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Regions and Crises: New Challenges for Contemporary Regionalisms

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1
Introduction: Regionalism
in Times of Crises
Lorenzo Fioramonti

A world in crisis

If one were to identify a distinctive feature of the first decade of the

21st century, it would probably be the series of closely interrelated
and overlapping crises that, ever since 11 September 2001 (9/11), have
contributed to reshaping international politics and the traditional distri-
bution of power. The attacks in New York and Washington, orchestrated
by a group of Middle Eastern and North African militants of al-Qaeda,
immediately dismissed the optimistic predictions made in the post-Cold
War period and the inevitable ‘end of history’ (Fukuyama, 1992) as
mere wishful thinking. Then, the unilateral turn endorsed by the United
States (US) in the first years of the new millennium endangered delicate
global equilibria and paved the way for the decline of America’s hege-
mony vis-à-vis the growing influence of emerging powers such as China.
Not only did the ‘war on terror’ challenge most tenets of international
law and reveal the profound weaknesses of existing global governance
systems, but it also drove a wedge between the so-called West and
the Muslim world, with important repercussions on international insti-
tutions such as the United Nations (UN). While encroaching upon
the most fundamental liberties and rights of contemporary democra-
cies, the fight against global terrorism also contributed to ‘securitizing’
many aspects of our social life, thereby restraining intercultural and
interethnic relations within and across societies.
Against the backdrop of an increasingly lawless world, the quest
for security has ‘spilled over’ from traditional military concerns, such
as conflicts and terrorism, to new types of threats, including energy
and food provision. While the so-called West led by the US has pro-
ceeded towards the militarization of oil-rich Iraq, emerging powers have

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2 Introduction: Regionalism in Times of Crises

intensified economic ties with sub-Saharan Africa, in what looks like

another scramble for the vast resources of that continent. The lat-
ter has therefore become, once again since the end of colonialism,
heavily dependent on exporting its raw materials, with little (if any)
achievements in terms of long-term sustainable development. It is not
surprising, therefore, that a series of food crises brought about by sudden
spikes in the price of staples have ravaged the developing world, forcing
the poorest countries into a downward spiral of famine and economic
distress.
Meantime, migration flows have reached unprecedented levels, often
exacerbated by geopolitical instabilities such as armed conflicts, inten-
sive extraction of natural resources, food scarcity and the land-grabbing
strategies adopted by multinational corporations in the search for new
lucrative business in the field of biofuels. The overall degradation of
the environment, epitomized by climate change (which is arguably the
most far-reaching of all these crises), has further accelerated the pace
and augmented the scale of these dangerous developments. According
to a research commissioned by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan,
climate change-related disasters have become a major cause of humani-
tarian crises across the globe and millions of people will be turned into
environmental refugees in the next few decades (Annan, 2009).
Not only are all these crises intimately connected and mutually rein-
forcing, but they also overlap with regard to their own internal and
external evolutions. The first global food crisis erupted at the end of
2007 and continued for most of 2008. In that same year, the UN Pop-
ulation Fund announced that, for the first time in history, more than
half of the world’s population was living in cities, with urban growth
concentrated in Africa and Asia, where most settlements have limited
resources to respond to the magnitude of the change. Only a few months
later, a spate of toxic mortgages issued by American banks sank the
world economy and plummeted Western countries into a seemingly
endless economic recession, which has proved to be the worst and most
widespread downturn since the Great Depression. In turn, this crisis has
affected food production and distribution, shrunk development funds,
reduced social welfare provisions and created a wave of protests across
the planet, thereby exacerbating deep-seated discontent about the form
and substance of global governance. New forums such as the G20, which
includes the fastest growing economies of the developing world, have
replaced traditional summits such as the G8, thus sealing not only the
economic but also the institutional decline of Western powers.
Ten years after 9/11, the circle of global crises goes back to where it
started, in the Middle East and North Africa, where a number of die-hard

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 Lorenzo Fioramonti 3

authoritarian regimes have been falling under the pressure of their own
citizens’ grievances. This exciting domino effect, for which the media
have promptly coined the term ‘Arab Spring’, is fundamentally reshap-
ing long-standing political equilibria and challenging vested interests at
all levels, while exerting a significant toll in terms of human lives.

