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Chakravarti Uma Social Dimensions of Early Buddhism 249p PDF
Chakravarti Uma Social Dimensions of Early Buddhism 249p PDF
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of Early Buddhism
UMA CHAKRAVARTI
Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers Pvt. Ltd.
ISBN 81-215-0749-9
This edition 1996
Abbreviations ix
Glossary xi
Acknowledgements xiii
I. In trod u ction 1
II, The Political, Econom ic, Social, and
Religious Environment at the T im e o f
Buddha 7
S e c t io n I: T he P o l it ic a l B a c k g r o u n d of B u d d h is m
M on archies, gana-sartghas and state form ation —
K hattiya dans and the gana-sahghas
S e c t i o n II: E c o n o m y and S o c ie t y at the
T im e o f B u d d h a
E xpansion o f agriculture - T h e second urbanization -
C ra ft p ro d u c tio n and trade - T he p attern o f
la n d h o ld in g — E m ergen ce o f a stratified society —
O ccupational groups and the process o f tribal
assim ilation - T he im portance o f kinship ties -
W om en in the B uddhist literature
S e c t i o n III: T h e R e l i g i o u s M i l i e u
A .N . A hguttam N ikd ya
B .O .D . Book o f Discipline
B .S .O .A .S . Bulletin o f the School o f Oriental and African Studies
D .B . Dialogues o f the Buddha
D .N . Dtgha N ikdya
D .P .P .N , Dictionary o f Pali Proper Names
G .S . Gradual Sayings
J .B .B .R .A .S . Journal o f the Bombay Branch o f the Royal Asiatic
Society
J .B .R .S . Journal o f the Bihar Research Society
J .E .S .H .O . Journal o f the Economic and Social History of the
Orient
J .R .A .S . Journal o f the Royal Asiatic Society
K .S . Kindred Sayings
Af.L.S. Middle Length Sayings
Af.N. Majjhima N ikdya
P. T .S . Pali T e x t Society
S .B .E , Sacred Books o f the East
S .N . Sam yutta N ikdya
Introduction
T h e problem
The sources
Culture and Civilization o f Ancient India in Historical Outline, pp. 100-4; R, S. Sharma,
Material Culture and Social Formations in Ancient India , pp. 106-10.
4 H , O ldenberg, Tfie Buddha: His lifet H is Doctrine, His Order, p. 17; T .W . R hys
D avids, T h e Dialogues o f the Buddha, p. 102; M. W eber, The Religion o f India, pp.
2 2 5 —7 ; R . T h a p a r , H is to r y o f In d ia , V o l. 1, p . 6 8 ; R .S . S h a r m a , M a te ria l C u ltu r e a n d
Social Formations in Ancient India, p. 124.
5 R. Fick; The Social Organization o f North-East India in Buddha's Time', Ratilal
M ehta, Pre-Buddhist India ; A .N . Bose, The.Social and Rural Economy o f North-East
1ndia .
Introduction 3
the subject o f stratification o f the texts is far from satisfactory, some
progress has been made in recent years. We outline below the pre
sent know ledge on the stratification o f the Buddhist texts.
Rhys Davids, W internitz, and Law0 place the Vi nay a and the first
four N ikayas in approxim ately the same chronological stratum , and
treat them as having more or less reached their present shape before
the M auryan period, although they do so tor different reasons. This
dating has been arrived at on the basis o f the internal unity o f the
texts. Rhys Davids places the w orks mentioned above as having
been com piled approxim ately a hundred years after the Buddha’s
death.7 An im portant factor in the pre-M aury an dating o f the
Vinaya and the first four N ikayas o f the Sutta Pi taka is the reference
to seven selected passages ot the Pali canon in the Bhabhra edict o f
Asoka, According to Rhys Davids, tw o o f the titles are ambiguous,
four others are from the four Nikayas, and the remaining one is
from the Sutta N ipata.3 Rhys Davids argues that the literature in
w hich the passages are found are older than the inscriptions them
selves. It has also been suggested that the fifth N ikdya o f the Sutta
Pitaka, w hich contains miscellaneous texts, does not appear to have
been recognized by schools other than the Theravdda and is there , 9
6 T .W . Rhys Davids, ‘Early History o f the Buddhists’ in E.J. Rapson (ed.), Cam
bridge History o f India , Vol. 1, p. 17); M W internitz, A , History o f Indian Literature,
V o l. II, p . 15; B .C . L a w , H isto ry o f PSH L iterature, V o l. I, p . 42.
7 T .W , Rhys David, op. cit., p. 171.
8 Ibid., pp. 171-2.
G .C . Pande, Studies in the Origin o f Buddhism, p. 7; N ,N . Wagle, Society at the
Time o f the Buddha, p. 2
4 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
attem pted to analyse the earlier and later strata w ithin the
N ik a y a s.10
Similarly, on the basis o f a study o f Pali metre, Warder has sug
gested that a com parison w ith the Prakrit inscriptions show s that
the Pali language is closest to the early records and may therefore be
regarded as having flourished in, and probably before, the Mau
ry an period. According to him , ‘T he canonical texts have the
appearance o f standing close to a living language rather than that o f
an artificial production in a dead language like their com m entaries,
and w o u ld therefore seem to belong to a period w hen the language
flou rish ed .’11
F ollow in g Pande and Warder, Wagle has accepted the major por
tions o f the S u tta P ita k a and V in a y a P ita k a as prc-Asokan. l ie treats
the first four N ikayas and the Vinaya material as being a reliable
guide to conditions betw een 500-300 b.c. In addition, W agle has
accepted the S u t t a N i p a t a , a text listed in the K k u d d a k a N i k d y a , as
b elon gin g to the earliest stratum o f Buddhist literature12 on the
basis o f a study o f the Sutta Nipata by Jayawickrame.
Jayawickram c remarks, ‘T he social conditions reflected in the Sutta
N ipata regarding people and castes, countries and tow ns, hrahmanas
and sacrifices are no different from those in the Nikayas' The
identification o f one o f the passages o f the Asokan inscription w ith
the Sutta Nipata m ay be cited as an additional reason to include the
Sutta N ipata am ong the earliest strata o f Buddhist literature.
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K e y te rm s in th e B u d d h is t sources
especially for the leaders o f the Jainas. The Buddhists, on the other
hand, derived the term titthiya from it, probably because o f its clear
i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w ith t h e J a i n a s , a n d u s e d the t e r m t o d e s c r i b e a rival
body o f teachers and their sects w ho were also opposed to the
Brahm anical system, like the Buddhists ^thinkers. H ow ever the
iif-K-i u v c ¥v VtWJ-jl u iv u i ^ovtt ¥ v av fAa iJc u *1 a ir ct j. j.w jr v i. 11 c*r\ n 1-h.i 1
teachings. The Buddhists therefore used the term anna titthiya to in
dicate sects other than their ow n, w hich suggests that they consi
d e r e d t h e m s e l v e s t o b e titthiyas a l o n g w i t h t h e o t h e r s , but a ls o re
garded themselves as distinct from the other sects at the same tim e.
Since ahha titthiyas w ere clearly rivals o f Buddhists, the latter m an
aged t o c o n v e y b o t h t h e i r i d e n t i t y a n d t h e i r s e p a r a t i o n from t h e
other sects through the use o f the term titthiya.
Similarly, the w ords drya and cakkavatti already existed in sixth
c e n t u r y b . c . v o c a b u l a r y , b u t the B u d d h i s t s gave b o t h t e r m s a sp e ~
cial colour. A rya always represented a value and referred to noble
virtues, rather than to race. The ideal disciple, f o r example, was
called a n ariyasdvaka. T h e w o r d cakkavatti w h i c h , a l o n g w ith other
term s such as samrdt and sdrvabhauma , denoted a universal ruler o r a
king w ho established his sovereignty to the physical limits o f India,
becam e a key concept in B u d d h i s m . T h e term c a k k a v a tti w a s
popularized by Buddhists, and it ultim ately became the m ost w ide
ly used w ord for a param ount sovereign in the Indian tradition.
T he t e r m s gahapati a n d setfin, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , w e r e n o t a b l e for
another phenom enon: the need for the vocabulary o f the sixth cen
tu ry B .C . to adapt itself to contem porary requirements. In both
c a s e s t h e i r r n n n o t a r i n n c h a n g e d ; from b e i n g w o r d s w h i c h h a d
originally been devoid o f any econom ic implications they came to
represent clear econom ic categories. T he new socio-econom ic
s i t u a t i o n required specific terms t o denote the em erging econom ic
categories. C oining new w ords is a conscious process w hich was
less likely to occur in a gradually developing situation. A daptation
o f w ords on the other hand could imperceptibly and naturally
occur, transform ing the original meaning o f w ords in the course o f
tim e. This developm ent is an indication not only o f the needs o f a
eiven societv but reflects also the orocess bv which the term s ac-
■w * ■
*, *
quired their new meaning, and reveals the relationship betw een the
old connotation and the new one.
CHAPTER II
S e c t i o n I: T h e P o l it ic a l B a c k g r o u n d of B u d d h is m
16 A IN , II, p. 358.
17 A.L. Basham, ‘Ajatasattu's War w ith the Lichchhavis’, S/wdiei in Indian History
and Culture, p. 73.
10 This is evident trom the references to the fortification of Pataiigama in the
Digha N ikdya (D .N ., II, p. 70).
19 A.L. Basham. ‘Ajatasattu's W ar w ith the Lichchhavis*, Sfudiei in Ancient History
and Culture , p. 75.
20 D .N ., II, p. 152. 21 D .N ., 1, p. 97. & D .N .. II, p. 113.
23 G .P, Malala-Sekhara Dictionary o f Pali Proper Names, Vol. I, p. 856,
10 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
24 See also A.L. Basham, ‘Ajatasattu’s War with the Lichchhavis’, Studies in Indian
History and Culture, p. 77.
25 M .N ., II, p 318; D .P .P .N . , Vol. II, p. 316.
2cJdtaka, tr. by H .T . Francis, Vol. IV, p. 96. Also see A.L. Basham, ‘A jitasattu’s
W ar w ith the Lichchhavis’, Stuiies in Indian History and Culture, p. 76
27 H .C . Raychoudhari, Political History o f Ancient India, p. 188.
28 A.L. Basham, ‘Ajatasattu’s War with the Lichchhavis*, Studies in Ancient History
and Culture , pp. 76-7.
Environment at the Time of the Buddha 11
cnce in Jaina literature to the eighteen gana-rdjds o f K2si and
Kosala29 joining the Vajjian confederation against Ajatasattu
resulted from a com mon recognition by the gana-sahghas o f the
dangers they faced, especially from the expanding monarchical
kingdoms.
Although there is considerable controversy on the nature and ex
tent o f the democratic content within th e gana-sahghas,30 there is no
doubt that they represented a political system distinct from that o f
the monarchical kingdom s.31 The Avaddna Pataka speaks o f mer
chants from N orthern India, who, when visiting a southern king
dom, were asked by a king, ‘who is the king there?’ The merchants
replied, ‘Some countries are under ganas and some are under kings’
(ktchid desd ganddhmdh: kechid mj-ddhmd iti).77 Jayaswal holds that
this statem ent shows royal rule to be opposed to gana rule,33 and
Bhandarkar suggests that the political rule of one is being con
trasted widi that u f the m any.34 Similarly, in the Acdrahgu Sutra,
Jaina monks and nuns were prohibited from visiting an ardya
(country w ithout a king), a juva raya (country with a young king),
a do rujjci (government by 'two rulers), and a gana-raya (where the
gana or multitude is the ruling authority).35 From a passage in the
Majjhima N ikdya it is clear that these distinct political units were
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29 Kalpa Sutra, tr. by Hermann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B.E., Vol. XXII, p. 266;
Niraydvalika SmIm, ed. by A,S. Gopani and V.J. Choksi, p. 19.
30 A considerable body o f literature exists on the political structure o f the
gana-sahghas, in spite o f which controversy persists. Those who have written on the
subject include K.P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity; A.S. Altekar, State and Government in
A n c ie n t India; D .R . B h a n d a r k a r , A n c ie n t H istary o f India; a n d J .P . S h a rm a , A ncient
Indian Republics,
31 We are concentrating here on a review o f the political system o f the gana-sahghas
to the exclusion o f the monarchical kingdoms which will feature in the chapter on
Kingship (Chapter VI).
32 Avaddna Pataka, ed. by J.S. Speyer, Vol. II, p. 103.
33 K.P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity, p. 26.
34 D .R . Bhandarkar, Ancient History o f India, p. 147.
35 Acardhga SutraT tr. by Hermann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B.E., Vol. XXII, 1973,
p. 138,
36 M .N ., I, p. 284.
3 7 ji t t f
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12 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
sahgha,38 but the terms are used synonym ously in the Majjhima
N ikdya, and in the Astadhydyt o f Panini,39 as well as in the Sanskrit
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term s gana and sahgha were used in the same sense to denote a form
o f governm ent where pow er was vested in a group o f people, as
opposed to m onarchy where pow er was vested i n one person.41 W e
have used the term jointly to denote a form o f governm ent in
w hich sovereign pow er was vested in a collectivity rather than in
the individual.
K .P . j a y a s w a l , H in d u P o lity , p . 24.
39 Astddhydyi ofPpnini, ed. and tr. by S.C. Vasu, Vol. I, p. 513.
40 J.P . Sharma, Republics in Ancient India, p. lOn.
41 A.S. Altekar, State and Government in Ancient India, pp. 109-10.
42 See C hapter V below and Appendix C for details.
43 Arthasdstra ofKauiilya, ed. by R .P. Kangle, Vol. 1, p. 244.
44 V .P. Varma, Hindu Political Thought and its Metaphysical Foundations, p. 31.
45 D JV , H, pp. 1 2 6 - 7 .
46 Sutta Nipata, Kkuddaka Nikdya, Vol. I, pp. 68-9,
Environment at the Time o f the Buddha 13
and Trisala, sister o f the Lichchhavi leader o f Vesali., is called ksat-
riyam, and her husband Siddhartha o f the Natrikas is also described
as a ksatriya in the Katpa Sutra.47
We may draw attention to the tact that the territories o f the gana-
sangha were actually know n by the clans that occupied them. Signi
ficantly, the use o f the clan name was a prerogative only o f the
khattiyas and it was never used for other inhabitants of the gana-
sahgha , such as the artisans and the brdhmanas, whose occasional
presence is noticed there. Thus Upali the barber is not called a
Sakyan40 although he lived in Sakyan territory. N or is Cunda the
kammaraputta (son o f a metal-smith worker) referred to as a Malla.49
Similarly, the brdhmanas o f Khomadussa in the Sakyan territory are
not referred to as members o f the Sakyan clan.50 It has also been
argued that collective pow er in these territories was vested in the
khattiya clan composing the gana-sahgha, and that they had
sovereignty over other social groups inhabiting the territory o f the
gana-sahgha.51 Sovereignty therefore extended over the territory
and not merely over the members o f the clan.52
The prerogative o f the use o f the clan name only to the khattiyas
is related to the right to exercise power, which the non-khattiyas did
not possess. O n the basis o f a reference in Panini, Agrawala has
suggested that not all members o f the sahgha were entitled to exer
cise political pow er, which was the privilege only o f the governing
class. H e says: Tt appears that the descendants o f the pioneer ksat
riyas w ho had settled on the land and founded the janapada treated
political sovereignty as their privilege which they transmitted in
47 Katpa Sutra, Jaina Sutras, tr. by Herm ann Jacobi, S.B.E. Vol. XXII, p. 226.
M ore instances o f khattiyas are recorded in Chapter V.
48 Cullavagga, p. 281.
49 D . N . , II, pp. 9 8 - 9 .
50 S .N ., I, p. 183. T he brdhmanas o f Khomadussa seem to have had definite identi
ty o f their ow n since they had their own santhdgara or assembly hall in which they
met. This suggests that they did not participate in the deliberations o f the Sakyan
assembly. T he existence o f the santhdgara was itself a special feature o f the gana-
sahghas. It is a technical term which never appears in the context o f the monarchies.
All the santhdgdras were located in the capitals of the territories of the respective clans
IT \T/ n liv c riavid ft
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the brdhmanas o f Khomadussa were antagonistic to the Buddha. They addressed the
Buddha as murtdaka and satnamka to indicate their disapproval of him (S .N ., I, p. 183).
51 K.P. jayasw al, HfWn Polity, p. 394.
D .R . Bhandarkar, Ancient H istory o f India, p. 161.
14 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
also explains a passage in the L a lita V is Lara which states that every
Lichchhavi regards him self as a rdjd in the Vajjian republic,58 In our
opinion all Lichchhavi families o f the Vajjian gana-sahgha partici
pated in the a b h is e k a cerem ony because all Lichchhavi families
betw een the ddsa-kammakaras o f the Sakyan and Koliyan clans, the
ddsa-kammakaras go back and report to their respective masters,
w h o then deliberate on the problem . There are no indications that
the ddsa-kammakaras participated in the deliberations.59 Jay as w al de
duces from his reading o f the sources that the slaves and w orkm en
w h o w ere inhabitants o f gana-sahghas w ere categories to w h o m
citizenship or political participation did not apply.60 The political
structure o f the gana-sahghas was also related to their social struc
ture. but this is an aspect w hich w ill be discussed in greater detail in
C h ap ter III. W hat should be noted here is the fact that the social
organization o f the gana-sahghas was comparatively simple—w ith a
preponderantly khattiya population, and a m arginal non~khattiya
p o p u latio n com posed prim arily o f brdhmanas, artisans and the ddsa-
kammakaras. O f the three non-khattiya categories in the gana-
sahghas , the ddsa-kammakaras w ere num erically m ore significant
since they represented the base o f the w orking population in the
gana-sahghas .
It m ay thus be argued that, at least in the B uddhist literature, the
khattiyas actually exercise pow er, either as m em bers o f the gana-
sahghas w here they wield collective pow er, or by association as
m em bers o f the raja kulas in the monarchical kingdom s. In this
context w e m ay draw attention to a passage in the Ambattha Sutta
w here it appears that all khattiyas w ere entitled to receiving the con
secration o f the abhiseka cerem ony w hich was norm ally associated
w ith the actual sanction to rule (khattiya khattiyabhisekana
abhisiheheyyang ).61 This association conform s to the original m ean
ing o f ksatriya as derived from ksatra, which Keith translated as
sovereignty, and w hich H ocart renders as the Rom an im perium .62
H o cart has pointed out that the tradition o f describing the ksatriya
as a w arrio r is based upon later texts and that the prim itive m eaning
is connected w ith kingship, or, in other w ords, w ith pow er.63 V ar-
P olity>p. 98; see also J.P . Shanna, Republics in Ancient India, p. 112).
