Chapter -1

LIFE, DATE AND WORKS OF POETS OF MAHAKAVYAS

A. Life, Date and Works of Kalidasa :

Great classics of literature spring from profound depths in human

experience. They come to us who live centuries later in vastly different
conditions as the voice of our own experience. They release echoes within
ourselves of what we never suspected. The deeper one goes into one's own
experience facing destiny, fighting fate, or enjoying love the more does one's
experience have in common with the experience of others in other climes
and ages. The most unique is the most universal. The Ramayana and
Mahabharata representing cultural heritage of India, are both national and
universal. The more profoundly they are rooted in historical traditions, the
more uniquely do they know themselves and elicit powerful responses from
others. There is a timeless and spaceless quality about great classics.

Kalidasa is the great representative of India's spirit, grace and genius.

The Indian national consciousness is the base from which his works grow.
Kalidasa has absorbed India's cultural heritage, made it his own, enriched it,
given it universal scope and significance. Its spiritual direction, its
intellectual amplitude, its artistic expressions, its political forms and
economic arrangement, all find utterance in fresh, vital, shining phrases. We
find in his works at their best a simple dignity of language, a precision of
phrase, a classical taste, a cultivated judgment, an intense poetic sensibility
and a fusion of thought and feeling. In India, Kalidasa is recognised as the
greatest poet and dramatist in Sanskrit Literature. While once the poets were
being counted, Kalidasa as being the first occupied the last finger. But the
 2

ring finger remained true to its name, anamika, nameless, since the second to
Kalidasa has not yet been found.

Kalidasa's Life :

Particularly nothing is known about the life of Kalidasa. Some

traditional anecdotes are current but their authenticity is doubtful, apart
from the question whether they refer to one and the same Kalidasa. Thus:

1. Kalidasa, who was first quite a block head and was married to a princess
being stung by the scornful words of his wife, determined to secure the
favor of Gaurl by penance. As a result, that goddess conferred upon him
high poetic genius. On his return, Kalidasa was asked by his wife,3?%
and the poet taking each of the three words as the beginning of
three different works composed the Kumarasambhava1, Meghaduta2 and

Raghuvamsa.

2. The poet was an ambassador at the court of the Kuntala-king.4

3. It is said that Kumaradasa, the king of Ceylon, the author of the

JmakMaram threw himself on the funeral pyre of his friend Kalidasa who
was murdered by a courtesan of Kumaradasa (6th century A.D.) in
Ceylon. In this regard, the story is that Kumaradasa had written a

l. ' TTlfoCRS |
fPtmwim TWcTS TjfsMT fa I I Kalidasa, Kumarasambhava, I. 1.
2.

Kalidasa, Meghaduta, I. 1.
3.
Kalidasa, Raghuvamsa, I. 1.
4. R.D. Karmarkar, Kalidasa, Kamatak University, Dharwad, 1972, p.16.
 3

•Gmffarfrft ^3 on the wall of mansion of the courtesan, and

promised handsome reward to one who would complete the Samasya.
Kalidasa happened to see that line and completed it immediately thus: «fT^r
The courtesan murdered him and wanted to
secure the reward by claiming that she had completed the Samasya. The
king, however discovered the fraud, but overwhelmed with grief
consigned himself to the funeral pyre of Kalidasa, Cowing to the
chronological difficulty this perhaps refers to Kalidasa III, if believed in
the statement of Rajasekhara about there being three Kalidasas.5

4. The various anecdotes about Kalidasa mentioned in the Bhojaprabandha

are not relevant.

We are in the dark as to know whether Kalidasa had any children or kind
of domestic life he enjoyed. Some think that Kalidasa had a wife called
Kamala.

5. Others give the name as Sobhana (apparently referring to the passage in

Kumarasambtmva - (V.44).

The frequent references to the joy of fondling a child and family life in
his works suggest possibly that Kalidasa had enjoyed a fairly long domestic
life of happiness.

Though the idea that Sri (wealth) and Sarasvatl (learning) do not
generally go together it can never be wrong to hope the unification of the
two as seen in the last verse of the VikrcmtorvasA/a
wp (V.24). It speaks that Kalidasa was not in affluent circumstances in the
beginning but he was certainly well of later, after he had established himself
in the court of Vikramaditya.

5. R.D.Karmarkar, KMidasa, Karnatak University, Dharwad, 1972, p.10.

 4

Regarding the birth-place and residence of the poet one should rely
upon internal evidence only and as usual there is a good deal of difference of
opinion. Thus -
1. The very name Kalidasa (whether this was a pen-name or a nick-name is a
moot pointy ^iows that the poet belonged to Bengal, as a 'Dasa' is
common in Bengal (It is also common in the Uttara Pradesha) and Kali is a
predominantly Bengal deity. Kalidasa's description of the paddy fields
etc., also corroborates the above point.
2. The poet belonged to Kashmir and the Himalayan regions, as he often
refers to saffron which grown only in Kashmir. And the accurate
description of the flora and fauna of the Himalayan regions evinces the
poet's intimate acquaintance with those parts. It is also possible that the
poet could have obtained this knowledge by frequent travels.
3. An extra-ordinary description of small hills and rivulets of the Malava
region and the major importance given to that part in the Meghaduta (of
the 25 odd places mentioned, in connection with the cloud's, journey,
about twelve are restricted to Malava), a special directive to the cloud
that he should go out of his way (TRTT .... Megha. I. 27 ) to reach
Ujjain, a detailed description of the glories of Ujjain and the Mahakala
worship are found. All this is a pointer to Kalidasa's long residence in
Malava.
4. So also the reference to Vidisa is found while Agnimitra is called
in the Malavikagnimitra. The poet's partiality to Vidarbha is shown by
the reference to 'the bridal costume prevalent in Vidarbha'
in the Malavikagnimitra67 where Malavika is specially
asked to adorn herself in the that days).

6. Kalidasa, MMavikignimitra.V.
7. Ibid.
 5

All this may simply show that Kalidasa was, so to speak, a citizen of
India; but one may reconcile the above views saying that Kalidasa was bom
in Kashmir or Bengal, and had stayed in Vidarbha for sometime, till
ultimately he made Ujjain as his permanent abode in the court of
Vikramaditya.

Kalidasa's Date:

Even though the question of the date of Kalidasa has been discussed
assiduously for a hundred years or more, it is a great pity that the question
has still remained unsolved. Fortunately, however, the gulf between the
different views has been considerably narrowed and at present moment,
only two dates the traditional date 57 B.C and 300 A.D to 500 A.D during the
Gupta period - are in the field.

As a matter of curiosity, it may be mentioned that Kalidasa is

supposed to have lived according to different scholars, some time between
the 8th Century B.C and 1200 A.D. But, it is unnecessary to refer to the
arguments in detail on which various scholars base their conclusions, in
view of the indisputable facts that have been brought to light by the study of
inscriptions etc. The Aihole inscription (634 A.D) definitely mentions
Kalidasa by name along with Bharavi -

^ fcMif’di 4>fadlfad<*dfd<l'H<HKfa4>lfdS | |

Bana (6th century A.D) in his Harsacarita, refers to Kalidasa as -

 6

It is clear, therefore, that later dates than the 6th century A.D can be
safely eliminated. The traditional date 57 B.C. when was started the Vikrama
era, is based upon the accounts available in the Kathasaritsagara and the
Jaina work KMakacaryakathmaka (both of them fairly late works 13th - 14th
century A.D), and the verse in the Jyotirvidabharam which is ascribed to
Kalidasa.

3 11
It has been now proved that the Jyoriruidabharam is more or less a
forgery, being composed by a late writer. But that does not in any way
disprove the authenticity of the traditional view altogether.

In view of the specific evidence of the Aihole inscription, and the

reference to Kalidasa by Bana, it is unnecessary to consider any Kalidasa
known as living after the 6th century A.D. Thus,Rajasekhara (11th Century)
in the verse.

-fcl 1

Urg 118

mentions three Kalidasas. The term KMidasatray!in the verse above, means
according to some "the three plays or poems of 'Kalidasa', but this is unlikely.
Anyway, Kalidasa associated with king Bhoja of Dhara (10th century) is out
of question, and the anecdotes connected with him in works like
Bliojaprabandlm lack sound ground.

8. Q. M.R.Kale, Meghaduta of Kalidasa, Introduction, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi,

1974, p.6.
 7

The Rajatarangini mentions three Vikramadityas - one, Harsavikrama

(6th century B.C.), another associated with Matrgupta (6th century A.D) and
the third (8th century).9

Aufrecht also has mentioned number of Kalidasas.10

1. Kalidasa - see Abhinavakalidasa, NavakMidasa. Three Kalidasas were

known at the time of Devendra (Kavikalpalata) and of Rajasekhara
(Pmbandhakosa). Oxf.211 b. KavyamMa 1,8.

2. Kalidasa, father of Yogananda (Kridauali). Buhler 540.

3. Kalidasa, father of Hndayabharana (Gitagovindatilakottama), Devadasa

and Sankara. W.p.168.

4. Akabariya Kalidasa ZMG, 1883, 545. Peters, 2,57. Verses in pmt.

5. Kalidasa, Garigashtaka, Marigalashtaka L, 2462.

6. Kalidasa, Jyotirvidabharam.

7. Kalidasa, Ratnakosa lex. 2.2574

8. Kalidasa Ganaka, Satruparajaya Svarasastrasam, Bik.336. Oudh 1877,26.

9. Kalidasa, Suddhicandrika, K.196.

10. Kalidasa, son of Balabhadra; Kundaprabandha, Peters. 1,114.

11. Kalidasa, son of Ramagovinda, composed in 1751; Tripumsundaristutikauaya.

2.2166.

9. M.M.Setin, Kallana's Riijatarangini, Vol.II, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1961,

Part I, ii.5; ii.7n; iii.175; iii.474; viii.3421; 1.86.
10. Theodor Aufrecht, Catalogue Catalogorum, Part I, Franz Steiner Verlay GMBH wies
baden, 1962, p. 99.
 8

Besides, there are some references to those who believe Kalidasa to

have lived during the Gupta period.

1. Kalidasa has described the Diguijaya (world - conquest) of Raghu in

Raghuvamsa}1 IV, after the Diguijaya of Samudragupta.

It is pointed out that on a comparison of the Diguijaya of Vatsaraja

described in the Kathasaritsagara and that of Raghu, it appears that both
follow the same pattern and the chances are that Samudragupta planned his
Diguijaya in accordance with the traditional form. Again Kalidasa refers to
Yavanas. Parasikas , Pascatyas and Parvatiya - hosts as Raghu's
opponents, whom Raghu Vanguished.

