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History of The Communist Party USA - Wikipedia
History of The Communist Party USA - Wikipedia
According to Gus Hall, who served as the General Secretary of the party for most of the later 20th century, communists'
scientific understanding of the nature of class struggle enables them to be the most effective organizers, a benefit he called
the "Communist plus". When Communists were expelled from the AFL–CIO in 1948, organized labor's influence on
economic and political development stagnated and later plummeted. The Communist Party greatly suffered under the
ensuing period of McCarthyism in which the United States government openly carried out mass repression against
Communists and simultaneously ran a nationalist propaganda campaign fueling the Cold War against the Soviet Union
which would dominate American foreign policy for the rest of the century.
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States government ended its espionage and police violence
against the Communist Party, but the party went through another split over differences in adapting to the post-Soviet
period. The Communist Party remains active, but it never recovered the influence it had during its height in the 1930s and
1940s.
Contents
History
1919–1921: Formation and early history
1919–1923: Red Scare and the Communist Party USA
1923–1929: Factional war
1928–1935: Third Period
1935–1939: Popular Front
1939–1947: World War II and aftermath
1947–1958: Second Red Scare
1956–1989: Party in crisis
1989–present: From glasnost to the 21st century
References
History
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within the Socialist Party, much to the consternation of many party leaders.
In January 1919, Vladimir Lenin invited the Left Wing Section of the Socialist
Party to join the Communist International (Comintern). During the spring of
1919, the Left Wing Section of the Socialist Party, buoyed by a large influx of
new members from countries involved in the Russian Revolution, prepared to
wrest control from the smaller controlling faction of moderate socialists. A
referendum to join Comintern passed with 90% support, but the incumbent
leadership suppressed the results. Elections for the party's National Executive
Committee resulted in 12 leftists being elected out of a total of 15. Calls were
made to expel moderates from the party. The moderate incumbents struck
back by expelling several state organizations, half a dozen language federations
and many locals in all two-thirds of the membership.
The Socialist Party then called an emergency convention on August 30, 1919.
The party's Left Wing Section made plans at a June conference of its own to
regain control of the party by sending delegations from the sections of the Alfred Wagenknecht, Executive
party that had been expelled to the convention to demand that they be seated. Secretary of the Communist Labor
Party of America, one of the
However, the language federations, eventually joined by C. E. Ruthenberg and
predecessors of the Communist
Louis C. Fraina, turned away from that effort and formed their own party, the Party
Communist Party of America at a separate convention on September 1, 1919.
Meanwhile, plans led by John Reed and Benjamin Gitlow to crash the Socialist
Party Convention went ahead. Tipped off, the incumbents called the police, who obligingly expelled the leftists from the
hall. The remaining leftist delegates walked out and meeting with the expelled delegates formed the Communist Labor
Party on August 30, 1919.[1]
The Comintern was not happy with two communist parties and in January 1920 dispatched an order that the two parties,
which consisted of about 12,000 members, merge under the name United Communist Party and to follow the party line
established in Moscow. Part of the Communist Party of America under the leadership of Ruthenberg and Jay Lovestone
did this, but a faction under the leadership of Nicholas I. Hourwich and Alexander Bittelman continued to operate
independently as the Communist Party of America. A more strongly worded directive from the Comintern eventually did
the trick and the parties were merged in May 1921. Only five percent of the members of the newly formed party were
native English-speakers. Many of the members came from the ranks of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW).[1][2]
The party apparatus was to a great extent underground. It re-emerged in the last days of 1921 as a legal political party
called the Workers Party of America (WPA). As the Red Scare and deportations of the early 1920s ebbed, the party became
bolder and more open. However, an element of the party remained permanently underground and came to be known as
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the "CPUSA secret apparatus". During this time, immigrants from Eastern Europe are said to have played a very
prominent role in the Communist Party.[3] A majority of the members of the Socialist Party were immigrants and an
"overwhelming" percentage of the Communist Party consisted of recent immigrants.[4]
That work was complicated by factional struggles within the Communist Party
which quickly developed a number of more or less fixed factional groupings
within its leadership: a faction around the party's Executive Secretary C. E.
