MEDIEVAL SCANDINAVIA

AN ENCYCLOPEDIA

PHILLIP PULSIANO
Editor

KIRSTEN W O L F
Co-editor

Paul Acker Donald K . Fry

Associate E d i t o r Associate E d i t o r
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Universitetet i Bergen

Vésteinn Ólason
Gòran Hallberg
Dialekt-och Orntnamnsarkivet i Lund Hàskóli Islands

James E . Knirk David M . Wilson

Universitetet ì Usto British Museum

Garland Publishing, Inc.

New York <Sr L o n d o n 1993
 Ed.: Gunnlaugur t>óròarson, ed. Bragda-Màgus saga meo ulheyrandi
pàltum. Copenhagen: Pàli Sveinsson, 1858 llonger versioni;
Cederschióld, Gustaf, ed. Fomsógur Sudrlanda. Magus saga jarls,
Konrads saga, Bxrings saga, Flovents saga, Beverssaga. Med inìedrung.
Lund: Berlìng, 1884, pp. Lxxx-cxxxviii, 1-42 [shoner versioni; Pàli
Eggen Ólason, ed. Magus saga jarìs àsamt pàuum aiHrólfi skuggafifli,
VilhjilmiLaissyni ogGeirardi Vilhjàlmssyni. Riddarasògur, 1. Reykjavik:
Fjallkonuùtgàfan, 1916 llonger versioni; Bjami Vilhjàlmsson, ed.
"Magus saga jarls (hin rneiri)." In his Riddarasògur. 6 vols. Reykjavik:
islendingasagnaùtgàfan; HaukadalsUlgàfan, 1949-54, voi. 2, pp. 135—
429 llonger versioni. Bib : Kalinke, Marianne E., and P. M. Milchell.
Bibhography of Old Norse-Icéandic Romances. Islandica, 44. lthaca
and London: Cornell University Press, 1985; Finnur Sigmundsson.
Rimnatal. 2 vols. Reykjavik: Rimnafélagiò, 1966, voi. 1, pp. 88-90,
158-9. Lit.: Leach, Henry Goddard. Angevin Brnain and Scandinavia.
Harvard Studies in Comparative Literature, 6. Cambridge: Harvard
University Press; London: Milford; Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1921; rpt. Millwood: Kraus, 1975; Schlauch, Margaret. Romance in
Iceland. Princeton: Princeton University Press; New York: American-
Scandinavian Foundation; London: Alien & Unwin, 1934; rpt. New
York: Russell & Russell, 1973; Lane, George S. "A Note on the Icelandic
MSS of the Màgus Saga."_/ournayo/~English and Germanie Philology 33
(1934), 498-501; Halvorsen, E. F. "Màgus saga jarls." KLNM 11
(1966), 239-41; Rossenbeck, Klaus. "DieStellungder Riddaraspgur in
der altnordischen Prosaliteratur-—eine Untersuchung an Hand des
Erzahlstils."Diss. FrankfurtamMain, 1970;Togeby,Knud. "L'influence
de la littérature francaise sur les littératures scandìnaves au moyen àge."
In Genéralités. Ed. Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht. Grundrissderromanischen
Literaturen des Mittelalters, 1. Heidelberg: Winter, 1972, pp. 377-8;
Hamer, Andrew. "Màgus saga—Riddarasaga or Fomaldarsaga?" In
Fourth International Saga Conference. Munich: lnstitut fùr Norcische
Philologie der Universitàt Munchen, 1979, 13 pp. [photocopies of
papers distributed to panicipants); Kalinke, Marianne E. King Arthur
North-by-Nonhwest: The matière de Bretagne m Old Norse-Icelandic
Romances. BibliothecaAmamagniEana, 37. Copenhagen: Reitzel, 1981,
Nahl, Astrid van. Originale Riddarasògur als Teil altnordischer
Sagaliteratur. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Germanistik und
Skandinavistik, 3. Frankfurt am Main and Bem: Lang, 1981; Glauser,
Jurg. Islàndische Marchensagas. Sludien zur Prosaliteratur mi
spaunittelalterlichen Island. Beitràge zur nordischen Philologie, 12.
Basel and Frankfurt am Main: Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 1983; Amory,
Frederic. "Things Greek and the Riddarasògur." Speculum 59 (1984),
509-23; Kalinke, Marianne E. "Riddarasògur, Fomaldarsógur, and the
Problem of Genre." In Les Sagas de Chevaliers (Riddarasògur). Actes de
la V Conference Internationale sur les Sagas . . . (Toulon. Juillet 1982).
Ed. Régis Boyer. Civilisations ,10. Paris: Presses de l'Université de Paris-
Sorbonne, 1985, pp. 77-91; Kalinke, Marianne. "Norse Romance
(Riddarasògur)." In Old Norse-Icelandic Literature: A Criticai Guide.
Ed.CarolJ. Cloverandjohn lindow. Islandica, 45. lthaca and London:
Cornell University Press, 1985, pp. 316-63; Kalinke, Marianne E. "The
Misogamous Maiden Kings oflcelandic Romance." Scripta Islandica37
(1986), 47-71; Kalinke, Marianne E. "Màgus saga jarls." In Dictionary
of the Middle Ages. Ed. Joseph R. Strayer. New York: Scribner, 1982—
89, voi. 8, pp. 45-b.
_/ijrgG/ausef
[See also: Fomaldarsógur; Hàlls saga ok Hàlfsrekka;
Karlamagnùs saga; O l d Norse-Icelandic Literature, Forcign
Influence on; Riddarasògur; Snorra Edda; Pidreks saga al
Bem; Qrvar-Odds saga]
Màhlfóingavfsur see t ó r a r i n n svarti
Maiden Warriors. Old Norse literature has a common con-
ception ofj women w h o , fully armed, participate i n battle like men.
These women thus encroach upon a preserve that, both earlierand
later, has been considered a male one i n European conceptual
history. They show themselves in a sphere where strength and
initiative are demanded and where it is possible to gain honor and
immortafity, at least i n the world of words; great deeds i n battle
are comrnemorated in skaldic verse or i n the later ìslendingasógur.
i n the younger sources (fomaldarsógur and riddarasògur),
these women are mei w i t h reprisals. Often they are forced out of
the male sphere because their suitors defeat and sometimes rape
them (cf. the fairy-tale motif Kònig Drosselbart). In the younger
sources, the women are described as being provocatively sexually
hostile. They prefer to fight rather than to love, and are exceed-
ingly proud, independent, and unsympathetic. In the oldersources,
the Poetic Edda and the ìslendingasógur, the strong, proud woman
is capable o f b o t h fightingor loving, of showingboth strength and
tendemess (cf. Signin i n Helgakvida Hundingsbana 1). The p r i -
mary positive or negative attitude toward the fighting women is
thus decided by the date of the sources. The appearance of such
women is determined by whether the material is treated realisti-
cally or not, or whether the plot takes place i n distant lands or i n
locai surroundings. The type therefore appears i n the Poetic Edda
and in the fomaldarsógur w i t h the common-Germanic or com-
mon-Nordic mythic material and in the exotic riddarasògur. The
type does not exist i n the locai Ìslendingasógur, where armed
women w o u l d have been a breach of style. Gudrun i n Laxdcela
saga, however, may be a successor to the type.
