

Table 2 - Sources by newspaper

Media Family/ Arab/Iraqi US Other Total

friends officials officials

Al-Ahram 4 6 % (6) 8% (1) 15% (2) 8% (1) 2 3 % (3) 100% (13)

Al-Massae 4 0 % (4) 0% (0) 30% (3) 0% (0) 3 0 % (3) 100% (10)

Al-Quds Al-Arabi 47.8% (33) 10.1% (7) 26.1% (18) 4.4% (3) 11.6% (8) 100% (69)

Asharq Al-Awsat 3 2 % (17) 34% (18) 19% (10) 4% (2) 11% (6) 100% (53)

T H E J O U R N A L OF INTERNATIONAL C O M M U N I C A T I O N 15:2, 2009 85

 DOUAI

Figure 1 - F r e q u e n c y and type of sources e m p l o y e d in A r a b newspapers

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c) Tone of coverage

Arab newspapers' tone has been categorised as positive, negative or neutral. A 'posi-
tive tone' refers to stories that clearly sympathise, support, and/or provide an empa-
thetic context justifying the Iraqi journalist's throwing of his shoes at Bush. 'Positive'
stories constituted a majority of the stories at 57% (see Figure 2), with Al-Quds claiming
an overwhelming majority at 73% of all 'positive' stories (see Table 3). A 'negative tone'
of coverage refers to stories that clearly condemn, repudiate, or are generally unfa-
vourable toward the Iraqi journalist. Only 15% of the coverage was negative, with
Asharq Al-Awsat publishing the bulk of stories with a negative tone, at 88.1% of all
negative stories in the period. A higher percentage of the coverage (28%) was found
to be 'neutral', that is, news stories which were either difficult to categorise, or those
that tilted toward a clearly 'balanced' approach to the incident. Al-Ahram's coverage is
100% 'neutral' as none of its stories could plausibly be categorised 'positive' or 'nega-
tive'. Similar to Al-Quds' coverage, Al-Massae's stories were 90% positive, with the
exception of one story whose tone was categorised as 'negative'.

Table 3 - Distribution of tone of coverage by newspaper

Positive Negative Neutral

Al-Ahram 0% (0) 0% (0) 25% (5)

Al-Massae 22% (9) 9.1% (1) 0% (0)

Al-Quds Al-Arabi 73.1% (30) 9.1% (1) 40% (8)

Asharq Al-Awsat 4.9% (2) 81.8% (9) 35% (7)

Total 100% (41) 100% (11) 100% (20)

86 THE J O U R N A L O F I N T E R N A T I O N A L C O M M U N I C A T I O N 15:2, 2009

 MEDIA ETHICS IN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT

Figure 2 - O v e r a l l t o n e of coverage in A r a b n e w s p a p e r s
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RQ2: How did Arab media's overall coverage present the frames of humilia-
tion, shame and revenge?

Two competing news frames of humiliation emerge from a close analysis of the
four Arab newspapers. The most prominent frame construes the shoe-throwing inci-
dent as a righteous act of revenge that humiliates Bush and his administration for
their occupation of Iraq. Zaidi's shoes become a 'weapon of mass humiliation' in a
cartoon depiction ('Weapon of mass humiliation' 2008), creating popular internet games
where web-surfers take turns at throwing virtual shoes at George W. Bush ('The Bush
shoe-throwing game ...' 2008). This first frame dominates the coverage of Al-Quds and
Al-Massae, and hence falls in synch with the 'positive' tone detected at the earlier
stage of analysis. Primarily promoted by Asharq Al-Awsat, the second news frame
competes with the former. It presents the act of throwing the shoes as both unethical
and unprofessional, spawning only shame for the new Iraq. The second frame oper-
ates within a paradigm of professional responsibility, while arguing that the 'new' Iraq
was humiliated for flouting 'hospitality' traditions.
The second frame of professional responsibility seems to be limited in reach and
does not possess as compelling a narrative as the first frame, however. Within Arab
media's overall coverage, humiliation, shame and revenge cohabit and coexist in
various degrees and shades. Together with the tone of coverage, the analysis identi-
fied the specific frame that each news story conveys to the reader. Some stories,
mostly those with a 'neutral tone', tend to reflect a multifaceted framing of the incident
that could include humiliation, shame and revenge at the same time. For instance, a
news story might portray the incident as a revengeful action on the part of an Iraqi
journalist who felt humiliated by 'the US occupation of Iraq'. Such action could still be
construed as bringing shame to Iraq for breaking 'Iraqi hospitality rules'.