Ruthenberg, which was largely organized by his supporter Jay Lovestone; and
the Foster-Cannon faction, headed by William Z. Foster, who headed the
party's Trade Union Educational League (TUEL); and James P. Cannon, who
led the International Labor Defense (ILD) organization.[5] C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive
Secretary of the Communist Party
Foster, who had been deeply involved in the Steel strike of 1919 and had been a
USA
long-time syndicalist and a Wobbly, had strong bonds with the progressive
leaders of the Chicago Federation of Labor (CFL) and through them with the
Progressive Party and nascent farmer-labor parties. Under pressure from the Comintern, the party broke off relations with
both groups in 1924. In 1925, the Comintern through its representative Sergei Gusev ordered the majority Foster faction to
surrender control to Ruthenberg's faction, which Foster complied. However, the factional infighting within the
Communist Party did not end as the Communist leadership of the New York locals of the International Ladies' Garment
Workers' Union (ILGWU) lost the 1926 strike of cloakmakers in New York City in large part because of intra-party
factional rivalries.[6]
Ruthenberg died in 1927 and his ally Lovestone succeeded him as party secretary. Cannon attended the Sixth Congress of
the Comintern in 1928 hoping to use his connections with leading circles within it to regain the advantage against the
Lovestone faction, but Cannon and Maurice Spector of the Communist Party of Canada (CPC) were accidentally given a
copy of Leon Trotsky's "Critique of the Draft Program of the Comintern" that they were instructed to read and return.
Persuaded by its contents, they came to an agreement to return to the United States and campaign for the document's
positions. A copy of the document was then smuggled out of the country in a child's toy.[7] Back in the United States,
Cannon and his close associates in the ILD such as Max Shachtman and Martin Abern, dubbed the "three generals without
an army",[8] began to organize support for Trotsky's theses. However, as this attempt to develop a Left Opposition came to
light, they and their supporters were expelled. Cannon and his followers organized the Communist League of America
(CLA) as a section of Trotsky's International Left Opposition (ILO).
At the same Congress, Lovestone had impressed the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) as a
strong supporter of Nikolai Bukharin, the general secretary of the Comintern. This was to have unfortunate consequences
for Lovestone as in 1929 Bukharin was on the losing end of a struggle with Joseph Stalin and was purged from his position
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on the Politburo and removed as head of the Comintern. In a reversal of the events of 1925, a Comintern delegation sent to
the United States demanded that Lovestone resign as party secretary in favor of his archrival Foster despite the fact that
Lovestone enjoyed the support of the vast majority of the American party's membership. Lovestone traveled to the Soviet
Union and appealed directly to the Comintern. Stalin informed Lovestone that he "had a majority because the American
Communist Party until now regarded you as the determined supporter of the Communist International. And it was only
because the Party regarded you as friends of the Comintern that you had a majority in the ranks of the American
Communist Party".[9]
When Lovestone returned to the United States, he and his ally Benjamin Gitlow were purged despite holding the
leadership of the party. Ostensibly, this was not due to Lovestone's insubordination in challenging a decision by Stalin, but
for his support for American exceptionalism, the thesis that socialism could be achieved peacefully in the United States.
Lovestone and Gitlow formed their own group called the Communist Party (Opposition), a section of the pro-Bukharin
International Communist Opposition (CO), which was initially larger than the Trotskyists, but it failed to survive past
1941. Lovestone had initially called his faction the Communist Party (Majority Group) in the expectation that the majority
of party members would join him, but only a few hundred people joined his new organization.
Opposing Stalin's Third Period policies in the Communist Party was James P. Cannon. For this action, he was expelled
from the party. Cannon then founded the CLA with Max Shachtman and Martin Abern and started publishing The
Militant. It declared itself to be an external faction of the Communist Party until—as the Trotskyists saw it—Stalin's
policies in Germany helped Adolf Hitler take power. At that point, they started working towards the founding of a new
international, the Fourth International (FI).