61 D.N., I. p. 85.
62 A .M . H ocart, Caste, p. 37. 63 Ibid., p. 3.4.
16 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
Expansion o f agriculture
64 V.P. Varma, Hindu Political Thought and its Metaphysical Foundations, p. 49.
65 R. Fick, The Social and Economic Organisation o f North-East India in Buddha's
TV*w*, pp 79—81 ,
66 T , Ling, The Buddha , p. 62.
67 D .D . Kosam bi, ‘Ancient Kosala and M agadha’, Vol. XX VII,
1952, pp. 180-213; and ‘T he Beginning o f the Iron Age in India’, J.E,S,H > O ., Vol.
V I , pt. Ill, 1 9 6 3 , pp. 3 0 9 - 1 8 .
E nvironm ent at the Tim e o f the Buddha 17
G angetic v a lley could n o t Have been undertaken w ith out the use o f
iro n .68 T he point has been restated since then by other scholars and
w e need m erely sum m arize the findings o f archaeologists and
historians o n this them e.
Early recognition o f the relationship betw een iron and the begin
nings o f a n e w civilization was suggested by Y .D . Sharm a.69 Later
i■ t..................
w a ...s rn o' i n t e d o u t t h a t t h e a r c h a e o l o gu i c a l e v i d e n c e f o r i r o n xn r e -
dates th e em ergence o f N o rth ern Black Polished w are (hereafter
N B P ware) pottery in the Ganga V alley,70 and that N B P w are itself
is a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e second urbanization in India. N B P w are is
also characteristic o f the age o f the Buddha. Sharm a says: ‘In upper
India a n u m b er o f w idely distributed sites o f this period are m arked
bv t h e occurrence o f a hiehlv individual shinv ware, often black,
k n o w n to archaeologists as N B P ware*. Its duration is roughly de
fined betw een 500 and 300 B.C. (although som e archaeologists now
tend to push the date back by a couple o f centuries), and Sharm a
points o u t th at the Ganges plain w as the centre o f its dispersal. H e
also suggests that, broadly speaking, it was co-eval w ith the sup
rem acy o f M aead h a.71
E xpansion in agricultural produce is similarly related to the en
hanced use o f iron im plem ents, including ploughshares, the sickle,
M N .R . Ray ('T echnology and Social C hange in Early Indian H isto ry ', PurHttatva,
Vol. VIII, 1975-6, p. 133) has questioned the conclusion that large scale clearing o f
the G angetic valley could not have taken place w ithout the use o f iron. H e argues
against the assum ption that the introduction o f iron technology and iron im plem ents
in the G anga-Y am una valley, before 320 B.C., w ere o f such a scale as to induce the
sort o f social changes w hich are held to have been triggered o ff by the technological
changes associated w ith the use o f iron (R.S. Sharm a, 'M aterial Milieu o f the Birth
o f B u d d h ism ’, paper presented at the 29th International C ongress o f O rientalists,
Paris, 16—2 2 July 1973). A ccording to Ray, archaeological evidence available to date
does n o t indicate any large scale clearance o f the jungles through the use o f iron tech
nology. H e argues that iron technology was neither qualitatively nor quantitatively
diversified en o u g h to bring about significant social changes. Earlier U .K . C hakra-
barti had p ointed ou t that iron was responsible for stabilizing agriculture rather than
initiating it. A ccording to him , it was the basic technological elem ent only from the
sixth century B.C. onw ards and not before (D .K . Chakrabarti. 'B eginning o f Iron
and Social C hange in India’, Indian Studies Past and Present, Vol. XIV , no. 4, 1973,
pp. 3 3 6 -8 ).
69 Y .D , Sharm a, ‘E xploration o f Historical Sites’, Ancient India , Vol. IX , 1956,
pp. 1 1 8 -9 .
70 V .D . M isra, Some Aspects o f Indian Archaeology, p. 85.
71 Y .D , Sharm a, 'E xploration o f Historical Sites', Ancient India, Vol. IX, 1956, p
119.
18 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
80 S .N „ I, p. 8.
81 M .N ., II, 136; A .N ., IV, p. 208. See also Acdrdnga Sutra, Jaina Sutras, tr. by
H erm ann Jacobi, S.B .E., Vol. XXII, p. 19.
82 R.S. Sharma, Sudras in Ancient India, p. 95.
83 T rev o r Ling, The Buddha, p. 50. 84 D .N ., II, p. 130; G . S., Ill, p. 158.
85 Mahdvagga , p. 199.
86 V---------I----)---- P h arm a ‘F.vnlfirafirtn
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rtf H icfrtriral Sires’.
----------------------- - - - - ,
A n r b n t India V nl I X IQSft fn
142. It has been suggested that Buddha's alms bowl, seen by Fa-hien and described
by him, was probably o f NBP ware (M .D .N. Sahi, ‘Stratigraphical Position o f the
N B P ware in the Upper Ganga Basin and its Date’, Puratattva, Vol. VI, 1974, p. 93).
37 I b i d ., p . 145.
20 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
T he second urbanization
did n o t p r o d u c e a w id e r a n g e o f g o o d s . B u t a
c h ic s , a n d t h a t t h e y
m ore im portant reason for none o f the cities o f the gana-sahghas
being listed as a mahdnagara was that the gana-sahghas were suffering
f r o m p r o b l e m s o f i n t e r n a l c o lla p s e . I n c o n tr a s t , t h e m o n a r c h i e s
w ere m arked by a period o f political consolidation w hich probably
provided a boost to the process o f urbanization.
O f t h e s i x m a h a n a g a ra s w h i c h w e r e m a j o r p o l it i c a l a n d c o m m e r
cial centres, the m ost im portant appear to have been Savatthi and
Rajagaha. In the lifetime o f the Buddha, Savatthi probably had an
e d g e o v e r R a ja g a h a , a n d it w a s t h e r e t h a t t h e B u d d h a s p e n t a l a r g e
part o f his teaching career. However, by the time he died, Rajagaha
seems to have grow n in importance because it was here that the
A rp j B u d d K i s t o u n c i l \ v i s Hwld.
Types o f settlement
A p a r t f r o m n e w l y d e v e l o p e d l a r g e u r b a n c e n tr e s , t h e r e w e r e v a -
T h e pattern o f landholding
The expansion o f agriculture brings us to an extremely significant
aspect o f the economy: the pattern o f landholding. The problem o f
ownership o f land continues to be one o f the unresolved con
troversies o f ancient India. However there are certain observations
which have struck us during the course o f our study, but in making
them w e shall restrict ourselves to the question o f landholding.116
Individual holdings had definitely appeared by the time o f the Bud
dha, and m ost o f the land was being farmed in this manner, at least
in the monarchical kingdoms, as is evident from the Agganna Sutta
in w hich kingship originates w ith the emergence o f separate fields.
According to it the violation o f rights to ownership o f the fields
leads to the need for a king. The idea o f separate fields is reiterated
in a parable which derides the folly o f a man w ho neglects his ow n
fields but thinks o f weeding his neighbour's.118 The Milindapanha
gives us at least one method by which the rights over land origin
114 N.N. Wagle, Sodety at the Time of the Buddha, pp. 13-37.
115 Pardjika. p. 62.
116J- Jolly has pointed to the distinction between ownership and possession in the
law of property (J. Jolly, Hindu Law and Custom, p. 196).
117 D.N., IU, pp. 72-3.
1 1 ft a n f i..!.# J n * T"? ___________ _j " * r if. T I? _ tr_ 1 t — ■ It
t m t f i i u ru i A w ru i ix i/ m r m / v f iv i/ rm i i w w f v u i . t , p . i / •
24 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
ated. It says that, w hen a man clears the land o f its forest and pre
pares it for cultivation he establishes rights over it: ‘yathd . . . koci
puriso uanam sodhetud bhumim mharati tassa sd bhumi tijano voharati na
cesa b h u m i ten a p a u a tita tam bh u m im kdranam k a tv d bh u m i sd m ik o ndm a
hoti>u9 (‘It is as when a man clears away the jungle and sets free a
piece ofland and the people say ‘that is his land\ N ot that the land
is m ade by him . It is because he has brought the land into use that
he is called the owner o f the land. *120) This statement represents a
very important principle in relation to private property and associ
ates it w ith that o f labour. It suggests that a person becom es entitled
to the land primarily because he has put labour into it.121 While a
considerable amount ofland was in the possession o f peasant prop
rietors, w h ich according to Mrs R hys Davids represented the bulk
o f the holdings,122 the king also appears to have been in direct con
trol o f som e o f it. This probably consisted o f all the wastelands,
forests and m in es.123 From this category oflan d the kings o f Kosala
and Magadha began to grant brahmadeya lands to the brahmanas124
which make their appearance in the Pali canon. Such a view is sup
ported b y Radhakrkhna C houdhary, w h o argues that h rah am adeya
lands were granted out o f the royal domain or the crown lands, and
these had nothing to do with the lands held by cultivators.125 It
m ay he noted that all the b ra h m a d eya lands m entioned in the Pali
texts were granted by Pasenadi and Bimbisara. The fact that these
lands were a distinct category carrying a special connotation is evi
dent from a stock passage in the Pali canon describing hrahamadeya
lands as follows: 'tena kho patta samayena brahmano pokkarasddi ukkat-
tang ajjhavasati sattussadang, satinakatthodakang, sadhannangt rajabho-
o a nOo ./ ranna in asen din a kosalen a din n anaa rd^iadavan o h ra h m a d evva
a j o i j
tta
o
*.126
(‘At that time there dwelt at Ukkattha the brdhmam Pokkharasadi, a
spot teeming with life, with much grassland and woodland and
119 Milinda panha ed. by V. Trenckner, p. 219.
120 A. N . Bose, The Social and Rural Economy of North East India, Vol. I, p. 15.
121 Jayamal Rai, The Rural-Urban Economy and Social Changes in Ancient India, p.
15.
122 C .A .F . Rhys Davids, ‘Economic Conditions according to Early Buddhist
Literature’ in E.J. Rapson (ed.), Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p. 176.
123 A .S. Altekar, State and Government in Ancient India, p. 275.
124 D .N ., I, p.,109; D .N ., I, p. 96; Af.N., H, p. 427; D ,N ., I, p. 76,
125 Radhakrishna Choudhary, ‘Ownership o f Land in Ancient India’,
Vol. LIII, p. 32.
126 D ,N ., I, p . 76
Environment at the Time o f the Buddha 25
note extrem ely poor people w ho led miserable and deprived exist
ences, and were ‘needy, w ithout enough to eat or drink, w ithout
even a covering for the back’.140 In contrast, there were people w ho
lived very com fortably or even luxuriously, possessing gold, sil
ver, grain, a carriage, and a beautiful house141 w ith servants to
w ork for th em .142 Bose has pointed to the pronounced social con
trast between classes expressed through the familiar Pali phrases
mahdbhoga kula and dalidda hula, sadhana and adhana; sugata and
duggata.143 The texts also reflect a pragmatic recognition o f the
pow er o f wealth. The Ahguttara Nikaya mentions a poor man w ho
w ould have to go to jail for non-paym ent o f debt, whereas a person
o f w ealth could escape the same fate.144
T he sharp differentiation between the tw o categories created the
beginnings o f social tension. The Vinaya Pitaka refers to the ddsa-
kammakaras o f the Sakyans attacking their masters’ womenfolk as
an act o f revenge when the w om en were alone in the w oods.145
T he recognition o f exploitation had also emerged. The Majjhima
N ikaya relates a very significant incident146 o f a ddsi called Kali, and
her mistress, a gahapatm called.Vaidehi, who was reputed to be
even tem pered and gentle. Kali, however, attributed her mistress’
supposed even tem per to the fact that her ow n exemplary be
haviour gave the mistress no cause for anger. Kali was meek, sub
missive and hard-w orking normally, but she decided to test her
m istress’ real tem per by rising late and ignoring her calls three
m ornings in succession. This was too much for the mistress whose
tem per cracked up under the strain o f the incident and she physical
ly assaulted the ddsi. The whole incident is narrated as a sarcastic
com m ent on the behaviour o f the rich mistress. While the dasas
were sometimes treated reasonably well, the normal food for the
ddsa-kammakaras was broken rice and sour gruel.147 The ddsa-
139 See Pacittiya, p. 108 for a dalidda kammakara, and Cullavagga, p. 254 for a dalid
da tunavdya. Also see M .N ., 11, p. 89; A . N ,, III, p. 84.
140 M .N ., III, p. 240; M .L .S . Ill, p. 215.
141 M .N ., HI, p, 248. 142 Cullavagga, p. 249.
143 A .N . Bose, The Social and Rural Economy of North-East India, Vol. II, p. 270.
144 A M ■ I „ 0^0
145 Significantly this is also one o f the first written records o f wom en being the
obvious targets in the case o f antagonism between two social groups (Pacittiya, p.
his effort that the surplus was generated but since he had no control
over it he was placed at the bottom or nadir. The placement o f the
f^iTf\ rrrA im o
V ^ i
1e my^irahTTa
VI T V V A
1-1, o
- V11W
Kori/- im Iiiac r ,C I-Un circfnm ite a i f u
f WL V1JV ■
*V
has been generally assumed that India’s econom y in the sixth cen
tury B.C. was producing enough surplus150 to feed a substantial sec-
,4H S .N ., I, p. 91. 149 D .N ., III, pp. 147-8,
150 It should how ever be noted that the existence o f surplus all the time cannot be
taken for granted. Occasional shortages o f food arc mentioned (see S.N ., HI, p. 286
and A .N ., II, p. .120). Also die l/iti/iya speaks o f fonrl being the product o f hard
labour (Cullavagga) p. 223).
Environment at the Tim e o j the Buddha 29
151 Vdsista Dharmasittra, Sacred Laws of the Aryas, tr, by George Buhlcr, S.B .E.,
Vol. X IV , p. 94; Baudhdyana Dharmasutra, ibid., pp. 197-8. Sec V .N . jh a for a de
tailed analysis o f the theory o f the vamasamkara (‘Vam asam kara in the D harm asut-
ras: T heory ana Practice', J . B . S . H , 0 . r Voi, XIII, Pt. Ill, 1970, pp. 273-86.)
152 N .K . Bose, Culture and Society, p. 207.
153 It is evident from the Agganna Sutta o f the Dtgka Nikdya that the sudtjas w ho
were the low est vanrtd o f the social system were tribal groups living mainly by hunt
ing and fishing (D .N ., III, p. 74).
30 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
willing to go in its view o f change. W hile they may have been m ore progressive than
the brahmanas, the Buddhists certainly did not w ant to deviate from the norm s estab
lished by the w ider samana culture. N o innovation was considered apart from the
general traditions o f the samaras.
169 A . N . , H, p. 498; G .S ., III, p. 191.
170 A . N . , I. p. 263; G.S., I, p. 261
t7t A .N ., II, p. 87; G .S ., II, p. 93.
172 Cultavagga, p, 388,
173 I.B. H orner, Book o f Discipline, Vol. Ill, p. xxxix,
174 A .N ., II, p. 76. 175 A . N . , III, pp. 224, 361-7.
176 S . N . , III, p p . 2 1 2 13.
34 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
177 A . N . , I, p. 29. 178 C. A,F. Rhys Davids, Psalms of the Sisters, pp. 15, 25,
179 T he Theri^athd contains some verses depicting her agony (JJi£i(m.s of the Sisters,
pp. 108-11).
180 D .N ., H, p. 78.
181 Visakha M igaram ata was considered auspicious for these very qualities.
Environm ent at the T im e o f the Buddha 35
u n iq u e feature o f the period, unm atched in later years for its sheer
dim ensions, w h ich spanned a w ide range o f ideas from annihila
tion! sm {ucchedvada) to ctcrnalism (sdstmti/dda), and f r o m the fatal
ism o f the Ajivikas to the m aterialism o f the C arvakas. T h e B u d d h
ist texts m ake frequent references to other sects iahha titthiyas) and
t^it . l . ________________ ... A 1S3
m i u f u f t r r t u j u i u ijtw iti* kJi iuw js t g r t u i y i r z u y u ^u^ii dutia.
Jaina sources also corro b o rate the existence o f n u m ero u s sects, 184
O f these, special status has been given to six co n tem p o rary ‘non-
L U lU _
_
U_______
_
lliild_
l_
__
U JL U U lL dlil „pBUUL'-VdV'ULL'
l;i ________l_______i_
l_
l_
___
___
Llib__
__
1_
___
_
dU__
__
L___
_ _
_
dllU__
U_
, IKS W 'UlUi U lU i“
cates the em inence and influence w hich early B uddhist tradition
182 A.K. C oo mar aswam y, Buddha and the Gospel of Buddhism, p. 154.
1S3 D.JV., I, p. 34.
184 Sutrakritdhga, tr. by Herm ann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S .B .E ., Vol. XIV, pp 315*
19.
lSS A .L . B a sh a m , l l i s t o t y and Doctrine o f the Ajivikas, p. 10.
36 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
a ttr ib u ted to th ese s ix d issid en t teach ers. 186 S ig n ifica n tly , there is a
Carious reference to the same six sects and their leaders in the M ilin-
dapanha, a Pali text attributed to the first century b .c .,187 w hich
^ ^ ^ ^ i * ^ »j
Th o samisna tyctditi&n
p. 33.
197 M a h a va g g a ,
198 T his is best dem onstrated w ith the example o f the mahdporisa. The mahdporisa
has tw o clear alternatives: either to live the life o f a householder and become a cakka-
vatti thus heading the social w orld; or to renounce the world and become a tatkdgata
thus heading the asocial w orld.
1Q9 M a h d va g g a , p . 4 1 , 700 P a iittiy a , p p . 2 4 5 - 7 8 .
Environment at. the Time o f the Buddha 39
207 S. D u tt, Early Monastic Buddhism, pp. 5 7 -8 ; Chandogya Upanishad 8.15; Gauta
ma Dharmasiitra , tr. by F. M ax M uller, S .B .E ., Vol. II, p. 193; Vdsisktha Dharmasut-
ra, tr. by G eorge B uhler, S .B .E ., Vol. X IV , p. 44.
20® S . N ., I, pp. 116—17; For a sim ilar idea in ja in a literature see Sutrakritdnga , tr.
by F. M ax M uller. S .B .E ., Vol. X L V . p. 265.
209 S.J. T am biah, Buddhism and the Spirit Cults o f N orth-East Thailand , p. 64.
210 A.JV., II, p. 38. 2,1 M .N., II, p. 469. 212 Mahavagga, p. 43.
213 R. T h a p a r, ‘R enunciation: T h e M aking o f a C o u n te r C u ltu re?’ in Ancient Indi
an Social H istory, p. 80.