T H E J O U R N A L O F INTERNATIONAL C O M M U N I C A T I O N 15:2, 2009 87

 DOUAI

Table 4 - H u m i l i a t i o n frames for the U S and Iraq in A r a b newspapers

US Iraq
Humiliation Revenge Shame Humiliation Revenge Shame

Al-Ahram 2.3% (1) 0% (0) 0% (0) 0% (0) 0% (0) 0 % (0)

Al-Massae 24.5% (10) 0% (0) 100% (1) 25% (1) 8.6% (3) 33.3% (1)

Al-Quds Al-Arabi 6 1 % (25) 0% (0) 0% (0) 2 5 % (1) 77.1% (27) 0 % (0)

Asharq Al-Awsat 12.2% (5) 0% (0) 0% (0) 50% (2) 14.3% (5) 66.7% (2)

Total 100% (41) 0% (0) 100% (1) 100% (4) 100% (35) 100% (3)
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Table 4 shows an exploratory analysis of the frequency of humiliation frames used

for both Iraq/Zaidi and US/Bush in the four Arab newspapers. Evident from this ex-
ploratory analysis is that Al-Quds had predominantly framed the action first as Zaidi's
revenge for Iraq, and second as a humiliation for George W. Bush and his administra-
tion. Asharq Al-Awsat, the other pan-Arab newspaper, has by contrast used the frame
of US/Bush humiliation only five times in 18 stories, equal to framing the incident as
shameful for Iraq. Only 14.3% of the time did Asharq Al-Awsat frame the incident as
Iraq's revenge, compared to Al-Quds' 77.1%, across the four newspapers. Al-Ahram's
neutral tone appears to have seeped into the framing of the incident, and the frame of
Bush's humiliation was detectable only in one story. Al-Massae's coverage overwhelm-
ingly framed the incident as a humiliation for Bush, and as Iraq's revenge.
Some textual illustration from Al-Quds demonstrates how the emotional cycle of
humiliation, shame and revenge, i.e. those psychological variables, have been em-
ployed as a news frame. Al-Quds' coverage provides a strong indication about fram-
ing the shoe-throwing as a humiliation for Bush and a long-awaited revenge for Arab/
Iraqi shame. No illustration of this frame can compete with an op-ed penned by the
paper's Editor-in-Chief, Abdel Bari Atwan. Atwan does not disguise his elation at the
revenge wrought by Zaidi's pair of shoes, labeling the incident in the column's title as
'A farewell befitting a war criminal' (Atwan 2008). For Atwan, after six years of Iraqi
occupation, the 'liberating' US president's visit was shrouded in secrecy with tightened
security procedures. Instead of greeting President Bush with roses, jubilant dancers
in the streets, or public celebrations, the 'liberated' Iraqis greeted him with the shoes
of an Iraqi journalist, explains the columnist. While the shoe-throwing might seem
unprofessional, Atwan (2008, p.1) still feels sympathetic because:
... this [Iraqi] journalist feels frustrated and despondent at the deteriorating situation of his
country, a n d the m a r t y r d o m of more than a m i l l i o n of his compatriots, kinsmen, a n d
relatives because of U.S. 'liberation'. The new Iraq lauded by President Bush has become
a mass graveyard, a field of k i l l i n g , looting and plunder. Five m i l l i o n citizens have r u n
away from its t h r i v i n g democracy, and stellar h u m a n rights record. (author's translation
from A r a b i c )