In the United States, the principal impact of the Third Period was to end the Communist Party's efforts to organize within
the American Federation of Labor (AFL) through the TUEL and to turn its efforts into organizing dual unions through the
Trade Union Unity League. Foster went along with this change, even though it contradicted the policies he had fought for
previously.
By 1930, the party adopted the slogan of "the united front from below". The Communist Party devoted much of its energy
in the Great Depression to organizing the unemployed, attempting to found "red" unions, championing the rights of
African Americans and fighting evictions of farmers and the working poor.[11] At the same time, the party attempted to
weave its sectarian revolutionary politics into its day-to-day defense of workers, usually with only limited success. They
recruited more disaffected members of the Socialist Party and an organization of African American socialists called the
African Blood Brotherhood (ABB), some of whose members, particularly Harry Haywood, would later play important roles
in Communist work among blacks.
In 1932, the retiring head of the party, William Z. Foster, published a book entitled Toward Soviet America, which laid
out the Communist Party's plans for revolution and the building of a new socialist society based on the model of Soviet
Russia. In that same year, Earl Browder became General Secretary of the Communist Party. At first, Browder moved the
party closer to Soviet interests and helped to develop its secret apparatus or underground network. He also assisted in the
recruitment of espionage sources and agents for the Soviet NKVD. Browder's own younger sister Margerite was an NKVD
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operative in Europe until removed from those duties at Browder's request.[12] It was at this point that the party's foreign
policy platform came under the complete control of Stalin, who enforced his directives through his secret police and
foreign intelligence service, the NKVD. The NKVD controlled the secret apparatus of the Communist Party.[13][14]
During the Great Depression in the United States, many Americans became disillusioned with capitalism and some found
communist ideology appealing. Others were attracted by the visible activism of American Communists on behalf of a wide
range of social and economic causes, including the rights of African Americans, workers and the unemployed. Still others,
alarmed by the rise of the Franquists in Spain and the Nazis in Germany, admired the Soviet Union's early and staunch
opposition to fascism. The membership of the Communist Party swelled from 7,500 at the start of the decade to 55,000 by
its end.
The Seventh Congress of the Comintern made the change in line official in 1935, when it declared the need for a popular
front of all groups opposed to fascism. The Communist Party abandoned its opposition to the New Deal, provided many of
the organizers for the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) and began supporting African American civil rights. The
party also sought unity with forces to its right. Earl Browder offered to run as Norman Thomas' running mate on a joint
Socialist Party-Communist Party ticket in the 1936 presidential election, but Thomas rejected this overture. The gesture
did not mean that much in practical terms since by 1936 the Communist Party effectively supporting Roosevelt in much of
his trade union work. While continuing to run its own candidates for office, the party pursued a policy of representing the
Democratic Party as the lesser evil in elections.
Party members also rallied to the defense of the Spanish Republic during this period after a Nationalist military uprising
moved to overthrow it, resulting in the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). The Communist Party along with leftists
throughout the world raised funds for medical relief while many of its members made their way to Spain with the aid of
the party to join the Lincoln Brigade, one of the International Brigades. Among its other achievements, the Lincoln
Brigade was the first American military force to include blacks and whites integrated on an equal basis. Intellectually, the
Popular Front period saw the development of a strong Communist influence in intellectual and artistic life. This was often
through various organizations influenced or controlled by the party, or as they were pejoratively known, "fronts".