214 G .S . G h u ry e , Indian Sadhus , p. 34.
215 H . C h a k ra b o rty , Asceticism irt Indian Culture , p. 52.
Environment at the Time o f the Buddha 41
A tharva Veda and the Aitereya Brdhmana216 to Indra killing yatis
(another term for ascetics), which suggests that sannyasa or renuncia
tion was originally only the theory o f dissidents who revolted
against the ritualism o f the orthodox hrdhmanas. It is o f some sig
nificance that Buddhism provides the earliest references to the de
bate on the utility o f renunciation- In the Samahhaphala Sutta o f the
D lgha N ikdya217 king Ajatasattu is depicted as having approached
the leaders o f the six dissident sects, who were the Buddha’s con
temporaries, with the same question: ‘What is the fruit, visible in
this very world, o f the life o f a recluse?’ There is no indication o f
the same question being put to any brdhmana. It is reasonably clear
from the evidence available to us that the dissident sects were the
first to advocate lifelong asceticism as the path to salvation. It is also
in Pali literature that the compound expression samana-brdhmana be
came a current one, denoting the two opposing systems o f the
samanas and the hrdhmanas. S i g n i f i c a n t l y the grammarian Patah-
jali uses the example o f sramana-brdhmana to illustrate an antagonis
tic com pound (samahdra dvanda) and remarks that the opposition o f
the tw o was eternal (yesham cha virodhah sdsvatikah). like that o f the
snake and the m ongoose,219 The tw o categories were so important
at the time o f the Buddha that the period as a whole has been char
acterized by Barua as the ‘Age o f the Sramanas and the
Brahmanas’.220
m
The opposition between the hrdhmanas on the one hand, and the
samanas as typified by the Buddhist bhikkhu on the other, is a con
stant feature o f the Pali texts. There are numerous derogatory refer
ences to the hrdhmanas , w ho are depicted in a variety o f negative
situations. Their vices include pride, deceit, avarice, and even
crimes such as matricide and patricide, beside milder human fail
ings such as gluttony. In the Vessantara Jdtaka the well-known clas
sic o f the Buddhist tradition, which relates the deeds o f a prince
216 Ibid., pp. 10-11, 52; Atharva Veda, II, 3; Aitereya Brdhmana, VII, 2 8 .1.
217 D .N ., I, p.45; D .B ., I, p. 6.
Z1S T h e expression also occurs in the Jaina texts (Stitrakritahga tr. by H erm ann
Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B .E ., pp. 237, 241, 245, 287, 339), and in the Asokan inscrip
tions (E. H ultzsch, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarium , Vol. I, pp. 4, 5, 14, 15, 18,), and
in G reek w ritings (R .C . M ajum dar. Classical Accounts o f India, pp. 425—48).
2)<* The Vyakamm Mahdbhdsya of Patahjali, ed. by F. Kielhorn, Vol. I, pp. 474,
476.
220 B ,M . Barua, Pre-Buddhist Indian Philosophy, p. 191.
42 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
ing diligence (appamato) since he has to look after Ks wife and children, support his
parents and w o rk people and perform services for his kith and km and his guests
(M .N ., 11 p. 450; A IL ,S ., II, p. 373).
44 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
alms. O nly a few brahmanas appear to have been pursuing the task
o f teaching other young brahmanas, but even many o f these were
w ell provided for. They were the major recipients o f the
brahmadeya lands in Kosala and Magadha and sometimes possessed
additional property away from their homes. JanussonT is a good ex
ample o f the wealthy brdhmana. Pali texts mention his possessing a
white chariot with silver fittings and white trappings drawn by
four pure white mares. He drove about in this chariot dressed in
white garments, a turban and sandals. His chariot was considered
the finest in all Savatthi,229
U nlike the paribbdjakas w ho w andered around m eeting other
thinkers and having discussions w ith them , the hrdhmanas rem ained
in their o w n settlem ents, except w hen they travelled in connection
w ith their w ork, w hich was in the nature o f business. If bhikkhus or
the Buddha met some o f these brahmanas it was because the bhikkhus
*
from the B uddha for his allegedly not respecting aged and w ell-
established hrdhmanas.232 They also censured the B uddha for advo
cating a path for the bhikkhus w hich w ould yield gain, if any, for
one individual only, whereas the system o f sacrifice advocated and
perfo rm ed by th em b ro u g h t m erit to many people.233
also by the dissident sects. The titthiyas could not ignore the brdhma
nas potential for a ‘higher life’, nor could they fail to notice the im
age o f the brdhmanas in the existing Indian mind. This accounts for
their special status in the Pali and Jaina texts. Both use the same
metaphor to express this idea. The God Sakka (tndra) comes in
both traditions in the form o f a brdhmana to bless the respective
sects in the presence o f a wide audience.235
Significantly while the Buddha refused to accept that the brdhma
nas had any inherent qualities that w ere superior to others he did
not reject the term brdhmana as a conceptual category. The Buddha
used it instead in the sense o f an ideal value to represent acquired
spiritual m erit w hich was open to evetyone. It appears in the same
sense in the Jaina literature too.236 The Buddha even used the term
s o w and then I eat. Y ou also plough and so w and then eat. ’ {akang
kho samana, kassdmi cha vapdmi cha; kasitva cha, vappitva cha bhuti-
jd m i; tvang p i, samana, kassasu cha vappassu cha; kasitva cha vappitva
rL» uu
b f t w l / i v m r r y r v ^ (
242 A A M W J *iT ^ T " * m ¥ V 4 » w U A t f V V
*U V A V IT A A A y j A U
samanas could stay in the course o f their travels. T he Pali texts give
num erous instances o f discussions in these m eeting places.247 The
M aiihim a N ika va m entions oarihhaiakas collecting in a w anderer’s
z z (j
park for the period o f the rains. This generated a discussion on the
em inence o f each sect. All the paribbdjakas referred to their respec
tive leaders (gandcariyo) as bhagava , which w as also used for the
B u d d h a b y h i s f o l l o w e r s . 248 T h e f r e q u e n t i n t e r a c t i o n i n c o m m o n
m eeting ground not only encouraged a m ovem ent o f ideas from
one group to another but probably enabled the fostering o f the
b a s i c c u l t u r e w h i c h a ll t h e g r o u p s s e e m t o h a v e s h a r e d .
T h e samana tradition as a w hole was also affected in varying de
grees by asceticism, w hich appears to have been a vital aspect o f
their culture. T his is m ost s t r i k i n g in the c a s e o f the C a r v a k a s o r the
Lokayatas, and even the Ajivikas w hose philosophies should logi
cally have discounted the need for asceticism. B oth sects have been
254 T he m ain features o f the samana culture apart from asceticism were anti-
V edism and the negation o f the grihastha status.
255 S. D utt, Buddhist M onks and Monasteries o f India, p. 24,
290 Mahdvagga, p. 105.
50 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
257 Ib id , p. 144,
258 r n r> i v n 1 RH
259 S. D u tt, Buddhist M onks and Monasteries o f India, p. 55.
260 A .N ., I, pp. 3 3 -5 .
261 T h e problem o f asceticism was actually in a way p a n o f the doctrinal differ
ences w ith the anm Uuhiyas.
Environm ent at the Tim e o f the Buddha 51
w ith him and that he had planned his strategy thus because he knew
he w ould receive support. Subsequently, the departing bhikkhus
had to be w on back by loyal followers o f the Buddha. Som e lay
people w ere also carried away by D evadatta’s stand and accused the
B uddha o f living in lu xury.267 There are instances o f kings expect
ing certain m inim um standards o f asceticism from the religious
sects. Thus U dena expressed disapproval o f Ananda’s accept
ance o f a gift o f five hundred robes.268 Similarly in the M ajjhim a
N ikd ya the king censures some samana-brdhmanas for not upholding
the ascetic tradition and tor enjoying the pleasures o f the senses
instead.269
T here w ere o f course very im portant doctrinal and metaphysical
differences betw een various sects too. D erogatory statem ents about
the respective philosophies o f the Buddhists and the Jainas w ere
com m on, and occasionally it appears that the criticisms consciously
or unconsciously m isrepresented philosophical positions.270 T here
was an undercurrent o f tension am ong the sects for they com peted
not only for grow th and advancement but also in receiving alms
from the laity. The leaders o f the sects attem pted to prevent any
erosion in their ranks as this meant loss o f prestige. Nevertheless,
there was considerable m ovem ent from one sect to another so that
‘sects w axed and waned or coalesced and remained constantly in a
fluctuating state in the com m unity.271 H ow ever even in this cross
m ovem ent the paribbdjakas seem to have evolved certain norm s. It
w as thus considered ethical for a person leaving one sect to join
another, to do so only after inform ing his original gandcariya. Sari-
putta and M oggallana w ere originally followers o f Sanjaya B elatth-
iputta bu t later joined the Buddhist sahgha and they represent the
best exam ples o f this tradition. Sanjaya sought to prevent this
m ove by offering to share the leadership o f the group w ith them
b u t Sariputta and M oggallana declined the offer.372 A similar
obligation was placed upon the leader o f a sect w hen he decided to
jo in another religious sect. W hen the jatila U ruvela Kassapa in
form ed his followers o f his im pending action he gave them the op-
m e n o p p r e s s e d , th e r e w o u ld b e n o g u ilt th e n c e r e s u ltin g , n o in c re a s e o f
guilt w o u ld ensue.278
M akkhali Gosala united all the freelance ascetics w ho thus far ack
now ledged no single authority and com piled a canon for th e m .281
T h e e v o lu t io n o f th e sahgha b e c a m e in e v ita b le g iv e n th e B u d d h a ’s
decision that the new doctrine should receive the w idest possible
audience.282 B h ikkh u s w ere exhorted to go forth w ith his message,
to u r in g c o n sta n tly in o rd er to reach the dhamma to th e p e o p le . B y
their raison d } etre the B uddhists had to function differently, and
isolation fro m society could not be the object o f m onastic life.283
N a g a s c n a m a k e s th is q u ite clear to M ilin d a in th e M ilin d a p a n h a f^4
H e argues that though m onks could have lived in the forest, it was
necessary for them to live in monasteries for only then w ould they
be easily accessible to the people. There was also a recognition that
bhikkhus ow ed a debt to society in return to r the essentials o f life
provided to them by the people. This debt could be discharged
only th ro u g h the teaching o f the dhamma to them. The idea was
actually m ade explicit in the bhikkhunt Kundala Kesi’s statement: *1
am living on the alms o f the people but I owe no debt for I preach
the dhamma to the people in retu rn ’.285
T h e sahgha
joyed w hen h rst perm itted to gilt robes to bhikkhus. They ran about
happily saying ‘now we will give ddna, now we will gain p u h h y a d 306
STha the Lichchhavi general once asked the Buddha if the visible re
sults o f ddna could be dem onstrated. The Buddha affirmed that this
could be done and proceeded to enumerate the concrete results of
ddna, w hich include fame, confidence, and rebirth in heaven after
death.307 Similarly the Buddha tells a mahamatta (great official) that
a gift o f food results in m uch merit accruing to the giver and en
sures heaven for h im .308 Suppavasa, the Koliyan updsikd w ho once
gave food to the Buddha, was told that the person w ho gave food
gave life, beauty, happiness and strength but in doing so one also
becam e a receiver o f the same benefits.309 The best path open to the
householder {gihT samici patipada) was to provide the sahgha w ith
essentials. The Buddha tells Anathapindika: ‘Gahapati, possessed o f
four things, the arxyasdvaka enters the householder’s path o f duty, a
path which brings good repute and leads to the heaven world . . .
the arxyasdvaka waits upon the sahgha w ith the offer o f a robe, alms-
food, lodgings, and medicines for use in sickness,’310 The ideal
ariyasdvaka was one w ho believed in the dhamma and gave ddna to
the sahgha Various items arc listed as objects o f ddna They in
. 311 .
sects, m erely because the teachings o f one particular sect were m ore
appealing to a lay follower.
It m ig h t b e o f s o m e sig n ifica n ce to p o in t o u t that th e yanna
appears to have been specially associated w ith brahmanas and kings
in the Pali canon.322 It is only they w ho are depicted as m aking
f TV
J. ^
P lllV
r r l AllV
n L
t cf fHn r-
v 1
tbVtlV
i^ t ^ A r ^ r t r m - i n / 'a v 1 y1141*1 +
A
llV l/U L U lllg
rT VV
fU a
selected sections o f society, reducing the need for the daily alm s-
ro u n d . T h e laym an w ould n o t then norm ally m eet the bhikkhus u n
less specifically seeking them out by inviting them to his hom e for
special meals. T here w ere no com m on rituals at w hich the bhikkhus
and th e upasakas could m eet. T he m ajor B uddhist rituals like the
ndtim okkha cerem ony w ere exclusively for bhikkhus, so that the lai
ty rem ained only very loosely tied to the sahgha . There w ere also
large areas o f an updsaka's life upon w hich B uddhism does no t seem
to have had an im pact, at least in the Indian situation. For example,
th e dom estic rituals based on the life cycle or samskdras continued to
be perfo rm ed according to the existing tradition, probably because
they w ere already deep-rooted and B uddhism did not attem pt to
substitute different rituals. This led U dayanacarya to rem ark that
there was no sect in India w hich had given up the perform ance o f
dom estic rituals: ‘T here does no t exist a religious system , the fol
low ers o f w hich do n o t perform the Vedic rites beginning w ith the
garbhadhdna and ending w ith the funeral rites, even though they re
gard th em as satnvrita , that is, having but a relative or tentative
tr u th .’330
A lthough B uddhism did n o t seem to take any stand on the issue
o f dom estic rituals, it endorsed some other traditions such as the
uposatha w hich acquired a significant place in Buddhism . All the
cakkavattis are depicted as observing it as a prelude to the appear
ance o f the dhammacakka (wheel o f dhamma) in the sky.331 The
A hguttara N ika ya approves o f its observance by laym en.332 The up -
osatha was also significant for the ahha titthiya's.333 It was on the up
osatha day that the ritual o f the pdtim okkha was held for the bhikkhu
sahgha. Uposatha appears to have been one o f the popular existing
traditions w hich B uddhism adopted. In addition, the Buddhists ex
hibited a certain sym pathy w ith the popular cult o f venerating
caityas o r the local shrines— a particularly marked feature o f worship
in the gana-sahghas. T h e Lichchhavis had seven such spots ju st out
side Vesali, o f w hich B uddha spoke adm iringly.334 O ne o f the
seven conditions that he outlined for the prosperity o f the Lich-
sion in the term 's interpretation. Like som e other term s appearing
in B u d d h ist literature, the w o rd gahapati is given a special co n n o ta
tio n by B u d d h ists, even th o u g h it had been in existence fro m very
early tim es. This in itself is an im portant reason for analysing the
te rm . In an a tte m p t to unravel the to tal m eaning o f gahapati , w e
shall exam ine the w ide range o f possibilities that the w ord denotes
in early B u d d h ist lite ra tu re .1 W e shall bear in m ind the co n tex t o f
th e tim es, w ith o u t w h ich the full im plications o f the term can n o t be
u n d e rsto o d .
G a h a p a ti is the Pall equivalent o f the Sanskrit w o rd grihapati
(g rih a + p a ti ). G rih ap ati appears fro m the E g Veda2 on w ard s and is
u sed fo r th e h o u seh o ld er as m aster o f the h o u se.3 Sim ilarly, the
m istress o f the house is called grihapatm . Later, the w o rd features
in P a n in i's A sta d h yd yt in the sense o f m aster o f the house, a
h o u s e h o ld e r.4 W hile early B u d d h ist texts occasionally use the w o rd
in th is sense, m ore o ften this co n n o tatio n is o v ersh ad o w ed by o th e r
im p licatio n s o f the te rm . T h e ho u seh o ld er aspect o f gahapati is su p -
ported by the old com m entary o f the Pdtimokkha which was in
corporated in the Vinaya texts, where the term is explained as, ‘he
w ho lives in a house’.5 While the term gahapati in the sense o f
householder or one w ho lives in ^ house or possesses a house is
equivalent to other words implying the same—such as gihi , gahattha
and ajjhavasati— these terms do not imply the range o f characteris
tics that gahapati carries w ith it. Clearly, therefore, there is a dis
tinction between gahapati and the other terms and this indicates that
the definition o(gahapati as householder is insufficient.
s gahapati nama yv kw i agarang ajjhavasati (Piirdjika, pp. 307, 312, D .O .D . , II, pp. 47,
55).
6 gahapati ko ndmo\ thapetva rdjanang rdjabhogang, hrahmanang auaseso gahapati ko
ndmo {Pdrafika , p. 319).
7 T he definition o f the gahapati cited above also gives us a definition o f the other
tw o categories: o f the king and his officials, and the brahmanas. According to this de
finition the king is one w ho rules, the king’s officials arc those w ho are in the em
ploym ent o f the Ifing, and the brahmanas are those who are horn as brahmanas (rdjand-
tna yu koci rajjang karati\ rdjabhoggang nama yo koci rahiio bhattauetandhdro', brdhmano
nama jdtiyo brdhmano, Pardjika, p. 319). It is interesting to note that while the domain
o f pow er is represented by people w ho are actually wielding power, the domain o f
religion is represented by peopie w ho are born as brahmanas.
The Gahapati 67
n n m ;v. TIip
--------- ------- r " ' ' “ o ■ —rlpmrK
-r - - - flip..............
UUattiw/i ic lsm
/ ■■ — nncro fnr nrixjrpr
— i -------- t — —
territory w ith dom inion as his ideal; the brahmana wants mantras and
yahha and has brakmaloka as his ideal; and th? gahapati w ants Jkamma
(w ork) and sippa (craft), and has the c o m p le tio n o f w o r k (or the
fruit o f w ork) as his ideal.8
T h e gahapati as ta xp a yer
Since the gahapati was associated w ith property as ow ner and con
troller, he was actually the pivot o f the econom y and therefore the
m ajor tax payer. A part from the im plicit representation ofthe^a/id-
pati as the base o f the k in g ’s treasury and the actual locator o f the
treasure in the m ythical account o f King M ahasudassana referred to
earlier, there is also an explicit reference to the gahapati as tax payer
in the D tgha N ika ya , T he gahapati is described as som eone w ho
‘pays taxes and thus increases the king’s w ealth’.22
b ra h m a d e y a h o ld e r s o n th e o th e r h a n d , a rc a lw a y s r e fe rre d t o a n d
addressed as brahmanas 39 O ne explanation for this is that brdhmana-
gahapati is a descriptive term applying to brahmanas based on the
Jand, w h o n o n e t h e l e s s c o n t i n u e d t o be i d e n t i f i e d w ith the l a r g e r
body o f brahmanas w ith priestly rather than econom ic functions.