88 THE J O U R N A L O F INTERNATIONAL C O M M U N I C A T I O N 15:2, 2009

 MEDIA ETHICS IN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT

President Bush and other officials should be tried as war criminals for the sexual
humiliation and torture of Iraqis in Abu Ghraib and the destruction wrought by low-
grade uranium bombs in Faluuja and Basra, argues Atwan. In this frame, throwing the
shoes becomes an act of retribution perpetrated by an Iraqi citizen. Citizenship,
patriotism and the sense of justice, if not revenge, supersede professional responsi-
bility, the columnist suggests. In the final paragraphs, Atwan (2008, p.1) concludes with
a simultaneous evocation of humiliation, shame and revenge:
Six years earlier, i n the thick of 'the great' U.S. occupation of Iraq, m a n y A r a b a n d foreign
television stations were broadcasting images of an Iraqi m a n u s i n g his shoes to hit a
poster of the former Iraqi president, S a d d a m H u s s e i n , amidst the joy of the d u p e d a n d
m i s g u i d e d . H e r e is history repeating itself as many Iraqis avenge their m a r t y r e d presi-
dent. A n d they are hitting President Bush himself, not his picture, w i t h the shoes.
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This journalist represents the real face of Iraq and his v i e w of the country's 'liberators' a n d
leaders before the w h o l e w o r l d , (author's translation from A r a b i c )

The column sets the tone of the narrative: the news frame of humiliation, shame and
revenge supersede the ethics of the profession in Al-Quds.

DISCUSSION A N D IMPLICATIONS

The humiliation frame in Arab media coverage of the 'flying footwear' incident ech-
oes the humiliation dynamics described by both Harkavy (2000) and Saurette (2006).
Humiliation is emotionally acute because it causes a loss of self-respect. Al-Quds and
Al-Massae bemoaned the lost 'honour' and the wounded Arab 'manhood' that the fall
of Baghdad symbolised. The story of an Egyptian father announcing his offer to wed
his daughter to the Iraqi journalist represented a symbolic reward for a 'heroic' deed
('An Egyptian offers to wed his daughter to Zaidi' 2008, p.3). Counter-humiliation is
about restoring 'Arab manhood'. Counter-humiliation and revenge intensify with the
global media glare and the publicity fanfare accompanying it. And Arab newspapers
did not neglect this facet either, as Al-Quds' Editor-in-Chief observed. Al-Massae strums
that chord even with innocuous stories, such as the one about an internet game where
web surfers take turns at throwing virtual shoes at Bush. Publicising the vengeance,
sharing it with the largest audience possible, is cathartic as it legitimises revenge and
restores self-respect.
Arab media's coverage of the shoe-throwing incident has contributed to the cycle
of humiliation, shame and revenge in US/Arab relations, the results suggest. But this
finding requires addressing the implications of Arab media coverage on peaceful
conflict resolution: how can Arab media break the cycle of humiliation, shame and
revenge in covering international conflict? In other terms, how can Arab media con-
tribute to decreasing international conflict? Three main observations have emerged
throughout the analysis:

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 DOUAI

• Pro-government media are counterproductive because they do not fully ad-

dress the underlying causes.

• Increased professionalisation of independent media can stave off the emo-

tional stakes.

• Enhancing legal safeguards for the press, updating media ethics frameworks
and more press freedom will enrich the 'marketplace of ideas'.

Pro-government media: Counterproductive

The findings strongly indicate that news media coverage plays a mixed role in the
humiliation, shame and revenge cycle of international conflict. The editorial lines and
the level of independence from the state definitely made a huge difference in how
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Arab media framed the shoe-throwing incident. Pan-Arab newspapers experienced

the same chasm as regional/local newspapers in the way they tackled the incident.
That is why the quantitative results reveal remarkable similarity between the Lon-
don-based Al-Quds and Morocco's Al-Massae, on the one hand, and the Saudi-backed
Asharq Al-Awsat and Egypt's Al-Ahram, on the other. Editorially, the first pair espouse
an amalgamation of populist, nationalist/critical stances vis-à-vis Arab regimes. Rev-
elling in the shoe-throwing 'media event', they seized the opportunity to publicly
empathise with the Iraqi journalist, reflecting the larger sentiment among Arab/Iraqi
citizens. Such posturing occurs at the expense of professional standards of 'objectiv-
ity' and 'balance'.
Meanwhile, the pro-government Al-Ahram struck a very pro-government, in this
case 'neutral', tone, a finding that supports previous studies of Arab media. For in-
stance, Dimitrova and Connolly-Ahern (2007) found that Al-Ahram relied heavily on
official sources in its framing of the Iraq war. The same dearth of coverage and
neutrality was observed in Al-Ahram's coverage of the US military intervention in
Iraq. In covering the US invasion of Iraq, Al-Ahram's tone was noticeably less nega-
tive than A l Jazeera's (Dimitrova & Connolly-Ahern 2007). Al-Ahram's coverage of the
shoe-throwing incident is so neutral that it verges on insipidity. More than anecdotal
evidence suggests that insipid reporting appears neither credible nor able to assuage
the hunger for news in the so-called Arab Street. While it has been found to be
'neutral', Al-Ahram's brand of reporting is astoundingly poor in providing context, and
more telegraphic, if not self-censoring. By contrast, Asharq Al-Awsat provides much
more context while continuing to be critical of Zaidi's action. The bulk of its stories, as
the results reveal, focused on critiquing the shoe-throwing action as unprofessional,
unseemly and even humiliating for the 'new Iraq'. Framing the shoe-throwing inci-
dent as a humiliation for Iraq was rare among the diverse press accounts of the
incident, whether in the Arab world or outside. Asharq Al-Awsat's particular framing
finds justification in its conservative editorial line, which parallels that of the Saudi
government.