The party under Browder supported Stalin's show trials in the Soviet Union, called the Moscow Trials.[15] Therein,
between August 1936 and mid-1938 the Soviet government indicted, tried and shot virtually all of the remaining Old
Bolsheviks.[15] Beyond the show trials lay a broader purge, the Great Purge, that killed millions.[15] Browder uncritically
supported Stalin, likening Trotskyism to "cholera germs" and calling the purge "a signal service to the cause of progressive
humanity".[16] He compared the show trial defendants to domestic traitors Benedict Arnold, Aaron Burr, disloyal War of
1812 Federalists and Confederate secessionists while likening persons who "smeared" Stalin's name to those who had
slandered Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt.[16]
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The British, French and German Communist parties, all originally war supporters, abandoned their anti-fascist crusades,
demanded peace and denounced Allied governments.[21] The Communist Party turned the focus of its public activities
from anti-fascism to advocating peace, not only opposing military preparations, but also condemning those opposed to
Hitler. The party attacked British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and French leader Édouard Daladier, but it did not
at first attack President Roosevelt, reasoning that this could devastate American Communism, blaming instead Roosevelt's
advisors.[21]
In October and November, after the Soviets invaded Finland and forced mutual assistance pacts from Estonia, Latvia and
Lithuania, the Communist Party considered Russian security sufficient justification to support the actions.[22] Secret short
wave radio broadcasts in October from Comintern leader Georgi Dimitrov ordered Browder to change the party's support
for Roosevelt.[22] On October 23, the party began attacking Roosevelt.[23]
The Communist Party dropped its boycott of Nazi goods, spread the slogans "The Yanks Are Not Coming" and "Hands
Off", set up a "perpetual peace vigil" across the street from the White House and announced that Roosevelt was the head of
the "war party of the American bourgeoisie".[23] By April 1940, the party Daily Woker's line seemed not so much antiwar
as simply pro-German.[24] A pamphlet stated the Jews had just as much to fear from Britain and France as they did
Germany.[24] In August 1940, after NKVD agent Ramón Mercader killed Trotsky with an ice axe, Browder perpetuated
Moscow's fiction that the killer, who had been dating one of Trotsky's secretaries, was a disillusioned follower.[25] In
allegiance to the Soviet Union, the party changed this policy again after Hitler broke the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact by
attacking the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941.
Throughout the rest of World War II, the Communist Party continued a policy of militant, if sometimes bureaucratic,
trade unionism while opposing strike actions at all costs. The leadership of the Communist Party was among the most
vocal pro-war voices in the United States, advocating unity against fascism, supporting the prosecution of leaders of the
Socialist Workers Party (SWP) under the newly enacted Smith Act[26] and opposing A. Philip Randolph's efforts to
organize a march on Washington to dramatize black workers' demands for equal treatment on the job. Prominent party
members and supporters, such as Dalton Trumbo and Pete Seeger, recalled anti-war material they had previously
released.
Earl Browder expected the wartime coalition between the Soviet Union and the West to bring about a prolonged period of
social harmony after the war. In order better to integrate the Communist movement into American life, the party was
officially dissolved in 1944 and replaced by a Communist Political Association.[27] This coincided with the Italian
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In 1949's Foley Square trial, the FBI prosecuted eleven members of the Communist Party's leadership, including Gus Hall
and Eugene Dennis. The prosecution argued that the party endorsed a violent overthrow of the government; but the
defendants countered that they advocated for a peaceful transition to socialism and that the First Amendment's guarantee
of free speech and association protected their membership in a political party. The trial—held in Manhattan's Foley Square
courthouse—was widely publicized by the media and was featured on the cover of Time magazine twice. Large numbers of
protesters supporting the Communist defendants protested outside the courthouse daily. The defense attorneys used a
"labor defense" strategy which attacked the trial as a capitalist venture that would not provide a fair outcome to
proletarian defendants. During the trial, the defense routinely antagonized the judge and prosecution and five of the
defendants were sent to jail for contempt of court for disrupting the trial. Public opinion was overwhelmingly against the
defendants and after a ten-month trial the jury found all 11 defendants guilty and they were sentenced to terms of five
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years in federal prison. When the trial concluded, the judge sent all five defense attorneys to jail for contempt of court.
