Professional Documents
Culture Documents
David Okazaki 2006 A
David Okazaki 2006 A
net/publication/7184660
CITATIONS READS
79 36,132
2 authors:
All content following this page was uploaded by E. J. R. David on 11 February 2014.
E. J. R. DAVID
SUMIE OKAZAKI
University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign
Colonial mentality is a term used widely by ethnic studies scholars and by the Filipino
American community to refer to a form of internalized oppression among Filipinos and
Filipino Americans. The authors propose that colonial mentality is a construct that is
central to the understanding of the psychology of contemporary Filipino Americans.
Drawing on larger scholarship from postcolonial studies and psychological research on
oppression, the authors review the historical and sociological contexts in which to un-
derstand the significance of the colonial mentality concept for the Filipino American
population. The authors also review the existing literature on colonial mentality and
provide specific recommendations for incorporating this construct into research and
practice with Filipino Americans. It is argued, through this illustrative example of colo-
nial mentality among Filipino Americans, that examining the psychological impact of
colonialism is a way to incorporate larger historical and sociological contextual vari-
ables into ethnic minority research and practice.
Keywords: Filipino Americans, colonial mentality, internalized oppression, co-
lonialism, Asian Americans
current knowledge base still rests on data on the study of colonial legacies in various
Asian Americans of East Asian descent (e.g., Asian population groups. We focus our re-
Chinese, Japanese, and Korean Americans) view on Filipino Americans because Filipi-
or on aggregate multiethnic sample of Asian nos were the only Asian population directly
Americans that combines individuals from colonized by America and because there al-
East, Southeast, and South Asia into one ready exists an active community discourse
group. Second, the substantive topics within surrounding colonialism and CM. We argue
Asian American psychology have mostly fo- that the case of Filipino Americans repre-
cused on Asian cultural variables (e.g., col- sents a timely opportunity for scholars in
lectivism and interdependence) and cul- ethnic minority psychology to not only join
tural adaptation processes (e.g., accultura- the scholarly and community discourse al-
tion), and less so on the experiences of ready in progress but to also contribute to a
Asian American individuals as racialized sub- better understanding of the psychological
jects who have faced historical and contem- impact of American colonization. We situate
porary forms of oppression. Lastly, there has our analysis of the psychological conse-
been a call to better understand historical quences of colonialism among Filipino
and environmental contexts for Asian Amer- Americans within both postcolonial studies
icans’ psychological experiences (e.g., Root, and the existing literature on the social psy-
2002). chology of oppression. Our review and rec-
In this article, we aim to illustrate how ommendations in turn have a potential to
increased attention to the racialized aspects not only contribute to Filipino American
of Asian Americans’ psychological experi- psychology but also to bridge ethnic minor-
ences would move the scholarship forward. ity psychology with scholarship in ethnic
More specifically, we argue that history and studies, Asian American studies, and postco-
legacy of colonialism has important psycho- lonial studies.
logical implications for contemporary immi-
grant and American-born Asian American
individuals. We focus our review on the psy-
chological legacy of colonialism for Filipino Frameworks
Americans— or colonial mentality (CM)—as
an illustrative case, with a brief primer of the Psychological Impact of Oppression
Philippines’ colonial history to set the con-
The psychological impact of racism, sexism,
text. CM1 is a psychological construct that is
homophobia, and other forms of oppres-
thought to play a major role in the psycho-
sion— both contemporary experiences as
logical experiences of modern day Filipino
well as historical oppression—is a central
Americans (Root, 1997). Although scholars
theme in minority psychology. In these
in other disciplines have discussed the role
works, internalized oppression, a condition
of CM in the Filipino American experience
in which the oppressed individuals and
extensively, this construct has not been put
groups come to believe that they are inferior
to effective use in understanding the psy-
chology of Filipino Americans. Therefore,
this article may also serve as a reintroduc- 1
Although the term internalized oppression is used in the
tion of CM to the field of ethnic minority literature in minority psychology to refer to the result-
psychology, with the hope that it will spark ing perceptions of ethnic or cultural inferiority of his-
the empirical exploration of this con- torically oppressed groups, this psychological syndrome
struct in psychological research with Fili- will be discussed as the colonial mentality with respect to
Filipino Americans because this is the term that is
pino Americans.
already widely used within the Filipino American com-
It should be noted that this call for a munity movements and in Filipino American scholar-
further conceptualization of CM in Filipino ship (e.g., Root, 1997). For the same reason we choose
Americans are not intended to detract from not to refer to it as internalized colonialism.
