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Perea, Juan F., An Essay on the Iconic Status of the Civil Rights Movement and its Unintended Consequences, 18 Va. J. Soc. Pol’y & L.
(2010).
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AN ESSAY ON THE ICONIC STATUS OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS
MOVEMENT AND ITS UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES
Juan F. Perea*
CONTENTS
Introduction .................................................. 44
I. Understanding the Iconic Status of the Civil Rights Movement......... 45
II. The Unintended Consequences of Iconic Status....... ............. 48
A. Temporal Problems: The Unintended Consequences of Defining
the Proper Period of the Civil Rights Movement ..... ..... 49
B. Other Problems of Invisibility: How the Stature of the Civil
Rights Movement May Impair Recognition of Other Civil
Rights Struggles........................... 51
1. Chicanos ...................................... 52
2. Indigenous Peoples: American Indians and Native Hawaiians .. 54
III. Conclusion ........................................ 57
INTRODUCTION
This Essay explores the iconic status of the Civil Rights Movement
and some of the unintended consequences of that status. The Civil
Rights Movement did not begin as an icon. It began with a more-or-less
organized campaign of civil disobedience aimed at desegregating
businesses and public facilities in the deep South. So how, and why, has
it reached iconic proportions? In the first part of this Essay, I will
describe some of the elements that I believe contributed to the
movement's iconic status.
* Cone, Wagner, Nugent, Johnson, Hazouri & Roth Professor of Law, University
of Florida Levin College of Law. Thanks to Taunya Banks, Dorothy Brown,
Jennifer Rosato, and D. Daniel Sokol for very helpful comments on earlier
drafts of this essay. Thanks to the participants and organizers of the Sit-Ins
Movement Conference, which was truly inspiring. And thanks to Sean Twomey,
Virginia Law Class of 2011, for expert editorial assistance. All errors are mine
alone.
' While it is beyond the scope of this brief essay to be fully comprehensive, I do
not want to contribute to the invisibility of other struggles for civil rights, such
as the struggles of Chinese and Japanese Americans. On early Chinese struggles
for civil rights, see CHARLES J. MCCLAIN, IN SEARCH OF EQUALITY: THE
CHINESE STRUGGLE AGAINST DISCRIMINATION IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY
AMERICA (1994). On Japanese American struggles for civil rights, see, for
example, ERIC K. YAMAMOTO, RACE, RIGHTS AND REPARATIONS: LAW AND
JAPANESE AMERICAN INTERNMENT (Eric K. Yamamoto, Margaret Chon, Carol I.
Izumi & Frank H. Wu eds., 2001). See also JUAN F. PEREA ET AL., RACE &
RACES: CASES AND RESOURCES FOR A DIVERSE AMERICA 397-428 (2d ed. 2007)
[hereinafter RACE & RACES].
2 WEBSTER'S NEW COLLEGIATE DICTIONARY 574 (10th ed. 1993) defines "icon"
as "an object of uncritical devotion". My use of the word is similar to this
definition. The term "Civil Rights Movement" has become practically a term of
art, referring only to the African-American movement of the mid-twentieth
century.
Cf JAMES W. LOEWEN, LIES MY TEACHER TOLD ME 198-99 (1995)
(describing anti-racism as one of the United States' great gifts to the world).
4 Obvious examples include the movements led by Ghandi in India and Nelson
Mandela in South Africa.
5 I thank Dorothy Brown for bringing to my attention Diane Nash and her
leading roles in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and non-
violent protest in the South.
6 Cf MARY DUDZIAK, COLD WAR CIVIL RIGHTS: RACE AND THE IMAGE OF
AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 79-90 (2000).