2. There is no direct evidence to show that any Vikramaditya lived in

the 1st century B.C, who had founded some era, while Candragupta is
known to have the title 'Vikramaditya'; so the traditional account about
Kalidasa being one of the 'nine gems' living at the court of Vikramaditya is
corroborated even if Kalidasa is supposed to have lived during the Gupta
period. Again from the passage in the Kuntalesvaradautya, it appears that

11. ffa fJTM 1^Tt |

ftiw-li TftfePJ | | IV. 85.
12.
IV.61.
13.
IV.62.
14.
IV.60.
15.

IV. 51-52.
 9

Kalidasa was an ambassador or envoy to Pravarsena Vakataka who in

collaboration with Kalidasa is supposed to have written the Setubandha.

This may at best prove that some Kalidasa was at the court of
Vikramaditya Candragupta, not necessarily the Kalidasa who was the
author of the Raghuvamsa, Sakuntala etc.

3. The Gupta period gave an impetus to literary productions of high

merit and a poet like Kalidasa could have flourished only at such times.

This is too vague to believe and no certain conclusion can be drawn.

This does not militate really against the 1st century B.C. theory. It was
difficult to determine the astronomical position about 2000 years ago, and
Kalidasa could be more probably regarded as making a more or less popular
statement. The phenomenon described could have occurred even about the
1st century B.C.

The advocates of the Gupta period theory are themselves unable to fix
any particular time for Kalidasa; they assign him to the period l)of
Samudragupta, 2)of Candragupta II (the rescue of UrvasI from the hands of
Kesin in the Vikramorvashja being equated with the rescue of DhruvadevI by
Candragupta disguised as a woman) 3)of Kumaragupta (the
Kurnarasambhava apparently describes the exploits of this king), and 4)of
Skandagupta (who is the real ‘ Sakm' who had driven out the Hums) etc. If
Kalidasa has really described all these as contemporary events in his works,
then he must be taken to have lived for more than 150 years at least, or he
would have to be assigned to about 550 A.D.

The criticism of the 1st century B.C. theory, which makes Kalidasa a
contemporary of some Vikramaditya who had started the Vikrama era, until
recently, had been a negative one. Thus it was pointed out.
 10

1. There was no era at all, which commenced with 57 B.C.

Fortunately, it has been now proved that some era did exist, which
was for the first few centuries called Krta, (presumably because it was
believed that the Kmtayuga was shared, when the Sakas were overthrown)
or Malava-gana (the brave patriotic Malava-Clan, instead of starting a new
era continued the old era, only adding ' Malay an amajayah' etc., as a
distinguishing mark); and it was only in the 8th century A.D. that the name
Vikrama era occurs. This is not surprising, for the same fate overtook the
Saka-S alivahana era, which comes to be known by its real name several
centuries after 78 A.D. It was only when no paramount monarch after
Harsavardhana (6th century A.D) was there who could claim suzerainty
over a major part of North India that the Vikrama era, came into its own
and was generally accepted.

2. No king by name Vikrama is known to have lived in the 1st century

B.C. The Puranic lists of dynasties are silent on this point.

The Puranas were mainly interested in a detailed study of the

Magadha dynasty of kings; but a reference is made to the dynasties after the
Surigas and the Kanvas, especially the Garddabilla dynasty which held sway
over Ujjain about the 1st century B.C. (The name Vikrama, however, is not
specifically given). The Kathasaritsagara gives a detailed account of
Vikramaditya, son of Mahendraditya ruling over Ujjain, but the episode is
possibly an interpolation added much later. Fortunately, a Jain author
Merutungacarya, (14th century) tells us that -

"After Nabhovahana, Garddhabhilla ruled at Ujjain for 13 years,

when Kalakacarya on account of violence offered to his sister Sarasvatl
uprooted Garddabilla and established the §aka kings in Ujjain. They ruled
 11

there for four years. GarddabiUa's son Vikramaditya regained the kingdom
of Ujjain and having relived the debt of the world by means of gold,
commenced the "Vikram Samvat" era. This took place 470 (4537+17) years
after VIra's (i.e.56 B.C) Vikrama's reign extended over 60 years. His son
Vikramacarita alies Dharmaditya m)fed over 40 years. The next kings Bhilla,

Nailla, and Nahada ruled for 11,14 and 10 years respectively. The Saka era
16
how commenced 605 years after Vlra - nirvana (i.e 78 A.D).

This account is not only probable but bears the stamp of authenticity.
It is true that in the majority of the versions of the Kalakacarya episode,
details about Vidrama and his successors are omitted, but that feature and
also that Meruturiga wrote his book in the 14th century need not necessarily
make one conclude that the account is not trustworthy. Even now, we find
that different correspondents describing the same event add or omit details
according to their individual predilections. The writers of the KMakacarya-
Kathanaka were more interested in the glorification of their hero Kalakacarya
who is described by them as having produced a huge amount of gold by his
miraculous power. Merutunga again had no axe to gried by forging an
account of Vikrama and his successons. Meruturiga's account also explains
why Vikrama was called 'Sakari' (the enemy of the Sakas); it was surely a
feat worth remembering when Vikrama drove away the Sakas within a
period of 5 years !

A few other minor points may be put forth here, which tend to
support the earlier date for Kalidasa.

1. Kalidasa uses the word Akhandhla to refer to Indra. This word occurs
only once in the Rgveda (Mandala V.3) and as far as we could verify is not

16. Nandargikar, Introduction to Raghuvamsa, p.47.

 12

known to have been used in early literature. The very fact that its derivation
has to be given as stuspng*# ffw shows that it must have been an out of
the way our plea is that Kalidasa preferred the word Akanchla as it reminds
one of Alexander, who by the 1st century B.C. had been already defied and
his exploits had been sufficiently well-known. Akandala or Akandara
can easily be suggestive of Alexandar. Kalidasa living in the 4th or 5th
century A.D could not have possibly a great urge to refer to Alexandar.

2. Kalidasa frequently uses the word Vikramaditya. In the Sakuntala

(Act I) the two pupils to Kanva are called Vaikhanasas and Dusyanta
inquires whether Sakuntala was to observe the Vaikanasavrata. The
l

Vaikhanasa Smrti is an old work and Kalidasa's partiality for it points out
possibly to the earliest date for Kalidasa.

3. The same is the case with the word Asoka, of the Sanskrit poets
Kalidasa alone uses the word very frequently. Does this show that Kalidasa
was nearer to the time when Asoka's name was more or less a household.
Words like that of Vatsaraja, whose exploits described, Gunadhya in his
Bdiatkatha are referred to with admiration by Kalidasa in the Meghaduta?

4. The attendance of the Yavana-women on the king described by

Kalidasa points out to an earlier date, as the Yavanis are not referred to in
that capacity during the Gupta-period. Nor is the gorgeous description of
Ujjain in the Megaduta applicable to Ujjain of the Gupta period.

5. Kalidasa has an intense admiration for the Mnmisnuti. According to

him, an ideal king is he who does not swerve even an inch from the path laid
down by Manu.18 Similarly .capital punishment for the theft of a jewel is in

17. rrafiTR ^rf etc. (Meghaduta, 32).

|18. goujp-r {Raghuvamsa, 1.17).
 13

IQ
accordance with the Manusmiti. It is; however possible to argue that any
poet earlier or later is bound to describe ideal events in the light of a famous
work like the Manusmiti.

6. The rescue of UrvasI in the Vikramorvaslya, if it refers to

contemprary events may with greater propriety refer to the rescue of Ujjain
by Gardabilla's son or to the freeing of Bharata from the Greeks by
Pusyamitra himself. Similarly the reference in Raghu.V, may be
an allusion to the defeat of the Greak Menader by Pusyamitra of Saketa.

7. Kalidasa gives in his Sakuntala's Puloml as a standard of

comparison for his heroine. (jjciMjpKlfemO is used in the Kumarasambhava as
well. Does Kalidasa's preference for this word have only connection with
Pulomayi.
- - 20
8. Kalidasa in Raghu.V I describes the Pandya king as one of the
suitors present at the Svayariwara of Indumatl Pandya was not a very
important kingdom in the fourth or fifth century A.D. But we know that in
20 Bs£v the Pandya king has sent an embassy to Emperor Augustus.

9. Though Kalidasa holds catholic views about religious practices and

describes Visnu in laudatory terms now and then, there is no doubt that he
was a staunch Saiva, as his prayer in the Sakuntala (last verse - ^
■iVicrilfeetf VII.24) and the unreserved admiration for
Parvatl and Siva's paraphernalia amply testify. The Guptas on the other

19.
% awm #4 nt 11 (Vikrama, V. 1).
20.
S || (Raghuvamsa, VI.60).
21. Piggot, Some Ancient Cities of India, p.6.
 14

hand were undoubtedly devotees of Visnu. Kalidasa more probably could not,
therefore be assigned to the Gupta-period.

It is quite true that literary evidence often takes its shape according to
the predilections of the writer. It cannot have the same value as that of the
inscriptions and coins, about which also exaggerated and unwarranted
statements are found made consciously or unconsciously, e.g the passage in
99
the Raghuvamsa canto-V describing the fall of the shower of gold.
According to some show that Kalidasa lived during the golden age of the
Gupta kings, because gold coins of Gupta kings are found in abundance as
compared to others which shows this, it might be pointed out that gold coins
of Ajzes. Wima Kadphises^and others are also found. It was not certainly the
Guptas who introduced the gold coin-age. Recently a few gold coins of the
>

Suriga-period are also found. Anyway the find of old coins is a matter of
accident, and can never be a convincing argument. It must not be forgotten
that tradition credits the earlier Vikramaditya with being a great giver. It
was Max Muller who first started the glorification of the Guptas, to the
detriment of other equally powerful kings, and others seem to have accepted
his views faithfully. But there is no real foundation for such a hypothesis.
The inspirational evidence, which is made so much of, cannot be said to be
absolutely reliable either. For instance, Samudragupta is lauded as having
performed the Asvamedha which had fallen into abeyance for a long time.23
Actually Pusyamitra had performed at least two Asvamedha sacrifices and
several kings had done the same before the Gupta-period.

Kalidasa refers to the Rasis. It is usually held that it was Varahamihira

(6th Century A.D) who made use of the Rasis in his astronomical treatises,

22. jitct; -ufanrais |

Mfcidi 11 (Raghuvamsa, V.29).
23. Vincent A Smith, The Oxford History of India, p. 148.
 15

and no reference to the Rasis in earlier literature is found. In the present

circumstances nothing can be said for certain on this point.

Works of Kalidasa :

Regarding Kalidasa's works, it is popularly known that he has

composed seven works. Of them 1.Kumarasambhava and 2.Raghuvamsa are
the Mahakavyas; 3.Rtusamhara, 4. Meghaduta a Khandakavya, 5.
Malavikagnimitra, 6.VikramorvasIya and 7.Abhijnana Sakuntala are three
dramas. Many other works also are attributed to Kalidasa, but they are
proved to be spurious. They may have written by some other poet bearing
same name 'Kalidasa'. A brief outline of the contents of these works may be
seen as below:

1. Kumarasambhava:

The Kumarasambhava of Kalidasa runs into eight cantos.