Whether the Norse maiden warriors are related to the Greek
Amazons is not k n o w n . N o r is it k n o w n i f maiden warriors i n
Scandinavia had a historical basis. No woman's grave containing
weapons has yet been discovered.
In O l d Norse literature, an armed maiden warrior is called
valkyrja, skjaldmxr, or meykóngr.
The term valkyrja has the etymology kjósa vai, and refers to
the fact that she chooses the warriors who are to fall i n battle. The
valkyrja is a supematural being i n the shape of an armor-clad
earthly woman, or she may be an earthly woman i n the service of
Óòinn, god of war and death. The valkyrja has two functions: she
is present on the battleficld where the "choice" is to be made, and
she is i n Valhpll, where the fallen warriors gather. The valkyrja
was able to fly through the air. The w o r d valkyrja is used both i n
Snorra Edda and in the Poetic Edda, which also uses it about te-
male figures independent of Óòinn, like Signin i n Helgakvida
Hundingsbana and Brynhildr in the poetic cycle about SigurSr
Fàfnisbani. It is possible that Vplundr's vanished wife, Svanhvitr,
is related to the type. In her capacity as swan maiden, she can at
least fly. A n d an obscure line, orlpg drygia ("in wars to try them"),
can perhaps be translated as if she and her vanished sisters have
been associated w i t h warfare.
Skjaldmxr is used especially i n fomaldarsógur, and the
maiden warriors are here totally Nordic, but can, like ali of the
characters of this saga type, be involved i n supematural evems.
The same Brynhildr, w h o i n the Poenc Edda is called a valkyrja, is
called skjaldmxr i n the Vplsunga saga, a fomaldarsaga that treats
the same material. This identification shows that the designations
valkyrja and skjaldmxr at least sometimes could apply exactly to
the same female character.
Meykóngr is used only i n riddarasògur. This variant of the
type "maiden warrior" is always a ruling queen and unwilling to
share her power with a man. Most commonly, she appears totally
 404 MAIDEN WARRIORS
sexually hostile and wants to fight against her suitors. She is then
w i t h force and/or cunning made to change her m i n d .
Lit.: Wahlgren, Erik. The Maiden Kmgin Iceland. Chicago: University
of Chicago Libraries, 1938 [private publication] ; Heller, Rolf. Die
literarische Darstellung der Frau in den Islàndersagas. Halle: Niemeyer, the East, authorizedby such writers as Orosius, Solinus, and Pliny.
1958; Diner, Helen. Mothers and Amazons: The First Feminist Hislory
of Culture. Ed. and trans. John P. Lundin. New York: Julian, 1965;
Andersson, Theodore M . The Legend ofBrynhild. Islandica, 43. lthaca:
Cornell University Press, 1980;Strand, Bìrgit. Kvinnoroch mani Gesta
Danorum. Kvinnohistoriskt arkiv, 18. Gothenburg: Historiska
institutionen, Góteborgs Universitet, 1980; Sorensen, Preben
Meulengracht. Norr0nlnid. Odense: OdenseUniversitetsforlag, 1980;
Prjestgaard Andersen, lise. "Oehlenschlàger, de norrene kilder og de
norrone kvinder. " Danske Studier(.l 981), 5-31 ; Praestgaard Andersson,
Lise. Skjoldm0er—en kvindemyte. Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1982;
Dantico, Helen. Beowulfs Wealhtheow and the Valkyrie Tradiuon.
Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1984.
Lise Prsestgaard Andersen countries, though the influence of Mandeville is seen i n the Icelandic
[See also: Fomaldarsógur; Helgi Poems; ìslendingasógur;
Laxdcela saga; Riddarasògur; Snorra Edda; Vplsung-Nifhmg
Cycle; Vplsunga saga; Vplundarkvida; W o m e n i n Eddic
Poetry; W o m e n i n Sagas]
Maine Coin is a weathered, barely decipherable coin, origi- of ancient Scandinavian emigrants w h o achieved w o r l d l y rule); i n
nally considered English, b u t n o w firmly identified as having been
issued by King Ólafr k y r r i ("the peaceful") Haraldsson of Norway
(r. 1 0 6 7 - 1 0 9 3 ) . The coin was found by amateur archaeologist
Guy Mellgren i n 1957, i n association w i t h Indian artifacts, at
Naskeag Point, j u s t east of the m o u t h of the Penobscot River,
Maine. The spot is n o w referred to as the "Goddard site." Measur-
ing 16.4 m m . i n diameter and apparently at one rime pierced so
that it c o u l d be w o m as a pendant, it has been analyzed by the
numismatic scholar K o l b j o m Skaare at Oslo University. Tested at
the A t o m i c Institute at Kjeller, the coin has a composition of 22
percent Silver. Initially, the f i n d was regarded as evidence of Norse
exploration i n Maine, possibly by the Icelandic bishop E i r i k r
Gnùpsson, w h o , according to Icelandic chronicles, set sail " i n search
o f V i n l a n d " about 1121. But the coin is n o w be lieve d to have come
south by stages t h r o u g h trade among Indian tribes.
Lit.: Skaare,Kolbjom. "AnEleventhCenturyNorwegianPenny Found
on the Coast of Maine." NNF-NYTT. Meddelelserfra NorskNumismausk
Forening (May 1979), 12-7; Wahlgren, Erik. "The Norse Coin from
Maine: Philology and Navigation." NNF-NYTT. Meddelelserfra Norsk
Numismansk Forening (March 1980), 24-30; McKusick, Marshall,
and Erik Wahlgren. "The Norse Penny Mystery." Archaeology of
Eastem North America 8 (1980), 1-10; Bourque, Bruce J., and Steven
L. Cox. "Maine State Museumlnvestigationofthe Goddard Site, 1979."
Man in the Northeast 22 (Fall 1981), 3-27; Ingstad, A. S. The Norse
Discovery of America. Trans. Elizabeth S. Seeberg. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1985, pp. 429-34.
tErik Wahlgren
[See also: America, Norse i n ; V i n l a n d Sagas]
MàlshattakvaeSi s e e B j a m i Kolbeinsson
MandevilleS Rejse ("Mandeville's Travels"). The fìctitious Sir
John Mandeville's travels f r o m St. Albans i n England to the H o l y
Land and beyond appealed to the North as to most of'Europe for
its dynamic synthesis, w i t h i n a historical narrative, of a traveler's
repon from the Holy Land, an itinerary for a pilgrimage i n the
spirit, an affirmation of Scripture's historicity, a w o r l d perspective
on Christendom, crusade polemic, and an account of marvels of
The N o r t h also claimed its proprietary stake i n the Dane Otgerus
(Holger Danske), conqueror for Christendom of lands between
Jerusalem and the Earthly Paradise. The Latin w o r k was k n o w n to
Claudius Clavus, a Danish cartographer, i n 1427. A translation
into Danish, probably done about 1440, perhaps by Peder Hare,
cleric i n Roskilde diocese, was copied by Olauus Jacobi for the
Franciscan community at N s s t v e d , Zealand, i n 1459 (SKB 307).