Two of the attorneys were subsequently disbarred. The government prosecutors, encouraged by their success, arrested and
convicted over 100 additional party officers in the early 1950s.[28]
The widespread fear of Communism became even more acute after the Soviets' detonation of an atomic bomb in 1949 and
discovery of Soviet espionage.[29] Ambitious politicians, including Richard Nixon and Joseph McCarthy, made names for
themselves by exposing or threatening to expose Communists within the Truman administration or later—in McCarthy's
case—within the United States Army. Liberal groups, such as the Americans for Democratic Action, not only distanced
themselves from Communists and Communist causes, but defined themselves as anti-communist. Congress outlawed the
Communist Party in the Communist Control Act of 1954.[30] However, the act was largely ineffectual thanks in part to its
ambiguous language. In the 1961 case, Communist Party v. Catherwood, the Supreme Court ruled that the act did not bar
the party from participating in New York's unemployment insurance system. No administration has tried to enforce it
since.
By the mid-1950s, membership of Communist Party had slipped from its 1944 peak of around 80,000[31] to an active base
of approximately 5,000.[32] Some 1,500 of these "members" were FBI informants.[33] To the extent that the Communist
Party did survive, it was crippled by the penetration activities of these informants, who kept close surveillance on the few
remaining legitimate members of the party on behalf of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover[34][35] and the party dried up as a
base for Soviet espionage.[36] "If it were not for me", Hoover told a State Department official in 1963, "there would not be a
Communist Party of the United States. Because I've financed the Communist Party, in order to know what they are
doing".[37] William Sullivan, chief of intelligence operations for the FBI in the 1950s, has also described Hoover's
continued zeal in pursuing action against the party as "insincere" as he was fully aware of the party's moribund
condition.[37] Senator McCarthy had also kept up his attacks on the party during the 1950s despite also being aware of its
impotency.[37]
Against the backdrop of these many setbacks, William Z. Foster, who was once again in a leadership role after the ouster of
Earl Browder and who due to his poor health had not been brought to trial in 1948 along with a number of other members
of the party's leadership, wrote his History of the Communist Party of the United States.[38] "The Party history is the
record of the American class struggle, of which it is a vital part. It is the story, in general, of the growth of the working
class; the abolition of slavery and emancipation of the Negro People; the building of the trade union and farmer
movements; the numberless strikes and political struggles of the toiling masses; and the growing political alliance of
workers, Negroes, farmers, and intellectuals", says Foster in the first chapter, illuminating a very different perspective of
the party from within.[39]
Most of the critics would depart from the party demoralized, but others would remain active in progressive causes and
would often end up working harmoniously with party members. This diaspora rapidly came to provide the audience for
publications like the National Guardian and Monthly Review, which were to be important in the development of the New
Left in the 1960s.
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The post-1956 upheavals in the Communist Party also saw the advent of a new leadership around former steel worker Gus
Hall. Hall's views were very much those of his mentor Foster, but he was to be more rigorous in ensuring the party was
completely orthodox than Foster in his last years. Therefore, while remaining critics who wished to liberalize the party
were expelled, so too were anti-revisionist critics who took an anti-Khrushchev stance.
Many of these critics were elements on both United States coasts who would come together to form the Progressive Labor
Movement in 1961. Progressive Labor would come to play a role in many of the numerous Maoist organizations of the mid-
1960s and early 1970s. Jack Shulman, Foster's secretary, also played a role in these organizations. He was not expelled
from the party, but he resigned. In the 1970s, the party managed to grow in membership to about 25,000 members despite
the exodus of numerous anti-revisionist and Maoist groups from its ranks.
The cutoff of funds resulted in a financial crisis, which forced the Communist Party to cut back publication in 1990 of the
party newspaper, the People's Daily World, to weekly publication, the People's Weekly World. Following the dissolution of
the Soviet Union, a crisis in doctrine ensued. The Communist Party's vision of the future development of socialism had to
be completely changed due to the extreme change in the balance of global forces. The more moderate reformists, including
Angela Davis, left the party altogether, forming a new organization called the Committees of Correspondence for
Democracy and Socialism (CCDS). The remaining Communists struggled with questions of identity in the post-Soviet
world, some of which that are still part of Communist Party politics today.