Canto I - The whole of the first canto consists of a detailed description of the
mountain Himalaya and the beauty of Parvatl. As many as seventeen verses
describe Himalaya and Parvatl is described in nineteen verses. Thus, of the
sixty verses, thirty-six are given to the description of Himalaya and Parvatl.

Canto II - Is mostly taken up by the description of Brahmadeva, in terms of

the Highest, and the recital of the oppressive acts of Taraka.

Canto III - The description of the spring and of Siva and Uma and also the
conversation of Indra and Madana at the beginning.

Canto IV - Presents a description of Ratl's lamentation. The reference to

the curse on Madana and its termination by the marriage of Siva and
Parvatl, seems to be an invention of the poet who thus secures a closer
connection of that episode with the story proper.
 16

Canto V - Is mostly taken up with the description of Parvatl's penance and

the dialogue between Siva, disguised as a Batu and ParvatT. This dialogue,
which is justly regarded as a masterpiece of Kalidasa, has much of the
dramatic in it and appears to be quite foreign to the nature of the Puranas.

Canto VI - There is a description of the Saptarsis and Osadhiprastha, the

capital on the Himalaya. This also does not appear to have been a case of
borrowing.

Canto VII - Describes the marriage ceremony at full length.

Canto VIII- Gives us the description of the twilight, sunset etc.

2. Raghuvamsa :

Canto I - The first canto narrates the story of king Dillpa. He was an ideal
king in all respects. He was perfect in wisdom, beauty, culture, activity and
attainments. He levied taxes only for the public weal. In fact, one good
quality after another came to him and resided in him. His queen was named
Sudaksina. They had no offspring. So leaving the cares of the State in the
r'
hands of ministers, they started for Vasista's hermitage. They reached the A
hermitage at sunset. When asked, the king told Vasista about his grief and
prayed for his guidance. By means of yogic powers Vasista came to know
and informed the king that on one occasion the king had neglected to pay
respects to the celestial cow Surnbhi and so the cow had cursed him with
childlessness until her daughter NandinI was propitiated by him. The cow
Nandinl was staying in Vasista's hermitage. While the sage was advising
the king to worship this cow, the cow arrived. This was an auspicious sign.
So Vasista advised the king to worship her.

Canto II - " The second canto describes how during twenty-one days the
queen tended the cow at home after due worship and the king accompanied
 17

it during its wanderings in the forest." The king foEowed the cow in the
forest and served her by offering tasty mouthfuls of grass, patting her and
warding off the flies. He foEowed her like a veritable shadow. On the
twenty-second day, the cow entered a cavern of the Himalaya and there feU
into the clutches of a lion. The king tried to let loose an arrow but was
paralysed in the arm. The lion then explained that he was an. attendant of
Siva and was appointed as a guard of that place and was allowed to live on
such annual as trespassed there. He showed great regard for Siva's orders
and requested the Eon to accept his own body in Eeu of the cow. The Eon
thereupon explained in detaE that it was fooEsh to offer his precious body
for so Ettle a thing as a cow. The king was beyond this sophistry and so
repEed firmly, " A Ksatriya is one who saves others from injury (Ksata). E
1st act otherwise, what is the use of my kingdom or life? I offer my body to
you. Be satisfied with it and leave this cow to go unharmed, saying thus, the
king placed his body near the Eon's mouth. But, as he stood, with his head
bent down, expecting a leap of the Eon, there feU on him a shower of flowers
- the illusion vanished in a trice. It was created by the cow itself to test the
king. The cow was pleased with the king and thereupon the king asked for
the boon of a child. The boon was readily granted. As asked by the cow, the
king and his queen drank her milk. Then the royal pair returned to the
capital with accomplished vow and attained desire.

Canto in - The third canto describes Raghu's birth and glory. The queen
became enciente and in course of time gave birth to a son, who was named
Raghu. At his birth, five planets were in the ascendant; pure breezes blew,
the sky was clear and the world was full of suspiciousness. The poet then
describes in great detail Raghu's childhood and youth; education and
marriage. In course of time, Raghu was crowned heir apparent. With
 18

Raghu's aid, Dillpa performed ninety-nine Asvamedha sacrifices. Dillpa then

commenced his hundredth Asvamedha sacrifice and appointed Raghu to
guard the horse, which was set free to roam at will for a year. The horse
suddenly disappeared and Raghu could at once see Indra fleeing away with
it. When Raghu taunted him, Indra replied, " I am the only Satakratu the
performer of a hundredth sacrifice and you eclipse my fame; saying thus, he
turned down Raghu's request for the return of the horse. Thereupon, a great
fight ensued between them. Though hit by Indra's Vajra, he showed
wonderful skill. Indra was pleased with Raghu's velour and agreed to
endow Dillpa with the fruit of his sacrifice, though the horse was not
returned. Raghu returned to the capital. Dillpa handed over the kingdom to
Raghu and retired to the forest along with his queen.

Canto TV - The fourth canto describes the wonderful exploits of Raghu.

Raghu's reign was of unique glory. Though great kings had preceded
him, his qualities were of matchless attractiveness. He loved his people and
was loved by them. First he conquered the eastern kings, the Suhmas, the
Vangas and the lialingas and reached the shore of the eastern ocean (i.e., the
Bay of Bengal). Then he went to south, crossed the Kaverl and reached the
foot of the Malaya mountain. He conquered the countries there. He
conquered the Pandya king and received immense presents of pearls from
him. He then went westward and northward and conquered the countries
there. He also went by the overland route against the Parasikas and
vanquished them. After the conquest of the quarters, Raghu returned to the
capital with all the wealth seized in the campaign. Then like a true ruler,
performed the Visvajit sacrifice at which he gave away everything in
charity.
 19

A,
Canto V - The fifth canto describes the Kautsa incident, his birth, and Aza's
journey to attend the Svayamvam of Indumatl.

When Raghu had given away all his belongings a young Brahmin
named Kautsa came to him. He was welcomed with offerings placed in
earthen vessels-so impoverished Raghu had been. When asked by the king
to state his desire Kautsa was sorry that he had come too late, as he needed
fourteen crores of golden coins to give the same to his preceptor as
Gurudaksim. He expressed his desire to try elsewhere for even the Cataka
bird does not press an autumnal cloud which has emptied its contents."
Raghu was stung in the quick by this. In no case should a supplicant go
disappointed from him. He asked Kautsa to wait for two or three days.
Raghu then prepared for a fight with Kubera the god of wealth. Raghu
knowing Raghu's might and determination, voluntarily filled his treasury by
sending a shower of gold. Kautsa was fully satisfied.

Now, as a result of Raghu's blessings, Raghu got a son, who was named
Aja. In course of time Aja became a youth of exquisite charms and
accomplishments. Consequently his father sent him to attend the
Svayaimmra of Indumatl the younger sister of the Vidarbha king. On the
way, his party was attacked by a wild elephant. Aja at once killed the
elephant, who was really a Gandarva. The Gandarva gave to Aja a celestial
weapon called Sammohana was duly received by the Vidarbha king.

Canto VI - In the sixth canto, we have a detailed description of Indumatl's

Svayaimmra.

Canto VII - In the seventh canto, we have a description of Aja's marriage-

ceremony and his return to his father's capital. On the way Aja had to
encounter the host of kings. Aja emerged victorious from the battle that
 20

ensued. Raghu greeted the victorious prince on his return with his
praiseworthy wife.

Canto VIII - Here there is a description of Aja, Indumatl's death and heart
touching lamentation of Aja over his wife's death.

Then he crowned his son Dasaratha as king and left his body.

Canto IX - Here we have a splendid description of Dasaratha's sovereignty,

his queens and his memorable hunting expedition resulting in the curse
which proved a blessing. Incidentally, we have got a magnificent
description of the spring season.

Cantos X-XIX - At the entreaty of the gods, Visnu agrees to become

incorporate in the four sons of Dasaratha. XI describes Rama's slaughter of
Tataka his visit to Mithila;his marriage with SIta and encounter with
Parasurama. Canto Xll deals with the 14 years of Rama's Vanavasa. The
next canto describes the return journey of Rama to Ayodya in the Puspaka
Vimana. In canto XIV, we have Rama's Rajyabhiseka and SIta's
abandonment by Rama. In the next canto Lava and Kusa recite before Rama
the Ramayam composed by Valmiki. Valmiki appears with SIta and these
boys; and in the presence of all, the earth opens, the Goddess of Earth
appears and takes away SIta. Rama goes to the sky, installing Lava and Kusa
on the throne. Canto XVI deals with Kusa, and the next with the history of
the son of Kusa. The last two cantos deal with a renumber of phantom kings
and Agnivarma respectively.

3. Meghaduta:

The Meghaduta, which contains nearly 120 stanzas composed in the

Mandakranta metre of four lines of seventeen syllables each, shows Kalidasa's
 21

poetic art at its best. The poem is divided into two parts, called Purvamegha
and Uttaramegha.

The opening stanza of the Megjaduta describes the sad plight of a

!/\
separated lover (Yaksa), who as a punishment for the negligence of his duty
was banished by his master (Kubera) for a period of twelve months, and who
made his temporary stay in a hermitage on the mount Ramagefri where
waters were hallowed by SIta's ablutions. Continuing the description in the
following verses, the poet says that after the expiry of eight, months on the
first day of the month of Asadha when the Yaksa saw a dark cloud looking
like an elephant on the peak of the mountain, he became pensive and felt the
pangs of separation. In order to ensure his dear wife's life threatened by the
agony of separation aggrevated by the approach of the rainy season, Yaksa
desired to convey to her the message of his own welfare through the cloud.
Therefore, he greeted the cloud with Kutaja flowers and flattering words,
and begged it to go to the city of Alaka and to convey his message to his
beloved wife whom the cloud messenger would find absorbed in counting
the remaining days of his exile; for, in separation the bond of hope sustains
women's flower-like loving and tender heart which is susceptible to instant
fall. Then Yaksa told the cloud messenger the way to his hometown Alaka.

