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Trendy Electoral Superheroes From The Americas To Europe, The Populists Confort Us
Trendy Electoral Superheroes From The Americas To Europe, The Populists Confort Us
Trendy Electoral Superheroes From The Americas To Europe, The Populists Confort Us
Elena Block
Honorary Research Fellow, Sessional Lecturer and Tutor in Political Communication, The
University of Queensland
Populists are on the rise on both sides of the Atlantic – Donald Trump (right) has even been called
‘America’s Marine Le Pen’ (left). AAP/EPA
A bizarre breed of electoral superheroes is emerging across the political landscape: the
populists. Win or lose, they are competing and advancing.
The populist breed is not a media invention or effect; they have been around for decades in
Western politics. Although they sometimes rise, sometimes fade, and their antagonistic
identity politics and appeal to the disenchanted are hardly new, they are becoming more
refined and even trendy.
Populists represent today’s politics of anti-politics. To keep them at a safe distance from
power, middle-ground players should learn more about them.
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Enlightenment philosopher John Locke wrote that speech is “the great bond that holds
society together”. Paradoxically, speech can also be a great divider, as each confronting us-
and-them statement by, for example, Donald Trump, demonstrates.
No matter if populists are right or left, rich or poor, businessmen, academics or ex-military
officers, they use speech to bond with the like-minded (“the people”, the disenchanted or
excluded) and alienate the rest – usually the conventional, cosmopolitan or middle ground.
Comparing them with middle-ground elite players such as Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton,
or Angela Merkel in Europe, makes clearer the essence of populism: it resents conventional
elites, dislikes dialogue or consensus and has savvy ways to connect with the basic feelings
and cravings of ordinary people. And it is informal: populism is an act of speech.
Populism can be defined then as a political communication style in the construction of power
and identity. It thrives on the use of elements of:
Instead of slipping into the gaps between the “pragmatic” and “redemptive” faces of
democracy, various populists seem to be incarnating the “redemptive” face. They position
themselves as the “saviours” of ordinary people against the often “pragmatic”, aloof, socially
disconnected political elites.
One of the dangers of this lies in the populist style’s un-pluralistic, intolerant nature and
tendency to develop a personality cult. The construction of “the people” is not based on
respect for “the other” and plurality of ideas and debate. Instead, it relies on antagonistic
views aimed at connecting with the like-minded and shunning the rest.
The late Bolivarian populist Hugo Chávez and the libertarian British populist Nigel Farage
have demonstrated traits of intolerance and autocracy. Chávez repeatedly demanded
“absolute loyalty” because he incarnated “a people”. Farage’s fellow UKIP MEP Patrick
O'Flynn accusing his leader of making the party look “like an absolutist monarchy”.
Despite their outrageous style and antagonistic speech, populists have become the new
normal. This is a result of their success in “injecting populist themes and prejudices” into the
political agenda, and of traditional politicians adopting populist messages and tactics.
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Chavistas and Kirchneristas have found it difficult to accept defeat. Kirchner “snubbed
Macri’s inauguration”. In Venezuela, significant tensions have arisen between the new
legislature, the executive and Supreme Court.
In record time, the Chavista-controlled court declared void the acts of the National Assembly
due to the obscure suspension of three newly elected parliamentarians. Telesur, the
continental network that Chávez created and financed as a counter to “imperialist” media, is
denouncing the first deeds of the “right-wingers” in Venezuela and Argentina. Macri is
accused of censoring Kirchnerist journalists, while Kirchner maintains a fierce attack via
Twitter.
So, has left-wing populism reached its limits in South America? A region beset by inflation,
poverty, exclusion and crime will always have a place for redemptive superheroes.
Some are in government, like socialist Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras. In 2015, his anti-
austerity, anti-Europe party, Syriza, won two elections in less than nine months with 35% of
the vote.
Other populist players are advancing to positions of power. In the weeks since Spain’s
general election, it has been poised between minority government, uneasy coalitions and
fresh elections. Podemos’ Pablo Iglesias has become a decisive voice amid political
fragmentation and sick bipartisanship.
The traditional pendulum between Spain’s centre-right (Partido Popular, which won 29% of
the votes and 123 seats) and centre-left (PSOE, 22% and 90 seats) was broken. The left-
wing Podemos won an impressive 20.66% and 69 seats, while liberal populists Ciudadanos
gained 13.93% and 40 seats. Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, of Partido Popular, is trying to
form government in a very fragmented, very difficult environment.
The first agreement to select the president and directive of the Congress left out Podemos.
Iglesias has denounced a secretive “bunker” coalition between the right, socialists and
Ciudadanos against Podemos. Via Twitter, he is holding PSOE responsible for thwarting a
progressive alternative to Rajoy.
The FN “swept 55% of the working-class vote stealing the socialist base”. Like UKIP in the
May 2015 UK elections, no firsts but many seconds position them for future wins. Le Pen is
framing the presidential debate in typically populist binary terms, between traditional or
mainstream “globalists" and FN “patriots”.
Other populist leaders or groups focus on specific issues. Since leading UKIP to become the
third-most-popular party in the UK, Farage is championing a Brexit. Some argue that his
divisive rhetoric might harm the vote to leave Europe, but who knows?
In Italy, populist comedian Beppe Grillo and his strong “Five Star Movement” are leading a
campaign for online “direct democracy”, in which ordinary people become legislators.
What now?
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The record of populists in the Americas and Europe shows they should not be
underestimated.
Trump’s strong polling figures suggest populism will be a force throughout the presidential
primaries this year.
What do the vicissitudes and naturalisation of the bizarre populist superheroes signal?
Perhaps that middle-ground, cosmopolitan politicians should learn to connect more
effectively with their constituents, their grievances and aspirations. To meet the political
challenges of this time, they need to engage in a robust and meaningful conversation not
only with the like-minded but also with those who are not.
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Political theory
Marine Le Pen
Geert Wilders
Hugo Chavez
Nigel Farage
Donald Trump
Political speech
Populism
Alexis Tsipras
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