The Civil Rights Movement would likely not have reached iconic
status without the tacit agreement and support of a majority of
Americans and American elites. Americans generally agree on the
movement's importance and good results. There is a kind of interest
convergence in recognizing the importance of the Civil Rights
Movement.10 Blacks appropriately identify with the courageous, and
ultimately successful, struggle to overturn the overtly racist structures of
U.S. society and to guarantee greater access to opportunities for people
of color. The principled, courageous and communal sacrifice of the
Black community over many generations made the United States'
society better and fairer. Whites, too, can claim a positive role with
respect to the Civil Rights Movement. Whites who supported the
struggle can feel morally justified in their support. Even whites who did
not support the struggle would probably concede that our society is
better off after the enactment of anti-discrimination legislation."
The iconic status of the Civil Rights Movement also has unintended
consequences. Certain constraints in meaning and perception may result
from our reverence for the Civil Rights Movement. In this part of the
Essay, I identify and discuss some of these unintended consequences.
11Ironically, however, some of the sense of society being better off as a result of
anti-discrimination legislation probably has to do with whites becoming
increasing beneficiaries of such legislation and increasingly conservative
Supreme Court interpretations of anti-discrimination legislation. See, e.g., Ricci
v. DeStefano 129 U.S. 2658 (2009) (holding that white firefighters cannot be
denied promotions because of anticipation of disparate impact liability);
Taxman v. Bd. of Educ. of Twp. of Piscataway, 91 F.3d 1547 (3d Cir. 1996)
(holding that a white teacher cannot be chosen for layoff in order to preserve
diversity of faculty); cf Adarand Constructors v. Pena, 515 U.S. 200 (1995)
(holding that affirmative action in allocation of federal construction contracts is
prohibited unless there is a substantial basis in evidence of actual past
discrimination); City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co., 488 U.S. 469 (1989)
(same, except with city contracts).
12 Indeed, labeling earlier efforts as "antecedents" implies a lesser value to
earlier efforts that I do not wish to embrace.
' For accounts of the Civil Rights Movement beginning in the 1960s, see, e.g.,
JOHN HOPE FRANKLIN & ALFRED A. Moss, JR., FROM SLAVERY TO FREEDOM: A
HISTORY OF AFRICAN AMERICANS 523-61 (8th ed. 2000); CLAYBORNE CARSON,
IN STRUGGLE: SNCC AND THE BLACK AWAKENING OF THE 1960s (1981). For an
account of the Civil Rights Movement beginning in 1954, see JUAN WILLIAMS,
EYES ON THE PRIZE: AMERICA'S CIVIL RIGHTS YEARS, 1954-1965, at xiii-xv
(1987).
14 FRANKLIN, supra note 13, at 526; CARSON, supra note 13, at 9; WILLIAMS,
supra note 13, at xii.
1s Brown v. Bd. of Educ., 347 U.S. 483 (1954).
16See, e.g., MARK V. TUSHNET, MAKING CIVIL RIGHTS LAW: THURGOOD
MARSHALLAND THE SUPREME COURT, 1936-1961, at 116, 151-52 (1994).
narrative in 1954 makes the Brown decision, and the NAACP's litigation
strategy leading to the decision, relevant and important in the
movement's story.
On the other hand, if we begin the story in 1960, the story of the
Brown decision has much less relevance to the Civil Rights Movement.17
The Civil Rights Movement that begins in Greensboro was a grassroots,
nonviolent movement consisting of widespread civil disobedience and
peaceful resistance to white oppression. The story of the grassroots
movement depends neither on Brown nor on the litigation strategy of the
NAACP. Rather it depends on the training, organization and courage of
thousands of nonviolent protesters who confronted hostile white
authorities directly.
Even if one were to begin in 1954, and so include Brown and the
NAACP's litigation strategy, one would still leave out many earlier
struggles for African-American civil rights. 19 For example, during the
1930s, the NAACP campaigned against the exclusion of most Blacks
from significant New Deal era statutes, such as the Social Security Act,
the National Labor Relations Act, and the Fair Labor Standards Act.20
Earlier still, during the 1920s and 1930s, the NAACP campaigned
against the lynching of Blacks throughout the South. 21 Though both of
17 do not mean to suggest that Brown was not important in helping to fuel the
subsequent grassroots civil rights movement. Brown's holding signaled the
beginning of the end of American apartheid. Once Brown was decided,
protesters could believe that the Supreme Court and the law were on their side.