In the context of guiding the cloud on its northward journey to the

Yaksa's home the poet not only displays his knowledge of important regions,
rivers, mountains and cities of northern India but also portrays a vivid
picture of the landscape to be surveyed by the cloud-messenger during its
aerial journey. The Cloud-messenger is asked by the Yaksa to fly over Mala
plateau, Mount Amrakuta, the river Reva (Narmada) at the foot of the
Vindhya mountain, the Dasarna country (named after the river Dasarna
modern Dasan, an affluent of the Betwa) with its capital city Vidisa and to
 22

enjoy the waters of the river Vetravafi-(Betwa) and then to take rest at the
NMagiri (Udayagiri mountain where the cave's, giving out the odor of
amorous sports of courtesans, betoken the youthful passion of citizens. The
Yaksa implores the Cloud-messenger not to miss Uijjain, the city of palatial
mansions and beautiful maidens. On its way to Uijjain the cloud enjoy the
A
delightful scenery of the rivers Nirvindhya and Sindhu. The poet devotes
about a dozen stanzas to the description of his favorite city Ujjain. The
Yaksa requests the Cloud to proceed on it jouhey after a night's stay at Ujjain, v
to cross the river Gambahira, to worship the god Skanda in the temple on the
Devagiri hill, to fly over the river Charmanvati (Chambal) and Dasapura
(Mandasor) and to reach the Brahmavarata country. The cloud is then asked
to purify itself in the waters of the scared river, Sarasvatl, to proceed from
there to the river Gaiiga in the vicinity of Kanakhala and then to go
northward through the Krauncha pass to Mount Kailasa. Yaksa tells the cloud
that it would enjoy at the foot of Mount Kailasa the waters of the lake Manasa
abounding in golden lotuses; and that it would not fail to recognize at the
first sight the city of Alaka situated in the lap (on the higher level) of Kailasa;
for, the city with the river Gaiiga flowing nearby and with raining clouds
hovering over it, looks in the rainy season like a lovely maiden in her lover's
lap with her white silken garment slipping down and with her hair
decorated with a string of pearls.

In the second half (uttammegha) of the poenvKalidasa gives the reins to

his imagination in the description of Alaka, Yaksa's home and his separated
wife. Alaka is portrayed as a fairy-land having palatial mansions, all sorts of
gems, sweet music, ever-blossoming trees and amorous sports of beautiful
maidens. The cloud is requested by the Yaksa to approach his house gently
without disturbing his wife's happy dream of union with him and to convey
 23

his message to her when she is awake. In his message, Yaksa assures his wife
of his own welfare, of his constant love for her, and of the certainty of their
happy reunion after four months. In the end Yaksa bids farewell to the
cloud-messenger with the prayer that after doing this favour to him out of
compassion the cloud may go wherever it likes and may never be separated
even for a moment from its beloved lightning.

4. Rtiisamhara:

The Rtusamhara, consists of six cantos containing the description of six

Indian seasons, viz, Summer, Rainy season, Autumn, Cool season (Hemanta),
Winter (Sisira) and Spring. In the First Canto the poet describes both
oppressive and delightful aspects of Summer. In a few stanzas devoted to
the pleasant aspects of Summer the poet describes the nocturnal delight of
young lovers enjoying song, dance and wine in moonlight on the terraces of
palatial buildings. He gives an attractive account or fine dresses and
decorations of young ladies in summer. The poet imagines that the moon
which has eagerly beheld for long at night the charming faces of sleeping
beauties in white mansions, has turned pale due to abashment at day-break.

In the second canto the advent of the rainy season is heralded by the
appearance, of dark drizzling clouds accompanied by lightning and thunder.
The natural scenes of rainy season evoke the emotion of love in the hearts of
lovers and torment the minds of separated lovers. Love-stricken women go
to meet their lovers in the rainy nights, darkened by thundering clouds, on
the paths illuminated by lightning. Maidens adorn themselves with the
garlands made of different kinds of seasonal flowers. Clouds laden with
water gladden their lofty resort, the Vindhya mountain, parched by
Summer.
 24

In the third canto, the poet metaphorically describes Autumn as a

newly wedded lovely bride having white Kasa flowers as her upper garment,
blooming lotuses as her, beautiful face, the notes of exultant flamingoes as
the tinkling of her anklets, and partly ripe paddy as her pretty slender body.
Discerning feminine beauty in Nature, the poet imagines that the lovely gait
of maidens has been captured by flamingoes, the beauty of maidens faces by
full blown lotus, the enhancing glances of maidens by blue lotuses, and the
fascinating sportive movements of the eye-brows of maidens by ripples of
water. Continuing in the same strain, Kalidasa imagines that green creepers
laden with flowers capture the beauty of maidens arms decorated with
ornaments; and that the Jasmine radiant with the crimson Asoka flowers
excels in beauty the shining teeth and red lips of smiling maidens.

The fourth canto which describes Hemanta contains a fewer number of

stanzas (18) in comparison with the preceding three cantos, as the first and
the second canto consist of 28 verses each while there are 26 verses in the
third canto.

The advent of Hemanta presents fascinating natural scenery with

blooming Lodhra trees and with fields of fully ripe paddy and newly
sprouted barley crops. Lakes look charming with clear waters, exulting
flamingoes, and full-blown blue lotuses. In this season maidens discard fine
silken garments, bracelets, girdles and anklets, and anoint their bodies with
the paste of a fragrant wood (KalAjaka), decorate their faces by painting lines
or figures on them with fragrant and coloured substances such as musk,
saffron, etc.

The fifth canto which describes Winter (Sisira) is very short consisting
of only sixteen verses. In this season people keep the windows of their houses
 25

closed and enjoy fire, sun-shine, heavy raiment's and pleasures of youth. No
one likes cool sandal-paste, open terrace and chilly winds in this season.
Some stanzas of this canto contain a lascivious description of amorous
sports of young lovers.

In the sixth canto the poet metaphorically describes Spring as a warrior

equipped with sharp arrows in the form of blossoms of blooming mango
trees, and with a bowstring in the form of a row of black bees to pierce the
hearts of love stricken lovers. Trees are now laden with flowers, waters are
dotted with lotuses, maidens are full of youthful passion, breeze is fragrant,
evenings are enjoyable and days are pleasant. Thus^verthinds delightful in
spring.

The poet concludes his poem with the benediction that happiness may
be bestowed on you by the world-conquering god Cupid who is
accompanied by Spring, whose arrow is a cluster of mango blossoms, whose
bow is a Kitnsuka flower, whose bowstring is a row of black bees, whose
spotless white umbrella is the moon, whose exultant elephant is the fragrant
breeze blowing from the Mataya mountain, and whose bards are cuckoos.

5. MMavikagnimitra:

Malavikagnimitra describes the love of king Agnimitra for Malavika.

King Agnimitra is a historical character, as also Pusyamitra his father,
whose Asvamedha is referred to in the play; And Vasumitra his son. The
guardian of tire sacrificial horse is described in the play to have defeated the
Yavanas on the Sindhu. All these are undoubtedly historical personages.

Act I - In the very first scene, it is known from the conversation between two
maids that DharinI had a beautiful signet ring with the image of a serpent,
freshly polished.
 26

The boon- companion of the king the Vidusaka makes some plan and
it is put immediately in action successfully.

Act II - The question as to whose pupil should be taken up first for

examination is decided in favour of Ganadasa, on the ground that he was
older in age. Ganadasa says that a part of the composition of Sarmisthl
would be exhibited. Then comes Malavika on the stage and the king finds her
even more beautiful than he had expected. Malavika also sings a love-song
where she offers herself to her lover. While Malavika wishes to go away,
Vidusaka detains her by saying that he has noticed some fault and he would
tell about it after the umpire had given her verdict. The Parivrajaka says that
everything was flawless. Ganadasa is quite glad and then Vidusaka points
out that they had failed to worship the Brahamanas at the start. Everybody
laughs at this and the king is able to see Malvika's smiling face. Vidusaka
says that he is bite prepared to accept the judgment of others in the matter
and quietly snatches the kings golden bracelet and offers it to Malavika. On
the queen asking why Vidusaka without knowing the merits, should he
offering the bracelet, he quietly answers, "because it belongs to someone
else". Malavika then goes away. Haradatta wishes to bring forth his pupil,
but as it was mid day and dinnertime, the examination of Haradatta's pupil
was put off to the next day.

Act III - As was anticipated Ganadasa was duly declared the victory on the
strength of Malavika's performance.

The next step now was to bring about a meeting between the king and
Malavika. When they could talk freely about their love. Vidusaka catches
j

hold of Bakulavalika, Malavikajs companion, and asks her to sing the glories
of the king before Malavika. 1
 27

In the meanwhile, circumstances help Vidusaka unexpectedly. The

spring season had come, but the favourite Asoka tree of the queen was not
putting forth blossoms. Queen Dharinl, therefore, wants to arrange for the
fulfilment of the 'dohada', of the Asoka. Unfortunately, the queen tumbles
down out of the swing {dola), and sprains her leg and is unable to move. She,
therefore, fixes upon Malavika to fulfill the dohada, and tells her that if the
Asoka were to blossom within five days, Malavika would have her hearts
desire fulfilled. The king with Vidusaka goes to the garden while
Bakulavalika is decorating Malavika for the fulfillment of the dohada of the
Asoka. The king hears from their talk that Malavika reciprocates his love,
and he is very much pleased. Malavika fulfills the dohada and the king
suddenly makes his appearance and asks her to fulfill his dohada too. In the
meanwhile, Iravati (Agnimitra's queen or mistress) whom the king had
promised to meet in the garden comes upon the scene, very much excited,
takes off her girdle which had fallen down during her excitement, and is on
the point of beating him. The king protests his innocence. Iravati goes away
leaving the king, and Vidusaka is puzzled as to how they should meet this
new danger!

Act IV- Iravati promptly goes to queen Dharinl who has been lying
prostrate owing to the sprain, and informs her of what has happened.
Dharinl issues orders that Malavika and Bakulavalika should be confined
in the treasure - cellar, and that they were not to be released unless her
special serpent sealed ring was shown. Vidusaka on hearing this
successfully puts into effect the following plan while the king is visiting
the queen for inquiries about her health, Vidusaka comes forth shouting
that he has been bitten by a serpent on the finger, when he had gone to
bring flowers for beings offered to the queen. Vidusaka makes a great
 28

scene, shows that he is almost dying and is sent to the chief surgeon,
Dhruvasidhi, after it was pointed out by the Parivrajaka who is also there
with the queen, that cutting off or burning the bitten part or letting out
blood were remedies effective only when used immediately. After a while
Dhruvasiddhi reports that he wants something having the shape of a
serpent for the preparation of the charm. The queen immediately gives
her serpent sealed ring, not forgetting to add that it should be brought
back to her immediately after Dhruvasiddhi had made use of it. Vidusaka
on getting the ring runs to free Malavika and Bakulavalika and the king
also joins him there. The king had a good opportunity for privately
meeting Malavika, with Vidusaka and Bakulavalika keeping watch on the
outside of the 'Samudragrha', the meeting place. Unfortunately, Vidusaka
was seen by Iravati's mad Candrika; Iravatl and Candrika come to
'Samudragrha' and spoil the whole show. The king and Vidusaka as usual
put forth some excuses, but Iaavatl remains adamant. Iravatl actually
hears Vidusaka taking in his sleep and asking somebody to surpass even
Iravatl. While matters were thus in a very unsatisfactory state, news
comes that the child Vasulaksml who was the pet of the harem had been
frightened by a monkey and that she had been unconscious. Immediately
all of them go to comfort Vasulaksml. Vidusaka remarking that he was
much thankful to his caste-man for having helped the king in the nick of
time.