Colonial Mentality Among Filipino Americans 3
work with colonized people in Algeria, psy- ness are ascribed negative characteristics),
chiatrist Fanon (1965) argued that colonial- esthetics (especially with reference to Afri-
ism’s systematic denigration of the colo- can physical characteristics deemed undesir-
nized person and the continuous denial of able), and history and culture (in which his-
the colonized person’s humanity often leads torical and cultural memory of the op-
to self-doubt, identity confusion, or feelings pressed are reinterpreted, diminished, or
of inferiority among the colonized. Memmi destroyed). In turn, Harell argued that the
(1965), based on his observations of French Manichean social order creates conditions
colonized Tunisia and Algeria, echoed that encourage African people to behave in
Fanon’s arguments but also added that the a self-destructive manner. Similarly, the co-
colonized individual may eventually come to lonial theory was proposed as a viable ex-
believe an identity that is consistent with the planatory model for the high rates of crime
colonizers’ stereotyped perceptions of the and delinquency among African Americans
colonized. Freire (1970) further contended (Tatum, 1994), in which one can view crime
that because of the inferior connotations and delinquency as the behavioral responses
attached to their cultural and ethnic charac- to a society that perpetuates and maintains
teristics, the colonized individual might de- an environment in which there are limited
velop an intense desire to distance himself opportunities for social mobility because of
or herself from such mythical, stereotypical, one’s race.
and inferior identities and try to become as In American Indian psychology, Mc-
much like the colonizer as possible. Bride (2002) argued that the legacy of his-
Within the field of ethnic minority psy- torical oppression, such as the boarding
chology in the United States, the impact of school era and geographic displacement,
slavery and other racial oppression for Afri- leads to loss of identity, spirituality, and cul-
can Americans and of historical trauma such ture. She further asserted that the oppres-
as displacement and genocide for American sion of American Indians, both historically
Indians is analogous to the effects of colo- and contemporarily, contributes to cultural
nialism. Although there is no forceful entry isolation, vocational stresses, and stress-re-
or an overt control by a foreign group, inter- lated dysfunctional behaviors such as sub-
nal colonialism mirrors classical colonialism stance abuse and domestic violence. Duran
with respect to social inequities based on and Duran (1995) and Brave Heart (1998)
racism, cultural imposition of the dominant have also reported that perceptions of cul-
group on the minority groups, and cultural tural or ethnic inferiority may be further
disintegration and recreation of the op- promoted by continued oppression, lack of
pressed groups. In his analysis of the psycho- opportunities to critically understand such
logical impact of racism on American histories, forced assimilation, and familial
Blacks, Harrell (1999) invokes the term socialization. These authors also suggest that
Manichean, which the French psychiatrist such a history of oppression and its internal-
and activist Fanon used to describe the ization may contribute to the high rates of
world of the colonized. This term originates suicide, alcoholism, and domestic violence
from the philosopher Manicheaus in the 3rd among Native Americans.
century a.d. Philosophically, the Manichean However, little attention has been paid
world order consisted of irreconcilable op- to the colonial and postcolonial psychologi-
posites such as good versus evil, light versus cal experiences of various Asian groups de-
darkness, and white versus black. Harrell spite the fact that many Asian American im-
argued that the Manichean analogy is suited migrants come from Asian nations with a
to describing the psychological experiences recent history of colonization. India was col-
that racial oppression generates, as the onized by Great Britain, as was Southeast
Manichean order permeates semantics (in Asia (Indochina) by France and the Nether-
which words connoting blackness and dark- lands in the 20th century. Japan was a colo-
Colonial Mentality Among Filipino Americans 5
nizing presence in Korea, Taiwan, and other scribed as having a long time course in their
parts of Asia. The legacies of Japan’s coloni- potential to harm. For example, in their
zation have received media and scholarly description of internalized oppression
attention, with the most dramatic example among Native Americans, Duran and Duran
being the plight of former Korean “comfort (1995) argued that these debasing attitudes
women” who were conscripted as sexual toward one’s own group may be passed on
slaves to the members of the Japanese mili- intergenerationally through familial social-
tary in the 1930s and 1940s (Min, 2003). ization and continued oppression by the
Within the field of Asian American psychol- dominant group (e.g., lack of opportunities
ogy, Nagata’s (1990) work on the intergen- to discover accurate history, forced assimila-
erational consequences of systematic gov- tion, lack of acknowledgment by the domi-
ernmental oppression in the form of World nant group, and unresolved confusions or
War II internment of Japanese Americans is struggles). A similar intergenerational leg-
a rare exception to the dearth of literature acy of historical oppression and cultural
on internalized oppression among the Asian genocide has also been observed among
American population. Jewish Holocaust survivors and their chil-
An understanding of the psychological dren (e.g., Krell, 1990; Moskovitz & Krell,
legacy of colonial oppression among Asian 1990; Solomon, Kotter, & Mikulincer,
populations necessarily involves a brief dis- 1988), and among Japanese American
cussion of postcolonial theories surround- World War II interns and their children
ing the complex interaction between the (e.g., Nagata, 1990).