90 T H E J O U R N A L O F INTERNATIONAL C O M M U N I C A T I O N 15:2, 2009

 MEDIA ETHICS IN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT

What this suggests is that pro-government Arab media have refrained from glo-
rifying Zaidi's action, providing docile coverage ostensibly in favour of professional
standards and media ethics. The question then is whether such 'self-restraint' breaks
the humiliation, shame and revenge cycle. The preliminary answer is negative be-
cause pro-government media cannot boast a significant following in the Arab world,
an argument supported by the dwindling popularity of state-owned media in the
region at large. Pro-government media's lack of credibility can be counterproductive
in the sense that it pushes a cynical Arab reader to oppositional media outlets with
populist proclivities, perpetuating the humiliation cycle. Whether economic motives,
such as expanding circulation and sales, dominate editorial policies, populist report-
ing runs the risk of further radicalising the Arab reader. Hence, counter-intuitively
perhaps, docile media coverage does not resolve the underlying popular grievances
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associated with humiliation. Due to lack of credibility, pro-government media cover-

age of conflict does little to break the cycle of humiliation, shame and revenge in
international conflict.

Professionalisation staves off the emotional stakes

Media's professionalisation and the codes of conduct 'redress' injury and break the
humiliation cycle. Al-Massae's sole negative story demonstrates how professional
standards can provide safeguards against the excesses of 'passionate'/'emotional'
reporting that intensify the feelings of injury, a safeguard against perpetuating the
cycle of humiliation, shame and revenge in international conflicts. The story appeared
in a regular column, 'The Other Opinion', written by the paper's Editor-in-Chief, Toufiq
Bouachrine. The column lays bare the treacherous terrain of emotional reporting and
journalists' professional responsibility. Bouachrine (2008) emphasises from the outset
that the shoe-throwing incident should be examined from 'political, psychological and
professional angles'. Politically and psychologically, Bouachrine (2008, p.1) finds him-
self sympathetic to the action of the Iraqi journalist because the columnist is:
angry at Bush's policy that led to catastrophes across the globe. In the forefront of those
catastrophes is the Iraq war, w h i c h k i l l e d half a m i l l i o n of Iraqis because of f l i m s y ex-
cuses. [The columnist] saw i n the Iraqi journalist's shoes a symbolic expression of Iraqi,
A r a b a n d M u s l i m Streets' rejection of this crime against h u m a n i t y k n o w n as the Invasion
of Iraq, (author's translation f r o m Arabic)

The column expounds on the rationales justifying throwing the shoes at Bush, from
breaking international law to the prisoner torture in Abu Ghraib. However, in the rest
of the column, Bouachrine (2008, p.1) switches gear and scrutinises the incident from
a strictly professional stance. Professionally, the columnist argues, the incident is
distasteful because:
A s a journalist, I have found that the Iraqi reporter's action, t h r o w i n g his shoes at a head
of state at a press conference instead of h u r l i n g embarrassing questions, or [publishing]
an investigative report that uncovers his administration's crimes i n Iraq ... I have found

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 DOUAI

exchanging the pen and the camera for a pair of shoes an act that can neither be recon-
ciled w i t h logic, nor w i t h the tradition and ethics of the profession [of journalism]. The
Iraqi journalist incident w i l l send a negative picture about A r a b journalists across the
globe, s h o w i n g them as ignorant of the rules of their profession, and as a people o b l i v i -
ous of the dangers of a weapon they are p l a y i n g w i t h , (author's translation f r o m Arabic)