Two further copies and an uncompleted summary of this translation
are extant: Odense, Landsarkivet for Fyn, Karen Brahes Bibliotek
E H I 6 ( m i d - 1 6 t h century); SKB M 306 (1584); and GkS 3559 (late
16th century). The text is thus a monument of Danish literary
prose. N o vemacular versions are k n o w n for other Scandinavian
lygisògur. Its diverse appeal is suggested by its varied contexts: i n
the monastic milieu of Latin and vemacular religious literature;
alongside the lists of relics, many i m p l i c i t l y authenticated by
Mandeville, held i n religious houses; i n the scriptorium that also
produced Dyrerim ("Rhyming Bestiary") and the Kmnike ("Leg-
endary Chronicle"); later, paired w i t h the Udvandrere (a catalogue
the tradition of such itineraries as Abbot Nikulas Bergsson's (d.
1159 or 1160) of Munkabverà and the anonymous De profectione
Danorum in terram sanctam (from Borglum monastery, Jutland,
1190); and against the background of actual pilgrimage from
Scandinavia to the Holy Land.
Ed.: Lorenzen, M . Mandevilles Rejse i gammeldansk Oversaettelse.
Samfund til udgivelse af gammel nordisk Litteratur, 5. Copenhagen-
Mailer, 1882. Lit.: Toldberg, H. "Mandevilles rejse." KLNM 11 (1966),
309-11 ; Bradley, S. A. J. "The Translator of Mandevilles Rejse: A New
Name in Fifteenth-Century Danish Prose?" In Medieval Literature and
QvHisaùon:Studiesin Memory of G. N. Garmonsway. Ed. D. A. Pearsall
andR. A. Waldron. London: Arnione, 1969; Bradley, S. A.J. "Mandevilles
Rejse: Some Aspects of Its Changing Role in the Later Danish Middle
Ages." Medieval Scandinavia 9 (1976), 146-63.
S. A.J. Bradley
[See also: Chronicles; Dyrerim, De gamie danske, Lygisaga;
Profectìo Danorum in Hierosolymam]
Man, Isle of. Set in the middle of the Irish Sea, easily visible on
a clear day from ali the surrounding countries, Man offered great
potential to the politically ambitious of the region. Few historical
sources survive from the V i k i n g Age itself, but the period after the
late l l t h century u n t i l Man passed out of control of the Scandi-
navian kings i n 1265 is rather better documented i n Chronica
regum Manniae et insularum (first compiled i n the 13th century).
By using standing monuments and archaeological investigation
alongside historical sources, we can produce a reasonable narra-
tive of the Scandinavian epoch.
The polity of Man before the Scandinavians carne cannot be
reconstructed coherently. By the 9th century, Norse settlement is
evidenced by the presence of a number of fumished graves of
pagan character. The graves are of two types: major accompanied
burials i n isolated mounds, and ordinary accompanied fiat graves

Van Houts, E. M. C. "The Politicai Relaiions Between Normandy and
England According to the Gesta Normannorum Ducum." In Les
mutations sodo-culturelies au toumani des Xle ai XJIe siècles. Études
Ansekmennes, ivesessjon. Ed. R. Foreville Paris: CNRS, 1984, pp. 85-
97.
Elisabeth M. C. vxu Hosts
[See also: D u d o of St.-Quentin: De moribus et actis
prìmorum norrnanniaz ducum; England, Norse i n ; France,
Norse i n ]
W o m e n i n EddiC Poetry W o m e n are the principal speak-
ers i n nine of the thirty-seven poems i n the Neckel-Kuhn edition
of the Poetic Edda, are centrai to the dramatic action in twenty-
one, and appear as either m i n o r characters or as significant refer-
ents i n the remaining poems., Sexual imagery evoking the feminine
is likewise pervasive. Snorri Sturluson i n Skaldskaparmàl (eh. 31)
classifies female character types as àsynjur (goddesses), valkyrjur
(valkyries), nornir ( n o m s ) , and disir (an untranslatable term that
refers to Germanie m i n o r female deities who appear either as
friendly o r h o s t i l e guardian spirits or as marnai women w i t h su-
pematural attributes). I n addition, prominent ligures include gi-
antesses, yp/ur(seeresses, sibyls), and in the heroic lays, the war-
rior w o m a n , a fusion of a h u m a n noblewoman and a valkyrie or
a dis. Nonaristocratic and nonmythological women appear, but
never i n essential roles (but see Rigspula and ponions of Hàvamàl).
Eddic w o m e n are usually represented as either bright maid-
ens or hags. O n l y the n o m s are not physically described. They are
identified by rame i n Hàvamàl (st. 111) and i n Vpluspà (sts. 1 9 -
20): Urdr(n. 'fate'; past plural of verda, urdù 'became'), Verdandi
lo I i* (present participle of verda 'lo become'), and Skuld(associated w i t h
the m o d a l skulu 'shall' and skuld, n . 'debt'). Their names provide
the sense that one's fate is composed of the inevitability of future
events, the eradicability of the past, and the necessity and appro-
priateness of the present. I n Helgakvida Hundingsbana I (st. 4),
one n o m is described as a female relative of Neri (possibly a dwarf),
and, i n Fàfnismal (sts. 1 1 - 1 3 ) , Fàfnir informs Siguròr that the
n o m s of c h i l d b i r t h are of various descent, some akin to the gods,
some descendants of elves, and others daughters of Dvalinn (a
dwarf). They appear i n action only i n Helgakvida Hundingsbana
I (sts. 1-6), where, positioned w i t h Borghildr at Helgi's birth, they
spin out the hero's fate'. Elsewhere, they are referred to in passing
as m a l e v o l e n t f i g u r e s (Gudrùnarhvpt, st. 13, Helgakvida
Hundingsbana II, sts. 2 6 - 2 8 , Hamdismàl, st. 30, Reginsmàl, st. 2;
see also Gyifaginning, chs. 5, 8, et passim). Symbolically, the n o m s
embody the archetypal f u n c t i o n of w o m e n as controllers of men's
destinies, an attribute that also underlies the character of heroines
in the Helgi lays and of Brynhildr.
Vpìur (seeresses, sibyls) appear infrequently i n the poems,
restricted to the sibyl-speaker of Vpluspà (who relates her cos-
mologica! vision), to Heiòr, the evil sibyl (who is the "delight of
evil w o m e n " ) i n the same poem (Vpluspà, st. 22), and to the witch-
like creature w h o prophesies Baldr's death i n Baldrs draumar.