Act V- Events now begin to take place rapidly. The Asoka has blossomed.
News comes of the defeat of the Vidarbha king as also that of the great
victory over the Yavanas by Vasumitra, Dharinl's son who rescued the
sacrificial horse for which he had been appointed as Guard. Dharinl
arranges for celebrations on a large scale and hands over Malavika to the
 29

king. When the two ladies who had been presented by the king of
Vidarbha arrive, to present their credentials to the king, they recognise
Malavika as their princess, and also Kausikl in the Parivrajika on knowing
that Malavika was really a princess, Dharinl is exceedingly sorry and
wants to blame Kausikl for the same. The whole thing is cleared up by
Kausikl who informs the queen that she had kept quiet, as one ascetic had
declared that Malavika was bound to live as a maid for one year. She also
describes how her brother, Sumatl, the minister, was killed in the scuffle
with the robbers and how she and Malavika had been separated and she
ultimately had taken refuge with the queen. Anyway, things are now
cleared up and there is rejoicing all around, and the play ends with
Agnimitra's request to his queen not to be angry with him any more.

6. Vikramorvaslya:

As the title suggests, this drama reads the love story of king
Pururavas and OrvasI in five acts. It follows as below:

Act I - King Pururavas, while returning to the earth after attending upon
the sun, in his car, hears a cry for help from the Apsarasas. On learning
from them that OrvasI and her friend Citralekha were kidnapped on their
way home from the palace of Kubera by some demon who ran away
towards the north-east, the king at once drives in pursuit of the demon.
The king easily overtakes the demon and rescues UrvasI who had fainted
away on regaining consciousness; OrvasI is struck with the majesty of the
king and falls in love with him at first sight. Pururavas also falls in love
with her. He returns to the Hemakuta. Where the Apsarasas are delighted
to see OrvasI and Citralekha safely brought back by the king without any
injury to himself. In the meanwhile, Citraratha, chief of the Gandharvas,
 30

who was deputed by Indra with an army to rescue OrvasI, on hearing of

her capture by the demon Kesin from Narada, comes to the Hemakuta,
learning on the way of the king's triumph. Citraratha requests Pururavas
to visit Indra with him. Pururavas excuses himself, saying that he was
then very busy. The Apsarasas and Cirtraratha then fly away, UrvasI
lagging behind under some pretext to throw a side long glance at
Pururavas.

Act - II Ever since the king's return to his capital his condition is so
altered that the queen (Auslnarl) asks her maid Nipunika to find out the
king's secret from his intimate friend, Vidusaka. The clever maid succeeds
in tricking Vidusaka and finds out that OravasI was the name of the lady
loved by the king.

The king has been all along pining for UrvasI. He and Vidusaka go
to the pramada garden where the king gives full vent to his feelings. In
the meanwhile, UrvasI along with Citralekha comes to the same place and
overhears the conversation between the king and Vidusaka remaining
invisible by her divine power. Finding from the king's talk that he is
unaware of her love for him. OrvasI throws before him a birch-leaf with a
love poem written upon it. OrvasI then shows herself to the king, but
immediately after, a messenger from the gods calls her away for playing
her part in a dramatic piece which Indra and the gods wanted to witness
that day. After her departure the king wants to divert himself by the
birch-leaf, but finds that the birch-leaf was lost, being carried away
somewhere by the wind, through the carelessness of Vidusaka. While the
two are engaged in an active search for the birch-leaf, the queen, having
known from her maid Nipunika that the name of the lady with whom the
king was in love was OrvasI, comes to the garden and accidentally comes
 31

across the birch-leaf. The king tries to defend himself, without any
success. He prostrates before her. But the queen departs, not carrying for
his prostration. The king hopes that she would soon relent.

Act III - The play 'Laksmi - Svayamvara' for which OrvasI had been hastily
called was duly enacted before Indra and the Lokapalas. OrvasI however,
being engrossed in thoughts of love for Pururavas made a serious mistake
while playing the part of Laksmi. When she was asked by Menaka who
had taken the part of VsrunI, whom she (Laksmi) loved, OravasI instead
of giving the reply, T love Purusottama' said ' I love Pururavas'. Bharata
there upon cursed her that she would no longer stay in heaven. Indra
allowed her to go to Pururavas and live with him till he (Pururavas)
beheld the offspring, she would bear him. f i

The queen feels repentance for her behavior towards the king and
r
wishes to please him under the guise of a vow to worship the moon. She
sends a word to the king to wait for her at the Maniharmya palace. The
king goes there with Vidusaka, where UrvasI and Citralekha also come
and keeping themselves invisible over here the conversation between the
king and Vidusaka. OrvasI is satisfied that the king loves her ardently and
is on the point of showing herself to the king, when the queen is
announced. The queen worships the moon and also the king, and declares
that she has no objection to the king's love for another woman. She then
departs, OrvasI and Citralekha make their appearances Citralekha
requests the king to take good care of OrvasI and returns to heaven.
Vidusaka also takes leave of the king, and OrvasI and the king retire to
rest.

Act IV - The king had gone to the Gandhamadana mountain to enjoy

himself along with UrvasI. The king happened to look at a Vidyadhara
 32

girl there, which incensed OrvasI so much, that she refused to be

reconciled and in the heat of the excitement ran into the charmed regions
of the Kumara forest nearby, which women were forbidden to enter, with
the result that she was at once transformed into a creeper. The king
overwhelmed with sorrow at her separation, began to make a search for
her day and night in the forest, and had become almost mad on her
account.

Pururavas then in a state of madness wanders about, asking

whatever he sees in the forest, animate or inanimate, a peacock, a cuckoo,
the swans, the Cakravaka, the bee, the elephant, the mountain, the river,
the spotted deer etc. Whether anyone had seen his beloved ultimately he
secures the ‘Samgamamhja! and embraces a creeper with the gem in his
hand and at once the creeper is transformed into OrvasI both them return
to the Capital, Pratisthma.

Act V - The union-gem is carried off by a vulture, which escapes before

the king is ready to shoot an arrow at it. Immediately after, the report of
the vulture being shot by an arrow from an unknown hand is brought and
the gem and the arrow are produced before the king who, to his surprise,
finds on reading the name of the owner on the arrow that the arrow
belonged to his own son Ayus. The king is unable to account for this fact,
as he had been never separated from OrvasI except at the time of the
Naimiseya sacrifice long age. Just at that time, a TapasI arrives with Ayus
from the hermitage of Cyavana and expresses her wish to see OrvasI who
soon makes her appearance. The TapasI tells her that Cyavana had orderd
her to return the boy who had finished his education, to Urvasl. The
TapasI then departs and OrvasI explains to the king, how she had
deposited Ayus with Cyavana soon after his birth, in order to avoid being
 33

separated from the king as she had been ordered by Indra to stay with
him till he saw the face of his son, and concludes by remarking that she
must not stay with him any longer. The king is quite overwhelmed with
grief and determines to resort to forest-life when Narada arrives with a
message from Indra that the king should not lay down his accepter, as his
assistance would be required by the gods in an impending battle with
demons, and that OrvasI would be allowed to stay with him for ever.
Narada then installs Ayus as Yuvaraja in accordance with Indra's wishes
and every one is satisfied with happy end the events had taken.

7. Abhijnana Sakuntala:

The chief characteristic of the play is expressed by its very title

Abhijnana Sakuntala, which literally means a play in which its heroine
Sakuntala is recognized or recollected through a token.

Act I - King while pursuing a deer in the course of hunting, happens to

come near the hermitage of Kanva. Some hermits there request him not to
kill the deer as it was an " Asramamrga".

The king agrees and receives a blessing from them that he would
have a son who would be a Cakravartin. The hermits ask the king to go to
the hermitage to receive hospitality from Sakuntala, the foster-daughter
of Kanva who had been away to SomatJrtlm (Prabhasa) to propitiate the
inauspicious stars menacing Sakuntala.

The king, divesting himself of his kingly attire, comes upon

Sakuntala and her friends Anasuya and Priyamvada watering the trees.
He overhears their conversation, falls in love with Sakuntala at first sight,
meets the ladies, when a bee had started troubling Sakuntala, and knows
from Sakuntala's companions that she was the daughter of Visvamitra, a
 34

royal sage and Menaka, an apsaras, deserted by the mother and brought
up by Kanva.

Dusyanta is encouraged by this information for there was no

difficulty standing in the way of his marrying Sakuntala according to the
Satiric injunctions.

On hearing that an elephant in his escort had run amuck and

fearing that his soldiers who were searching for him, would prove a
nuisance to the people in the penance grove, the king takes leave of the
ladies and returns to his camp.

Act II - The king, engrossed in thoughts about Sakuntala, is tired of

hunting and gives orders to cancel the hunting programme. He request
Vidusaka to find some means by which he could go to the hermitage to
make love to Sakuntala. A deputation of the hermits requests the king to
protect their sacrifices as the demons were troubling them, in the absence
of Kanva. The king gladly consents and sends Vidusaka with his retinue
back to the capital. The king warns Vidusaka that his talk about love for
Sakuntala was not to be taken in earnest.

Act III - Sakuntala is laid up with love-fever. The king sees her at the
bower, nursed by Anasuya and Priyamvada who find from Sakuntala that
she loved the king. They approve of it and ask Sakuntala to write a love-
letter to Dusyanta. The king who overhears all this now presents himself
and requests Sakuntala to marry him by the Gandharva form of marriage.
The lovers are left together, but Gautaml, the hermitage matron, comes
there to inquire after Skuntala's health.

The marriage is consummated and after a fortnight or so, the king

returns to the capital. On the same day he went back, the sage Durvasa
 35

appeared at Kanva's cottage, demanding hospitality. Then Sakuntala was

there alone, absorbed in her thoughts about Dusyanta. Durvasa cursed her
that her lover would not remember her. Anasuya and Priyamvada hear
the curse and the former tries to persuade Durvasa to receive their
hospitality. But he refused to do that and was gracious enough to relent a
little, so that the curse would end when a token of recognition was shown
to the person concerned. Anasuya and Priyamvada decide to keep the
incident to themselves and not to inform Sakuntala of the same.

Act IV- Kanva, after a lapse of five or six months, returns from the
Prabliasatlrtha. At that time an aerial voice informs him about the
marriage and pregnancy of Sakuntala. Kanva approves of the choice of
Sakuntala and decides to send her immediately to Dusyanta. Sakuntala is
given a very hearty send off by the inmates of the hermitage, including
trees, deer, etc. Escorted by Gautaml, Sarrigarava and Saradvata.
Sakuntala leaves for the capital. Kanva feels relieved like one who has
returned the deposit entrusted to him, to the proper owner.