The columnist pursues this line further, situating the incident in the larger context of
Arab journalism. For him, many Arab journalists do not recognise that journalists are
neither 'evangelists', 'revolutionary leaders' nor 'reformers'. A journalist should be a
bridge between news sources and public opinion, not an imaginary hero who pos-
sesses 'absolute truth'. This by no means denies that journalism is a noble profession
whose members are endangering their lives for the sake of information, the column-
ist continues.
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This opinion column is crucial and unique because it serves as a foil to the newspa-
per's own reporting on the shoe-throwing incident. There is no mistaking that the
critique of the coverage is levelled at the newspaper itself, including its Managing
Editor, arguably one of the most widely read journalists in Morocco. The critique 4

acknowledges the underlying wrath and the ensuing exuberance of the Arab Street at
throwing the shoes at Bush. With that said, it still privileges professional standards
over stoking the emotional cycle of conflict. The columnist has unquestionably as-
sumed the role of the 'public editor', one that provides ongoing self-assessment and
ethical/professional feedback to news organisations.

Breaking the humiliation cycle legally

Of the four newspapers compared, Al-Quds' coverage of the shoe-throwing incident

has been outspoken in its support of Zaidi's re/action. Its coverage has been both
profuse and 'positive', justifying and 'rationalising' the act of throwing the shoes at
George W. Bush. The sense of valorisation is inescapable: the act is deserved in light
of the crimes Bush had committed. While this valorisation perpetuates the feelings of
humiliation, and does not decrease interstate conflict, it is vital to remember that it is
a fruit of press freedom. As a pan-Arab newspaper, the London-based Al-Quds enjoys
more freedom than locally based newspapers. Unlike Al-Quds, local Arab journalists
have faced an uphill battle to increase their independence and the legal safeguards
necessary for an independent and vibrant press. In some instances, the lack of an
institutional, legal framework has been a hanging threat to independent journalists,
as in the case of Bahrain's independent press. Mansoor Al-Jamri, Editor-in-Chief of
Bahrain's Al-Wasat, described the absence of legal safeguards for the new independ-
ent press as 'Sword of Damocles over Bahrain press' (WAN 2008a). 'The legal frame-
work is very frightening', he stated at the World Association of Newspapers (WAN)
conference. 'If they want to implement it, they will curtail the independent media. We
have this restrictive law that limits the growth of freedom of expression over the
years. We were promised in 2002 that it would change, but we haven't seen any
movement' (WAN 2008a).

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 MEDIA ETHICS IN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT

Strengthening the legal guarantees fosters alternative coverage that does not
have to toe the official line, the way Al-Ahram does. A free press is self-critical, coura-
geous and diverse. A free press is more credible when it recognises that a journalist
who throws his shoes is violating his professional responsibility. The urgency of the
need for a legal framework dominated the proceedings of WAN's 3rd Arab Free Press
Forum, 'Opposing Forces: The Independent Arab Press Defies Restrictive Govern-
ments', in December of 2008. From Tunisia, Mauritania and Lebanon to Yemen, Egypt
and Sudan, journalists called for more freedom. Legal guarantees go hand in hand
with the challenge of professional training, however. In the words of Mohammad A l -
Rumaihi, the founder and Editor-in-Chief of Kuwait's Awan: 'The issue of training is of
key importance, and this importance in the Arab world requires very deep vision of
how we can change the culture of the journalists and journalism' (WAN 2008b).
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CONCLUSION

