Brexit paradoxes: Boris Johnson has made Jeremy

Corbyn acceptable as interim premier

The behavior of the last week of Prime Minister Boris Johnson, following the
Supreme Court's 11-0 decision on illegality of the extension - the suspension of
Parliament for 5 weeks, has led to a new situation.

First, it exasperated Parliament, in all its political components, including

conservatives or former conservatives recently ousted from the party. No trace
of regret, of excuses for the flagrant violation of the law, instead heavy words,
aggressive and harsh formulations, accusations brought to Parliament, in its
entirety.
The biggest mistake of the Prime Minister was not the repeated request that,
if he did not convince the parliamentarians his position, to convene early
elections - repeating that Labor would fear them - nor the request to introduce a
censure motion, as much as the fact that , in relation to the law passed in the first
week of September, which obliges him to request a postponement until January
31, 2020 or at a later date proposed by the EU, if he does not have an agreement
agreed on October 19, Johnson was ambiguous and left to understand that it has
options to bypass the law.
Thus, the Prime Minister explicitly stated, at the targeted questions, that he
will comply with the law. He said he would have an agreement - although the
EU broadcasts on all channels that nothing was being negotiated, it was not an
agreement but a game of shifting responsibility for the Brexit on the hill to the
EU, a game of Johnson's positioning for the forthcoming general elections that
follow, no longer a concern to resolve the situation of Great Britain and the
orderly exit from the Union, with an agreement with the EU. He also stated that
he would not ask for the extension of the term of October 31, preferring to be
"dead in the ditch".

On such an approach, which underlines the ambiguity, the unclearness and

the refusal to comply with the law, in written form and in its spirit, the British
Parliament continued the meetings at the Opposition level, and on Friday,
concrete solutions were left to be seen. Even if Labor leader Jeremy Corbyn has
just said that it was a good meeting and that everyone wants to avoid going out
without a deal, Boris Johnson's hard Brexit, without adding other details, is
already figuring out the solution for this week, which will be crucial for the
battle to postpone the term and for future elections in the UK: the censorship
motion.

Thus, the latest public outings of Boris Johnson have made even the Labor's
leftist leader, the controversial Jeremy Corbyn - accused of ignoring anti-
Semitic startups, far-left startups, ambiguity about Brexit - and be acceptable to
the majority. parliamentary for an interim government to postpone Brexit and
organize early elections. A Jeremy Corbyn who has a negative rating and
brought Labor to 25% seems to be acceptable as a solution rather than remaining
Johnson's premier. Liberal Democrats are the last to be convinced, but the desire
of the pro-European party not only to wake up outside the EU, but also without
agreement, could allow the temporary alliance to vote.
Brexit has taken over all British politics, paralyzing London's actions in most
directions.
Naturally, the movement has its controversial component and proportional
risk. Boris Johnson is waiting for such an alternative to reproach that he has not
been allowed to conclude a better deal for London - even if the negotiations do
not exist, in fact, and technically there are empty sheets, empty words and
aberrations accumulated on the table of the Commission and the chief negotiator
Barnier. He will then reproach that the responsibility for leaving without
agreement lies with the EU - which is why Commission President Jean-Claude
Juncker appeared publicly to point out in advance that there are no viable offers
from the UK and that leaving without agreement is solely the responsibility of
the Kingdom. Finally, Johnson and the hard-working conservatives, the hard-
Brexiters, will be able to accumulate votes and candidates in their favor, to
deliver later out of the EU, should they accumulate the required number of
votes.

Labor knows they will face an even tougher election campaign. They want to
separate current electoral issues from a referendum and debate for Brexit, but
this is unlikely to be possible. On the contrary, Brexit has taken over all British
politics, paralyzed London's actions in all directions, and threatens to keep
Britain locked on this subject for a few more months. With or without a new
referendum - this time between leaving the EU and staying in the EU - the early
elections will be about Brexit, because both Nigel Farage, leader of the Brexit
Party and Boris Johnson, of the Conservatives, will carry a single theme. , even
if they will split their votes.

Labor, Liberal Democrats, MPs from Change UK, former Conservatives or

environmentalists will have their own chances, mostly pro-European, anti-
Brexit, in any case all against an exit without agreement. And here the elections
could lead to the construction of a majority formula by fighting against the exit
without agreement, which will be the stamp placed on the Conservatives and
Brexiters. It is true, however, that Jeremy Corbyn, by the embraced ambiguity
and avoidance of staying in the EU, widens the spectrum of British voters for
Labor, but also increases the risks for his party: if the scenario of the European
Parliamentary elections is repeated and the electoral trends are maintained, the
Labor Party may lose the post. Opposition / power party in front of the
obviously pro-European liberal-democrats and explicitly in favor of remaining
in the EU.

Here also lies the pitfall of Boris Johnson and the Labor Conservatives: the
possibility of being associated exclusively with those who want to remain in the
EU and of voting under the Liberal Democrats can create a major difficulty, and
losing the elections would make it difficult. he was kneeling for Corbyn, who
would lose the leadership of his party. It's true that the Conservatives are not
doing well with the Brexit Party either. It is certain that the British political
spectrum has changed radically, bipartisanship has long melted away, and
political fragmentation cannot be thwarted by the pro-anti-Brexit dispute.

Moreover, the current situation is pushing Britain towards the mosaic

governments of today. And towards the increasingly accelerated elimination of
political leaders from public life, dramatically reducing their time in office.