Whereas the n o m s shape men's fates, these Teiresian figures,
excluding Heiòr, utter the d o o m of the gods. Under compulsion,
usually exhibiting pain, they b r i n g to light knowledge hidden even
from Óòinn, and at his c o m m a n d they rise into being from the
dead. The general attribute of visionary and prophetic utterance is
not restricted to them, however, since it is a characteristic of the
giantesses, goddesses, and the heroines of the heroic lays, akhough
their knowledge is less than that of the vpìur.
W O M E N I N E D D I C POETRY 721
Giantesses appear as either physically beautiful and sexually
desirable or as repellent. They have a number of epithets, e.g.,
pursa meyjar ("maidens of the thurses"; Helgakvida Hundingsbana
/, st. 40, Vpluspà, st. 8); daughters and sisters of t'orna ("giants";
Prymskvida, st. 32, Grimnismàl, st. 11); gygr ("witch, giantess";
Vàfprùdnismàl, st. 32, Helreid Brynhildar, st. 13, Hymiskvida, st
14); and (ah("giantess"; Helgakvida Hjprvardssonar, st. 16). These
epithets probably discriminate function and status, but w i l l be
treated here under the broad category. I n the heroic poems, they
are haggish, malevolent creatures w h o strive either w i t h the hero-
ine (Brynhildr i n Helreid Brynhildar) or w i t h her surrogate (Atli in
Helgakvida Hjprvardssonar). They represent the obstacle the bright
maidens Brynhildr and Svàva must overcome before being re-
united w i t h their lovers. Hrimgeròr (Helgakvida Hjprvardssonar)
is the paradigm. A sexually corrupt figure, as evidenced by her
half-bestial, half-human form, she is a night raider and insatiable
in her desire to avenge her father's m u r d e r (cf. Skaòi). A corpse-
h u n g r y giantess w i t h a p o w e r f u l wrestling grip, she is depicted
as attacking i n the rush of a sea-battle. In the mythological
poems, giantesses are b o t h hostile and friendly. Giant maidens
storm the /Esir, e n d i n g an idyllic w o r l d (Vpluspà, st. 8). The
avenging.skjaldmeyjar ("shield-maidens") Menja and Fenja, of
extraordinary physical prowess and fame i n battle, grind out
Fróòi's gold as they prophesy his d o o m (Grottaspngr). Except
for H y n d l a , w h o strives w i t h Freyja (Hyndìuljód), giantesses
are not characterized as hags i n confliet w i t h bright female
figures, b u t themselves manifest brightness, e.g., Geròr, whose
l u m i n o u s arrns b r i g h t e n b o t h air a n d w a t e r (Fpr Skirnis
[Skimismàl], st. 6); Billingr's daughter, w h o is só7hviTr("white
as the sun"; Hàvamàl, st. 97); and Skaòi, scir brudr goda ("shim-
m e r i n g bride of the gods"; Grimnismàl, st. 11). They also show
benevolence, as do Gunnlpò (Hàvamàl, sts. 1 0 5 - 1 1 0 ) and the
maids of giantland (Vàfprùdnismàl, st. 49). The giantesses also
have m y t h i c and archetypal significance. Geròr, for example,
has been seen as a personification of the germinating elements
of the earth (Olsen 1909), a sociological figure w h o rises to her
proper status (Lònnroth 1977), and a vestige of an older dy-
nasty of female divinities (Motz 1981). I n psychological terms,
the c o n f i g u r a t i o n of the giant hag and bright maiden may rep-
resent for the female psyche the confrontation w i t h the Other.
Except for Freyja, the goddesses play minor roles i n the po-
ems, functioning as foils to the gods, e.g., Frigg i n Vàfprùdnismàl
(sts. 1-3), and in Grimnismàl (prose before st. 1). Personified
meanings of their names appear i n the Prose Edda, and there is
some fusion of function and identity among them, e.g., Freyja and
Frigg, Freyja and Gefjon. They appear assembled i n Lokasenna,
where Loki satirically spars w i t h them and the gods, and where
they are defamed as licentious, incestuous, adulterous, and oth-
erwise sexually corrupt. Freyja, the most complex of the goddesses,
appears as a discordant and erotic court figure (Lokasenna, sts.
3 0 - 3 2 , Prymskvida, Hyndìuljód, sts. 6, 47-48). Àt the same time,
she is associated w i t h battle and the realm ot the dead. She and
Óòinn divide the spoils of battle: she rides to the strife, chooses
half the k i l l , and takes it back to her realm, Fólkvangr {Grimnismàl,
st. 14). She may be perceived as the Nordic Venus or Aphrodite,
since she is particularly helpful and responsive to humans in matters
of love (Oddrunargràtr, st. 9) and possesses a necklace, the
Brisingamen, an appropriate personal object for a love and fertility
goddess. She owns a hamr (feather-coat) made of b i r d skin
(Prymskvida, st. 3), which is evocative of the goatskin aegis of
722 WOMEN IN EDDIC POETRY
Athena. Her function as love- and battle-goddess and her eroti-
cism are consistent w i t h her representation i n the Prose Edda
(Gylfaginning, chs. 24, 35, 42, SkàldskaparmàI, chs. 17, 20, 37).
Freyja is the mythological exemplar for the major female figure of
the heroic lays, the warrior w o m a n .
T w o other character types that bear on the characterization
b o t h of Freyja and of the warrior w o m e n i n the heroic poetry are
the disir and the valkyrjur (choosers of the slain). Both terms are
gender-specific, referring only to females. As noted above, the
c o n c e p t o f the disir is compìex. The term has broad martial value,
associated w i t h O l d H i g h German idisi, the battle figures of the
lOth-century Merseburg Charm. I n eddic poetry, when used i n
the plural, disk refers to hostile spints w h o were once friendly
(Adama], st. 28, Grimnismàl, st. 53, Hamdismàl, st. 28). When used
i n the singular, the term is polysemous, referring to women i n a
martial environment, w h o function as guides and protectors of the
hero, and w h o are also called "valkyries." I n the mythological lays,
the valkyries are entirely supematural w i t h few individualizing
attributes. Stripped of their religious potency, they have been
reduced to serve as Óòinn's functionaries (Grimnismàl, st. 36). I n
the heroic poetry, they are distinctly different i n kind, character-
istically appearing as brightly adomed noblewomen, metamor-
phosed i n t o valkyries and disir (e.g., S i g n i n i n Helgakvida
Hundingsbana land 11, Brynhildr i n Brot af Sigurdarkvidu). These
valkyrie brides, so-called because of their erotic attachment to the
hero, are composite characters. Figures of the royal court, w i t h ties
a n d o b l i g a t i o n s to a w o r d l y e n v i r o n m e n t (Helgakvida
Hundingsbana II, sts. 3 0 - 3 8 , Sigurdarkvida in skamma, sts. 3 5 -
4 1 ) , they possess at the same time supematural powers: they are
not l i m i t e d by spatial and temporal considerations (e.g., Signin's
e n t r a n c e t h r o u g h air, signaled by l i g h t n i n g i n Helgakvida
Hundingsbana I, sts. 15-16, Svàva's i n Helgakvida Hjprvardssonar,
prose before sts. 6 and 10). Their major traits are boldness, p r o -
fundity and resoluteness of m i n d , extravagance of emotion, and
rhetorical brilliance (e.g., Helgakvida Hundingsbana II, sts. 1 1 , 2 6 ,
Helgakvida Hundingsbana I, st. 54, Sigurdarkvida in skamma, st.