T he brahmanas w ere one o f the distinct groups that had em erged by
this t i m e a n d p o s s e s s e d a c o h e s i v e n e s s w hich w a s probably diffe
rent from that o f other categories in society. In this context, the
Vinaya definition o f a brdhmana as one w ho is born a brdhmana m ay
b e r e c a l l e d , e v e n t h o u g h t h i s d e f i n i t i o n is c o n t r a r y t o t h e spirit o f
the B uddhist system o f ideas. A further point to notice is that,
w hile brdhmana inhabitants o f the brdhmana-gama o f O pasada are
r a i l e_ d__ hrdhmana-aahanatis
_ r . r v _. _ T ^ 0 0 o t h e r hrdhmanac w h o w e r e v is itm c0 r it
w ere not described as brdhmana-gahapatis but sim ply as brahmanas,40
In the light o f the evidence cited it m ay thus be reasonably estab
lished that the t e r m h r d h m a n a - g a h a p a fi r e f e r s to h r d h m a n a s based .on
land in villages which were probably inhabited alm ost entirely by
brahmanas. T he brdhmana-gahapati functioned in these villages as a
s u---
b s------------ oahanati
t i t u t e f o r t h e <V" A in ncin~hrdhmana~odmas.
" . O ' a n d i n v o-l v e-d -
39 For the m ode o f address o f various categories see N .N . Wagle, Satiety at the
Tim e o f the Buddha , pp. 192, 199- 200.
441 M . N . . 11. p . 428. 41 D .N . N, pp. 137-8.
74 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
siderably later (about the fifth century a .d .). A prom inent exam ple
is the case o f A nathapindika a w ell-know n supporter o f B uddhism ,
w h o is described as a setthi o f Savatthi in the Jdtakas and the com
mentaries, However, in the entire Sutta and Vinaya Pitakas Anatha
pindika is consistently described as a gahapati and never as a setthi.
In contrast, his brother-in-law , through w hom A nathapindika first
m et the Buddha, is consistently referred to as the setthi o f Rajagaha
and this distinction is systematically maintained right through the
passage in question.42 The confusion in the use o f terms in the
Pali literature has resulted in some serious m isconceptions re
garding a num ber o f prom inent figures associated w ith
early B uddhism . Following the later texts, historians have indiscri
m inately used the term setthi, a m erchant or banker, for m any o f
the gahapatis. The case o f M endaka is particularly striking. As we
have already show n, he and his family are quite clearly based on the
land. H ow ever both M endaka and his son Dhananjaya are referred
to in later Pali sources as setthis,43
**
T h e first point to note is that both the term s setthi and setthi-
gahapati are found m ost frequently in the Vinaya Pitaka . This fact is
o f some significance because the Vinaya Pitaka is considered to have
been com piled a little later than some o f the earliest texts, such as
the Swtta Nipata or the Digha Nikaya, where these terms do not
occur at all. Also, the term setthi, or its Sanskrit equivalent sresthin,
does not appear in the Astddhyayt of Panini whose w ork is generally
regarded as falling between the period 500 to 300 b . c . The absence
m ay be explained by the suggestion that the term s setthi and setthi-
gahapati w ere new and represented an em erging phenom enon o f a
specific region. Broadly, this region is likely to have been north
eastern India and the N B P ware culture sites.
It is significant that setthis and setthi-gahapatis are m ost frequently
located in the big urban centres o f Varanasi and Rajagaha, followed
b y C am pa and Saketa. All references to the tw o term s suggest that
they represented great wealth. For instance, Yasa, one o f the B ud
d h a1s earliest converts, was a setthi-putta and is depicted as having
three palaces for the different seasons: one for the w inter, one for
the sum m er, and one for the rains. T he entire description relating
H is p e r m i s s i o n t o u s e t h e s e r v i c e s o f J i v a k a f o r t h e t r e a t m e n t o f h i s
so n .49 T he entire Jivaka-V atthu dem onstrates the links betw een the
setthi's w ealth and, through it, w ith pow er. A nother passage in the
C u l l a v a g g a a ls o d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e l in k s b e t w e e n t h e s e tth i a n d t h e
king. T he setthi o f Rajagaha, a brother-in-law o f Anathapindika, is
depicted as being pre-occupied w ith preparations for a big feast
w h e n A n a t h a n1 i n• d• i k a v i s i t e d h i m . T h i s le d A n a t h"a n1 i ni d*.....
i k a....................
to w o n -
der w hether the setthi involvem ent w ith the arrangem ents was be
cause the king and his retinue were com ing to the feast.50 The
n a r r a t i o n c le a r ! v/ s t iuf lu e s £ s t h a t t h e s e \tth
*
i a n d c p ttk i-o
t">
a h as.n a ti n o t o n l vj
had access to the king b u t close links w ith him.
A lthough the literature has helped to construct a general picture
o f the setthi and setthi-gahapati it does not clearly indicate the precise
functions o f the tw o categories. T he Pali dictionary also reflects a
general picture in its explanation o f the setthi as forem an o f a guild,
treasurer, banker, ‘city m a n \ and w ealthy m erchant.51 This defini
tion is n o t com pletely satisfactory for our purposes since it is based
on a variety o f texts, very disparate in time. In our sources it is
apparent that the term s w ere ju st beginning to gain currency and
there is nothing definite in them to suggest the broad range o f char
acteristics m entioned in the dictionary. The contribution o f Fiser52
is very valuable, in this context, even though he has relied m ainly
on th c ja ta k a s, w hich are later than o u r sources. N evertheless, Fis-
c r’s conclusions are o f som e relevance in understanding the func
tions o f the setthi as reflected in early B uddhist literature.
Fiser has ruled ou t the identification o f the setthi as the forem an o f
a guild. H e also argues that the association o f the setthi w ith trade is
no t autom atically w arranted. It is notable that the term setthi is al
w ays used independently o f the term vdnijja and these tw o term s
are never substituted for or confounded. w ith each other.53 T he
conception o f the setthi as a banker is also not a very happy one,
according to Fiser, because this w ould be only a loose w ay o f defin
ing the setthifs functions. H ow ever the possession o f large liquid
assets by a setthi and his city base suggest the possibility o f business
connections w ith trade, as lenders o f m oney to traders, and, poss-
his death. T here is the possibility also o f this position being heredit
ary. O n the question o f the setthi o f a particular place, like the Bard-
nasi setthi , Fiser suggests that it could include in itself a distinct
function or privileged position, and that the term meant the setthi
w orking for the king o f the region.6'5
A lthough based on the adm ittedly later sources o f the Jatakas ,
Fiser’s conclusions could explain the term setthi as it appears in the
Vinaya literature. W hen it appears w ithout the qualifying gahapati
attached to it, and w hen associated invariably in the context o f a
particular place, the term setthi signifies a very prestigious semi
official position w hich the m ore com m on setthi-gahapati did not
have, although he m ay have been wealthy enough in his ow n
rig h t.64 W e may now return to the specific-category o f the gahqpati.
63 I. Fiser, ‘T he Problem o f the Setthi in the Buddhist Jatakas\ Archiv Oriental tit.
Vol. X X IV , Praha, 1954, pp. 250-1. "
04 Ibid. 65 Mahavagga, p, 255. 66 D .N ., III, p. 147. 67 Cullavagga, p. 249.
80 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
i.L - ___ 68 hpi ____________ J i . _ i r __________________ l
n it gurwyun, a u g u ttu v\j cmpiuy numrnuKur « j vwuR.iiicai w y m i uj
exist in the larger holdings o f land.69 These is were also like
ly to have been producing for the market, which explains the fre
q u e n t n eed to travel that is o fte n associated w ith gahapatis in the
B uddhist texts,70 Such activities w ould also have resulted in the
gradual accum ulation o f capital, which ultim ately transform ed
s o m e gahapatis in to sctthi-gahapatis, and then to setthis in v e stin g in
various business enterprises.
matte jetthako7* or the head and oldest member o f a house. The con
ception is similar to that o f the karta in Bengal, w ho is the head o f a
house and in w h o m the m anagem ent and control o f the family
p ro p erty is vested. T his view is supported by W agle’s conclusions
on the m ode o f address adopted by the Buddha for gahapatis. T he
Buddha invariably addressed them as gahapatis, not by their names.
H o w ev e r the gahapati-puttas w ere never addressed by anything but
their nam es. W aglc makes a distinction betw een the use o f term s as
term s o f reference and as term s o f address. In certain situations the
term s o f reference arc also those o f address, but in others the term s
o f reference do not coincide w ith the m ode o f address. In the con
text o f the gahapati the coincidence or otherw ise betw een the term
o f reference and that o f address focuses on the actual status o f the
individuals concerned.74
T he general im pression conveyed by the early Pali texts is that,
as a category, gahapatis had a prom inent place in the social structure
o f early B uddhist society. They invariably featured along w ith
khattiyas and brahmanas as people o f high status in relation to the rest
o f society. It was com m on to refer to khattiyas, hrdhmanas, and gahd -
patis in idealized term s, which stressed their high social status. For
instance, in his discourses dealing w ith the great pleasure given by
visible form s to a view er, the Buddha used the analogy o f an ideal
w om an: ‘A m aiden o f the khattiya , brdhmana, or gahapati family, be
tw een fifteen and sixteen years o f age, not too tall, not too short,
n o t too plum p, not too thin, not too dark, not too pale, is she then
in her full flow er o f charm s and beauty?’75 Similarly, some bhikkhus
considered people born in khattiya, brdhmana, and gahapati families
as deserving the highest privileges w ithin the sahgha.76 These three
groups w ere also generally associated w ith authority, wealth, and
em inence. Stressing the inevitability o f death the Buddha told King
Pasenadi, ‘Even they w ho are em inent khattiyas, em inent brahma-
nas , or em inent gahapatis, m en of authority ow ning great treasure,
great w ealth, im m ense hoards o f gold and silver, im m ense aids to
enjoym ent, im m ense supplies o f goods and corn, even they being
born cannot live w ith o u t decay and death. The same association
is repeated by K ing Pasenadi to the Buddha when he com plains
iy B uddhaghosha. Sumangala Vildsinl. p. 191.
74 N .N . W aglc, Society at the Tim e o f the Buddha, p. 53,
75 M . N . , ITp. 122; I. p. 1 16.
76 Cullavagga, p. 255. 77 S.N ., I, p. 70; K .S ., I, p. 97.
82 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
a lamp burning and four wives to wait upon him with all their
charms . . . ’H9
T h e g a h a p a ti s as e x te n d e r s o f p o p u la r su p p o rt to B u d d h is m
T w o types o f sanghas
T h e Arthasdstra deals w ith tw o different types o f sanghas: one in
w hich the ksatriya inhabitants live by vdrta and sastra, and another in
w hich th e y live by the title raja.116 T h e first ty p e refers to sn eh p e o
ple as the Kambojas and Surasenas, and the second to the Lichchha-
vis, Mallas etc. R uben117 describes the tw o separate types as being
derived from differences based on property in th e so il. T h e first
type he considers as vesting in the sahgha as a group* in areas w ith
barren soil and under p o o r conditions, as existed in the desert o f
Saurashtra and in the steppes o f the. north-w est. Those w ho lived
by vdrta w ere therefore sanghas in which the inhabitants jointly per
form ed both econom ic functions (agriculture and cattle-keeping),
and m ilitary functions themselves. In the second type he believes
that the ksatriyas (all or som e o f them) w ere proprietors o f their
landed estates, w hich he implies w ere separate. H ow ever, we sug
gest that the differences in the tw o types o f sanghas w ere n o t based
on com m unal holding in one and landed estates in the other, b u t on
w h eth er the ksatriyas themselves w orked the land, as in the case o f
the Kambojas and Surastras, or whether they had the land w orked
th ro u g h others such as the ddsa-kammakaras , as outlined above.
Vesali w ith f r i e n d s a n d a c q u a i n t a n c e s ,1 s u g g e s t s t h a t
a ro u n d
B uddhists had no drama w ith perm anent structures o f their o w n in
Vesali, Similarly, at least on o n e occasion, even am ong his ow n Sa-
k y a n s , t h e B u d d h a h a d n o w h e r e to s ta y in K a p i l a v a t t h u , a l t h o u g h
M ahanam a searched throughout the to w n .120
T he only notable exceptions that w e get o f a gift o f an drama in a
guru*-sahgha is the e x a m p l e o f t h e courtesan A m u a p a l i ’s gift o f an
ambavana (mango grove) to the sahgha, on the Buddha's last visit to
the Lichchhavis. H ow ever, Ambapali’s position among the Lich
c h h a v i s is i t s e l f i n t e r e s t i n g . A c c o r d i n g t o B u d d h i s t t r a d i t i o n a v a i l
able in the Tibetan D u lva , m the Lichchhavis had a custom accord
ing to which a beautiful w om an w ho was perfect in every way was
n o t a l l o w e d t o m a r r y s in c e t h a t w o u l d m a k e h e r t h e p r o p e r t y o f
ju st one individual. She was reserved for the pleasures o f the
people as a whole and established as a courtesan so that everyone
had e q u a l a c c e s s t o h e r . T h e c u s t o m i t s e l f r e f le c ts t h e d e e p l y
em bedded notion o f com m on property am ong the Lichchhavis.
T he possession o f the ambavana by Ambapali m ight even be attri
b u t e d t o the L i c h c h h a v i s ' h a v i n g j o i n t l y b e s t o w e d th is p r o p e r t y o n
her in order to dem onstrate their com m on claims on her. A gift o f
land to the sahgha in the Vajjian territory would have been difficult
j-i-L L i v j i m a i ^n.\yULiiiavaitvw>jf J i n v v „11
a i i *ciu A T u iuu a v u TiTrttll
u i t^auUL a- L vv v u i urJ hi
n a rTTA t ta^ v/\i
v Vi
to agree on such a gift and this would not have been easy in a clan
w here m any m em bers were supporters o f other sects, particularly
o f the JSJiganthas.
the capital o f the Bhaggas. These areas are likely to have therefore experienced
changes in the social organization before the smaller and m ure hom ogenous gana-
sahghas did.
123 T his view is supported by jayam al Rai ( The Rural-Urban Economy o f Ancient In
dio , pp. 20, 31, 38). H e suggests that there was an intim ate connection betw een
p ro p erty rights and the form o f governm ent.
124 D .N ., III, pp. 69-71.
12s term continued to carry the same connotation dow n the years is evi
dent f r o m m i d - e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y r e c o r d s o f B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t o r s . T he grihetst’s
association w ith agriculture led a section o f the adm inistrators to recom m end a set’
tlem ent w ith them rather than w ith the Zam indars {R. Guha, A Rule o f Property fo r
Bengal, pp. 54-5).
The Gahapati 93
T h e p ro b le m
T h e p ro b le m o f the stratification o f society as reflected in early
B u d d h is t te x ts has been a m ajor concern o f m an y historians and
so cio lo g ists. A lm o st every seriou s w riter on B u d d h ism has ex
pressed so m e o p in io n o n the B uddhist attitu d e to caste and th e ex
istin g in eq u ality in society. T h e fact th at questions ab o u t caste and
th e claim s o f th e b T d h m a n a s to su periority appear so frequently in
B u d d h is t texts suggests th a t this was a m ajo r p reo ccu p atio n o f the
early B u d d h ists them selves. T his explains, at least to so m e ex ten t,
w h y th e subject has generated su ch interest a m o n g st m o d ern sc h o
lars.
S o m e o f th e m ajo r w ays in w h ich societies m ay be stratified are
a cc o rd in g to the p rin ciples u f caste, class, aiul p o w er. H o w e v e r ,
o n ly caste has received the atten tio n o f scholars in the stu d y o f
an cien t Indian society, largely because o f the em phasis o n the
Brahm arrical v ie w p o in t, either as the focu s o f stu d y , or as the p o in t
o f reference fo r a stu d y o f stratification. W e shall a ttem p t to analyse
th e p ro b le m o f social stratification b y taking the B u d d h ist texts as
ou r m a in fo c u s and try to unravel the sy stem o f ideas reflectin g the
B u d d h is t p o in t o f view . W e shall also try to locate the em pirical
basis o f these ideas. T h e B rahm anical sy stem cannot be ig n o red and
1 T, W. R h y s D a v id s, D , R , I, p . 1 02.
2 T h e pukkusds are one o f the five low groups frequently m entioned in the
B u d d h ist texts. T h ey w ere associated w ith sw eeping flowers. Actually Sunita is
described as a pupphachaddaka in the Theragdthd (Khuddaka N ikdya, Vol.II, p. 330).
3 1, p. 102.
4 D .B ., I, p. 104. See also Swffa Nipata, Khuddaka N ikd ya , Vol. I, pp. 3 0 4 -7 .
5 D .B ., I, p. 107.
6 H. O ldenberg, The Buddha, p. 154. He how ever points o u t that even this
p o sitio n w as n o t unique to the B uddha, and long before his tim e there w ere religious
o rd ers w h o received m em bers from all castes.
7 Ibid., p. 155.
96 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n d e p i c t e d i n t h e e a r l y P a li c a n o n . I t is i m p o r t a n t
to first try and understand the Buddhist system o f stratification,
and then relate them to actual developm ents in Buddhism .
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Term s o f categorization
A n i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e o f t h e P a li t e x t s is the use o f a v a r i e t y o f t e r m s
to categorize people in society. Three term s are used frequently—
vanna , jd ti, and kula. I n addition, a fourth categorization also
a p p e a r s w h i c h d o e s n o t e x p l i c i t l y r e f e r t o v a n n a , jdti, o r k u la , but
w hich is left unspecified, A com prehensive classification o f the use
o f these term s (see A ppendix A) leads to certain conclusions; first,
t h a t t h e four— f o l d s c h e m e o f k h a t t i y a , b r a h m a n a , v e s sa , a n d s u d d a
appears m ost often under the Brahm anical vanna and jd ti system s o f
classification. O n the other hand, the Buddhist scheme o f khattiya ,
b r d h m a n a , a n d g a h a p a ti, is never c la s s if ie d as e i t h e r v a n n a o r as jd ti. It
is used frequently in the context o f kula. Alternatively, it is left u n
specified. T he second conclusion that emerges is the existence o f
t h e n o t i o n o f h i g h and. l o w w i t h i n a ll t h e s y s t e m s o f c la s s i f i c a t i o n . I t
is pertinent that the Buddhists did not have a com plex linear system
o f ranking. Instead, they had a simple tw o-tier system o f stratifica
tion. T h e l i n e a r order o f c a s te s o f t h e B r a h m a n i c a l t e x t s , w h e r e the
four vannas are ranked one below the other, were reduced to tw o
strata by the Buddhists in one passage o f the M ajjhima N ikdya
w h e r e K i n g P a s e n a d i a s k s t h e B u d d h a w h e t h e r t h e r e c o u ld b e a n y
distinction betw een the four vannas.36 T he Buddha answers saying
and lo w jatis; high kutas and low kulas; high kamma and low kamma;
and high sippas and low sippas. The conception o f high and low is
quite explicit in the classifications o f jd ti and kula A long passage
, 3 7
in the Vinaya texts represents jdti, ndma , gotta, kamma, and sippa as
being o f tw o kinds: ukkatta (high) and h im (low). While ndma and
ootta refer to individuals, idti. kamma. and sitwa refer to orouns. We
I A A
.