Act V - While the king is talking to Vidus aka, a song sung by

Hamsapadika is heard, wherein a taunt is conveyed to the king for
having neglected her and preferred Vasumatl to her. The king asks
Vidusaka to go to Hamsapadika and to appease her. News is brought to
the king of the arrival of the party sent by Kanva. He receives the party
ceremoniously, along with the Purohita. Sarngarava then asks the king to
receive Sakuntala as his wife. The king under the influence of the curse,
denies all knowledge about her. Hot words follow; Sakuntala then says
that she would convince the king by showing him the token of
recognition. But she finds that there was no ring on her finger. Gautaml
suggests that it must have fallen in the waters at the Sacitlrtha where the
 36

party had halted on the way. The king laughs in. division when
Sakuntala wants now to tell him of some incident known only to him and
her. The king gets angry and says that he is not one of those sensualists
who can be entrapped by wily women. Sariigarava ultimately decides to
go back, leaving Sakuntala there, saying to the king, "She is your wife;
take her or abandon her". The Purohita then suggests that Sakuntala
should stay at his house till delivery; so that if she gives birth to a son
having the characteristic marks of a Caknivartlrin, the king, could admit
Sakuntala into the harem. Sakuntala leaves the court with the Purohita.
Immediately after, the Purohita comes back and reports that Sakuntala
was carried off by a flash of light in the form of a woman near the
Apsamstlrtha. The king shows indifference in the matter, but his heart
continues to trouble him.

Act VI - About six years elapsed since the repudiation of Sakuntala; one
day the police caught a fisherman trying to sell a ring engraved with the
king's name. Not believing in the fisherman's story that he found the
ring inside the belly of a Rohita fish caught at the Sacitlrtha, the Inspector
of police takes the ring to the king who, immediately on seeing it,
remembers the whole Sakuntala's episode. Since then he begins to feel
bitter remorse. He forbids all spring festivities and in company with
Vidusaka, tries to divert his mind by looking at, Sakuntala's picture
drawn by himself and wants to make some additions there. Meanwhile,
the Prime Minister reports to him the case of a wealthy Merchant
Dhanamitra who had died in ship wreck and was childless - the minister
had suggested that his property should go to the state. At the thought
that he himself had been childless and that, one day the 'Purusri' also
would pass to another not in his line, the king is very much dejected, and
 37

orders that inquiries be made whether any of the wives of Dhanamitra

was pregnant and that the property should pass on to the child in the
womb. On being informed that one of Dhanamitra's wives was big with
child, the king passes orders accordingly and issues a general
proclamation that the king would be in the place of any low abiding
relative lost by his subjects and would give all possible help to them in
their bereavement. He, however, brooding over his own childlessness
faints at the idea that his ancestors must be weeping at the prospect of
their libations being stopped after Dusyanta was dead. Just before this,
the king had sent away Vidusaka with Sakuntala's portrait as he was
informed that queen Vasumatl was going to visit him, and the king,
knowing the jealous temper of the queen did not want her to see the
picture. A cry for help is heard from Vidusaka and the king was informed
that some evil spirit had taken Vidusaka on to the top of the
'Meghapraticchanda' palaces. The king hastens there and is about to aim
his missile at the invisible spirit, when Matali, Indra's charioteer, makes
his appearance. Matali told the king that he had played the trick on
Vidusaka, in order to rouse Dusyanta who was found in a melancholy
condition by him and that Indra wanted Dusyanta's help badly to destroy
the Durjaya demons. The king immediately mounts the chariot with
Matali to go to heaven having authorised his Prime Minister, Pisuna, to
act for him in his absence.

Act VII - Having defeated the Durjayas, and having received the signal
honour of sharing Indra's seat in the presence of all gods, Dusyanta on his
back to the earth, Stops at the Hemakuta mountain to visit the sage
Marica. On being informed that Marlca was engaged in giving a
discourse, and would not be free for some time, the king decides to wait at
 38

the Asoka tree while Matall goes to find out when Marlca would be
granting them audience. The king sees a boy dragging a help from its
mother, in spite of the protests of two hermit-women who looked after
him. The king becomes unaccountably attracted towards the boy. The
king comes to know that the boy was not the son of a sage but a
descendant of Puru and that his mother's name was Sakuntala. But still
the king was not convinced. The conviction came when one of the hermit
women said that the 'protecting charm' of the boy was missing. The king
seeing it.

Fallen on the ground moves on to pick it up, when the ladies ask him
not to take it up, just too late. The king learns from them that the
Aparajita herb in the 'protecting charm' had magical powers, so that only
the parents of the boy, or the boy; otherwise it transformed itself into a
serpent to bite unauthorised person. The hermit women go in haste to
inform Sakuntala of her good luck, as they were convinced that it was
Dusyanta who was near them. Sakuntala meets the king who makes a full
apology and is forgiven by her. Matall comes in to inform the party that
Marlca was free to see them and they all go to see Marlca and his wife
Aditl. Marlca blesses all the three and informs the king how he was not to
be blamed, as it was the curse of Durvasa that had caused all the trouble.
All misunderstanding having been thus removed, Dusyanta with
Sakuntala and his son Sarvadamana returns to the capital in high spirits.
 39

B. Life, date and Works of Bharavi :

Bharavi's Life:

Bharavi is one of the illustrious epic-poets in the history of Sanskrit

literature. Like many poets, Bharavi is totally silent to give his personal
life- account. Yet, the Avantisundarikatha of Dandin supplies some
information regarding Bharavi's personal history. Therein Dandin, claims
himself to be the great grandson of Bharavi. And he has given the
following family account. There lived in northwest India at Anandapura
a brahmin-family of Kausika gotra, who later migrated to Achalpur in the
Nasikya country. In that family, was born Bharavi alias Damodara, the
son of Narayanaswamin. The name 'Bharavi' has an appearance of being a
pen -name or epithet [one ivhose genius is as brilliant as the light of the Sun];
and consequently composed a commentary on the most difficult canto
therein [viz. Canto XIV abounding in Citrakavya], Bharavi finally became
the court-poet of king Simhavisnu of Pallava prince (Circa 575-600 A.D.).
This king once heard his glory sung by a Gandharva in a couplet; and he
invited the author of it. He was none else than Bharavi. There he lived
happily in the company of the royal prince Mahendravikrama, the son of
Simhavisnu. Bharavi had a son Manoratha. Manoratha's fourth son was
Vlradatta, who married Gaurl. To that couple was born Dandin, the
author of the Avantisundrikatha, who became well known for his other
works Dasakuniaracarita and Kavyadarsa.

It must be mentioned here that there is some doubt as to whether

Bharavi and Damodara are identical. The text of the Avantisundrikatha as
printed by M.R. Kavi24 is mutilated at this place - Cp."7^ ^f?T.... cf
.... I | " G. Hariharanatha Sastri has

24. Printed by M.R. Kavi, Madras, 1824.

 40

given an extract of this passage from another manuscript of the work

obtained from the Department of Publication of Sanskrit Manuscripts in
Trivendrum. It reads thus : ‘*TcTs xffreN *TRft
^ -yrj^nffw TFRpft | |

This suggests Bharavi as being different from Damodara, whom he

introduced to Visnuvardhana. Bharavi is here stated to be a great Saiva,
and a great and brilliant poet.

There is an interesting anecdote connected with Bharavi's life.

Therein, it is said that Bharavi was a poor person in the beginning. He
was often reproached by his wife for his meager means. Once, being
goaded by her reproach, he started on a journey in quest of fortune. On
the way, when he rested on the bank of beautiful lakes, he composed the
verse:
WSTT T %*TPTf6p^r WTN^T Wi; |

^RT 1t | | (Kirata. 11.30)

and wrote it on a lotus leaf. The king of the country happened to

come there just then. He was very much delighted to read this verse. He
asked Bharavi to see him at his palace and left the place. However
Bharavi went to the palace. But he found no admittance to royal presence,
with his poor attire; he went back in despair. The king, however, had that
verse painted in gold in his private chamber.

Once king went out for hunt, saying that he would return after a
week. But on second night, the camp not being far off, he rode back to his

25. S.V. Dixit, Kiratarjunhja (I-III), Introduction, pp. ix-xi.

 41

private chamber. But he found his queen lying with some other person on
his bed! He got wild with rage and wanted immediately his attention was
drawn to that verse in golden letters. And he decided not to kill them
posthaste, but to awaken them, announce to them their guilt, and then
pass the capital punishment on them. But what was his surprise when on
awakening he was told that the youth was none else but his long-lost son,
who had been kidnapped as a child and recovered only that, evening. The
king in tears thanked god for saving him from a rash action of killing his
wife and son. Then he searched out for Bharavi the composer of that verse
and suitably rewarded him.

Regarding Bharavi's native, on the basis of internal evidence, it is

opined thus :

"About the home of Bharavi- the place where he was born, brought
up, and flourished nothing can be determined. The late Prof. R.R.
Bhagwat Shastri on the strength of Bharavi's reference to the huge violent
waves of the ocean, which beat in vain against the side of the Sahya
Mountains concluded that Bharavi belonged to Southern India. For we
think that the telling simile which describes vividly the scence at the
Sahya Mountain is some, if not a conclusive, proof that Bharavi was a
poet from Southern India. Again his description of the mountain
Himalaya is rather fanciful and he does not describe intervening places
when sending his hero in Indrakila, as Kalidasa has done in the
Meghachlta. He does not, therefore, seem to be a Northern poet or to have
27
travelled in North India.

26. (a) S.V. Dixit, Kiratarjunhja , p.xi

(b) M.R. Kale, the Kiratarjunhja of Bharavi, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1988,
pp.xxiii-xxiv.
27. Ibid., pp. xx-xxi.
 42

Bharavi's Date:

So far as the date of Bharavi is concerned, there are two inscriptional

references, and the above account from Avantisundarikatha together fix
his date with a reasonable definiteness. Thus:

I. In Aihole inscription dated 634 A.D. Bharavi is mentioned, along

with Kalidasa. This shows that Bharavi was quite a famous poet by 634
A.D., and was worthy of a mention side with the great poet Kalidasa. This
indicates he must have preceded this inscription by a Century or two at
least.