34, Helreid Brynhildar, st. 3). They originate from the south
(Helgakvida Hundingsbana I, st. 16, and //, st. 45, Vplundarkvìda
1 - 3 ) . T h e y p r o p h e s y (Helgakvida Hundingsbana 1 and //,
Helgakvida Hjprvardssonar, Sigrdrìfumàl, Sigurdarkvida in
skamma), and they determine the outcome of centrai issues that
concem Germanie warrior society: the battle and the warrior's
afterlife. Epithets for the valkyrie brides evoke women w h o are
sublime, sexually active and desirable, andbeneficent, offering the
hero treasure, glory, and love. Radiant and nobly b o m , they ride
into battle hàvar und hjàlmom ("sublime under helmets"). Epi-
thets, such as gullvarid ("gold-adomed"), margullin maer ("richly
decked w i t h gold"), and baugvarid ("ring-adomed"), refer both to
the brilliance of their warrior's dress and metaphorically to the
treasure awaiting the hero at the battle's end. They are embodiments
of heroic desire: gold, glory, and love. Yet, at the same time, i n line
w i t h the ironie treatment of character i n eddic poetry, they are
objectified as the origin of the hero's destruction. The Sigrun -
Svàva character of the Helgi lays best exemplifies this ambivalent
figure. Scholars have allied the eddic warrior w o m e n w i t h similar
figures i n O l d English heroic poetry (Elene, Judith, Juliana).
S i g n i n , Svàva, Brynhildr, and Guòrùn, the major characters
of eddic poetry, are complex figures, because their attributes as-
sociate t h e m w i t h b o t h the temporal and the legendary. Of the
four, Guònin is the most "realistic," while Signin and Svàva are the
most elusive. I n an attempt to give genealogical cohesion to the
characters, the compiler of the Poetic Edda reports that Signin is
Svàva rebom, and later, at the dose of Helgakvida Hundingsbana
II, he relates that Sigrun w i l l be rebom into Kàra, also a valkyrie.
These statements may reflect remnants of a belief i n ancestor
worship. The criticai consensus is that we are dealing w i t h the
basic story of the Skjpldungr king Helgi (his heroic actions, his
love for the valkyrie Signin-Svàva), and that the three poems rep-
resent a diverse treatment of originai legendary material. Unlike
Brynhildr and Guòrùn, Sigrun and Svàva do not have clear origins
in legend. Further, the characters are beset by problems brought
about by the poems' being generically anomalous and fragmentary.
Bugge (1899) and Hòfler (1952) argue that Signin 1 represents
Helgi's victory genius more than she does an actual historical
personage. Harris (1983) sees Signin 1 as moving from a "human"
figure toward one that is "divine." Bugge postulates Signin 11 as a
merged figure, a blending of Signin 1 ( 5 - 1 3 ) , Guònin when she
expresses sorrow, and Brynhildr i n her single-minded drive to
promote strife. Damico (1984) argues for a composite legendary
and archetypal character w i t h a counterpart i n Beowulf.
Andersson's ( I 9 6 0 ) comprehensive and closely analyzed smdy Jp"J u * [u 4
of Brynhildr and the evolution of her story in the principal docu-
ments (e.g., the Nibelungenlied, Pidreks saga, the eddic poems,
and Vplsungasaga) sees her as a fusion of a historical and legendary
personage and of archetypal figures, i n particular the shield-maiden
and the reluctant bride. I n eddic poetry, she is immoderate i n
emotion and action, psychologically complex, erotic, and protective
of her honor. As a court figure, she desires status and wealth,
w h i c h leads her to succumb to Atli's blackmail and marry Gunnarr
(Sigurdarkvida in skamma, st. 36). Her story is presented piece-
meal i n Gripisspà (which, because of its position i n the MS, serves
as a prologue to the succeeding lays about Siguròr), Sigrdrìfumàl,
Brot af Sigurdarkvidu, Sigurdarkvida in skamma, Gudrùnarkvida
I, and Helreid Brynhildar (wherein Brynhildr justifies her action to
have Siguròr killed). Briefly, Siguròr meets and exchanges vows
w i t h the valkyrie Brynhildr, w h o , as punishment from Óòinn, has
been put to sleep i n a hall encircled by flame, w h i c h Siguròr has
crossed. Their relationship is chaste. Subsequently, Siguròr visits
Gjùki's court. Under the effeets of a drug administered by Queen
Grtmhildr, Siguròr forgets Brynhildr, and instead agrees to w i n
her for Gjùki's son Gunnarr, which he does later when disguised
as Gunnarr. Siguròr subsequently marries Gunnarr's sister, Guònin.
W h e n Brynhildr discovers the deceit, she demands that Gunnarr
k i l l both Siguròr and his son as compensation for her outraged
honor. Brynhildr is the centrai character in three poems (Brot af
Sigurdarkvidu, Sigurdarkvida in skamma, Helreid Brynhildar) and,
i f one accepts her i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as S i g r d r i f a , i n a f o u r t h ,
Sigrdrìfumàl. Her death speech i n Sigurdarkvida in skamma,
wherein she counsels G u n n a n on his actions after her death, par-
allels Sigrdrifa's rune lesson to Siguròr, an act that w o u l d supporr
the hypothesis of a Sigrdrifa-Brynhildr identification.