Regionalism in a complex world

In a globalizing world, where old and new evolutions challenge tradi-

tional decision making and (nation) states find it increasingly difficult
to govern political processes, and human relations and economic trans-
actions are ever more cross-boundary in nature, regional governance has
proved a powerful tool to address such as growing complexity.
As a meso-level between the state and a hypothetical global gov-
ernment, regional organizations have been purposefully created with
a view to providing more effective management structures to deal with
phenomena and processes transcending the borders of national com-
munities. Traditionally, trans-frontier natural resources were the first
common goods to be placed under the administration of regional orga-
nizations. For instance, the oldest existing regional organization in the
world is the Central Commission for the Navigation of the Rhine, an
authority established in Europe during the 1815 Congress of Vienna. Its
purpose was to manage cross-boundary transports along the river Rhine,
which cuts across France, Germany, Switzerland and the Netherlands,
and – in spite of its limited political clout – it set an important prece-
dent for the future evolutions of European integration. The forerunner
of the European Economic Community, which then transformed into
the European Union (EU), was the European Coal and Steel Commu-
nity, a supranational authority created to provide common jurisdiction
over the most fundamental natural resources of the continent, whose
direct control had historically been the main source of conflict in the
region.
Nowadays, there is a virtually endless list of regional organizations
operating in various sectors, entrusted with varying degrees of power
and decision-making authority. Although most of these perform only
specific functions (e.g. natural resources management, conflict preven-
tion, legal advice, customs control, policing, etc.), there has been an
increase in the establishment of ‘general purpose’ regional organiza-
tions, of which the EU is the best known and most developed example.
Some have evolved out of specific trade agreements (e.g. free trade areas),
such as the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), while others have
been created with a view to guaranteeing security and development,

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4 Introduction: Regionalism in Times of Crises

such as the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the
African Union (AU). As famously remarked by P. Katzenstein, the con-
temporary international arena may very well develop into a ‘world of
regions’, where openness and cooperation are reinforced by growth
in cross-border exchanges and global transformations in interstate
relations (Katzenstein, 2005).
Along with the mushrooming of regional organizations, the study of
regionalism has also evolved. While, until the 1980s, the concept was
simply subsumed under the broader field of international relations (and
often as a sub-category such as economic interdependence), since the
end of the Cold War a renewed focus on the role of regional organi-
zations has given birth to a specific field of study, which highlights
the increasing complexity of regional formations and their multilevel
and multi-sectoral purposes (Fawcett, 1995). A wealth of comparative
analyses and in-depth case studies has thus shown the ambivalence, for
instance, of concepts such as ‘cooperation’ and ‘integration’, tradition-
ally considered as elements of a continuum process of regionalization.
While regional cooperation is nowadays broadly employed to describe
the numerous cases of structured collaboration among governments in
a given geographical area, regional integration describes the process of
supranationalization of authority in a given policy field, which requires
some degree of shared sovereignty.
The ‘new’ regionalism approach has produced important insights into
the study of regional politics and has also emphasized the peculiarities
of regionalism beyond the traditional European context (Warleigh-Lack,
Robinson and Rosamond, 2011). While for many years the debate on
regionalism had been polarized by EU scholars, which led to theories
unable to ‘travel’ well and continuous claims of European ‘exception-
alism’, more recently several attempts have been made at comparing
regionalism across regions in order to highlight mutual learning specific
trends (Langenhove, 2011; Warleigh-Lack, Robinson and Rosamond,
2011). Among the various global trends affecting regionalism, the rela-
tionship with ‘crises’ is definitely one that deserves exploration, as it
strikes to the core of what regional cooperation and integration are all
about.