This article has explored the role of the mass media in international conflict, specifi-
cally how media contribute to the cycle of humiliation, shame and revenge. The case
study focused on Arab media's coverage of the shoe-throwing incident in Iraq, where
George W. Bush ducked an Iraqi journalist's throw during a press conference. The
analysis of four Arab newspapers' coverage of the incident found that, while being
diverse, Arab media had predominantly framed the incident as a humiliation for
President Bush, revenge on the part of Iraqis for the shameful military defeat and the
torture in Abu Ghraib prison. The study concludes that news media's obsession with a
narrative of humiliation does not help resolve international conflict. With relevance to
Arab media, the article argues that independent, free and professional Arab media
outlets are more likely to provide 'balanced' coverage that abates the intense feelings
of hurt. Pro-government media coverage is counterproductive in resolving interna-
tional conflict. Growing professionalisation of independent media has the potential to
curb the emotional violence generated by 'unprofessional' reporting. Finally, strength-
ening legal safeguards, updating media ethics frameworks and more press freedom
enhance the potential for a constructive role of the media i n international
conflict.
The cycle of humiliation, shame and revenge can be broken only through identify-
ing 'mechanisms of redress'. While this article's exclusive focus has been on Arab
media, Western media coverage of the Arab and Muslim worlds should be similarly
scrutinised within this paradigm of humiliation. The caveat that 'communication can
exacerbate conflict as well as resolve it' is still valid (Dordick 1984, p.38). It is countered
by the potential of news coverage to play a significant role in alleviating feelings of
humiliation that exacerbate those conflicts through emphasising 'redress' attitudes.
In addition to respect, mechanisms of redress should also include policy solutions
that address grievances at both national and international scales. A leading researcher
at the Oslo-based Center of Human Dignity and Humiliation Studies (HumanDHS),

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 DOUAI

Evelin Lindner, has employed this framework of humiliation, proposing other mecha-
nisms of redress. HumanDHS examined the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as an instance
of institutionalised humiliation that could be successfully resolved (Lindner 2006). In
the absence of redress mechanisms, a public opinion poll in Iraq, commissioned by
ABC News and the BBC, confirmed the resonance of Arab media coverage's with
popular feelings of humiliation in the shoe-throwing incident. Released in March 2009,
the poll suggests that 62% of Iraqis regarded the shoe-thrower as a hero. Twenty-four
percent of respondents saw him as a criminal who had assaulted a visiting head of
state. To draw on HumanDHS work, confidence-building measures and a politics based
on human dignity and mutual respect can usually go a long way in undercutting
'extremist' media voices wherever they exist.
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Aziz Douai (PhD, Pennsylvania State University) is Assistant Professor of Communi-

cations at the University of Ontario Institute of Technology, Oshawa, ON, Canada. His
research focuses on media and global politics, public diplomacy, and Arab media
reform. His most recent publications include 'Offline politics in the Arab blogosphere'
in International Blogging: Identity, Politics, and Networked Publics, and 'In Democracy's
shadow: The "new" independent press and the limits of media reform in Morocco' in
the Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture Journal
Correspondence: Aziz Douai, Faculty of Criminology, Justice and Policy Studies, Uni-
versity of Ontario Institute of Technology, Oshawa, O N , Canada, Tel: 9059244230,
Email: aziz.douai@uoit.ca, azizdouai@gmail.com.

NOTES

1. The mass media play more or less similar roles i n both 'international conflict' and 'interna-
tional crises'. The present article focuses more on international conflict situations. F o r a
distinction between the two concepts, see Patrick James (2002), International Relations and
Scientific Progress: Structural Realism Reconsidered.

2. D u e to government control and widespread illiteracy, electronic media, particularly radio

broadcasting prior to the satellite television revolution, tend to mobilise Arab o p i n i o n a n d
attract the 'masses' rather than the educated elites (see R u g h 2004, pp.182, 250).

3. Other than Al-Massae's circulation, w h i c h is independently verified by the 'Organisme de

justification de la diffusion' (www.ojd.ma/site/ma/leschiffres.php), reports of A r a b newspa-
pers' circulation figures are h i g h l y conflicting. Al-Ahram's circulation figures are cited i n
A r a b Press N e t w o r k (www.arabpressnetwork.org/newspapersv2.php?id=47&pays=96),
while Asharq Al-Awsat's and Al-Quds' circulation figures are cited i n R u g h (2004, p. 173).

4. The professional disagreement about the paper's editorial line between Al-Massae's director
and its Editor-in-Chief eventually led to the latter's departure less than two weeks after this
blistering c o l u m n . Interestingly, i n a farewell op-ed, the editor l i n k e d the newspaper's
continuity to developing 'mechanisms for self-criticism'. See 'Bouachrine leaves Al-Massae',
Attajdid, 12 D e c e m b e r 2008, a v a i l a b l e at: http://attajdid.info/def.asp?codelangue=
6&infoun=46729&date_ar=2009/l/l, accessed 12 February 2009.

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 MEDIA ETHICS IN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT

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