T he division o f kamma (work) and sippa (craft) into low and high in
the Pdcittiya passage o f the Vinaya Pitaka already cited throw s som e
light on the B uddhist view o f stratification. Low kamma is defined
as kotthaka kammam (w ork o f a storeroom keeper), and pupphachad-
daka kammam (w ork o f a flow er sweeper), o r ‘w hat is disdained,
disregarded, scorned, treated w ith contem pt and despised in these
d istricts'.46 H igh w o rk is defined as kast (agriculture), vdnijja
(trade), and gorakkhd (cattle keeping), or ‘w hat is no t disdained
. . . n o t despised' in the area,47 It is evident from this passage that
the B uddhists were reflecting an existing conception o f high and
lo w prevalent in the region w here B uddhism was located. Similar
ly, in the case o f the sippas too the division into high and low sippas
is related to w hat was disdained and despised in the region and w hat
was not. T hus, w e have the nalakdra sippam (craft o f the basket-
41 H. O ldenberg, ‘O n the H istory o f the Indian Caste System ', Indian Antiquary r
V o l. X U X . n
42 A . N . , II, p. 89; M.AT., f[, p. 447. 43 A .M , III, pp. 9 4 -5 .
44 M .N ., III, p. 248; M .N ., II, pp. 281, 287.
45 M .M ., HI, p. 240. ** Pdcittiya, p.11. 47!bid.
Social Stratification in the Buddhist Texts 103
ranked as high. Similarly one can also draw a correlation betw een
low kulas, low kamma , and low sippa:
Kula Kamma Sippa
High; khattiya, brdhmana, hast, vdnijja, gorakkhd muddd, ganand, lekhd,
gahapati rdjapomena, issathena
Low: canddla, pukkusa, pupphachaddaka, kotthaka na la k d ra , ttahdpiia,
nesdda, vena, katttma kumbhakdra, pesakdra,
rathakdra cammakdra
saw four birds o f different vanna (colours) which came and fell at
his feet and became entirely white. This is interpreted by him as
sym bolizing people belonging to the four vannas joining his sahgha
and being freed from their original distinctions.85 It is considered
unseem ly in the texts to question a samana about his jdti, and a muni ,
although he m ight be from a nica kula , becomes noble by his good
conduct.86 People belonging to brdhmana, khattiya , vessa, and sudda
kutas are all equally capable o f accomplishing the right path if they
follow the discipline prom ulgated by the Buddha and go forth
from the hom e into homelessness.87 Bhikkhus belonging to brdhma
na, khattiya, or gahapati kulas , along w ith others, w ould all be equal
in the sahgha w here the best dwelling places and alms w ould be
allotted according to the seniority o f the m onks, regardless o f their
social origins,88 T hus neither conceptual categories, nor empirical
categories are relevant w ithin the sangha.
reason w h y it is n o t right for the good G otam a to com e and see us,
w hile it is rig h t that w e ourselves should go and see the honourable
G o ta m a ’.98
99 Vasistha Dharmasutra, The Sacred Laws o f the Aryas, S.B.B. Vol. XIV, p. 11
100 Aitereya Brahmana, X X X V .
1<n R. Fick, The Social Organization o f North-East India in Buddha '$ Time, p. 324,
102 Pacittiya, p. 11; M .N ., III, p, 240.
Social Stratification in the Buddhist T exts 113
lies that are high: a rich khattiya family or a family o f rich brahmanas,
o r a fam ily o f rich gahapatis, in such a family as is well to do, o f
great possessions, o f great resources, w ith abundant gold and sil
ver, abundant means, abundant wealth in grains. M oreover, he
w ould be lovely, good to look upon, charm ing, endow ed w ith the
greatest beauty o f com plexion; he w ould be able to get food, drink,
clothes, vehicles, garlands, scents and perfum es, bed, dw elling and
lights.’104 The only possibility o f escape from this system o f strati
fication envisaged by the Buddhists is the idea that by leading a vir
tuous and generous life in this existence one can ensure rebirth w ith
an im proved social status in the next . 1Ui> Alternatively, joining the
sahgha and renouncing the social w orld itself was necessary in order
to escape from the system o f stratification. Bougie has argued that
by adopting the vow s o f mendicancy and chastity bhikkhus sim ul
taneously turned aw ay from the w ork o f production (or econom ic
effort) and reproduction (family life).106 We have already dem ons
trated the existence o f stratification in Buddhism , both in the con
tex t o f m arriage and occupation. In the social w orld everyone had
necessarily to be involved both w ith production and w ith repro
duction and therefore could not evade becom ing part o f the system
o f stratification. O nly the bhikkhu could possibly escape from the
system , for both the nature o f occupation and endogam ous m ar
riage no longer had any relevance for h im .107
W e have earlier pointed out that B uddhist society does no t dis
play a com plex system o f ranking. The elaborate design o f the
B rahm anical system is missing. Instead, w e have a simpler tw o-tier
system o f stratification w ith a conception o f high and low w orking
separately in the context o fja ti, kula, kamma and sippa. The idea that
all these strands can be w oven into a com prehensive system w ith
birth, race, occupation and service being accommodated in it clearly
does no t exist in the B uddhist texts. This was probably because at
the tim e of the early Pali canon caste was in an em bryonic state. It
was still in the process o f being form ulated and did not yet have all
the features that it was to exhibit later.
108 H u tto n suggests that B uddhist countries reflect an earlier form o f caste
before the system atization o f the H indu thinkers (J.H . H utton. Caste in India.
p. 148).
109 R ichard F. G om brich, Precept and Practice, p. 296.
110 C onsequently there is no opposition between the brahmana pursuing religious
goals and living h i the social world, and the b h ik k h u w ho p u r s u e s religious goals out
side it as in Indian society (see C hapter II). Similarly in a purely B uddhist society the
conflict betw een the khattiya and the brdhmana has also been eliminated.
Social Stratification in the B uddhist T e x ts 115
R y a n says:
W ith the elim ination o f tw o o f the three high groups o f the early
B u d d h ist texts, only the gahapati has survived in the form o f the
g o y ig d m a or rice a g r ic u ltu r ist in Sri Lanka. T h e y are th e h ig h e s t
caste here and arc k n o w n am ong themselves as the ‘good m en ’, as
distinct from the low er castes.1,2 The Sinhalese w ork, the C utava -
m s a ( a . d . 5 0 0 -1 5 0 0 ) also u sually divides p eo p le in to k u ltn a (p eop le
o f family) and htna (inferiors), and this corresponds to the distinc
tion betw een the g o yig d m a and the low castes. Significantly, the
S in h a le s e h a rd ly have a n y o n e c o r r e sp o n d in g to th e v a st array o f
H in d u outcastes. Ryan rem arks, ‘Perhaps the m ost notable feature
o f Sinhalese stratification in its contrast w ith the Indian, is the
t* WM
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m v* th o f caste origins
■—
r is called kula bedimak and refers back to the
m ythological ancestor Maha Sammata w ho, needing variuus kinds
o f services done for him , first divided people into castes.121
In the context o f family and m arriage also the Sinhalese evidence
is valuable. Ryan rem arks that concepts o f family and m arriage
provide the m ost substantial bulw arks for the preservation o f caste
structure. T he solidarity o f kin as a unit o f action and loyalty, the
concepts o f family honour and reputation, the injunctions and cus
to m o f m arriage all lead to the m aintenance o f caste integrity and to
som e extent o f caste hierarchy. He holds that an indispensable and
fundam ental characteristic o f caste in Ceylon is its restriction upon
m arriage. T he m arriage system o f the Sinhalese prevents marriage
outside caste, and, together w ith concepts o f family honour, is part
o f the very substance o f caste, where family integrity is inevitably
defined in term s o f caste and birth status.122
It is evident from an analysis o f the B uddhist texts and the em pir
ical evidence o f Sri Lanka, that Buddhists had certain central princi
ples for the social organization o f a Buddhist society. Ryan has
observed that these principles were not merely the acceptance o f a
social system by a religious m ovem ent but, rather, an ideological
integration w ith it, since through the principle o f kamma it accepted
an ideological justification for the existence o f social hierarchy.
H ow ever, B uddhism was not a driving force in building and
elaborating social hierarchy as a sacred institution. It rationalized
rather than prom oted caste.123 T he existence o f social hierarchy
w as far from being inconsistent w ith the ideology o f Buddhism ,
and concepts evident in the early Pali canon probably provided the
concrete blueprint for the developm ent o f the social organization o f
Sri Lanka,
T h e exam ple o f C eylon has been cited to dem onstrate the rela
tionship betw een the idea o f social stratification reflected in early
B uddhist literature and a concrete expression o f these ideas in social
reality. Except for the penetration o f caste distinctions into the
sahgha itself, w hich certainly violated a fundam ental tenet o f
B uddhism (see C hapter VI also), there was a significant converg-
131 Ibid., p. 89. 122 Bryce Ryan, Castes in Modern Ceylon, p. 29.
I b i d . , p p . 3.6—7. S e e a ls o t h e B d la p a n d ita S u tta a n d t h e C iila k a m m a v ib k a n g a S u tta
o f the M ajjhima N ikdya w hich state that w rong actions will result in re-birth in fam
ilies w hich are poor and o f lo w social status (M .N ., III, pp. 240, 283; S .N ., I, pp.
9 2 -6 ).
118 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
ence b etw een principle and practice in the context o f Sinhalese so
cial stratification. It should n o t surprise us if both caste and B uddh
ism w en t to Sri Lanka from India. O ne can argue from this that
ideas o n social stratification as revealed in early B uddhist literature
sh o w tw o features. O n the one hand, they m ay be depicting con
te m p o rary notions o f social stratification as they actually existed in
the po p u lar m ind, as distinct from the ideas in the Brahm anical
m ind. O n the other, these ideas m ay have been the specifically
B uddhist conception o f social stratification, and an intrinsic part o f
the B uddhist w o rld view . B oth features are likely to have been an
integral p art o f B uddhist texts. W hile the classification o f social
categories into h ig h and low was probably influenced by B uddhist
values, the B uddhist p o in t o f view itself reflected the system o f
stratification as it existed at the tim e, and was related to the em pir
ical categories that w ere w idely recognized in society. B oth points
are best elucidated by the case o f the gahapati .
the B rahm anical position wherein the role o f the econom y is clearly
subservient to the role o f ritual and pow er.
T h e a r g u m e n ts co n ta in e d in th e p reced in g se ctio n s b rin gs us to a
crucial aspect o f the evidence exam ined by us; the m arked absence
o f the gahapati from the Brahm anical vanna and jd ti schemes both in
th e B ra h m a n ica l so u r c e s as w e ll as in the references to th e vanna and
jd ti schemes contained in the Buddhist and Jaina texts. In contrast
the gahapati is an inherent part o f the kula scheme depicted in the
B u d d h jet literatu re. S in ce th e gahapatis as a g ro u p w e r e in trin sic to
th e econom ic dom ain, and m ore specifically were the ow ners and
controllers o f the p rim ary means o f production in the form o f land,
th e ir in c lu sio n in th e B u d d h ist sc h e m e is o f particular im p o rta n ce.
T h e gahapatis w ere not a caste or a group whose status was based on
b irth. In fact the gahapati cut across other social groups since the
te x ts u se th e w o r d hrdhmana-gahapati for hrdhmanas w h o w e r e based
o n land (that is for brdhmanas w hose identity was based on ascribed
status bu t w ho perform ed the functions o f a gahapati). T he failure
to a c c o m m o d a te the gahapati in th e B rah m an ical sy ste m is the
greatest failure o f the Brahm anical model; it shows up clearly the
m odel’s rigidity and utter distance from em pirical reality.
T he R rah m an iral m odel is w e a k e st in ex p la in in g the p o litic n -
econom ic domain. O n the other hand, the inclusion o f the gahapati
in the system o f stratification is the strength o f the B uddhist
s c h e m e . T h e e v id e n c e o f th e B u d d h ist tex ts is u n a m h ifm n u s in its
representation o f th c gahapati as an econom ic category b u t this does
n o t m ean that the gahapati can be mechanically equated w ith the
vessa and thereby fitted into the Brahmanical scheme. S u ch an
120 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
T h e problem
B u d d h is m w as p rim a rily a religious m o v e m e n t, n o t a social one.
H o w e v e r, it h ad an im p o rta n t social d im en sio n to it. In o rd e r to
c o m p r e h e n d th e s o c ia l d im e n s io n s o f th e B u d d h is t m o v e m e n t it is
necessary to id e n tify th e elem ents in society w h ic h becam e closely
involved w ith it. N o published w o rk that is based on a com pre
h e n s iv e a n a ly sis o f referen ces a v a ila b le in th e ea rly P ali c a n o n e x ists
to d ate o n th e social b a c k g ro u n d o f the early B u d d h is ts .1 D espite
th is, several o p in io n s h ave b een expressed o n th e relatio n sh ip b e-
^ t * ■ w v n w u u i i i b i A i i IA A J -V * V V ^ ( p U m j v V V * V t J k ^ M A- ^ V V * V %• J j J t J il U 1 V A V / l 1 1 1
T h e method
In this chapter w e propose to analyse all the names m entioned in
the early P ali can o n w h e r e social and e c o n o m ic b a ck g ro u n d s are in
dicated. We shall divide the Buddhists into tw o categories: those
w h o jo in ed the sahgha, and those w ho supported it from outside the
sangha. In th e in terests o f accuracy w e shall d iscu ss o n ly th o se
nam es in this analysis for which our sources themselves indicate the
social background, either directly (where status or occupational in
d ic a tio n s are g iv e n ), o r in d irectly (w h ere reason ab le in feren ces can
be draw n from the texts themselves). This has meant the non
inclusion o f several nam es for w hich the com m entaries have pro
vided in fo r m a tio n , b u t fur w h o m sp ecific in fo r m a tio n is la ck in g in
the texts themselves. O u r analysis also leaves out certain group re
ferences, specially w here these pertain to large round num bers o f
en tra n ts in tu the sartgfja fur w h o m oth er in fo r m a tio n is e x tr e m e ly
vague in o u r sources. It has, how ever, taken note o f some specific
g ro u p references in the case o f the laity, but since exact figures are
n o t a v a ila b le th e y h a v e b een listed separately (sec A p p e n d ix C ).
In classifying nam es according to their social backgrounds w e
have follow ed the principles o f social stratification reflected in the
B uddhist tex ts as in d ica ted in the previous chapter. Thus, there
are four groups am ong the categories norm ally characterized as ucca
kulas in the B uddhist texts. These are the specific social groups o f
khattiyas, brdhmanas and gahapatis, and a m iscella n eo u s fourth group
3 B.G . Gokhale, ‘The Early Buddhist Elite’, Journal of Indian History, Vol. XL1II,
1965, pp. 391 402.
124 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
'The snnfrha
T here arc 105 references to individuals w ho joined the sahgha and
w hose social background is indicated in the texts. T he largest
_____ ____ 13_____________
g-ivw p
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L3 KJL 1ST u r i r r t w i t m LUJAU W
i VJ y F L X lt A lliy m /^o\. ^ 1 u n i t e . -
khus and bhikkhunis originated from ucca kulas and one from a gaha-
patikula. T h e nica kulas are represented by eight bhikkhus. Finally,
th ere arc e ig h t bhikkhus w ho w e r e paribbdjakas b efo re th e y jo in e d
the sahgha. In addition to the 39 brdhmanas w ho arc m entioned as
jo in in g the sangha, eight brdhmanas are cited as becom ing arahants
<\ jzi **■ Vi .rt ^ *"« m ► X-3 t -■/J /4 ^ ^ari /-h it*- 4 ^ ■f' m rt ^ /’ I r t h p J*l i / i f «--« j-i /J
cixtvx x i w a n i i g Luv uv>v^Aia j^is^ai^xi^ u u t i k u u u i v i v a i m a t iiiv j j u i i i v u
th e sangha; seven were students o f the famous sage Bavari and the
eighth w as Bavari himself. T hey have been classified separately,
jAiic-v i i i v y n mv /'la^*'ltT
m. rl iufb iiiw bt A'/n
j w i i u i»vi
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4 Wc have placed the settki’s am ong the ucca kulas, rather than am ong the gahapatis,
in o rd er to distinguish the different roles that the tw o categories played.
T h e Social Background o f the Early Buddhists 125
5 W e have classified the courtesan am ong the ucca fetddi since there is nothing in
the B u d d h ist texts to show that the courtesan had low status, r u r sim ilar reasons w e
have classified T alaputa the nata gdmant as low because o f the grave disapproval
sh o w n b y the B uddha against T alaputa *s profession.
6 Maiiavagga^ pp. 38-41.
126 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
Perhaps the best know n figure apart from the B uddha him self in
B uddhist legend is Ananda, w ho was a close kinsm an o f the M as
ter. H e had joined the sahgha along w ith five other kinsm en o f the
B uddha: Bhaddiya, Bhagu, Kimbila, A nuruddha and Devadatta.
O f all these kinsm en, the closest associate o f the Buddha was Anan
da, for w h o m the Buddha had the greatest affection. Ananda consi
dered him self to be the B uddha’s spiritual heir.30 T h ro u g h o u t the
later years o f the B uddha’s life Ananda was his personal assistant,
and was constantly in his com pany like a faithful shadow . This
accounts for A nanda’s m ajor role in compiling the teachings o f the
B uddha in the form o f the Sutta P ita ka .^ Every sutta in the first four
nikayas begins w ith the statem ent ‘evam me sutam' (‘thus 1 have
heard’).
T he m ost striking feature o f A nanda’s personality was his very
hum an quality, a characteristic that makes him such an endearing
figure. It was probably his deep attachm ent to the Buddha that
accounted for the fact that he did not become an arahant in the life
tim e o f the B uddha.32 W hen he realized that the Buddha was about
to die he stood at the door, weeping inconsolably.33 Earlier, he is
spoken o f as becom ing sympathetically sick along w ith the
B u d d h a.34 In his concern fur the Buuulia’s health he cuulu not be
bothered w ith rules. Ananda was also a great cham pion o f good
causes.35 It was entirely due to his intervention that w om en were
allow ed entry inLo the sangha. Even in this acLiuu Ananda was
m oved to com passion by the sight o f M ahapajapatl G otam l, the
B ud d h a’s foster m other, w ho stood outside at the entrance hall,
‘w ith sw ollen feet and covered w ith dust, sad and sorrowful*.36 She
had arrived after travelling a long distance, disregarding the heat
and cold in order to seek permission to enter the sahgha. When
Ananda failed to persuade the Buddha initially, he did n o t g iv e up
b u t tried again, using different tactics this time. Finally the doors o f
the sahgha w ere throw n open to wom en, 37 Subsequently his cham
pioning o f the cause o f w om en was one o f the charges against him
at the First C ouncil held at Rajagaha. In all hum ility Ananda replied
that he saw no w rong in duing so, but nevertheless if the Council
held him guilty he w ould accept its censure.38
A nanda’s generally helpful nature seems to have encouraged his
c o lle a g u e s to c o n su lt h im a b o u t their various p ro b lem s. l i e w a s
like B uddha’s antennae, conveying to him the news o f D evadatta’s
attem pts to split the sahgha,39 He preached not only to monks but
_^1___ ___ ___________ l:l _„ O l_l_. - 1_ „___ 1___ ____ ^ ________
a iS U WJ O L 1 1 C 1 p u t IU U U J U K .U S U N t Jd U U 4 1 \c l, W 11U I11 l i t w u i i u v t i iV J t i i t
th e m .42 A nanda was extolled by the Buddha for his erudition, good
behaviour, endurance in w alking,43 resoluteness and personal
attention. He was called a dhamtna hhandagarika or the treasurer o f
dhamm a.44 So pervasive is A nanda’s presence in the Buddhist texts
that it is im possible to im agine them w ithout him.