Regions and crises

According to Karl Deutsch, one of the forefathers of regional stud-

ies, the most fundamental example of region-building is constituted
by so-called ‘security communities’, groupings of countries that share

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 Lorenzo Fioramonti 5

institutional systems to avoid internal conflicts and address common

external threats (Deutsch, 1957). In this vein, the existence of certain
threats (often in the form of fully fledged conflicts) has been instrumen-
tal to the creation of regional organizations (Adler and Barnett 1998).
The European integration project emerged out of the ashes of the Second
World War. The Organization of African Unity (OAU) was created after
the end of colonialism while its successor, the AU, was established to
guarantee peace and development in a traditionally troubled continent.
Similarly, ASEAN was founded to oppose the advancement of commu-
nism in South-East Asia and strengthen the small countries of the region
vis-à-vis their strong and powerful neighbours.
The connection between regionalism (either in the advanced form of
‘integration’ or in the less developed stage of ‘cooperation’) and crises
is therefore quite intimate and cuts across most theories. For instance,
according to neo-functionalism, the very process of regional cooper-
ation/integration is driven by a certain degree of automacity, which
takes the form of a continuous ‘spill over’ of functions across policy
sectors thereby increasing the powers of the regional authority more
effectively to address common concerns (Haas and Schmitter, 1964).
In this vein, crises can be accelerating factors that expedite such a ‘spill
over’ effect and, therefore, strengthen regional cooperation and possi-
bly lead to integration. By contrast, from an intergovernmentalist angle,
crises (especially if they are external in nature) may suddenly reduce the
range of options that states have at their disposal (e.g. free-riding or
opting-out) and produce a convergence of preferences leading to some
more advanced forms of regionalism. Since crises tend to alter the pay-
offs of political decisions, collaboration (especially at the regional level)
may all of a sudden become more convenient for national policy mak-
ers (Moravcsik, 1993). Also, from a federalist point of view, crises may
constitute that threat that makes the federalist bargain more palatable
while augmenting the desire of participating states for relevance and
power (Riker, 1964). Finally, in constructivist terms, it may be argued
that crises are not given but must be interpreted and construed as such
by all relevant stakeholders. Since no preferences or interests are fixed,
the social and political discourse concerning crises can lead political
actors towards a sense of unity and purpose, which is fundamental in
the process of ‘building regions’ (Langenhove, 2011).
It appears, therefore, as if regionalism and crises have always been
intimately connected, both empirically and theoretically. Yet, although
most theoretical approaches appear to discuss crises as potential
springboards for more and better regional cooperation/integration, the

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6 Introduction: Regionalism in Times of Crises

opposite is equally true. For instance, De Gaulle’s critical stance vis-

à-vis the process of European integration (which led to a prolonged
institutional crisis in the 1960s) prompted Ernst Haas, the founder of
the neo-functionalist approach, to conclude that regional integration
theory was ‘obsolete’ (Haas, 1975). The current sovereign debt crisis
(often dubbed the euro crisis) is raising a lot of doubts about the capac-
ity of the EU to weather the storm and relaunch integration in the
European continent. Public discourse not only in Europe, but also in
the rest of the world, seems to hint at the fact that regional cooper-
ation/integration does not deal well with ‘rainy days’, when member
states tend to become more inward looking and seek refuge in short-
sighted nationalism. It is partly because of this inherently ambivalent
relationship between regionalism and crises that Philippe Schmitter, a
distinguished scholar of comparative regionalism, has remarked that a
good theory of regional integration should not only be able to explain
what drives regional integration forward, but also what causes regional
‘disintegration’ (Schmitter, 2004).
The word ‘crisis’ derives from the ancient Greek verb krinein, which
means to ‘separate, decide and judge’. As such, it therefore describes
events or phenomena that produce change and lead to decisions. Look-
ing at most current events, it is not easy to gauge the extent to
which these crises my lead to more regional cooperation/integration
or, conversely, to gradual/abrupt disintegration. However, there is little
doubt that they present fundamental turning points in the evolution of
regional cooperation/integration and pose significant challenges to all
stakeholders involved. At the same time, they may very well become
opportunities to reassess the usefulness of supranational regions and
prospectively redesign a world of new regions.