West and the East. The most influential of Given the potential of historical oppres-
these analyses is the literary critic Edward sions to harm the psychological well-being
Said’s (1979) book Orientalism, in which he of minority individuals across multiple gen-
analyzed the ways that European colonial- erations, psychological researchers and
ism created and maintained the image of practitioners working with a minority group
the Orient (or non-Western “Others”) as must increase their knowledge surrounding
inferior, primitive, exotic, and uncivilized. the group’s colonial past and the particular
Within the field of psychology, there has form in which colonization continues to af-
been a limited discussion of the ways in fect its members today. We now turn to a
which psychology and related disciplines discussion of Filipino Americans as a partic-
have continued to maintain Orientalist im- ular example of the psychological legacy of
ages of Asia and Asians (Bhatia, 2002). In- colonialism.
digenous psychology movements in China,
the Philippines, and India arose in response
to the perceived connections between colo-
nialism and Western psychology (e.g., En- Filipino Americans and CM
riquez, 1993; Sinha, 1997; Yang, 2000).
Filipino American Population
Although other Asian ethnic groups have
Summary of Frameworks
experienced colonization in the 20th cen-
There is a wealth of scholarship regarding tury, the Filipino American colonial experi-
the legacy of oppression of minority groups ence is unique because Filipino Americans
in various historical and contemporary soci- are the only Asian American ethnic group to
eties around the world, although the discus- have experienced direct U.S. colonization.
sion of colonial legacy has not been as ex- The Philippines was a U.S. commonwealth
tensive within ethnic minority psychology. until 1946 and Filipinos held status as U.S.
Importantly, various forms of internalized nationals until 1938. Furthermore, Ameri-
oppression— colonial or otherwise—are de- can military bases were maintained in the
6 David and Okazaki
Philippines until 1992. Although Filipinos We argue that Filipino Americans’ status as
were one of the earliest Asian immigrants to recently colonized subjects of the United
the United States, with documentation of States is a critical factor to consider in ad-
Spanish-speaking Filipinos settling in the vancing our understanding of Filipino
bayous of the Louisiana Territory as early as American mental health.
the mid-1700s (Takaki, 1989), the majority However, despite their large representa-
of Filipino Americans are post-1965 immi- tion and their unique history in relation to
grants. The Filipino immigration rate into the United States, Filipino Americans con-
the United States (40,000 per year) is sec- tinue to be regarded as the “forgotten Asian
ond only to that of Mexicans, attesting to Americans” (Cordova, 1983) or the “invisi-
this group’s rapid population growth (Ag- ble minorities” (Cimmarusti, 1996). The in-
bayani-Siewart, 1994). According to the visibility of Filipino Americans is mirrored
2000 U.S. Census, Filipinos today are the within psychology, as research focused on
second largest Asian group in the United the Filipino American population is sparse
States (2.4 million total; Barnes & Bennett, relative to available research on other Asian
2002) and the largest Asian subgroup in the American populations. For example, a
largest state of California (2.9% of the state’s search in the PsycINFO database using the
total population; Lott, 1997). four largest Asian American ethnic groups
Although most Asian American ethnic as keywords revealed 675 published works
groups in the United States today are largely for Chinese Americans, 366 for Japanese
immigrants (with the exception of Japanese Americans, 282 for Korean Americans, and
Americans), most Asians probably had ex- only 90 for Filipino Americans (retrieved on
tensive exposure to Western influences be- June 5, 2004).