Consequently, they became frustrated with the slow pace of change after Brown
and took matters into their own hands. I thank Taunya Banks for this helpful
insight.
18 See FRANKLIN & MOSS, supra note 13, at 452-53, 511-14,
523-59.
19 For example, for an excellent history of Thirteenth Amendment-focused civil
rights litigation that has been obscured by the focus on Brown and the NAACP's
litigation strategy, see RISA L. GOLUBOFF, THE LOST PROMISE OF CIVIL RIGHTS
12 (2007).
20 See id at 51-80; see also Juan F. Perea, Destinedfor Servitude, 44 U.S.F. L.
REV. 245, 247-50 (2009) (describing intentional exclusion of Blacks from
benefits created in major New Deal era legislation).
21 See generally ROBERT L. ZANGRANDO, THE NAACP CRUSADE AGAINST
LYNCHING, 1909-1950 (1980).
And we could reach back even further, and consider the evidence of
slave revolts so well documented by Herbert Aptheker.2 5 It seems correct
to conclude that African Americans in the United States have resisted
their oppression by white Americans in visible, powerful ways ever
since the beginnings of that oppression, usually traced to the rise of
slavery in the early seventeenth century.
1. Chicanos
The indigenous people of the United States have also long struggled
for civil rights. During the 1960s, inspired by the African-American
movement for civil rights, young Indian intellectuals and activists
asserted themselves boldly and launched a Red Power movement.39 This
American-Indian movement intended to restore sovereignty to
American-Indian nations, a sovereignty that had been under direct attack
since around 1945. The movement claimed success when President
Richard Nixon delivered his message on Indian affairs to Congress on
July 8, 1970.40 In his message, Nixon forcefully repudiated prior federal
policies calling for termination of Indian tribes and for paternalistic
federal supervision of Indian affairs. Nixon also voiced important
41 JOSEPHY, supra note 39, at 213; PEREA, RACE & RACES, supra note 1, at 227-
28.
42 Worcester v. Georgia, 31 U.S. 515 (1832).
43 PEREA, RACE & RACES, supra note 1, at 213-14.
44 See generally PEREA, RACE & RACES, supra note 1, at 214-21.
45 See Le'a Malia Kanehe, The Akaka Bill: The Native Hawaiians' Race for
FederalRecognition, 23 U. HAw. L. REv. 857, 860 (2001).
46 See Kathryn Nalani Setsuko Hong, UnderstandingNative Hawaiian Rights:
Mistakes and Consequences of Rice v. Cayetano, 15 ASIAN AM. L.J. 9, 16-19
(2008); HAUNANI-KAY TRASK, FROM A NATIVE DAUGHTER: COLONIALISM AND
SOVEREIGNTY IN HAwAi'I (1999) (presenting an informative discussion of
Native Hawaiians and ways in which they are oppressed by colonial
occupation).
47 Hawaii v. Office of Hawaiian Affairs, 129 S. Ct. 1436 (2009); Rice v.
Cayetano, 528 U.S. 495 (2000). The Rice decision has been forcefully and
appropriately criticized. See Hong, supra note 46, at 29; Chris K. lijima, Race
over Rice: Binary Analytical Boxes and a Twenty-First Century Endorsement of
III. CONCLUSION
54 The legitimacy lent by historical struggle for civil rights helps explains the
often hollow quality of claims of "reverse discrimination." In the United States,
whites are the most privileged racial group. As a race, whites have not had to
struggle in the same way as members of other racial groups for basic rights.
its long shadow not obscure the importance of other righteous struggles.
If we care about justice, we should always be attuned to struggles for
greater justice, whether or not they resemble the African-American
struggle for civil rights. As inspiring as the African-American struggle
has been, we may find additional inspiration, and more possibilities for
justice, if we cast our gaze beyond the African-American Civil Rights
Movement, gazing further back, further forward, and to the side.