II. The other inscription is the Gummareddipur plate inscription,

which states that one king Durvinita wrote a commentary on the fifteenth
Canto of the Kiratarjunhja. Though there is some doubt about the date of
this inscription, latest research shows that the date of Durvinita is circa
580 A.D., which is thus latest date that can be assigned to Bharavi. In this
connection, M.R. Kale observes "this inscription is assigned to the early
part of the 6th Century. From this inscription one fact is clear that by the
end of the 5th Century, Bharavi had attained such celebrity as a poet that
a royal scholar thought it worth his while to write a commentary on a
portion of the work. Now rarely happens that the merits of a poet or any
author however great, are recognised in a few years; least of all would
this happen to a poet like Bharavi whose style and subject -matter of
composition are such as would scarcely commend themselves to the taste
of ordinary scholars or critics. It must have been more than one century
before, Bharavi could become a standard of comparison in the world of
letters and take his rank by the side of Kalidasa, and half a century at
least must have elapsed before he could acquire such fame that a reigning
 43

king deemed it an honor to write commentary on a portion of his work.

Basing our calculation on the facts now available and the principle
mentioned above/ we conclude that Bharavi lived and flourished by or
before the end of the fourth century."28

III. In the Avantisundarikatha which, as seen above, brings to the fore

for the first time some very interesting information about Bharavi and
Dandin, Bharavi is mentioned as a contemporary and protege of
Durvinlta and Simhavisnu. The date of Durvinlta as said above is Circa
580 A.D., while Simhavisnu's date is said to be Circa 575-600 A.D. This
would also place Bharavi in the later half of the 6th Century A.D.
Although, as Mr.Kale observes, the account in Avantisundarikatha lacks
confirmation, still it does not upset any of our existing chronological data.
So we may with reasonable certainty put Bharavi in the latter half of 6th
Century A.D.

"Prof. Max Muller in his 'India, what can it teach us' mentions one
Avinlta who wrote a commentary of the Kiratarjunnlya upto the 14th
Canto, and is said to have lived about the poem Kiratarjunlya must have
been composed at least half century before the time of Avinlta to have
attained sufficient celebrity to require a commentator for its exposition.
It seems probable, therefore, that Bharavi might have lived in the last
decade of the 4th century or at any rate at the beginning of the 5th
Century A.D."

In Sanskrit literature the name of Bharavi is inseparably associated

with that of Magha, as the name of Thackeray is with that of Dickens in

rr lq^i«trli <lq«hlf5s ||
 44

the history of English literature. Magha says the tradition, was put on his
mettle to write his poem "Sisupalavadha" after reading Bharavi's
Kiratarjunlya as Dickens was spurred on to write his Masterpiece "David
Copperfield" after reading Thackeray's "Vanity Fair". It is said that the
name Magha was assumed by the poet to indicate that when Magha (a
month in the cold season) comes, Bharavi (the Sun) loses his splendor.
Most of the Pandits of the old school hold that Magha has eclipsed
Bharavi in the art of writing a Mahakavya. Magha's poetry, however, is
more artificial, his conceits more farfetched and his manner more
digressive than those of his great rival. Besides Magha wrote his poem in
imitation of Bharavi's Kiratarjunlya. There are many points of
resemblance in the general plan and details between the two poems .
The Kiratarjunlya of Bharavi runs into eighteen cantos :
Canto I -Meeting of Yudhisthira and Vanecara (spy) his description of
Duryodhana's successful rule -Vanecara's departure, Draupadl's
emotional speech to Yudisthira.
Canto II - Bhlmasena's speech to Yudhisthira - his reply to the former,
arrival of Vyasa, description of Pandavas' welcoming Vyasa.
Canto III - Description of Vyasa, Yudhisthira's speech to Vyasa and
latter's to the former, Vyasa's imparting to Arjuna the powers of
contemplation, and his direction him to the practice of penance for the
attainment of success, Vyasa's departure, Arjuna's leaving for penance,
Pandavas' affilication due to future-separation from Arjuna, Draupadl's
speech to Arjuna, Arjuna's departure accompanied by Guhyaka to
Indraklla mountain on the foots of Himalayan ranges.

29. wm mm |
^ 11
 45

Canto IV - Poet's description of Saradrutu, Guhyaka's description of the

same, their wandering through the Himalayas.
Canto V - Description of Himalaya, Arjuna's finding proper place for
penance thereon, Guhyaka's exit.
Canto VI - Description of Arjuna's mounting Indraklla, his preparation
for penance, description of his penance, Indraklla-gaurdians, reporting to
Indra about Arjuna's severe penance, sending of Apsaras by Indra to
obstruct Arjuna's penance.
Canto VII - Description of sportive gait of Apsarasas accompanied by
Gandharvas, description of Apsarasas' entrance into the camp guarded
by four-limbed army on the Indraklla mountain.
Canto VIII - Description of sportive collection of the flowers by
Gandharvas and Apsarasas, the description of water-sport thereof.
Canto IX - Description of Sun-set, moonrise, description of love-sport,
drinking sport and of morning-time.
Canto X - Apsarasas approaching Arjuna to allure his mind, description
of Arjuna, descriptions of seasons like rainy season, description of
Apsarasas gestures before Arjuna, and of their efforts rendering fruitless.
Canto XI - Entrance of Indra in guise of an ascetic into hermitage of
Arjuna. Conversation between Indra and Arjuna, Indra's appearance in
his original form and his advice of attending on Lord Siva to Arjuna.
Canto XII - Description of Arjuna's penance to please Lord Siva, Siddhas'
reporting to Lord Siva about Arjuna's severe penance, Siva consols
Siddhas' and narrates Arjuna's original form. In order to kill a demon
appeared in the form a boar desiring to devour Arjuna, Lord Siva in the
form of Kirita or mountaineer together with his attendants in the same
form starts to Arjuna's hermitage on the pretext of hunting.
 46

Canto XIII - Arjuna looks at that boar and thinks of its nature in various
manners. Description of discharging the arrows at it by both Siva and
Arjuna. Description of boar's death, Scorching words of a mountaineer
sent by Siva to Arjuna who was taking the arrow out of the boar's dead
body.

Canto XIV - Arjuna's speech to the mountaineer, description of Siva in

guise of Kirata approaching Arjuna to win over him, description of
Arjuna's fighting against Kirata.

Canto XV - Fight-description continued.

Canto XVI - Arjuna's expression of wonder to see extra-ordinary fighting-

skill of Kirata, Arjuna's entertaining many thoughts over it, description of
missile-fighting between Arjuna and the Kirata.

Canto XVII -Arjuna's fighting against Kirata's attendants ; again his

fighting with Kirata.

Canto XVIII - Description of fist-fighting between Arjuna and Kirata,

seeing Arjuna's inherent power, Siva's manifestation in His own form;
Indra and other gods appearing there itself; Arjuna's eulogising Siva and
asking for boons; Siva's granting him Pasupata missile and his imparting
the knowledge of Dhanurveda; gods' bestowing upon him with respective
missiles; achieving his goal Arjuna returns home.
 47

C. Life, Date and Works of Magha :

Magha's Life:

Magha is one of the few Sanskrit authors who have given us scanty
information about their biography. However, the following stanzas throw
some light on Magha's lineage :
^*JpT WS I
3TO4tr^fgf^<^n: ^sfts-qrg 11
cTwr^fqsnr wnraFfa mi j |

1^Fn^t«n^ 11

■q ^NiW'HRRi^f^it jj«raiffc mft 11

wzfcq |

ft#? w#iii mi *Nqermm 11

r^wfw* \m fffow

otitos wwi ■sqsrw

From this, it is learnt that king Srlvarmala had a chief minister
named Suprabadeva, who was a very righteous and eminent person. His
son was Dattaka who was very learned and liberal and who had obtained
an epithet 'Sarvasraya'. Dattaka's son was Magha.

The name of king Srlvarmala patron of Magha's grandfather is

ofcourse a matter of doubt; because different manuscripts of the
Sisupalavadha give a wide variety of readings of the name e.g.

30. Haragovinda Shastri, SisupSlavadha of Magha, Chawkhamba Vidyabhavan,

Varanasi, 1972, ‘fcfaehioiufat^- Verses 1-5, pp.805-807.
 48

Dharmanatha, Dharmanabha, Dharmatata, Dharmalata., Varmanabha,

Nirmalanta etc. The Prabhavakacarita of Srlprabhacandra (1277 A.D),
which purports to be the life of Magha's grand-father, gives the name of
Suprabadeva, son of Dattaka; nephew of Subhankara and a friend of
Bhoja. He was an intellectual giant, highly cultured and an upright
person. He was a. resident of Srimala and Vaisya by caste. Two other
works professing to give some information about Magha are Ballala's
Bhojaprabandha and Merutuhgacarya's Prabandhcintamani (written in
Samvat 1361 A.D 1304). But all these three works are patently legendary
in character and have scanty historical reliability. So we have to shift
carefully from them any grains of plausible acceptability. Thus, Magha's
native town can well be Srimala or Bhinnamala in Gujarat, as they state.
Some identify it with Bhinnamala on the border between Gujarat and
Marwar. That Magha as a Mahavaiyyakaram is fully vindicated by his
epic poem. The variety of grammatical forms and constructions he uses,
the illustrations and similitude's with which he embellishes or
substantiates his ideas throughout the poem, the learned discussion on
morality and expediency of war in the second canto, all these bear ample
testimony to his through acquaintance with the science of grammar,
Poetics and Politics, with the systems of philosophy such as the Smkhya,
Yoga and the Vedanta, the Upani.sads and the Snuitis, and with the Puranas
and the Epics. Thus in Magha, a great poetic genius was joined to the deep
learning and supreme literary attainments.

Some say that Magha was a Srlmali Brahmana while others say he
was a Vaisya. Bhlmasena, the author of Sudhasagara, a commentary on
I
31. This statement is confirmed by tradition and by one Ms. of SisupSlavadha written in
soriivat 1827, which reads - %p^r etc.
 49

the Kavyaprakasa, says that he was a Vaisjya. But when Bhlmasena further
says that SisupMavadha is a work, which he purchased and fathered, he is
on very doubtful grounds. Magha's description ofDvaraka, Kachcha, the
ocean and Raivataka Mountain though poetical, clearly indicate that he
was a Gurjara. Bhojaprabandha specifically mentions him to hail from
Gujarat.

There are some legendary information about Magha, mainly in the

Prabandacintamani, Bhojaprabandha and Prabhavakacarita. Although these
works do not have much historical value and though Magha never was
contemporary of king Bhoja of Dhara as they presume, we may outline a
few anecdotes, at least as indicative of Magha's popularity and
personality

1. The following story occurs in Prabandhacintamani: Having heard

about Magha's literary and personal eminence. Bhoja had once invited
him to enjoy his hospitality. Magha visited Dhara and was lavishly
treated. Next morning, on inquiry, about a comfortable stay, Magha
grumbled that he had to suffer from bitter cold at night; and he took his
leave that day inviting Bhoja one day to his own humble dwelling. Bhoja,
keen to know what comforts Magha enjoy at home, went to his place at
Srlmala; and there he was so lavishly treated by Magha that he was
greatly wonderstruck at Magha's prosperity. Bhoja found that though the
season was cold. Magha gave him such 'Summer-like' comforts that he
did not feel any cold. And he returned very much pleased.