fore immigration. However, for many immi- Recent health statistics show that Fili-
grants from Asia, their acculturating experi- pino American adolescents have one of the
ences in the United States may have been highest rates of suicide ideations and at-
their first encounter with racism and dis- tempts in the country (President’s Advisory
crimination based on race. In contrast, we Commission on Asian Americans and Pacific
contend that because of the legacy of Span- Islanders, 2001) and Filipino Americans
ish and American colonization for four cen- have depression rates that are significantly
turies, Filipino Americans as individuals and higher than the rates of the U.S. general
as communities have been exposed to more population (Tompar-Tiu & Sustento-Sener-
pervasive and sustained denigration of Fili- iches, 1995). Furthermore, alarming statis-
pino culture in postcolonial Philippines in tics on other health issues such as rates of
what Said (1983) described as “cultural im- HIV/AIDS, unintended pregnancy, eating
perialism.” In his Filipino American identity disorders, sexually transmitted diseases, and
development model, Nadal (2004) cited two drug use are also reported for Filipino
salient cultural characteristics that distin- American communities across the United
guish Filipino Americans from other Asian States (as cited in Nadal, 2000). Indeed, in-
American groups: (a) Catholicism is the pre- creased research and clinical attention on
dominant religion practiced by Filipino the Filipino American population are seri-
Americans, and (b) Filipino Americans have ously needed.
high English proficiency and familiarity with
the American culture. These characteristics
that mark Filipino Americans as somewhat
Primer on the Philippines’ Colonial History
distinct from other Asian American groups
are directly related to the history of Spanish Colonialism Under Spain. The Spanish
and American colonization of the Philip- involvement in the Philippines began in
pines, as Catholicism and the English lan- 1521 when the explorer Magellan claimed
guage are not indigenous to the Philippines. the islands for Spain, although it was not
Colonial Mentality Among Filipino Americans 7
until 1571 when Spanish King Phillip II’s Americans established a nationwide public
army finally subdued the Philippine natives’ school system in which most of the educa-
resistance (Agoncillo, 1974). Colonized Fil- tors were “Thomasites”—American teachers
ipinos are believed to have experienced ex- who came in the country through the St.
ploitation, brutality, cheating, cruelty, injus- Thomas transport (Espiritu, 2003). The St.
tice, and tyranny. As part of the “civilization” Thomas transport was a U.S. Army vessel
process, the native Filipinos’ indigenous cul- that sailed from California to the Philip-
ture and beliefs were replaced by Spanish pines in 1901 carrying more than 500 Amer-
culture and the Catholic religion. ican volunteer teachers and officials. A year
Rimonte (1997) argued that Filipinos later, the Thomasites’ numbers grew to
under Spanish rule developed a sense of more than 1,000 as the United States be-
“colonial debt,” characterized by a deferen- came more convinced that “education, in-
tial attitude toward Western culture and stead of outright military suppression, was
Westerners and the tendency to accept mal- the more effective means to pacify the Fili-
treatments by the Spanish rulers as the nat- pinos” (Espiritu, 2003, p. 26).
ural cost for civilization. According to One major drawback of the establish-
Rimonte, such a perception of indebtedness ment of the Americanized public school sys-
to the colonizers may still be widely held tem was that, in addition to teaching the
among modern-day Filipinos and Filipino Filipino students the English language and
Americans as endorsed by the “Golden Leg- fundamental academics, the Thomasites
end.” The Golden Legend is a popular his- were said to have been “inculcating Pilipinos
torical belief that pre-Hispanic Filipinos with American values” (Pido, 1997, p. 24) as
were uncivilized savages who were nobly civ- well as shaping Filipino worldview with
ilized by the Spanish through the gifts of American political ideas in the establish-
Spanish culture and Catholicism. Rimonte ment of the U.S. tutelary regime (Go, 2003).