G u ò n i n , the N o r d i c e q u i v a l e n t of K r i e m h i l t i n the OU V
Nibelungenleid, is the centrai figure in six poems and the primary
speaker i n four (Gudrùnarkvida I, li, IH, Gudrùnarhvpt), and
appears as part of the dramatic action i n ali the poems conceming
the Niflungs and Gjùkings. In line count and poetic emphasis, she
overshadows her rivai Brynhildr. Prior to Siguròr's death, Guònin
is young and peerless, secure i n her husband's love. After Siguròr's
murder and Brynhildr's suttee, Guònin becomes almost demonic,
unrestrained i n mood and emotion, and extreme i n action. Unafraid
 WOMEN IN SAGAS 723

of the fates, she shapes her destiny and disdains those w h o do not, und die Edda." In Edda, Skalden, Saga: Festschrift zum 70. Ceburtstag
i n particular her sons. I n essence, she appropriates and develops von Felix Genzmer. Ed. Hermann Schneider. Heidelberg: Winter,
the extravagance of character associated w i t h Brynhildr before her 1952, 1-67; Stróm, Folke. Diser, nomor, valkyrjor: Fruktbarhetskult
death. Gudrùnarkvida /focuses o n the boundlessness of Guòrùn's och sakralt kungadóme i Norden. Kungliga vitterhets historie och
grief; Gudrùnarkvida 11, o n the extremity of her alienation and antikvitets akademiens handlingar, Filologisk-filosofiska serien, 1.
despair; Gudrùnarkvida 111, o n the rigidity of her chastity; Atlakvida Stockholm: Almqvist&Wiksell, 1954; Harris,Joseph. " Gudrùnarbrógd
a n d Atlamàl, o n her single-minded drive for, and the b o l d m o n - and the Saxon Lay of Grimhild's Perfidy." Mediaeval Scandinavia 9
(1976), 173-80; Lònnroth, Lars. "Skimismàl och den fomislandska
strousness of, her revenge; and Gudrùnarhvpt, o n her state of
àktenskapsnormen." In Opuscula Septentrionaha: Festskrìft ti! Ole
frenzied exaltation i n f o r m i n g b o t h her incitement to her sons,
Widding, 10. 10. 1977. Ed. Bent. Chr. Jacobsen et al. Copenhagen:
w h i c h leads to their certain death, and her command to be b u m e d
Reitzel, 1977, pp. 154-78; Andersson, Theodore M . The Legend ofe^r
o n the pyre. Like Brynhildr and Sigrun-Svàva, she is a warrior
Brynhild. Islandica, 43. lthaca and London: Cornell University Press,
w o m a n , appearing i n a b y m i e w i t h sword i n hand. She shapes the
1980; Motz, Lotte. "Sister in the Cave: The Stature and the Function of
battle (Atlamàl, sts. 4 4 - 4 8 ) and abandons herself to the fight
the Female Figures in the Eddas." Arkiv for nordisk Biologi 95 (1980),
(Atlamàl, sts. 4 9 - 5 3 , 9 8 - 9 9 , Atlakvida, sts. 3 5 - 4 3 ) . Twice she is 168-82;Motz, Lotte. "Geròr: ANewInterpretationoftheLayofSklrnir."
f o u n d i n a Job-like situation, i n inconsolable states of sadness Maal og minne (1981), 121-36; Praestgaard Andersen, Lise.
(Gudrùnarkvida I) and alienation (Gudrùnarkvida II), surrounded Skjoldmoer—en kvindemyte. Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1982;
b y w o m e n w h o attempt unsuccessfully to give her comfort. I n Glendinning, Robert J. " Guòrunarqvìda Forra: A Reconstruction and
Atlamàl, Guòrùn becomes a grotesque Medea, because she has no Interpretation." In Edda: A Collection ofEssays. Ed. RobertJ. Glendinning
love for the children she slays, responding to their frightened and Haraldur Bessason. University of Manitoba Icelandic Series, 4.
appeals w i t h chilling satire: "Desire has long sprung u p i n me to Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1983, pp. 258-82; Harris,
cure you of o l d age" (Atlamàl, st. 78). Joseph. "Eddic Poetry as Orai Poetry: The Evidence of Parallel Passages
in the Helgi Poems for Questioni of Composition and Performance." In
There are numerous m i n o r characters i n the heroic poetry,
Edda: A Collection ofEssays, pp. 210^2; Damico, Helen. Beowulfsit*
a n d these form a u n i f y i n g pattern, for they are connected to the
Wealhtheow and the Valkyrie Tradition. Madison: University of Wis-
major figures by motif. I n Fra' dauda Sinfjptla, for example, the m o t i f
consin Press, 1984; Harris, Joseph. "Eddic Poetry." In Old Norse-
of the scheming and deceitful queen-mother is embodied i n
Icelandic Literature: A Criticai Guide. Ed. Carol J. Clover and John
Borghildr, Sigrnundr's wife, w h o serves poisoned d r i n k to her
Lindow. Islandica, 45. lthaca and London: Cornell University Press,
stepson, Sinfjotli. The m o t i f is elaborated by G r i m h i l d r , w h o offers 1985, pp. 68-156;Jochens,Jenny. "Old Norse Sources on Women." In
her future son-in-law Siguròr the d r i n k of forgetfulness that causes Medieval Women and the Sources of History. Ed. Joel T. Rosenthal.
h i m to neglect his v o w to Brynhildr (Grìpisspà), a treachery she Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 1990, pp. 155-88
repeats against her o w n c h i l d Guòrùn (Atlakvida). The m o t i f de- [useful bibliography, pp. 181-8).
velops its most macabre aspect i n Guòrùn, w h o serves A t l i a
beaker filled w i t h d r i n k that has been mixed w i t h the b l o o d of Helen Damico
their sons (Atlamàl).
[See also: Atlakvida; Atlamàl; Baldrs draumar; Eddic
The w o m e n i n the heroic lays have epic proportions. Char-
acters of volition depicted at climactic moments, they instigate Poetry; Freyr and Freyja; Grimnismàl; Grìpisspà;
and control narrative action. They have unconquerable spirits, Grottaspngr; Gudrùnarkvida 1-111; Gudrùnarhvpt;
u n b r i d l e d passions, and w h e n , i n line w i t h Germanie heroic p o - Hamdismàl in [ormi; Hàvamàl; H e l g i Poems; Helreid
etry, they are placed i n a position where they must choose be- Brynhildar; Hymiskvida; Hyndìuljód; Maiden Warriors;
tween the satisfaction of their h o n o r or desire and the death or Oddrùnargràtr; Reginsmàl a n d Fàfnismàl; Rigspula;
destruction of loved ones, they invariably choose the former. I n
Sigrdrìfumàl; Sigurdarkvida in skamma; Sigurdarkvidu,
the mythological poems, the w o m e n are less engaging. The gods
Brot af; Skirnismàl; Snorra Edda; S u p e m a t u r a l Beings;
dominate most of the authors' and readers' attention. Thus, i n the
presentation of w o m e n , one can m a r k a distinctive difference be- Pidreks saga af Bern; Prymskvida; Vàfprùdnismàl;
tween the mythological and heroic poetry i n the Ppetic Edda. Vplundarkvida; V p l s u n g - N i f l u n g Cycle; Vplsunga saga;
W h e n the poetry becomes anthropo-centered, it t u m s its atten- Vpluspà; W o m e n i n Sagas]
t i o n to the characterization of w o m e n .