A nother kinsm an o f the Buddha who appears to have a prom in
ent position am ong the founder’s close associates is A nuruddha, H e
is described in the texts as being delicately nurtured and having
three storeyed residences, ‘one for the cold season, one for the h o t
season, and one for the rains’.45 A nuruddha was reluctant initially
to go forth into the houseless state because o f his delicate upbring
ing, b u t w hen he discovered that it was even m ore hazardous to
lead a household life, he renounced the w orld in the com pany o f his
kinsm en.46
A nuruddha features in the Angitttara N ika ya ’s list o f em inent dis
ciples as being the m ost clairvoyant o f the Buddha’s disciples,47
A nuruddha was present along w ith Ananda when the mahdparinib-
hana o f the Buddha took place. Immediately thereafter and up to
ta u g h t vinaya by t h e R u H d h a h i m s e l f a n d w a s k n o w n a s
th e
vinayadhdrdnam .54 In the Ahguttara N ikaya ys enum eration o f em inent
disciples he is listed as the one w ho knew the disciplinary rules by
h e a r t . 55 F .v e n in t h e l i f e t i m e o f t h e Rnddha, U p a l i w a s s o m e t i m e s
called u p o n to give his ju d g em en t on disputes, as in the case o f the
bhikkhus A jjuka and B haru K acchaka.56 U pali played a significant
r o l e in t h e F i r s t C ouncil o f Rajagaha w here he helped M aha
K assapa to codify the rules on discipline in the form o f the Vinaya
P itaka .57
O th e r figures w ho are enum erated as close associates o f the
B uddha include M aha K otthita, M aha Kappina, Rahula, D evadat
ta, M aha C unda, Punna M ahtaniputta, and M aha Kaccana; o f these
M aha K otthita, ** 7 M aha C unda, M aha Kaccana58 and Punna ■ M an-
tan ip u tta w ere brdhmanas. M aha C unda was also the younger
b ro th e r o f Sariputta. M aha Kappina, Rahula, and D evadatta w ere
khattiyas: Rahula was Buddha’s son and Devadatta his cousin. Thus
w e find that w ithin the small circle o f B uddha’s closest associates
there w ere four w ho w ere related to the Buddha him self (Ananda,
A nuruddha, D evadatta, and Rahula), and tw o others w ere related
to each o th er (Sariputta and M aha Cunda).
T h e laity
We use the w o rd laity in its w idest sense to include all those w ho
w ere sym pathetic to the B uddha’s ideas b u t w ho did n o t actually
jo in the sahgha. T he laity com prised m any individuals w ho are
described as upasakas, having accepted the ttmratana (triplegems) o f the
B uddha, dhamma , and sahgha. It also includes m any people w ho are
sim ply stated to have supported the sahgha. Support m ight take the
fo rm o f donating land, constructing vihdras , gifting robes, m edi
cines or supplies, b u t m ost often it m eant sim ply feeding the
m onks. This was by no means an insignificant function. O n the
o ther hand, it m ay be treated as the prim ary function o f the laity
w h o looked after the basic needs o f the m onks. W ithout this
L n r t rh p bhikkhus w o u l d h a v e b e e n u n a b l e t o Lm i r s u e
m—i n i m u m s n 1r m
their goal o f nibbana. T he feeding o f the m onks was the m ost
im p o rtan t tie betw een them and the laity, in return for w hich the
bhikkhus taught dhamma to the laity.
T here are 175 nam es m entioned in the texts as follow ers o r sup
porters and these constitute our list o f the laity in the B uddha’s tim e
(see A tm endix CV H ere aeain. the lareest com oonent consists o f
* l X ' ^
I m p o r t a n t g a h a p a t i s u p p o r te r s o f th e B u d d h a
W hile m any prom inent brdhmanas are described as becom ing updsa-
kas o f the Buddha, they are rarely depicted as being continuously
i m p o r t a n t i n t h e e a r l y P a li texts. S o n a d a n d a , P u k k a i a s a d i o r K uU-
danta do n o t appear to have contributed any further support to the
sahgha other than having fed the Buddha and his band o f bhikkhus
w hen t h e y d e c l a r e d t h e m s e l v e s h is wpasafeus. A lthough t h e y w e r e
them selves frequently land-based, they never gifted any land to the
sahgha . N o r is there any reference to them in the context o f the con-
- r t n , - .. . j. . __ . n .c i _ i. ii _
JLlU^LXUll KJL IUI U i ^ J j V U J UiV g i l l I.H 1 U W Wd5 UdlUJiy
ever made.
T h e gahapatis, on the other hand, feature as continuing su p p o rt'
v io yjL t u v
l .. tj.vn v y c. —
n g u iv
_________ . i .
^ L u n u iiv n u y m
.i iui l . v a -uiy ta u u il ttiu
.
m ost im portant com ponent o f the laity and their acceptance o f the
B ud d h a’s teachings is given considerable im portance. The narra-
►*
Viwii V*
f A M 1 .4
2 irrd u ia |/u iu ris .A
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h f a U I 1 y j y j 1 a j«
VV1L11 UiV J J U U U lld
him because they had been his parents in m any previous b irth s.192
T h ey are depicted as an ideal couple and appear in the Ahguttara
N ik a y a ’s lis t o f e m in e n t d iscip le s, as the m o s t in tim a te d iscip les o f
the B u d d h a.103 A m ong the Buddha's best know n updsikds is
V isakha M igarm ata, w ho also belonged to the gahapati category.
S h e is liste d as an id ea l lay w o m a n , as w e ll as c h ie f a m o n g th o se
w h o m inistered to the o rd e r.104 She features right through the
texts, donating robes and alms to the sahgha and was a special pat
r o n o f th e bhikkhunts. V isa k h a Adigaram ata req u ested B uddha to
g ran t her eight perm anent boons, w hich he did. These w ere that as
lo n g as she lived, she should be allowed to give robes to m em bers
o f th e o r d e r fo r th e rain y season ; fo o d for m o n k s c o m in g in to
Savatthi; food for those going out; food for the sick; food for those
w aiting on the sick; m edicine for the sick; a constant supply o f rice
g r u e l fo r a n y o n e n e e d in g it; and b a th in g ro b es fo r the n u n s .105 A s a
dynam ic m em ber o f the laity Visakha was called upon to judge
1,4 D . N „ I, p p . 3 9 - 7 5 . 1,6 D . N . , H, p p . 7 8 - 9 .
116 D.iV., I, p . 75. U7 S . N . J , p p . 67-102. 118 S.N ., I, p p . 67-8.
1,9 Ibid., p. 69. 12,1 M .N ., II, pp. 353-8,
121 Cullavagga, p. 253, 122 M .N ., II, p. 71.
123 Mahavagga, p p . 297-8; B .O .D ., IV, p p . 394-6. 124 Af.N., H, p . 342.
125 A . N ., I, p . 26. The Mahavagga contains an entire section on Jivaka’s birth and
subsequent career as a physician. Jivaka is described as the son o f the courtesan Sala-
r a u o^.c
1 i \ a j a g a i ia< cuau^v
:___ u , vva j i uivugjiiii
, uu p., ua jLi________
r. Lt/iia^ai -----------...l_______
njan u m a i vvuu____
i v ^ _,
n iju v u
_
h im self as Jivaka’s father, we have listed him as khattiya. Jivaka also regards him self
as a m em ber o f a king’s family w hen he says, ‘It is hard to make a living in these
k in g ’s families’, and goes o ff to train as a physician (Mahavagga, p. 287).
126 Mahavagga , p . 76, u / Mahavagga, p, 297.
T h e Social Background o f the Early Buddhists 139
129 A . N ,, I, p. 26. 13<) Mahdvagga, pp, 248-53, 131 Mahdvagga, pp. 260-1.
133 Ibid., p. 262. 133 Ibid. 134 A .N ., I, p. 26.
!3S Cuitavagga, p. 239. 13f> Ibid., p. 240,
140 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
K hattiya, brahm ana, and gahapati: key figures in the Buddhist texts
In presenting details concerning the social com position o f the
B uddhist sahgha and the laity, an enum eration o f figures alone
cannot convey the flavour o f the texts, which throw considerable
light on the prom inence attributed to various social groups. We
shall take up som e o f these features before concluding this chapter
and analyse the facts that have already been enum erated.
If one looks- at the structure o f the texts as a w hole, the narration
o f the meetings between the Buddha and the jatiia Uruvela Kassapa,
K ing Bim bisara, and the gahapati Anathapindika are given special
im portance. All three appear in Khandhaka portion o f the Vinaya
Pitaka from w hich it is possible to piece together a sketch o f the
B uddha’s career as a teacher. It is likely that the acceptance o f
B uddhist teachings by these key figures (along w ith certain other
sim ilar situations interspersed in the texts) were specially significant
for their ‘dem onstration effect’ on the people, and explains the
prom inence given to them in the narrative.140
Bim bisara and Anathapindika appear frequently in the early Pali
canon and w e have already discussed them in the preceding sections
o f this chapter. U ruvela Kassapa, on the other hand, appears only
in the context o f his first m eeting w ith the Buddha, and his gradual
137
D . N . } II, pp. 76-8; Makavaga , p. 246. We have placed Ambapali am ong the
/'-■■‘if dirViSnr rt
J W i V H /V H i n j W * J J l . W l l l * l g | 111 < r! # V V -C 4 1 #• J » W -1 J. L J 1 I1 U L I V TV
status for a courtesan. We have also classified her as a supporter because our sources
do n o t indicate that she joined the sangha.
138 D .N ., II, pp. 9 8 -9 . 139 D .N ., II, pp. 105-6. 140 Ibid.
T h e Social Background o f the Early Buddhists 141
141 It m ay be no ted here th at the three key figures represent the three social
categories o f brdhmana (U ruvela Kassapa), khaaiya (King Bim bisara), and gahapati
(A nathapindika). T h e three categories feature prom inently in the structure o f the
tex t (see C h a p te r III).
t43 Bucldha often speaks critically o f m agic and the display o f magical p o w
ers. T h e use o f these po w ers by him is therefore doubly significant.
143 Mahavagga, p. 32. 144 Ibid., p. 33. 145 Ibid., p. 34.
14* Ibid., p. 35. 147 Ibid., p. 38.
142 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
w here the conversion took place*148 Uruvela Kassapa does not fea
ture anyw here else in the texts, except in the list o f em inent
disciples. He is described as chief o f those who had a large
follow ing,144 but we do not know w hat influence he had on the sah-
gka. It is possible, however, to deduce the im portance of the jatilas
as a group w ithin the sahgha from the Buddha’s ruling that the
probationary period o f four months mandatory for all other parib
bdjakas w ho wished to join the sangha could be waived only in the
case ofjafilas.150
14H C.S. Basak, ‘The Role o f Uruvela Kassapa in the Spread o f Buddhism ’ in A. K.
Narain (ed.), Studies in Pali and Buddhism, p. 374, n. 31.
149 A .N ., 1, p. 25. 150 Mahdvagga, p. 76, 151 Mahdvagga, p. 18.
152 Ibid., p. 199. 153 Ibid., p. 213. 154 Ibid., p. 18.
155 Ibid., IV, p. 22. 15f> Ibid., p. 19; B .O .D ., IV, p. 23.
157 15H „ t i IfiH
T h e Social B ackground o f the E arly Buddhists 143
161 ibid.. p. 199, 1f,“ Ibid., p, 213. ,ft3 Cullavagga, pp. 281- 2.
164 Ibid.. p. 282. 165 Ibid. Wi A I N .. II. p. 92. ,fl7 Ibid., p . UK).
16K" S .N ., II, pp. 2 0 3 -5 ; the Anguttara N ik d y a speaks o f him as forem ost am ong
those anxious for training (A . N ., I, p. 24).
169 Pdcittiya, p. 96. 170 Ibid.
144 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
was an im portant basis for recruitm ent into the sangha and in the
spread o f Buddhism . It was particularly relevant w ithin the nar
ro w er circle surrounding the Buddha. The im portance o f kinship
ties in B uddhist society was recognized by the Buddha him self
w hen he allowed exceptions to a series o f rules on grounds o f
k in sh ip .184 A part from waiving the probationary period o f four
m onths applicable to the paribbdjakas in the case o f the jatilas the
B uddha w aived the probationary period for the Sakyas too. While
allow ing the exception Buddha explicitly stated that he did so on
m. .ft. r
181 Ibid., p. 902. 182 Ibid., p. 904. 183 A .N ., HI, pp. 223-5,
184 Pardjika , pp. 301-4; Pdcittiya, pp, 87-90. 185 Mahavagga, p .76.
186 Cullavagga, pp. 373-7. 187 Ibid., p. 374. 188 Cullavagga, pp. 377-9,
146 Soci'rt/ Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
B.c. D u rin g the lifetim e o f the Buddha the gam-sahghas w ere steadi
ly b e in g cru sh ed b y th e g r o w in g m o n arch ical k in g d o m s o f K o sala
and M a g a d h a . T h e Sakyas had lo s t their sta te to K osala, and e v e n
th e p o w e r fu l V ajjian C o n fed er a cy w as facin g th e o n sla u g h t o f
A jatasattu . T h e p ro u d and in d ep en d en t Sakyas and L ich ch h a v is, so
c o n s c io u s o f th eir khattiya status, w e r e b ein g ren d ered irrelevan t in
th e ii r o les as w ield era u f p o litica l p o w e r . T h e y w itn e sse d w ith
h e ig h te n e d c o n sc io u sn e ss the fact that all th in g s are tran sitory and
su b jec t to ch a n g e, w h ic h w a s ex a ctly w h a t th e B u d d h a ta u g h t. N o
w u n d e r , then, that they resp o n d ed tu th e call o f th e B u d d h a.
K o s a m b i h as also rem arked u p o n th e co lla p se o f the gana-sahghas ,
w h ic h c o u ld n o lo n g e r co n ta in its ablest m em b ers, and th e effects
th is h a d u p o n the in d iv id u a ls w ith in U ,197 A few s o u g h t o u tle ts in
p o litic a l careers in th e n e ig h b o u r in g m o n arch ical k in g d o m s , w h ile
o th e r s tu rn ed to m o n k h o o d .198
B e fo r e th is chapter is co n c lu d e d it is n ecessa ry to a ccou n t for the
a b sen ce o f gahapatis in th e ranks o f bhikkhus. T h is is u n u su al, g iv e n
th e fact th a t th e gahapati w a s a vital c o m p o n e n t o f the la ity and an
. : __ : ______ j. _ r -D i j i _ : ___ __ _____ i j _________ i _ i _ _ _______ ^ . 1 _ ____
U1UH13IL petit Cfi JJUULUi.I31.Ii, /CVIIC CUU4U ICdiUIJdLfiy CApCU LUC CUII1—
p o s itio n o f th e sahgha to reflect so c ie ty o u tsid e the sahgha, as w a s
la r g e ly th e case as far as th e rep resen tation o f o th er social g ro u p s
__________TM__ 1-_ ___^ C ____rp| •_
WO.3 cut lt.L.i lieu- r u e Uiuy LAttpUUU w as LUilL U1 LUC gunuputts. 1 HIS
fea tu re is e v e n m o r e n o tic ea b le i f w e con sid er that m a n y setthi-puttas
j o in e d th e sahgha.
It is p o ssib le to argu e that certain categ o ries d id n o t ex p erien ce
th e sp ecia l T e n s io n ’ requ ired to ren o u n ce th e w o r ld , and that this
te n s io n w a s n o t ea sily g en erated a m o n g certain g ro u p s, su ch as the
la n d -b a se d . It is also p o ssib le that th e e c o n o m ic and so cia l sy s te m in
w h ic h th e gahapati w a s lo c a te d d id n o t create th e c o n d itio n s fo r re
n u n c ia tio n . W e m u st re m e m b er that th e p eriod w a s o n e in w h ic h a
p r im a r ily agrarian e c o n o m y had e m er g ed and that this e c o n o m y
s u p p o r te d a risin g urban p o p u la tio n . W e h a v e already esta b lish ed
th at th e gahapati w a s th e p iv o t o f this e c o n o m y and th e p rim a ry tax
p a y er. T h e w ith d r a w a l o f su ch a ca teg o r y fr o m th e so cia l w o r ld
w o u ld h a v e h a d a crucial, n eg a tiv e im p a ct o n th e e c o n o m ic and s o
cia l s y s t e m . T h e t w o areas w h ic h th e bhikkhu r ig o r o u s ly a b -
)<w D .D . Kosam bi, ‘A ncient Kosala and M agadha’, Journal o f Bombay Branch o f the
Royal Asiatic Society , Vol. X X V II, 1952, p. 183.
198 T h e Malla Bandhula and his nephew Karayana joined King Pasenadfs service
(J 3 .P .P .M ., I, p , 1079, U, p. 266).
The Social Background o f the Early Buddhists 149
gahapati o n
b ehalf o f the people. T he second concerns the problem s o f relations between B uddh
ism and a well-entrenched and all-powerful monarchical despotism, and a solution is
proposed in the theory o f the tw o spheres oflife, one o f the dhamma and die other o f
a n d ( a u t i iu i il y ) . in d i e d i i i u a iiu im a! p h a s e d ie B u d d h i s t s e x p lic a te ilicii u w u ideal
state in which the state simply becomes an instrum ent o f dhamma, which now
assum es the form o f a cosm ic force capable not only o f containing the challenge o f
the pow er o f the state but also o f regulating its behaviour. In this sense the state be
com es an ethical institution draw ing its authority from the dhamma and guided by
its repository the sahgha. The m ajor themes w e have taken up for consideration are
sim ilar to G okhale's m odel, but we have seen the ideas as existing at the same tim e
a c r i n g a n d r e a c t i n g u p o n e a c h o t h e r in a d ia le c tic a l m a n n e r
4 D.N.> Ill, pp. 63-76.
5 R,S. Sharma, Aspects o f Political Ideas and institutions in Ancient India, pp. 49-50.
D .B ., I, p. 106.