further asserted that the Catholic Church Pido argued that the Thomasites informed
was instrumental in endorsing such a Filipinos that America is the land of endless
Golden Legend during the colonial rule by opportunities and wealth—“the land of milk
promoting the idea that a person who does and honey” (p. 24). Because many Filipinos
not change, “civilize,” or “Hispanicize” him- were poor and because socioeconomic mo-
self or herself has “strayed from the pre- bility in the Philippines was extremely lim-
scribed Catholic path of righteousness” (p. ited at the time, the American educators’
59). information about the United States may
have distorted the Filipinos’ view of life in
America (Pido, 1997). As a probable result,
Colonialism Under the United States. Filipinos may have developed a grandiose
After more than 300 years of subjugation, a picture of anything American and mediocre
series of major Filipino uprisings seriously attributions toward anything Filipino (e.g.,
disrupted Spain’s control over the Philip- Karnow, 1989; Tompar-Tiu & Sustento-Se-
pines toward the end of the 19th century neriches, 1995), similar to how Filipinos
(Agoncillo, 1974; Espiritu, 2003; Pido, were thought to have developed the belief
1997). As a result, Spain sold the Philippines that the Spanish and their ways of life were
to the United States for $20 million during naturally superior. A number of scholars of
the Treaty of Paris in 1898, and this began postcolonial Philippines (e.g., Espiritu,
yet another long period of colonization for 2003; Go, 2003; Karnow, 1989; Root, 1997)
the Filipinos. However, despite unimproved have asserted that this perception of Amer-
agricultural reformations that continued to ican superiority may be passed on from one
suppress the socioeconomic status of most generation to the next through socializa-
Filipinos, one positive change that U.S. col- tion, continuous endorsement of the Amer-
onization brought was free education. The ican version of the Golden Legend (i.e.,
8 David and Okazaki
Denigration of the Filipino Self. Ac- ucts are advertised and sold (in the Philip-
cording to the theories of Memmi (1965), pines) to “whiten” our skin. Marrying a white
Fanon (1965), and Freire (1970), a salient man. . .is a step up. . .socially and economi-
effect of colonization is the internalization cally. Mixed children by white men. . .are
thought of as more valuable, precious, and
of the inferior perception that is imposed on
better prepared for. . .society. This mentality
an individual by the colonizer. Such inter- is not new. Many of the elders . . . believe
nalization may lead to feelings of inferiority “White is right.” All white boyfriends, hus-
about oneself and one’s ethnic or cultural bands, and mixed children are shown off
group and feelings of shame, embarrass- . . .as trophies. (p. 202).
ment, or resentment about being a person
of one’s ethnicity or culture. The following Another narrative by a young Filipino illus-
narrative provides an example of how a Fili- trates the psychological effects of the perva-
pina American describes her negative self- sive American influence in the Philippines
concept (as quoted by Revilla, 1997): (as quoted by Karnow, 1989):
may in large part be due to the minority guage is often associated with inferiority,
individuals’ strong desire to conform to the lack of intelligence, and ‘otherness.’ This
values, attitudes, and beliefs of the domi- arrogant perception is based on the assump-
nant group, which may include the domi- tion that ‘standard’ English is a universal
nant group’s discriminatory attitudes and norm and . . .marker of intelligence” (Stro-
practices. Freire (1970) also theorized that bel, 1997, p.74).
owing to the feelings of inferiority about
themselves or their heritage, oppressed per-
sons may feel uncomfortable with, and thus Tolerance of Oppression. When an indi-
choose not to associate with, others who vidual has adopted the belief that the colo-
remind them of such a perceived inferiority. nizer is superior to his or her own heritage,
Filipino American community newsletters, and when an individual has already begun
student essays, and a few interviews indicate emulating the colonizers because of their
that some Filipino Americans prefer not to alleged superiority, the colonized individu-
associate with Filipinos whom they perceive als might begin to view the colonizers in a
as less Americanized or with those who are positive light. More specifically, the colo-
perceived to be too much of a Filipino (e.g., nized individuals may begin to view the col-
Revilla, 1997; Strobel, 1997). Some Filipino onizers as well-intentioned, civilizing, free-
Americans may ridicule less-Americanized dom-giving, unselfish, liberating, noble, or
Filipino Americans by tagging them with la- sanctified “heroes.” Such a belief might then
bels such as “FOB” (fresh-off-the-boat), “stu- lead to the normalization of the maltreat-
pid,” and “backward” (Revilla, 1997). Such a ments such as discrimination from the dom-
discriminatory attitude may reflect the belief inant group, because such maltreatments
that the only ways for Filipino Americans might be perceived as the natural cost for
improve themselves is to Americanize (Ro- progress or civilization, the price the colo-
driguez, 1997) and to associate only with nized individuals have to pay to become as
American or Americanized people. A 26- much like the dominant group as possible
year old Filipina American stated (as quoted (Memmi, 1965). Rimonte (1997) referred to
by Strobel, 1997): this aspect of CM as the “colonial debt.” For
example, when writing about his experi-
My idea. . .of Filipino culture and identity is ences and observations of other Filipino
split into two forms: the FOB. . .and the Fili- Americans, Dario Villa (1995) illustrates how
pino American. I did not associate with colonial debt (as insisted by the Golden Leg-
“FOBs.” They were backward, had accents,
end) may be displayed by Filipino Americans:
and just acted weird. . . .Then there was me,
the non-“FOB,” who spoke perfect English, I know many Filipinos (in America who)
born and raised here, had only white would deny that they have been discrimi-
friends. . . .I was “white” in every way except nated against. Too many are so thankful to be
for the color of my skin, my nose, and (in America) that they shut their eyes to avoid
eyes. . . .I hate to admit but I have been an seeing the injustices, political and economic
accomplice to the cruel acts that have been injustices. Then there are those who simply
perpetrated against Filipinos. (p.67) do not care. This type of attitude stifles our
Another example of discrimination community. (p. 179)
against less Americanized Filipino Ameri- Connie Tirona (1995), narrating one of
cans is the perception that English profi- her experiences with discrimination at a
ciency reflects higher status and intelli- hospital in San Diego, CA, in which she
gence. Those who speak English with a Fili- stood up for herself, provides more support
pino accent are reported to be given the for the existence of colonial debt:
subjugating labels mentioned above and be
discriminated against by highly American- So after that incident, they started sensitivity
ized Filipinos “because the former’s lan- courses there at the hospital. So you have to
Colonial Mentality Among Filipino Americans 11
complain. If you sit back and do not say any- of the ideal beauty”. . .not the Filipino man.