Women in Sagas. The picture of women, their importance,
Ed.: Dronke, Ursula, ed. The Poetic Edda. 1: Heroic Poems. Oxford: and their roles differs from genre-to genre w i t h i n the saga litera-
Clarendon, 1969; Neckel, Gustav, ed. Edda: Die Lieder des Codex ture. The differences between the portrayal of women i n the real-
Regius nebst verwandten Denkmàlem. I: Text. 5th ed. rev. Hans Kuhn. istic and nonrealistic sagas are especially apparent. I n the realistic
. Heidelberg: Winter, 1983. Tr.: Bellows, Henry Adarns, trans. The saga genres, the picture of w o m e n must correspond to real life i n
Poetic Edda. New York: American-Scandinavian Foundation, 1923; a way that made the literary figures acceptable as "historical" per-
Taylor, Paul B., and W . H . Auden, trans. The ElderEdda:A Selection. spns, although this correspondence does not necessarily mean
London: Faber &Faber; New York: Random House, 1969. Lit.: Bugge,
that the literature gives a true picture of women and their life,
Sophus. The Home of the Eddic Poems; with Especial Reference to the
either w i t h i n the fratrie of the narrative or at the time the sagas
Heìgi-Lays. Trans. W . H. Schófìeld. London: Nutt, 1899, pp. 215-25;
were written.
Olsen, Magnus. "Fra gammelnorsk myte og kultus." Maal og minne
W o m e n i n the ìslendingasógur are regarded as strong and
(1909), 17-36; Vries, Jan de. Altnordische Litemurgeschichte. 2 vols.
Grundriss der germanischen Philologie, 15-6. Berlin: de Gruyter, independent characters; this type may partly be understood against
1941-42; rpt. 1964-67; Hòfler, Otto. "Das Opfer i m Semnonenhain the_background of the women's position i n O l d Norse society,
w h i c h , compared w i t h their positions i n other medieval societies,
724 WOMEN IN SAGAS
was r a t h e r g o o d . But the s t r o n g female characters i n the
'ìslendingasógur are also a result of an idealizing literature. The
male heroes rise considerably above ordinary men i n skill, strength,
and vigor, and consequently the heroines rise above ordinary
w o m e n . S t i l i , a w o m a n is never the m a i n character i n an
Islendingasaga, although Guòrùn i n Laxdosla saga comes very dose.
She is perhaps the most interesting character i n the saga, but i n
this genre the viewpoint follows the action, and, according to the
sex roles, men are the active sex, and accordingly the main char-
acters. The important male characters i n the ìslendingasógur can
be dividéd into groups of types like the light hero, the dark hero,
the Christ/Baldr type, the wise man. But the characters are highly
individualized w i t h i n each group. The important female charac-
ters i n the sagas are roughly divided into t w o groups only, the
strong w o m e n and the weak w o m e n , most belonging to the first
group. Here, we f i n d different characters like Guòrùn i n Laxdcela
saga, Bergbóra and Hallgeròr i n Njàls saga, and Auòr and Pordis
in Gisla saga. The weak w o m a n is a rather rare type. Actually, she
is not a weak character, but her strength and her w i l l to live are
broken b y the loss of her beloved one. Hrefna i n Laxdcela saga,
Helga i n Gunnlaugs saga, and O d d n y i n Bjamar saga Hitdoelakappa
belong to this type, w h i c h is perhaps influenced by European
romantic literature. A m o n g the less centrai female figures, the
w o m a n skilled i n magic is generally described as a wicked person,
but not w h e n she uses her skill i n magic to help a hero. I n some
cases, a woman's skill i n magic is used to explain her sex appeal,
especially i f the w o m a n is elderly and the man young. Among the
subordinate characters, we find female types, very little i n d i v i d u -
alized, like the old foster-mother, the gossip, and the maidservant.
Since the w o m e n generally play a m i n o r p a n i n the sagas com-
pared w i t h men, the picture of them is consequently less detailed,
and the n u m b e r of w o m e n mentioned i n the sagas is considerably
lower than the n u m b e r of men.
The female characters act i n their social roles as wives,
daughters, mothers, and sisters; and their reputation depends o n
how w e l l they play the roles seen from the man's point of view.
The w o m a n w h o urges the men to take revenge is a character
found i n many of the ìslendingasógur. She may be described as
very h a r d , and even more eager than the men to protect the honor
of the family. The women's passive role, w h i c h d i d not allow her
to act herself, c o u l d explain such uncompromisingly hard i n -
citement. But, i n terms of narrative function, the author needs the
w o m e n to speed the action. The goading scene, which to a great
extent has formed o u r view of the saga w o m e n , is pan of the
author's literary technique, and must be j u d g e d i n that light.
I n the less idealizing contemporaneous sagas, the author sel-
dom focuses o n w o m e n . W h e n he does, the picture of these women
is m u c h the same as i n the ìslendingasógur, w i t h one interesting
difference: we do n o t have as many w o m e n bent o n inciting re-
venge. Instead, the w o m e n o n many occasions try to protect their
men and prevent k i l l i n g .
I n the konungasógur, few w o m e n are m e n t i o n e d , and they
normally play a subordinate role. The exceptions are some queens
and princesses, especially in the early period, like Queen Gunnhildr,
wife of the Norwegian k i n g Eirikr blóòox ("blood-axe") Haraldsson ;
the Swedish princess Ingibjprg, w h o plays an important pan i n the
sagas of St. Ólafr; and the Swedish queen Sigriòr, w h o had the father
ofSt. Ólafr killed, and w h o later became the deadly enemy of King
Ólafr Tryggvason after he refused to marry her. The basis of these
women's actions and influence resides i n their high social rank.
The konungasógur deal w i t h politics, which is the domain of
men; consequently, women play a significant role i n the story only
when they are politicai figures or used i n the politicai game. The
king's private life and his relationship w i t h women are normally
not given much space in the konungasógur. But to some extent,
the sagas of King Ólàfr Tryggvason form an exception. The reason
may be that the oldest written sagas about this king seem to be
derived from a tradition that was i n p a n shaped by women. I n his
saga about Ólàfr Tryggvason, the monk O d d r mentions six infor-
mants, three men and three women. Whether this list of infor-
mants is Oddr's o w n , or was originally found i n another saga
about the same king (e.g., the saga by the m o n k Gunnlaugr), it
may indicate that the women's pan i n shaping the tradition be-
h i n d the written sagas also had some influence on the portrayal of
women and on the amount of space they were accorded i n the
narrative.
I n the nonrealistic sagas, such as the fomaldarsógur and the
riddarasògur, women often take a more active p a n i n the narra-
tive. In these sagas, a w o m a n may break out of the ordinary female
sex role and act i n the role normally reserved for men as a warrior
(skjaldmacr), commander of anarmy, executor of revenge, orreign-
ing queen or princess. The imponance of women and their n u m -
ber compared w i t h the number of men differ considerably from
saga to saga w i t h i n the genres. Only one of the fomaldarsógur,
Hervarar saga (ok Heidreks konungs), is named after a female
figure, Hervpr, who approaches a formai main pan i n the saga as
a person w h o carries out the action. Some of the Icelandic
riddarasògur and some of the translated sagas are named both
after the hero and the heroine, a fact that also reflects the imponance
of the female figures. I n some sagas, these strong female figures
not only act like men, but they also dress like men, pretend they
are men, and demand to be treated as men. A common motif is
that they refuse to marry. W h e n the heroine demands to act i n a
male role, it underscores the fact that the male role offers possibilities
that the female role does not. W h e n women i n the nonrealistic
sagas act like men, it could be interpreted as the women's desire
for greater freedom, although i n these sagas they are not always
allowed to take on a male role. The princess or queen w h o refuses
to marry, a popular motif i n the later Icelandic riddarasògur, is i n
most cases forced into marriage by her suitor, conquered militarily,
and often raped, after which she marries the suitor and assumes
her ordinary female role. These sagas may thus reflect different
attitudes toward women, and perhaps the discussion i n the late
Middle Ages about women's nature and their place i n society.