7 R.S. Sharma, Aspects o f Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India , p. 49.
152 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
attrib u te o f kingship and the king is invariably accompanied by the cdturangini sena
even w hen he visits the pleasure garden (uyydna hhitmi). D .N ., II, p. 136.
2T O tto B ohtH ngkand R u d o lf Roth, Sanskrit Worterbuch, p. 906.
154 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
32 Ibid., p. 134.
33 J. G onda, Ancient Indian Kingship from the Religious Point o f View, p. 38.
34 D .N , II, p. 134. 35 D .N ., I, p. 115,
156 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
pow er by contem porary kings; and the other reflecting the ideal or
normative exercise o f pow er by the k in g . We shall classify them as
the actual k in g and the n o rm a tiv e k in g and ex a m in e the t w o ideas
separately.
bhikkh u s,16
T h e law itself was not applied in a consistent or legitim ate m an-
ripr K
^ u—f i—
n* “q n p r«n tn l - i nr l arK ifr^n^
? r^np
—----- T~ h“ u—
c m i /ic
■"v"" *irpv
93 In this context the statement o f the Samyutta Nikdya which speaks o f the futility
o f w ar as a m eans o f settling anything is relevant (S .N ., I, p. 83).
04 D .N ., III, p. 30. 95 D .N ., II. p. 137. 96 D .B ., II, p. 211.
166 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
titute w hich the king had not succeeded in elim inating.97 O n the
other hand, the king in the K utadanta Sutta is told by his wise advis
er that his country, w hich was being harassed by dacoits required a
com prehensive approach to deal w ith the problem o f disorder.
M ere punishm ent o f offences w ith fines or m ore serious penalties
like death w ould not w ork because this w ould be ju st a piecemeal
approach to the problem o f disorder. The only m ethod o f ending
disorder is to provide food and seed-corn to those w ho keep cattle
and farm s, capital to those in trade, and wages and food to those in
the k in g ’s service.9H In the w ords o f Rhys Davids, ‘Then those men
follow ing each his ow n business will no longer harass the realm ’,99
W hen the king follow ed these instructions disorder disappeared,
the people were quiet and at peace and could dwell with open doors.
T h e elim ination o f destitution was the highest function o f the
norm ative king. For instance, in the CakkavattisThandda S u tta a
successor o f the cakkavatti D alhanem i w ho was a raja and khattiyo
m uddhavassitto (an anointed king), docs not how ever possess the
ca kka ra ta n a , the first precious possession o f a universal ruler, for as
w e have seen the cakkaratana was not a paternal heritage100 but had
to be gained by each cakkavatti through righteous governm ent.
Such governm ent required the eradication o f destitution, and the
m ere protection o f his subjects by the king is not enough. The C a k -
kavattisthandda S u tta makes this point very clearly.
T h e n b r e th r e n , th e k in g , th e a n o in te d k h a ttiya , h a v in g m a d e all th e
m i n i s t e r s a n d .ill t h e r e s t s it d o w n t n p
■ r rh -er. a^ k ed- t h e m i h m i t t h e a r iv/ .in
d u ty o f th e s o v e re ig n w a r - lo r d . A n d th e y d e c la re d it u n to h im . A n d
w h e n h e h a d h e a rd th e m , h e d id p ro v id e th e d u e w a tc h a n d w a rd a n d
p r o te c tio n [rakkh a va ra n a g u tin g sa m vid d h i), but on the destitute he bestow ed
n o w e a lth [italics m in e ] (tic cha k h o addhanang d h a n a m a n u p p a d a si).m
This led to the breakdow n o f the social and moral order that we
h a v e o u tlin e d a b o v e . P r o te c tio n o f the pen pie is, n e v e r th e le s s , th e
second highest function o f the king. The d h am m iko dhammaraja
m u st provide protection for his subjects, for his arm y, for khattiyas
and o th e r subordinates, for brahmana<; and gahapatis, for people in
the tow ns and the countryside, for samanas and brdhmanas, and even
for the birds and beasts.102
popular base, dear to his people like a father to his sons. They look
at him as he drives past them and request him to drive slowly, so
fV K -if
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and seeks their sanction. W hen they indicate their approval, they
are all described as colleagues by consent.1(16 Here again, the dham-
maraja is clearly contrasted to the tyrannical and despotic kings por
trayed in the literature.
L a stly , th e dhammiko dhammaraja p a tro n izes samanas and brdhma-
nas w h o are w o r th y , p r o v id in g th em w ith all the th in g s n ecessa ry
to p u rsu e th eir g o a ls .107 T h e p o sitio n attained b y the rig h teo u s u n i
v ersa l ruler is it s e lf a rew ard for g iv in g , s e lf co n q u est, and s e lf c o n -
trol_ s o t h a t r h e s t. a. .t u s is a s s o c i a t e. d
. w i t h an a l r e a d v/ m o. r. a. l hein tr
07
like K ing M aha Sudassana. The leadership provided by the dhammi
ko dhammaraja is crucial to the establishm ent o f social and moral
order. If he errs, the khattivas. hrdhmanas. and oahanatis folio vv suit
' J ' r J O X *
O n the basis o f the Vedic texts, Sharma argues that the vis or the
people o f the tribe chose the king in the Rg Vedic period.111 H e also
suggests that in the period o f the Brdhm anas the m o n a rch ies o f
Vedic tim es appear to have undergone a change: whereas Vedic
m onarchies w ere lim ited, w ith the king being only primus inter
pares, the m onarchies o f the Brdhm ana period had b e c o m e
au to cratic .112 Similarly, D rekm eier holds that, because o f the exist
ence o f tribal councils and popular assemblies in the Vedic period,
pow ci was dispersed am ong the m em bers o f a c o m m u n ity to an
extent that was rare in Indian h isto ry .113 Following the breakdow n
o f the king-people bond, the need for a replacem ent resulted in the
developm ent o f the king brdhmana relationship in the Brahmanical
trad itio n a rd kingship came to be conceived as a m arriage betw een
technique turned the cerem ony into the exclusive dom ain o f ritual
specialists, and the people were gradually excluded from the ritual.
T h e king-pcoplc relationship then gave way to a king -brahmana re
lationship. Wc w ould how ever argue that the exclusion o f the peo
ple from the ritual was itself a result o f the gradual erosion o f the
I V U L U
11 j-\ i t r i t t a-
i i U VV J l l g
frrtn^ V 1 1 C
eJ Wr \ c4 iU ^4 1) / iV/ W' AI 4nV o / m i e ■’i Mv-'i i l
I A I 4 V V I
n n Wl i *_A
T h e s e p a r a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e t e m p o r a l and. t h e s p i r i t u a l s p h e r e s is
m ost forcefully bro u g h t out in t h e t h e o r y o f the mahdpurisa (great
m a n ).124 Every mahdpurisa bears on his person thirty-tw o bodily
s i g n s , a n d o n l y t w o c o u r s e s a re o p e n to t h e p o s s e s s o r o f t h e s e c h a r
acteristics: He can cither becom e a tathdgata or Buddha and be a
w o rld renouncer, or he can becom e a cakkavatti and be a w orld
rnnniif'rnr
i ■ ■ ■■ ■ The sitrnifirant
■c» — ' rnnint is
_ that*
---------- everv m n h n n tir is
- . - j ...............r had wto
n -----~
----- -
t o p l a y i n t h e p r o p a g a t i o n o f t h e n ib b d n ir g o a ls o f B u d d h i s m . T h e
king w as nothing m ore than the highest m em ber o f the laity,
w hose patronage as the head o f the social w orld was significant.
B u t t h i s d i d n o t m e a n t h a t t h e k i n g w o u l d p l a y a r o l e in t h e w o r l d
o f the sahgha. Also, while it is true that suggestions m ade to the
B uddha by kings w ere accepted, too m uch should not be m ade o f
s u c h i n c i d e n t s a s t h e B u d d h a f r e q u e n t l y a c c e p t e d s u g g e s t i o n s from
oth er m em bers o f the laity too. Similarly, if a k in g ’s patronage was
valuable, so was that o f other im portant groups in society. T he
e c o n o m i c r e a u i r e m e n t s o f t h e sahoha n e c e s s i t a t e d som e contact
4- O
VWAA J
' r'AncicfAnf urifln ("It r*
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com e o f kings using their state pow er to propagate the faith, and
particularly follow ed from the fact that kings became the first con
verts in countries like Sri Lanka, and then helped establish B uddh
ism w h ich percolated d ow n to the people through the king and the
court. T his developm ent can actually be seen in the com parative
accounts o f the first and second B uddhist Councils, initially in the
tions concedes the separation betw een the asocial and the social
w o rld , and then retires fro m the scene, the very fact that he is in
form ed and his patronage specifically sought, suggests that the later
chroniclers from Sri Lanka could not conceive o f any im portant
event in the sahgha taking place w ithout the involvem ent o f the
king.
T h e account o f the second Council is even m ore striking. T he
Cullavagga makes no m ention o f Kalasoka during w hose reign the
Council was supposed to have been held. In contrast, the Mahavamsa
m akes K ing Kalasoka play a very significant role w ith the rival fac
tions appealing to him for h elp .i3H Finally, the king w ent to the
M ahavana, assem bled the bhikkhus , and w hen he had heard w hat
w as said by both sides, decided for him self w hich was the true fa ith
[italics m ine]. T hen he retired saying to the rightly believing bhik
khus. ‘D o w h at ye think well to further the doctrine’. H e also
prom ised to be their protector before returning to the capital.139
was the rise o f num erous sects within Buddhism which resulted in
the k in g ’s increasing role as the ultim ate judge of which sect repre
s e n t e d t h e t r u e f a ith a m o n g the v a r i o u s c o n t e n d i n g f a c tio n s . T h i s
fact m ore than any other gave the king a lever to use in the internal
affairs o f the sangha, as f r o m time to time he took upon him self the
r tf
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-%,Tu1 VI
m A jf 1m*rt g/V *1 fl iUi va fyn-vsr tL*
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. A*
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early Pali literature the sahgha quietly and w ithout much fuss split i f
there were irreconciliablc differences, in later Buddhism the king
takes it u p o n h i m s e l f t o u p h o l d th e t r u e f a ith a n d p u n i s h h e re tic s*
This probably occurred for the first time under Asoka who states in
the Allahabad pillar- inscription that he had expelled the schismatics
from t h e s a n g h a . 140 The p r a c t ic e w a s s u b s e q u e n t l y followed f r o m
tim e to tim e by Buddhist kings of south and south-east Asia. A
striking example o f the penetration o f temporal pow er into the sati-
g h a ’s s p i r i t u a l a r e n a , r e s u l t i n g in a n e r o s i o n of the b a s ic p r i n c i p le s o f
the sahgha, is cited by G om brich.141 A bhikkhu's explanation for the
penetration o f caste principles into the sangha held the king re-
c n o n d Klr> f n r t-li
4 ^ V I V AV X V *- V f 1 V
n r i r ' h / ’r 142 J |
J ~ *- W d V V • F
r h
V J. U *
-
** t V U -
i f V'
fhr> KTitirnnr-if'fir n f n
t i l '* ' j- ' 1 4W * ^ V + 4-»
cant social category was a special feature o f this period and was as
im p o rtan t as the collapse o f the gana-sahghas. The tw o develop
m e n ts m u st be seen to g e th e r as th e y are inter—related and c o n stitu te
tw o aspects o f the same phenom enon.
W e have established that the gahapati represented the econom y,
b u t, m o r e sp ec ifica lly , he w a s the head o f the h o u se h o ld as a p ro
ducing unit; he was prim arily land-based and frequently produced
178 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
2 D . N . , III, P P , 1 3 9 -4 9 .
3 D . N . , HI. 142; D .B ., III, p . 176.
4 A . N , f II, p p . 3 3 8 - 4 0 ; G .S ., III, p p . 6 2 - 4 . 5 A . N . , II, p . 339.
180 Social D im en sio n s o f E arly B uddhism
o f the n ew society con ceived by the Buuulia was ordered 011 m ore
rational principles than the Brahm anical system , and the creation o f
this ideal society w as the responsibility o f the king in his new role
as a cakkavatti and dhumtntko dhammaraja. T he existing political sy s
tem based on absolute kingship as reflected in B uddhist literature
had to be tran sfo rm ed into one in w hich kingship w o u ld be an in-
„.i___________ _ r . _1
sL im iiu ii u i a u u d i an u
_ „ j ________________________^ _
j/cu in cai c u a u g c .
t i ____________________________
x lie n e w p u n u e d i sy ^ itiii
I. V a*r•n a
Reference C o ntext
(1) D . N , I, p.-80. The young brdhmana A m battha states that
there are four vannas-khattiyas, brdhmanas,
vessas and suddas. O f the four, khattiyas,
and suddas are attendants o f the brdhmanas.
(2) D .N ./Ill, The Buddha interprets the m yth o f the origin
pp. 63, 64, 72, o f the four vannas
** to tw o brdhmanas
* who have
74. become bhikkhus. First to be demarcated as a
i/anna were khattiyas, w ho were created to
m aintain the social order. T hey were followed
by the brdhmanas, vessas and suddas.
(3) M .N ., II, King Pasenadi asks the Buddha if there was
pp. 375 ff any difference between the four vannas. The
Buddha re p lie s that from the m an n er in w h ich
they are addressed and saluted the khattiya and
brdhmana are pointed to as chief.
(4) M . N . , II, p. 3 7 7 . K ing Pasenadi asks the Buddha i f there coui«
be any difference between the four vannaT\{
they were possessed o f the five qualities for
striving (for salvation). The Buddha replies
that there would be no difference between
them.
(5) M .N ., II, The branmana AssaJayana comes to inquire
pp. 4 03-4. from the Buddha about his views on the p u rty
o f the four vannas. H e tells the Buddha that
brdhmanas are the best, and all the others are
low ; only brdhmanas are the sons o f Brahm a
and heirs to Brahm a being born from
B rahm a’s m outh.
(6) M .N ., II, In his reply, the Buddha cites the example o f
pp. 405-6. Yona and Kamboja, where there were only
tw o vannas, ayya (master) and ddsa; further, the
A ppendix 183
II. Jati
(1) Pacittiya, pp. 11, There are high jdtis (ukkatta jdti) and low jdtis
22. (hina jdti). The high are the khattiya and
brahmana. The low are the canddla, nesdda,
vena ratthakara andpukkusa jdti.
(2) A N ., 1. p. 14y. Whatever be a person's birth (eva-meva
manussesu yasmim kasmincha jatiyo), whether a
khattiya, brdhmana, vessa, sudda or a canddla
p u k k u s a , he can rea ch th e fin al g o a l i f d e ta c h e d
from wordly ties.
(3) S .N .,I , p. 165. The Buddha tells the brdhmana Suddhi, who
claims a special status for the brdhmanas based
184 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
(6) Sutta Nipdta, The Buddha tells Bimbisara that he has ‘gone
Khuddaka forth" from the kula of the Adicca gotta and is
Nikdya , I, p. 330. ofSakyajih.
(7) D .N ,, III, p. 63. The brdhmanas Vassettha and Bharadvaja are
reviled for having joined the sangha by other
brdhmanas.
(8) M .N ., II, p. 447. Khattiya, brdhmana and rajanna kulas are
contrasted with the canddla nesada,1 vena,
r m ) »
V. K am m a (work)
(1) P d c ittiy a , p. 11. T h e r e are tw o k in d s o f w o rk : h ig h a n d lo w
w o rk H ig h w o rk is d e sc rib e d as a g ric u ltu re ,
c a ttle -k e e p in g , o r tra d e . L o w w o rk is th a t o f a
s to r e ro o m k e e p e r, a n d o f a flo w e r sw e e p e r.
F u rth e r, h ig h w o rk is asso c iated w ith w h a t is
n o t d isd a in e d an d n o t d e sp ise d in th e area, a n d
lo w w o rk is th e o p p o site .
(2) A . N . , III, W o rth w h ile o c c u p a tio n s o r liv e lih o o d s fit fo r
p p . 375, 378. kula-puttas to p u rsu e are: a g ric u ltu re , c a ttle -
k e e p in g , tra d e , b o w m a n s h ip , k in g ’s serv ice,
c o u n tin g , a c c o u n tin g a n d c o m p u tin g ,
rk
a *
■!►
vr** v*^ * v n t i\ ) *
-•
* J *
*■»
■**
■ * v
K h u d d a ka w a s o f lo w o rig in an d h a d p e rfo rm e d th e lo w
N ik d y a , II, w o rk o f th e flo w e r sw e e p e r b e fo re b e c o m in g a
p . 330. b h ik k h u .
A ppendix 189
VI. Sippa
(1) Pacittiya, p. 11, There are two kinds o f sippas (occupation o f
crafts): High and low. The high consists of
counting, accounting, and writing. Low crafts
are described as basket-making, leather
worker, barber, and that o f the weaver.
(2) D . N ., I, p. 52; Ajatasattu m en tio n s a variety o f craftsm en.
D.JT, I, p. 68. Their pursuit o f these crafts leads to visible
results. The various craftsmen are: mahouts,
horsemen, charioteers, archers, standard
bearers, camp marshalls, camp followers, high
military officers o f royal birth, military scouts,
men brave as elephants, champions, warriors
in buckskins, homeborn slaves, cooks,
barbers, bath attendants, confectioners,
garland makers, washermen, weavers, basket
m a k e rs, p o tte rs , a rith m e tic ia n s, a c c o u n ta n ts .
(3) Pacittiya, pp. 14, Pesakdra (weaver).
18, 24.
(4) P d rd jik a , p. 365. Tantavava fweave rh
j, > *
VTTT
, Pm
— _ . n. a. m. i c Clatponrips
., _ (with
x no other_ term
_ of
descriptions)
(1) Mahdvagga, Mendaka^afidpdrt employs a large number of
p. 255. ddsa-kammakaras , and porisas whom the family
feeds and pays wages to.
(2) Mahavagga, Niendaka. gahapati has a slave who possesses
p. 255. the psychic powers of Mendaka’s family.
When the ddsa ploughs, seven furrows are
made with one ploughshare.
(3) D .N ., III, The young gahapati Sigala is asked to treat his
^
r- 1 /1 - 7 i*t4 rvwiiiiiivt(«Mr
_. il*st tr**u* V/i r 1-t
ilu i*. i»^ 4 iv i J Ui?
ii m
______ .
■■;
/viirmi'Y
w
w ork according to their capacity and a certain
amount o f leisure. In return the ddsa-
kammakaras will be obedient to their masters.
(4) A .N ., IV, ddsas and upavdsas (underlings) should not be, -
p. 130. envious o f their master s wealth.
(5) A .N ., I, p. 134. Normal food for the ddsa-kammakaras is sour
gruel and broken rice.