thing, they tend to walk all over you. And I The “white-oriented” mass media has blinded
think for the most part, Filipinos have a co- and brainwashed today’s Filipina at the ex-
lonial mentality. They tend to not do any- pense of the Filipino male. (p. 202)
thing. (p. 79)
When asked to explain why very few Fili-
pinos or Filipinas are expected to become
Quantifying CM community leaders, a Filipino American
student from the West Coast stated (as
The only quantitative study of CM to date
quoted by Bergano & Bergano-Kinney,
(Bergano & Bergano-Kinney, 1997) involved
1997):
150 Filipino American high school and col-
lege students (100 from the East coast
Because of colonial mentality, a Filipino
and 50 from the West coast). Filipino Amer-
(American) community leader lacks credibil-
ican students were asked to rate their level
ity unless he is a rich, white, mestizo male and
of agreement with three statements: (a) “I has no accent. The more he is perceived to be
am expected to marry a Filipino/a”; (b) “I assimilated into white America, the more
am expected to experience racism and dis- powerful he would be as a leader. (p. 206)
crimination”; and (c) “I am expected to be-
come a community leader.” Bergano and Although Bergano and Bergano-Kinney’s
Bergano-Kinney found that although the (1997) study provides some insight about
majority of surveyed students reported that the attitudes and expectations held by Fili-
they were expected to marry a Filipino or a pino American students, their research is
Filipina, only 20% of Filipina students from not without serious limitations. In their
the East coast reported that they were ex-
study, CM was assessed with only three items
pected to marry a Filipino. The researchers
with questionable face validity. For example,
also found that 70% of West coast and 57%
others’ expectations of who a Filipino/a
of East coast Filipino/a students agreed with
should marry may reflect CM of the “others”
the item on experiences with racism. Finally,
only 32% of East coast and 35% of West but not necessarily CM held by the respon-
coast Filipinas but 50% and 52% of East and dents. Similarly, others might expect a per-
West coast Filipinos reported that they were son to experience discrimination or to not
expected to become community leaders. become a community leader, but the re-
Next, the researchers randomly selected 20 spondent may not necessarily feel this way.
individuals from their sample to explore Thus, the manner in which the questions
possible reasons for such results. Notably, were asked does not necessarily reflect CM
the participants invoked CM as an explana- by the survey responders themselves, but the
tion for these findings, suggesting that CM responders’ perceptions of CM by the “oth-
was a widely shared discourse among Fili- ers,” whoever “others” may be. In addition,
pino American students. For example, when career choice had not been discussed previ-
asked to explain why such a low percentage ously as a central aspect of CM by scholars or
of Filipinas in the East Coast are expected to by ethnic media, and the relationship be-
marry Filipinos, a young Filipina American tween expectations to become a community
stated (as quoted by Bergano & Bergano- leader and CM is unclear. Given that Ber-
Kinney, 1997): gano and Bergano-Kinney did not perform a
validation procedure for their three-item as-
Because of the American colonization pro-
sessment of CM in the manner widely prac-
cess, Filipinas are being taught that “marry-
ing up” means “marrying white.” The Filipi- ticed in psychological assessment research,
na’s standard for beauty has changed so that their findings regarding the prevalence of
they see white men as desirable and “bearers CM is inconclusive.