The female characters i n ali the saga genres are often praised
for their beauty, but an even more Constant factor is the heroine's
wisdom. I n fact, those tratts of character that are regarded as posi-
tive i n men (sense of honor, self-assertion, a strong w i l l , courage,
generosity) are also regarded as positive characteristics i n women,
as long as they do not use them against the men they are supposed
to support. The positive assessment of the wise and strong w o m a n
is perhaps connected w i t h the view on inheritance i n O l d Norse
society. This society was well aware of the fact that children inher-
ited their mother's qualities as well as their father's. A n d this society
seems to have regarded inheritance as a much more important factor
in the forming of the children's character than environmental i n f l u -
ence. A wife w i t h intelligence and a strong character was perhaps
not easy to cope w i t h . But these qualities are required i n a desir-
able bride, and the explanation may be that such a bride was
looked u p o n as an investment i n the future of the u n b o m sons.

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Literature, pp. 110-40; Jochens, Jenny. "Old Norse Sources on
Women." In Medieval Women and the Sources ofHistory. Ed. Joel
T. Rosenthal. Athens and London: University of Georgia Press,
1990, pp. 155-88 [useful bibliography, pp. 181-8).
Else Mundal
[See also: Bjamar saga Hitdcehkappa; Fomaldarsógur; Gisla
saga Sùrssonar; Gunnlaugs saga ormstungu; Hervarar saga ok
Heidreks konungs; Ìslendingasógur; Konungasógur; Laxdcela
saga; Maiden Warriors; Njàls saga; Ólàfs saga Tryggvasonar;
Riddarasògur; W o m e n i n Eddic Poetry]
Women Skalds see Skàldkonur
Wood Carving
1 . N O R W A Y . Finds of w o o d carvings from before the V i k i n g
Age are extremely rare. O n the other hand, excavations carried out
i n 1904 at a large burial m o u n d on Oseberg farm in Vestfold (west
of the Oslo fjord) showed that w o o d carving was a flourishing
handicraft d u r i n g the V i k i n g Age itself. Archaeologists suddenly
became aware of a rich craft dating from the first half of the 9th
century, i n c l u d i n g the oldest collection of Norwegian wood carv-
ing. The burial m o u n d contained a V i k i n g ship where two women
were b u r i e d w i t h many valuable possessions.
The w o o d carving i n this f i n d bears witness to an outstanding
and flourishing decorative art that must have been the result of
long experience and tradition. The items decorated w i t h w o o d
earwig-mctode the ship, a carriage,-andxhree sleighs w i t h frames.
The carvings cover a total of 12-15 sq. m.
The motifs are animai omamentation and geometrica) pat-
tems, plus some narrative representations of figures. The w o r k
was done by several carvers. One can speak of a plain style and a
more or less plastic style. Finds of metal objects suggest that the
Oseberg styles were widespread i n Scandinavia.
As early as the Oseberg f i n d , we meet four forms of w o o d
carving: relief, sculpture i n the r o u n d or free-standing sculpture,
WOOD CARVING 725
incised, and openwork. The Oseberg carvings suggest that w o o d
carving was a leading form of art compared w i t h other forms of
artistic expression i n the V i k i n g Age.
We also know a little about the w o o d carving i n the period
after the burial mound at Oseberg, thanks to two burial mounds
from the second half of the 9th century o r a r o u n d 900. The mound
at Nedre Gokstad i n Vestfold has provided most of the w o o d
carving i n Borre style. It contained mostly incised carving and
openwork, but there was also a head sculpted i n the round. This
style was widespread i n Scandinavia, but was most common i n
Sweden and Norway.
Not much Norwegian w o o d carving has been preserved i n
the Jelling, Mammen, and Ringerike Viking styles from the lOth
century and the first half of the 1 I t h . They were particularly linear
and plain styles. Animai omamentation was stili dominant, but
plant motifs gradually appeared. Right up to the 1970s, we had no
examples of Norwegian wood carving i n these styles, but archaeo-
logical excavations at Trondheim have brought forth many small
articles of everyday use that were made of w o o d w i t h decoration
in Mammen, Ringerike, and the later Umes style.
The second half of the l l t h century once again offers ex-
amples of monumentai Norwegian w o o d carving i n the last of the
Viking styles, the Umes style, which was widespread in Scandinavia
and on the islands in the Atlantic, and i n which animai omamen-
tation was again dominant. The major monument i n this style
comprises the older parts of the Umes stave church i n Sogn.
Characteristic of its omamentation is the interplay between thin
bands (snakes) and wider animals i n an open interlace pattern,
where ali lines are curved and figure-of-eight traceries are com-
mon. Exceptionally high relief, u p to about 7 cm., altemates w i t h
very low and fiat carving.
At the time when the Romanesque and Gothic styles ruled i n
European architecture, art, and handicraft, a large number of
wooden churches (stave churches) were built i n Norway, espe-
cially from about 1150 to roughly 1200. These churches were
decorated w i t h carvings, and more w o o d carving from the high
Middle Ages has been preserved in Norway than i n any other
Nordic country. The Church was the foremost employer of w o o d
carvers.
Most of the carving was on the outside of the churches, es-
pecially around the doorways. U p to 1,000 stave churches may
have been i n use at the same time. Only about thirty are stili
standing, but Norwegian museums have many carved doorways
and other items from stave churches that were pulled down. I n
particular, the main doorway i n the westemmost part of the nave
could be large and magnificently decorated.
Vestiges of the Umes style lived on for a long time i n stave-
church omamentation, but gradually the decoration became col-
ored by Romanesque style. The doorway from ÀI church i n
Hallingdal is a good example of a large group of doorways w i t h the
same main scheme in their composition.
New decorative features were vine-like omamentation and
the winged dragon. The vine grows u p from the jaws of an anima!
at the bottom of each plank and goes u p the plank i n waves to
continue on the upper part of the doorway. Branches w i t h leaves
entwine to form spirals, but dragons w i t h wings and long tails also
crawl up the plank. The largest dragons are to be found at the top
of the planks (the tips of their wings extend right u p to the top
comers) and on the upper p a n of the doorway. Such doorways
have often been called "dragon portals."