(6) A IN ., I, Kaji the ddsi of her mistress (a gahapatnt) tries
pp. 167-8. an experiment and reveals the true temper of
her m istr e ss.
(7) Pacittiya, p. 241, Slaves and workmen (ddsa-kammakaras) o f the
Sakyans attack their master’s womenfolk as an
a r t o f re v e n g e .
(8) S . N . , I, p . 9 1 . A setthi-gahapati regrets his gift of alms to
» . He thinks that he should
samana-brahmanas
*
have given the alms to his ddsa-kammakaras
instead.
(9) D .N ., 1, The dasa will get respect, even from the king,
pp. 52-3. if he has renounced the world and becomes a
bhikkhu.
(10) Cullavagga, The setthi of Rajagaha exhorts his ddsa-
p. 249. kammakaras to prepare a meal for the Buddha.
A P P E N D IX B
1. 181 28 Sanchi kam ika G ift o f the lab o u rer, A tthas kam ikas
(labourer) A ttha. danang (Jas B u rg ess,
Epigraphica Indica, 11,
v . 98).
2. 201 29 Sanchi gahapati G ift o f V esasam andata,
d a u g h te r-in -law o f
P a tith iy a gahapati
gunapau G ift o f th e gahapaii
P atithiya fro m
T u m b av an a.
4. 206 30 Sanchi setthin G ift o f N ag a, th e w ife o f
th e K am dadigam iya
setthin.
5 209 30 Sanchi lekhaka G ift o f the lekhaka
(clerk) M ulagiri.
6. 246 33 Sanchi setthin G ift o f K aniyasi, m o th e r
o f setthin.
7. 248 33 Sanchi setthin G ift o f a setthin, an setthino patjkam
e x ec u to r o f repairs. kankana danang
(Epigraphica Indica,
II, p, 100).
8. 255 34 Sanchi Setthin G ift o f K ujara, b ro th e r
o f a setthin.
9. 269 35 Sanchi vanija G ift o f vdnija S irigupta
10. 271 35 Sanchi rdjalipikara G ift o f the rdjalipikara
(royal scribe) Subahita,
11. 283 36 Sanchi setthin G ift o f th e samanera the
A beyaka setthin.
12. 320 39 Sanchi vanija G ift o f th e vdnija
Saghadeva.
b y the damtakaras o f
V edisa.
15. 346 42 Sanchi dvesanin G ift o f A nanda the
forem an (dvesanin) o f
raj an Siri Satakani.
16. 348 42 Sanchi setthin G ift o f the K urariya
setthin at A cch avad a.
17. 355 43 Sanchi vdnija G ift o f the vdnija Isiguta
fro m A svavati.
18. 363 43 Sanchi setthin G ift o f the setthin Siha,
llic inhabitant o f
K uraghara.
19. 379 44 Sanchi setthin G ift o f th e setthin
N a gad in a, the
inhabitant o f
R ohanlpada.
20. 416 47 Sanchi rajuka G ift o f the su rv ey o r
v /tiu k A \ I„---------
(r Tuvar-a
Kondanna. He w ent
aw ay to propagate
Buddhism in a district
inhabited by fierce
people.
47. B ahud- brdhmana bhikkhu H e was a very poor S.N.,1,
hiti brdhm ana w ith seven pp. 1 6 9 -7 1 .
daughters.
48. B avari brdhmana Became an H e was a very fam ous Sutta Nipdtaf
arahant. (N o sage w ho had m any Khuddaka
reference to disciples. All became N ikdya , I,
him joining followers o f the pp. 419-24;
th e sangha.) Buddha. D .P .P .N ., II
p. 279.
49. B ilanga- brdhmana bhikkhu S .N ., I, p. 164.
ka
B harad-
vaja
Appendix 203
Sariputta. D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 753.
64. Lohicca brdhmana updsaka A brdhmana o f Salavatika D .N .,1,
w h o ow ned brahmadeya pp. 191-8.
land.
65, Vanglsa brdhmana bhikkhu T old people’s future by A . N . , I, p. 24-,
tatinini?
II. V skulls till he m et n p p .v , n,
the Buddha. p. 802.
66. V asettha brahtnana bhikkhu Along w ith Bharadvaja D .N ,, I,
he was a student o f pp. 198-212.
T iru k k h a . They w ent
to see the B uddha to ask
him about w h o was a real
brdhmana.
67. A n o th er brdhmana updsaka a n ., in,
V asettha pp. 149, 199;
D .P .P .N ., II,
. »
QO
VU 4
-*
vaja
84. EVlaha brdhmana updsaka S .N .,1 , p. 179.
K am m i-
ka
B harad-
vaja
206 Social Dimensions
G R O U P R EFEREN CES*
94- A group brdhmana updsaka T hey w ere old, decrepit, Sutra Nipata,
98, of bu t w ealthy brahmanas Khuddaka
brahman, w h o c a m e t o a s k th e Nikdya^ I,
as o f Buddha w hat his pp. 311-14,
Kosala opinion o f the brdhmana
dhamma was.
*For purposes o f the statistical analysis we have treated each group reference as consisting
o f fiv e n i c m c b c i s . T h i s h a s b e e n d o n e o n th e b a s is o f a ic a s o n a b lc m e a n b e tw e e n t w o
references in the Pali literature. The Vinaya refers to a gatna as consisting ot one feuii tw o kutis.
three kutis or four kutis (Parajika, p. 56), and a reference to a small gdma consisting o f 30
families in the Jdtakas (Jataka I, ed. by V. Fausboll, p. 199).
Appendix 207
SB; y aft)
40. Sarakani upasaka (A Sakyanl S .N ., IV,
pp. 319-21.
41. Slha khattiya updsaka Originally a follower o f Mahavagga,
scuapati the Niganthas. H e was pp. 248-53.
asked to continue giving
alms to thcrn even sftcf
accepting the Buddha as
his guide. (A
Lichchhavi)
42. Sum ana khattiya u p asika Sister o f a raja. She is A.JV., Ill, p. 428;
raj aku- listed am ong the A .N ., II, p. 299.
mari eminent upasikas .
43. Scla then khattiya bhikkhum She was called Alavika S .N ., I, p. 134;
and belonged to a raja D .P .P .N ., II,
kula. p. 1289.
44. H atthaka khattiya bhikkhu A Sakyan Pacittiya, p. 3.
45. Sabbak- k h a ttiy a b h ik k h u A Vajjian, one o f the C ullavagga,
am in oldest bhikkhus w ho pp. 425-30.
participated in the
second council o f
, Vesali.
46. A khattiya bhikkhu A Vajjian. S .N ., I, p. 201.
Vajjian
bhikkhu
47. Tissa khattiya bhikkhu A Sakyan. He was a S .N ., II, p. 328.
nephew o f the B uddha’s
father.
48. N andaka khattiya upasaka A Lichchhavi m inister S .N ., IV, p. 333.
who exhorts inner
purity after listening to
the Buddha.
ApfiviutiA ill
A'J. lO U kit,tlliyu updsaka T hey era ted fi/runo (or M N . t III, p . 17-1.
klu'iinik.i the at the
30, Ghariiy.i khattiya updsaka N igrodharam a in
K apilavatthu, T h ey
w ere S ik y a n s,
!|F
t. A n a th a .- gahapati M o s t p r o m i n e n t upasaha
pindika o f the Buddha w ith pp. 2 4 9 -5 3 .
m an y suttas addressed to A . N . , L p. 26.
him . Listed a m on g the
ch ief donors ot the
Hpdsafeas.
2. Agaha- gahapati updsaka O rigin ally a fo llo w er o f A N . , 1,
patt A jivikas. pp. 2 0 1 -2 .
3. U gga gahapati updsaka O f H atth igam a in the A N . , I, p. 26.
Vajjian territory. B est
a m on g those w h o w ait
u p o n th e sdttfiha*
A U gga gahapati updsaka O fV e sa li. B est a m on g A . N . , I, p. 26.
th o se w h o gave
agreeable gifts.
5. U p a li gahapati updsaka O rigin ally fo llo w er o f M . N . , 11,
N iganthas. pp. 4 3 -6 0 .
6. K evatth a gahapati updsaka O fN a la n d a , H e asked D . N . , 1,
th e H u d d h a p e rfo rm a p p . 1 8 3 -9 .
miracle.
7. Jotika gahapati updsaka O f Rajagaha. H e was S .N ., IV,
the father o f D lgh avu . pp. 2 9 2 -3 .
8. D ig h a v u gahapati updsaka H e sent a m essage to the S .N ., IV ,
(puttaj Buddha through his pp. 2 9 2 -3 .
father Jotika w hen he
was ill.
9. D asam a ^a/uipari updsaka G ave various gifts and M .N ., 11,
built a cell for Ananda. pp. 15-19;
M . L . S . , II,
AT~ tO
11~ 1U*
w
10. N a k u la - gahapati upasatea V ery d evoted couple A N . , I p. 26.
pita w h o are described as the
m ost
11. N a k u la - gahapati updsikd intim ate o f the B uddha’s A . N ., I, p. 27.
m ata ^disciples.
12. P otaliya gahapati updsaka Potaliya objected to the M .N ., 11,
B uddha addressing him pp. 2 7 -3 7 .
as a gahapati because he
had g iven up the
m anagem ent o f
p r o p e r t y . L a te r he
becam e an updsaka.
212 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
G R O U P R E FE R E N C E
I,I.J!.1,1... nA ______
¥ v i jr 11 JIjT.Cj:.,____
iriHFHI lJ *
nurtured kula-putta pp. 18-21.
setthi-putta whose father
was a wealthy setthi-
gahapati ofBanaras.
16. M igasa- ucca kula upasaka She was the daughter of A .N ., III>
IMF] Purana w ho was the pp. 62-5.
king’s chamberlain.
17. Isidatta 1 ucca kula updsaka They were king M .N ., H, p. 371,
18. Purana I updsaka Pasenadi’s chamberlains
and were in charge o f
ro y al co n v ey an ce,
19. A Raja ucca kula updsaka He built 60 viharas for Cullavagga,
gaha the sahgha in a day. pp. 2 3 9 -4 ^
setthi
20. Rattha- ucca kula bhikkhu He was a very wealthy M .N ., II,
pala kula putta, who was the pp. 281 ff.
only son o f his parents.
He joined the artMjf/iti
after pressurizing his
parents to give him
permission.
21. Lady o f ucca kula updsika She was an exemplary A .N ., I, p. HI;
V e k ik a - lay woman. D .P .P .N ., II,
nda[FI p. 934.
22, Sudinna ucca kula bhikkhu Very wealthy setthi putu Pdrdjika,
Kaland- who was requested to pp. 15-24.
aka provide an heir to the
p u tt a family.
73 S ir im a ucca kula updsika S h e w a s th e d a u g h te r o f A .M ., I ll, p . 4 28;
the courtesan Salavat!. D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 1145.
24. Subahu ^ ucca kula bhikkhu They were friends o f Mahdvagga, p. 21.
25. Vimala ucca kula bhikkhu Yasa and were setthi
26. G avam - ucca kula bhikkhu putia’s themselves.
pati j
27. Sona ucca kula bhikkhu A setthi-putta. Mahdvagga,
Kutika- p. 213.
nna
28. Sona ucca kula bhikkhu A setthi-putta c f Cam pa
Kolivisa w h o w a s v e r y d e lic a te ly
nurtured. He was unused
to w alking on his bare
feet and his feet bled
severely. H e then recon
sidered his decision to
jo in the sangha. The
B uddha taught him
moderation in his effort.
216 Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
12, Assa nica kula upasaka A lthough all three are S .N ., Ilf,
gamanl described as gdmani or pp. 274—6.
13. H atha nica kula upasaka headm en (like
gamam Talaputza), their
14. Yodha- H itA h illA ijhajjjfj professions are
jlvi condem ned by the
Buddha.
15. A poor nica updsaka H e wished to build a Cullavagga,
tailor kula, vihara for the sangha. but pp. 253-4.
tailor couldn’t because o f lack
{tuniaav- o f expertise. He
dya) complained that no one
bothered to instruct him
in the erection o f the
cell.
11 a - __ -
AUi 4 Ip ^TUVi
L.,1,
fHVH r^»»M
.... U
i av
a . - . . I . .... .
kv1
*-1is a n a u
j . . . ______ . . . .
v a n ^ u v n
t '. , n . ^ „
1. ( f--
n n.“T
r*t---
a l iIv~i P a rtb h d**t- undsaka H
_ p- miPstintipH
i" ' the Ruddha .S
' W.. II_
aka on the profit o f the pp. 68-71.
B uddha’s style o f living.
2. Acela paribbdj- bhikkhu O riginally an Acelaka. D .N .,
K assap- aka H e joined the sangha pp. 138-49.
P4 (1) after four m onths o f
probation and became
an arahant.
3. Acela paribbdj- bhikkhu He was a friend o f C itta s .n ., m t
Kassap- aka gahapati to w hom he pp. 267-8.
p a (2 ) adm itted that after 30
7------ivf IvAino
— “■t
paribhdjaka he did not
know much. He then
joined the sangha.
220 Social D im ensions o f Early Buddhism
putta
6. M ag an - paribbaj bhikkhu He was antagonistic to M .N ., II, p. 210.
diya aka the Buddha initially.
7. M oliya paribbaj updsaka S .N ., HI, p. 205.
SIvaka aka
8. V acchn- paribbaj updsaka M .N ., 11, p. 189.
ffotta aka
9. Saccaka paribbaj updsaka T he bhikkhus were M .N . I, pp. 2 8 0 -
aka invited for a meal by 309.
( A N ig Saccaka. H e was
antha,) supported by the
Lichchhavis and was a
reputed teacher w ho
was Respected by the
people.
10- Sabhiya paribbaj bhikkhu nSwtta N ipdta,
aka Khuddaka
N ikaya, J, p. 353.
It. SusTma paribbdj- bhikkhu H e was initially S .N ., II,
aka attracted to the Buddha pp. 102-11
and the sangha because
they w ere honoured and
well looked after.
12. N an d iy a paribbaj upasaka S .N ., IV,
aka pp. 11-12.
13. P o tth a - upasaka Q uestioned the B uddha D .N ., I, p. 168.
pada 011 the existence o f the
soul.
1 '1. Subbhada p a r 'i b b d f - upasaka Last disciple to be D , N . f II,
aka ordained by the pp. U 5 -1 8 .
Buddha.
15. Sandaka paribbaj bhikkhu H e was a m em ber o f a A IN ., II,
aka group a£ parihbdjakas pp. 211-20;
(probably Ajivikas) w ho M X ,5 ., II,
accepted the B uddha’s p. 202.
teaching even though
this m eant giving up
h o n o u r and fame. All
the parihbdjakas w ith
him are said to have
done the same.
Bibliography
ORIGINAL SOURCES
T H E P AL I TEXTS
other texts
Acdrdnga Sutra, Jaina Sutras, tr. by Hermann Jacobi, S.B.E., Vol. XXII
f n . _1 x j i _ ^ : 1 _ 1 t i. _____ : J * m 't
IV lU llld l J J illlitl S lU d S S , 1 T '/J .
IN SCRIPTIO N S
SE C O N D A R Y W ORKS
Yalman, N ur, Under the Bo Tree: Studies in Caste, Kinship arid Marriage in
Interior Ceyton , Los Angeles, University o f California Press, 1971
Zelliot, Eleanor, *The Indian Discovery o f Buddhism: 1855-1956' in A,K.
N arain (ed.), Studies in Pali and Buddhism, Delhi, B.R. Publishing
Corporation, 1979.
Zim m er, H ., The Philosophies of India, London, Routledge and Kegan
Paul, 1953.
Subject Index
Kaji, 27
Mendaka, 71, 74, 79, 136, 144
Kalpa Sutra, 13
M etteya Buddha, 173
Kalupahana, D. J., 36
Milindapahha, 23, 36
Ka pi lavatt bu, 19, 9 1, 430
Misra, V. D ., 18
Karayana, 148
M oggallana, 52, 96, 1 25-7, 146
Kasi, 9, 11
Kaslbharadvaja, 26 Nachiketas, 40
Kautilya, 89, 158 Nadi Kassapa, 141
Keith, A. B ., 16 Nakulamata, 136
Khomadussa, 134 Nakulapitar, 84, 136
Kimbila. 128. 144 Natrikas. 13
Koliyan, 15 Nerahjara river, 141
Kosala, 1 0 -1 1 , 16, 24, 87 Nigantha Nataputta, 136, 144-5
Kosam bi, D, 19., 1 6 -7 , 148 Nikayas
\ f ...
ixu.'xM JLLO, 1f \
iv, f \i l
-/\t AujiuitdiLi, 7* 40
Index o f Proper Names 237
D igh a, 22, 35, 41 Sharma, J. P ., 168
Khuddaka, 4 Sharma, R. S., 151
M ajjhima, 1 1 -1 2 Sharma, Y. D ., 17
rJ d. l N- .
l l yU L L d j
do
1 U S id d h a rth a , 13
Sigala, 79
O kkaka, 43
Siha, 60, 82, 139
O ldenberg, H ., 95, 101, 147 Sirivaddha, 84, 129
Sonadanda, 1 3 2 -4
Pande, G. C ., 3 - 4
Sona Kutikanna, 1 4 2 -3
Pan ini, 12-3
Subha, 40, 95
Parajika, 45
Pasenadi, K in g o f Kosala, 9, 11, 81, 100, Sudivma Kalandaka. 89
Sujata, 145
538, 1 6 1 -2 , 172
Sona K olivisa, 75, 1 4 2 -3
Patim akha, 38
Sundarika Bharadvaja, 61, 104
Pindola Bharadvaja, 78
SunTia, 95 , 107
Piprawa, 19
SuppaVasa, 59
Pokkarasadi, 1 3 2 -4
Sutta N ipata, 3 - 4 , 12, 21, 42
Potaliya Gahapati, 69
Puiina, 79, 95 Sutta Pitaka, 2, 4, 18, 55
Suvannabhum i, 9
Punna M antaniputta, 131
Svetaketu, 40
Punnika, 95
Purana Kassapa, 53 T am biah, S. J . , 40, 160, 167, 171
Tapussa, 107, 139
Rahula, 143
T axila, 20
Rajagaha, 2 0 - 2 , 7 4 -5 , 90
T e k u k , 147
setthi of, 139
T heravada, 3
Raja Vishal Ka Garh, 19
T herlgatha, 34
Revata, 144
T risak , 13
R g-V ed a, 36
Rhys-Davids, G A. F . , 24. 1 2 7 —3 M 63
R h ys-D avid s, T . W ., 36, 95, 153, 157, U dayin , 137
166 Uddalaka, 40
Roja, 139 U dena, 52, 62
Ru b en , W M 90 U p a h , 13, 9 5 , 1 3 0 —i , 143
Ryan, B ., 1 1 4 -7 U ru vela Kassapa, 38, 5 1 -2 , 140, 144