Structure of the book

As discussed above, crises (whether political, economic, social, humani-

tarian, military, etc.) can either boost or hinder regional cooperation and
integration. Both theoretical approaches and empirical evidence seem
to suggest that the relationship between crises and regionalism is quite
intimate, although it may take different forms leading to potentially
opposite outcomes. In order to cast light on such an intricate phe-
nomenon, this book analyses the impact exerted by a number of crises
on regionalism across the globe. The various chapters have been divided
into two clusters. The first analyses the relationship between crises
and regional cooperation/integration in Europe from a comparative

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 Lorenzo Fioramonti 7

perspective (Part 1: Crises, Regionalism and the Future of European

Integration). It focuses on the political and institutional evolutions of
the European integration project, charts potential directions for the
future and also provides an in-depth analysis of the current euro cri-
sis, discussing the possibility of fundamentally contrasting outcomes.
The second cluster of chapters moves beyond Europe to reflect on
how past and current crises have affected regionalism in other areas
of the world (Part 2: Crises and Regionalism Beyond Europe). Some of
these contributions focus on North Africa, where recent events have
fundamentally reshaped regional equilibria and institutional relations
with the EU, as well as sub-Saharan Africa, where development crises
have haunted regional cooperation. Other contributions look at South
America and Asia, where past and recent crises have pushed regionalism
into specific institutional forms, often revealing deep-seated vested
interests. Overall, this second section calls into question the trans-
ferability of the EU model of integration to other regions, an aspect
made even more evident by the current euro crisis and its long-term
effects.
Based on this general thematic division, what are the key points raised
by the contributors to this volume? Let us look at each chapter in detail.
In Chapter 2, Søren Dosenrode provides a comparative perspective on
the role of crises in fostering regional integration. It builds on theories
such as neo-functionalism and federalism to argue that the relationship
between crises and regionalism is more nuanced than one would expect
at face value. According to this well-resourced theoretical analysis, it is
important to distinguish between different ‘types’ of crises (e.g. in terms
of scale, source and timing), given that only some of them may have
‘constructive’ impacts on regional integration. As an empirical example
of different impacts of crises on regionalism, the chapter discusses the
cases of European and African regionalism.
After such a theoretical presentation of the multifaceted relation
between regionalism and crises, the book opens up to the first set of
empirical case studies. The first group (Chapters 3–5) is dedicated to an
in-depth analysis of Europe. In Chapter 3, Mario Telò takes a longue durée
approach to show how the process of regional integration in Europe
has always been paved with legitimacy crises. By discussing three dif-
ferent ‘models’ of political integration for Europe, he argues that the
hybrid nature of the EU makes it more resilient than many observers
believe, given its constitutionalizing multilateral character based on a
mixed system of legitimacy and accountability. In Chapter 4, Patrick
Leblond carries out a political economy evaluation of the state of the

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8 Introduction: Regionalism in Times of Crises