12 David and Okazaki
points, and experiences, it is suggested that cess of decolonization among West coast Fil-
CM may be felt and manifested by some but ipino Americans, and the results of such an
not by others. Bergano and Bergano-Kin- in-depth dialogue suggest that CM decreases
ney’s (1997) study also indicated that pref- as one is exposed to different aspects of the
erence for marrying a White person may be Filipino culture and as one is given the op-
more common among East coast Filipino portunity to develop a deeper and more
Americans than those on the West coast, critical understanding of Filipino culture
whereas expecting discrimination may be and history of colonization. The implemen-
more common among those on the West tation of effective decolonization interven-
coast than those on the East coast, all sug- tions may lead to increased societal pres-
gesting possible regional variations in CM ence, social organization, social unity, and
manifestations. Such possible regional vari- group vitality of the Filipino American com-
ations in CM manifestations may be due to munity and alleviate the lack of ethnic pride,
times of immigration and socioeconomic historical knowledge, and cultural apprecia-
status, as Filipinos in the West Coast are tion of many Filipino American individuals.
mostly descendants of pre-civil rights immi-
grant farmers, whereas East Coast Filipinos
are mostly post-civil rights highly educated
Conclusion
professionals. Also, the finding that becom-
ing a community leader is less expected for
Filipinas than Filipinos on both coasts sug- We have suggested that increasing efforts in
gest possible gender differences in CM man- the field of psychology to consider cultural
ifestations. Finally, Espiritu posits that gen- factors in understanding the psychological
erational levels and age at immigration may experiences of individuals and groups
also be influential in terms of CM. She ar- should be extended to Filipino Americans.
gued that U.S.-born Filipinos may experi- Furthermore, it is argued that to accurately
ence more CM manifestations (e.g., cultural understand the role of cultural factors on
shame and embarrassment and within- the psychological experiences of Filipino
group discrimination) because, unlike im- Americans, psychologists need to view Fili-
migrant Filipinos who hold knowledge pino American culture through the context
about an alternative life in the Philippines of Spanish and American colonization. The
and are likely to have more positive experi- influence of the colonial past is thought to
ences about the Filipino culture, U.S.-born continue on modern-day Filipinos and Fili-
Filipinos may lack the cultural ties, knowl- pino American culture. In particular, schol-
edge, and positive cultural experiences that ars from various disciplines have asserted
may serve as protective factors from their that CM continues to exist among modern-
experiences of discrimination from the day Filipino Americans and that it continues
dominant group. to influence the psychological experiences
of these individuals (e.g., Root, 1997; Tom-
par-Tiu & Sustento-Seneriches, 1995).
There are a host of potential psychological
Recommendation 3
implications of CM among Filipino Ameri-
Researchers and practitioners should collab- cans that deserve research and clinical atten-
orate in the development of, and subse- tion. Unfortunately, the Filipino American
quent evaluations of, intervention programs population has received relatively little
(e.g., Filipino American classes, workshops, scholarly attention within psychology. Sys-
and dialogues) that presumably foster de- tematic research and application of the CM
colonization (Strobel, 1997, 2001) among construct may infuse vitality and direction to
this group. For example, Strobel has pro- the psychological study of Filipino Ameri-
posed and implemented a three-step pro- cans. To our knowledge, the only attempt
14 David and Okazaki
thus far to assess CM among Filipino Amer- tions, border crossings and diasporas. Culture
icans is the study by Bergano and Bergano- & Psychology, 7, 297–309.
Kinney (1997), yet their study was not in- Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (1998). The return to the
tended as a development of a CM measure- sacred path: Healing the historical trauma
ment. To legitimize CM as a viable and vital and historical unresolved grief response
psychological construct in Filipino Ameri- among the Lakota. Smith College Studies in So-
can psychology, a measure to assess CM cial Work, 68, 287–305.
should be developed in a rigorous and sci- Cimmarusti, R. A. (1996). Exploring aspects of
entific manner. Filipino-American families. Journal of Marital
As a population-based scholarship, eth- and Family Therapy, 22, 205–217.
nic minority psychology must take into ac- Cordova, F. (1973). The Filipino American:
count multiple levels of contextual variables There’s always an identity crisis. In S. Sue &
that impact the psychological experiences of N. Wagner (Eds.), Asian Americans: Psycholog-
minority individuals. To date, researchers in ical perspectives (pp. 136 –139). Palo Alto, CA:
the field have yet to actively engage in the Science and Behavior Books.
discussion of how to incorporate historical Cordova, F. (1983). Filipinos: Forgotten Asian Amer-
context into their research programs. We icans. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt.
argue that the consideration of and empiri- Cross, W. E., Parham, T. A., & Helms, J. E.
cal efforts to develop tools to assess a con- (1991). The stages of Black identity develop-
struct such as CM for Filipino Americans ment: Nigrescence models. In R. L. Jones
represents a promising direction for ethnic (Ed.), Black psychology (3rd ed., pp. 319 –338).
minority psychology. Berkeley, CA: Cobb & Henry.