In 2000, after the death of Gus Hall, Sam Webb became the chairman of the
National Committee. Under his leadership, the party's top priority became
supporting the Democratic Party in elections in order to defeat the "ultra
right". Webb issued a thesis on how he saw the party's position in American
politics and its role, rejecting Marxism–Leninism as "too rigid and formulaic"
and putting forward the idea of "moving beyond Communist Parties" which
was widely criticized both within the party and internationally as anti-
30th National Convention of the
communist and a move towards liquidation. Webb stepped down as chairman
Communist Party USA in Chicago
and was replaced by John Bachtell at the party's National Convention in 2014.
Two years later, Webb renounced his party membership.[41]
In order to make room for the rental of four floors in the national building, the Communist Party had to move its extensive
archives. The archives of the Communist Party were donated in March 2007 to the Tamiment Library at the New York
University. The massive donation, in 12,000 cartons, included history from the founding of the party, 20,000 books and
pamphlets and a million photographs from the archives of the Daily Worker. The Tamiment Library also holds a copy of
the microfilmed archive of Communist Party documents from Soviet Archives held by the Library of Congress and from
other materials which documents radical and left history.[42]
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Although the CPUSA does no longer run candidates under its own banner, it does run occasional candidates as
independents or as Democrats. In 2009 Rick Nagin came close to winning a city council seat in Cleveland. Nagin won 24%
of the votes and second place in the primary and therefore advanced to the general election. He lost the general election,
although he gained 45% of the votes[43][44][45]. In 2019 Wahsayah Whitebird, a member of the CPUSA, won a seat on the
city council of Ashland, WI[46][47].
References
1. Buhle, Marxism in the USA: From 1870 to the Present Day (1987)
2. Fraser M. Ottanelli, The Communist party of the United States: from the depression to World War II (1991) p. 10
3. Klehr, Harvey. Communist Cadre: The Social Background of the American Communist Party Elite. Stanford,
California: Hoover Institution Press.
4. Glazer, Nathan The Social Basis of American Communism.
5. Ottanelli, The Communist Party of the United States: from the Depression to World War II (1991), p. 13.
6. Ottanelli, The Communist party of the United States: from the depression to World War II (1991), p. 125.
7. Palmer, Bryan D., "Maurice Spector, James P. Cannon, and the Origins of Canadian Trotskyism" (http://www.historyco
operative.org/journals/llt/56/palmer.html) Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20120309152915/http://www.historyco
operative.org/journals/llt/56/palmer.html) March 9, 2012, at the Wayback Machine. Labour/Le Travail.56 (2005): 72
pars. November 9, 2009.
8. Heilbrunn, Jacob (February 1, 2008). "They Knew They Were Right" (https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/style/lo
ngterm/books/chap1/theyknewtheywereright.htm). Doubleday, via The Washington Post. Retrieved January 8, 2010.
9. Theodore Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia (2003), p. 419.
10. Ottanelli, The Communist Party of the United States: from the Depression to World War II (1991), p. 43.
11. Ottanelli, The Communist Party of the United States, ch 2–3
12. Ryan 1997, p. 172
13. James G. Ryan, "Socialist Triumph as a Family Value: Earl Browder and Soviet Espionage," American Communist
History 1, no. 2 (December 2002).
14. John E. Haynes, Harvey Klehr, and Fridrikh I. Igorevich, The Secret World of American Communism (Yale University
Press, 1995).
15. Ryan 1997, p. 154
16. Ryan 1997, p. 155
17. Soviet and American Communist Parties (https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/archives/sova.html) in Revelations from the
Russian Archives (https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/archives/), Library of Congress, January 4, 1996. Retrieved August 29,
2006.
18. Ryan 1997, p. 162
19. Roberts 2006, p. 43
20. Sanford, George (2005). Katyn and the Soviet Massacre of 1940: Truth, Justice And Memory. London, New York:
Routledge. ISBN 0-415-33873-5.
21. Ryan 1997, pp. 164–5
22. Ryan 1997, p. 166
23. Ryan 1997, p. 168
24. Ryan 1997, p. 186
25. Ryan 1997, p. 189
26. John Earl Haynes. Red Scare or Red Menace?: American Communism and Anticommunism in the Cold War Era 30
(Ivan R. Dee 1996) ISBN 1-56663-090-8.
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