EU’s monetary union amid its worst-ever crisis and argues that, in
spite of doomsday scenarios, the gradual reforms introduced by mem-
ber states may very well end up ‘saving’ the euro and strengthen fiscal
and financial stability. In Chapter 5, Patrick Holden analyses how the
global economic downturn has impacted the EU by focusing primar-
ily on the political consequences of the euro crisis, the recent divisions
among member states with regard to financial stability and the long-
term impact that whatever solution may be found will have on the
fundamental principles of ‘solidarity’ and ‘cohesion’ that have animated
the European integration process since its inception.
Crossing the Mediterranean, the central chapters of the book take us
to Africa. In Chapter 6, Wolfgang Zank provides a thorough histori-
cal and political analysis of how different types of regionalisms have
impacted North Africa. In his argument, he underlines the various types
of ideologies, from pan-Arabism to pan-Africanism, and policies, includ-
ing the EU’s influence in the Mediterranean, that have contributed to
shaping North Africa as a region. Needless to say, the Arab Spring with
its contagious effects as well as its challenges/opportunities provides the
backdrop to this chapter and the following one by Jean-Pierre Cassarino
and Nathalie Tocci. Through a captivating critique of the European poli-
cies in the Mediterranean, from the Barcelona process to the Union
for the Mediterranean, Chapter 7 shows the various deficiencies of the
EU approach to peace and stability in its southern ‘neighbourhood’.
In particular, the authors criticize Europe’s limited understanding of the
societal and political evolutions underway in the region that resulted
in a short-sighted support for North African autocrats (often viewed by
European policy makers as buffers against the upsurge of political Islam)
and little dialogue with local civil society groups.
In Chapter 8, Michela Ceccorulli looks at how international migration
has been increasingly represented as a ‘security threat’ in the interre-
gional dialogue between the EU, the US and North African countries.
Providing a wealth of empirical evidence through two case studies of
regional cooperation on migration (one focusing on the EU–US part-
nership after the 9/11 attacks and one looking at the relationship
between the EU, its member states and North Africa), this chapter argues
that interregional policies in the field of migration management have
revealed serious tensions among the various parties involved, often
weakening the capacity of the EU to speak with one voice and oper-
ate consistently, thus resulting in a haphazard approach and allowing
for mismanagement and human rights abuses.
Chapter 9, by Dimpho Motsamai and Mzukisi Qobo, provides a gen-
eral analysis of regional evolutions in sub-Saharan Africa by framing it

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 Lorenzo Fioramonti 9

within the seemingly endless ‘development crisis’ affecting the conti-

nent. Besides providing an up-to-date description of how sub-regional
organizations are attempting to build the institutional infrastructure
necessary for long-term sustainable development, the chapter also crit-
ically reviews the influence that emerging powers such as China, India
and Brazil have on the developmental prospects of the rest of the
continent.
The next two chapters lead us to South America, another impor-
tant region ‘under construction’, where various models and patterns of
regionalism compete with one another or simply coexist. Eric Mosinger,
in Chapter 10, analyses the connection between crises and regionalism
by studying the performance of two key regional organizations (the
Organization of American States and the Union of South American
Nations) in conflict management and democracy promotion. He intro-
duces the reader to the complexity of regional balances in South
America, given the traditionally hegemonic role played by the US,
and shows how various types of crises have fundamentally ‘crafted’
regionalism in the subcontinent as a way of increasing autonomy
from Washington and strengthening the power of national govern-
ments. In Chapter 11, Elena Lazarou focuses on the extent to which
a regional superpower like Brazil has been influenced by the EU model
of regionalism in setting the agenda for integration in Latin America.
Her analysis is divided into two main parts: in the first, she shows the
appeal that the EU model has traditionally enjoyed among key political
figures in the Brazilian executive and intelligentsia; in the second, she
demonstrates how the current euro crisis has been a watershed for the
normative influence of the European model of integration, with more
and more leaders in Brazil and South America distancing themselves
from what they see as a form of regionalism that cannot withstand the
turbulences of globalization.
In Chapter 12, Ekaterina Koldunova looks at regional cooperation
in East Asia and compares the macro-economic reforms introduced
during the 1997 Asian crisis with those implemented during the cur-
rent global economic downturn. Not only does her analysis point out
the actual and potential evolutions of regionalism in a part of the
world that is increasingly influenced by China and its economic power,
but it also provides a detailed description of a series of innovative
policies aimed at making East Asia more and more independent of
traditional (West-dominated) financial institutions in the definition of
its developmental trajectory.
The book ends with a general concluding note that, besides summa-
rizing the key points and recommendations of the various chapters,

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 10 Introduction: Regionalism in Times of Crises

ventures into a discussion on the future evolutions of regionalism in

a crisis-ridden world. By reflecting on past and current events, this final
chapter discusses not just the ‘quantity’ of regionalism (e.g. whether
it will become a prevailing form of global governance), but rather
the ‘quality’. As most crises have shown us, there are always win-
ners and losers in regionalism processes. Certain models may prevail
at the expenses of others, and critical voices often rise not against
regionalism per se, but rather against the interests served by certain
regional organizations.

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