Departamento ng Filipino at Panitikan ng Pilipi-
nas (2003). UP, national groups decry GMA’s
“Return of English” directive. Retrieved
May 3, 2004, from the University of the Phil-
References ippines Web site: http://www.up.edu.ph/
groupsdecry.htm.
Agbayani-Siewart, P. (1994). Filipino American Duran, E., & Duran, B. (1995). Native American
culture and family: Guidelines for practitio- postcolonial psychology. Albany, NY: SUNY
ners. Families in Society, 75, 429 – 442. Press.
Agoncillo, T. A. (1974). Introduction to Filipino Enriquez, V. G. (1993). Developing a Filipino
history. Quezon City, Philippines: Garotech. psychology. In U. Kim & J. W. Berry (Eds.),
Indigenous psychologies: Research and experience
Allport, G. (1979). The nature of prejudice. New
in cultural context (pp. 152–169). Newbury
York: Anchor.
Park, CA: Sage.
Barnes, J. S., & Bennett, C. E. (2002). The Asian
Espiritu, Y. L. (1995). Filipino American lives. Phil-
population: 2000. Retrieved October 10, 2004,
adelphia: Temple University Press.
from http://www.census.gov/prod/2002pubs/
c2kbr01–16.pdf. Espiritu, Y. L. (2003). Home bound: Filipino Amer-
ican lives across cultures, communities, and coun-
Bergano, A. L., & Bergano-Kinney, B. L. (1997).
tries. Los Angeles: University of California
Images, roles, and expectations of Filipino
Press.
Americans by Filipino Americans. In M. P. P.
Root (Ed.), Filipino Americans: Transformation Fanon, F. (1965). The wretched of the earth. New
and identity (pp. 198 –207). Thousand Oaks, York: Grove.
CA: Sage. Freire, P. (1970). The pedagogy of the oppressed. New
Bhatia, S. (2002). Acculturation, dialogical York: Continuum.
voices, and the construction of the diasporic Gaston, M. (2003, March). Big C little M. Filipino
self. Theory & Psychology, 12, 55–77. American Herald, p. 9.
Bhatia, S., & Ram, A. (2001). Locating the dia- Go, J. (2003). The chains of empire: State build-
logical self in the age of transnational migra- ing and “political education” in Puerto Rico
Colonial Mentality Among Filipino Americans 15
Solomon, Z., Kotter, M., & Mikulincer, M. chologist’s view of community. Beverly Hills, CA:
(1988). Combat-related post-traumatic stress Glencoe.
disorder among second-generation Holo- Tirona, C. (1995). Sometimes, I am not sure what
caust survivors: Preliminary findings. Ameri- it means to be an American. In Y. L. Espiritu
can Journal of Psychiatry, 145, 865– 868. (Ed.), Filipino American lives (pp. 65– 80). Phil-
Strobel, L. M. (1997). Coming full circle: Narra- adelphia: Temple University Press.
tives of decolonization among post-1965 Fili- Tompar-Tiu, A., & Sustento-Seneriches, J. (1995).
pino Americans. In M. P. P. Root (Ed.), Fili- Depression and other mental health issues: The
pino Americans: Transformation and identity Filipino American experience. San Francisco:
(pp. 62–79). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Jossey-Bass/Pfeiffer.
Strobel, L. M. (2001). Coming full circle: The process Villa, D. (1995). I offended many Filipinos be-
of decolonization among post-1965 Filipino Amer- cause I was an FOB. In Y. L. Espiritu (Ed.),
icans. Quezon City, Philippines: Giraffe Filipino American lives (pp. 169 –180). Phila-
Books. delphia: Temple University Press.
Takaki, R. (1989). Strangers from a different shore: A Williamson, I. (2000). Internalized homophobia
history of Asian Americans. New York: Penguin and health issues affecting lesbians and gay
Books. men. Health Education Research, 15, 97–107.
Tatum, B. (1994). The colonial model as a theo- Yang, K. S. (2000). Monocultural and cross-cul-
retical explanation of crime and delin- tural indigenous approaches: The royal road
quency. In A. T. Sulton (Ed.), African Ameri- to the development of a balanced global psy-
can perspectives on crime, causation, criminal chology. Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 3,
justice administration, and crime prevention 241–263.
(pp. 33–52). Woburn, MA: Butterworth-
Received May 7, 2004
Heinemann.
Revision received October 18, 2004
Thomas, C. W. (1971). Boys no more: A Black psy- Accepted October 19, 2004 䡲