2. A famous stanza in Sisupalavadha in which Magha compares a

mountain with the rising sun and setting moon on either side with an
elephant having bells (^T°st) hanging down from both sides, has brought
 50

him the title Ghantmtiagha.32 This reminds one of a few other poets getting

some epithets through some striking verses, e.g. (1) Bharavi became
known a Chatrabharavi through the verse Kiratarjunlya u.39.33 (2)
Kalidasa came to known as DIpasikha Kalidasa.34

Magha's Date:

An inscription of king Varmalata (625 A.D) has been discovered at,

Vasantgadh in Rajaputana. This king probably is the patron of Magha's
grandfather. If so, Magha's date would be roughly round about 675 A.D.
We must look to the available internal and external data closely and fix
the date, at least approximately. Before that, different views of scholars
in this regard are as below:

a) Jacobi, an eminent German scholar, places Magha in the middle of

the 6th century A.D.35

b) M.Duff places him about 860 A.D.

c) Macdonell assigns him to the 9th century A. D.

d) Weber says that he is prior to 10th century A.D.

e) Klatt, another German scholar holds that Magha lived in the

a£
beginning of the 10th century A.D.

32.
^ifcf ffrfrei 11 Sisupalavadha, IV.20.

33.
Kiratarjunhjam, V.30.

34.
Raghuvamsa, VI.67.
35. Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol.IV. p.61.
36. Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol.IV. p.236.
 51
f
>■

0 R.C.Dutt assigns him to 12th century A.D. 37

g) Prof. Pathak places him the latter half of the 8th centuryA.D. 38

h) As per traditional stories set afloat by works like Bhojaprabandha,

Prabhaoakacarita etc. Magha was a contemporary of king Bhoja of
Dhara, who ruled the Malava country in the latter half of the 11th
century A.D. But these works have practically no historical value.

Now we shall try to fix the lower limit of Magha's date by looking for
references to Magha in Sanskrit and other Indian literature:

1. King Bhoja (11th century A.D.) himself quotes Sisupalavadha. IX.6 in

ag
his Sarasvatlkanlhabharana.

2. Somadeva (10th century A.D) author of Yasastilakacampu (completed

in 881 Saka) refers to Magha.

3. Anandavardhana (latter half of the 9th century A.D) the author of

Dhvanyaloka, quotes Sisupalavadha V.26 and III.53 as illustrations in
Dhvanyaloka Udyota II.

4. A still earlier reference to Magha occurs in Kavirajamarga of Nrpaturiga.

Nrpatunga or Amogavarsa he was the king of the Rastrakutas, who
ascended the throne in 814 A. D and composed the Kavirajamarga
sometime between 815 A.D. to 877 A.D.40 Thus*in this work

37. History of Civilisation in India, Bk. V, chapter XII.

38. Prof. Pathak's artical : "On the date of Magha" in J.B.B.R.A.S. Vol.XX, pp.3030-
306.
39. Aufrecht's, Catelogus Calalogorum, Part I, 1962, p.446.
40. K.B. Pathak's Introduction to his edition of the Kavirajamarga in the Bibliothica
Camatica Series, and also his article on 'Nipatuiiga and the Authorship of the
Kavirajamarga' in J.B.R.A.S., Vol. XXII.
 52

recognising him to be a poet of the first order the royal author ranks
Magha with Kalidasa. Remembering that such eminence cannot come
too early and further remembering the state of comminatons in India
then, "it is but reasonable to conclude that at least half a century must
have elapsed, before Magha could acquire such a fame as to be ranked
with Kalidasa by a southern king." Hence, the lower limit of Magha's
probable date is about 800 A.D.

Now in fixing the upper limit to Magha's date we should investigate,

references to predecessors, if any, given by Magha. Here we find
Sisupalavadha 11,112 referring obviously to two grammatical works viz.,
Vrtti and Nyasa. Both Mallinatha and Vallabhadeva in their well-known
commentaries on Sisupalavadha support the view that the two books
referred to herein are the Kasika Vrtti of Jayaditya and Vaman, and its
commentary, the Nyasa of Jinendrabudhi. Further Sim.XTV 23-24 seem to
refer to the reasons for grammatical study enumerated by Patanjali and
alluded to by the Nyasa. While Sisu. XVI 80 gives the definition of
Paribhasa, obviously modeling it on Nyasa.ll.1.1. If these indications can
be conclusive, Magha's upper date-limit will be about 725 A.D. Because
Jayaditya has been mentioned by the Chinese Traveller Itsing as a
follower of Buddha and be also mentions that Jayaditya died circa 661-62
A.D. So the date of Magha will have to be circa 650 A.D. Thus, Magha
may be placed between 650 A.D. 800 A.D.

Magha's Works:

Magha's fame rests only on his Sisupalavadha. It consists of 20 cantos

covering 1645 verses. Adding 34 Praksipta verses in canto IV and five
cbfacfufHLK verses (on which Mallinatha does not comment but Vallabha
does the verses come to 1684. One wonders whether this poet wrote only
 53

one work. Perhaps he might have written a few more but lost to us at
present. Some stray verses ascribed to Magha in Vallabhadeva's
Subhasitmmli and Ksemendra's, Aucityavicaracarca, suggest that the
existence of some other works of Magha is a possibility and not merely
wishful thinking.41

SisupMavadha:

The SisupMavadha poem deals with the sly'aing of Sisupala by lord

Krsna. The analysis of its contents runs as below:

Canto I - Narada arrives to Dwaraka Lord Krsna receives him in great

festivity. Being asked by Krsna, Narada describes previous two lives of
Sisupala as Hiranyakasipu and Ravana. And at the instance of Indra,
Narada urges to Krsna to chastise. Krsna accepts the same. Then Narada
departs from there.

Canto II - Krsna consults his brother Balarama and uncle Uddhava

whether he should proceed against Sisupala forthwith, or he should first
attend a sacrifice of Yudhisthira to which he has been invited. While
Balarama strongly urges immediate action against Sisupala, Uddhava
recommends that this should be postponed for the present, as the time is
not ripe for it. Krsna should first attend the sacrifice being performed by

41. Verses ascribed to Magha in Vallabhadeva's Subhasitavali -

3T) ^RT | m stN Wife | ^f&T
WRRJ | "4%^ 1§RT WRiT 3Pft |
3TT) JtfotttWRT fWHI IOT |

wiracFtr; 11
A verse ascribed to Magha in Ksemendras's Aucityavicaracarca
•ggf^oqfaiuj ftmfarls .tfloiuni 1 W |
^ Iwai; ■sums 11
 54

Yudhisthira. Krsna accepts Uddhava's counsel and prepares to leave for

Indraprastha.

Canto III - In the beginning, follows the description of Krsna's adorning

and his journey to Hastinapura. Then follows the description of beautiful
young ladies his departure to Indraprastha, his army, Dwaraka city and
of the ocean.

Canto IV - The entire canto consists of the description of the Raivataka

mountain.

Canto V - The beginning portion of this canto informs that army leaves for
Hastinapura. Further poet gives a detail description of the different limbs of
Krsna's army.

Canto VI - It contains the description of the six seasons-Vasanta, Grlsma,

Varsa, Sarat, Hemanta and Sisira.

Canto VII - It describes the love sports of Yadava ladies.

Canto VIII - This canto offers a beautiful description of water sports of

Yadava women.

Canto IX - Here follows long description of sunset and moonrise. Further,

Yadava's becoming engaged in drinking is described.

Canto X - Again in this canto description of Madhnpana and Surata is given.

Canto XI - This canto gives a long description of morning view.

Canto XII - Along with his army Krsna departs from that place. He reaches
the bank of Yamuna river. The beauty of yamuna river is described. Krsna
together with his army crosses over Yamuna river.
 55

Canto XIII - On knowing Krsna's arrival, Yudhisthira together with his

brother's rushes to welcome him. They meet each other and enquir about
their well-being, when Krsna starts to Hastinapura, Yudhisthira serves
him as charioteer, Bhlma as fanner, Arjuna as holder of white umbrella
and Nakula as well, as Sahadeva attending to him on the either sides.
Krsna enters Hastinapura. Being curious, all men and women leaving
there work aside, rush to see Lord Krsna. Some women. Entertained
amorous feelings by seeing Krsna. Then Krsna enters the Indraprastha
Sabha. All rejoice at the arrival of Krsna.

Canto XIV - Yudhisthira requests Krsna to take part in. the same. Then
follows the description of Rajasuya sacrifice. Afterwords being asked by
Bhlsma, Yudhisthira offers Agrcipuja to Krsna.

Canto XV - Sisupala dislikes this honour accorded to Krsna. He

denounces Krsna several times and behaves haughtily. Then Sisupala
retires from the assembly and prepares for war.

Canto XVI - The peace negotiations between Sisupala and Pandavas take
place, but in vein.

Canto XVII - It describes Krsna's marching against insolent Sisupala

Canto XVIII - It offers the description of fierceful battle between two

armies.

Canto XIX - This canto tells discomfiture and destruction of the army of
Sisupala

CantoXX - This concluding canto describes a single combat between Krsna

and Sisupala. Several weapons employed by Sisupala render fruitless.
Finally Sisupala is beheaded by Sudarscma Cakra by Krsna.
 56

D. Life, Date and Works of Srlharsa :

Sriharsa's Life :

In the post-Kalidasian galaxy of Sanskrit poets, Srlharsa adorns a

prominent place of honour. From the concluding verses of the
Naisadiyacarita, some glimpses about Srlharsa's life may be gathered.

Srlharsa was a son of Sri HIra, who was regarded as the best poet of
his times and Mamalladevi,42 for whom he had very high regard.43 He
had perfectly mastered the science of logic 44 fie was self-controlled45
and was an adept in the precepts of the Yogasastra, and he had realised
the absolute in trance.46 It is further said that Srlharsa was highly
honoured by the king of Kanauj who personally offered him a seat and
two betel-leaves.47

42.

Naisadhhjacarita, 1.145.
43.
gg% ^"^11

wrq ^ Wlf IwifcjcTS | I Naisadhhjacarita, XX11.113.

44.
ggd ^ ^rg I

Naisadhhjacarita, X.138.
45. Ibid., Naisadhhjacarita, 1.145.
46. gd 1
gg% ^g| |

Naisadhhjacarita, XXII.149.
47. Ibid., Naisadhhjacarita, XXII.149.
 57

Some external references give some details regarding the life-sketch

of Srlharsa.

In the court, of Jayantacandra, the king of Benaras, there was among

other Pandits, a brahmin called Hlra, whose son was Srlharsa. Once Hlra
was defeated in a polemic discussion by another Pandit of the court. Hlra
could not live long to bear the heavy grief of his severe defeat. When he
was lying on his death-bed, he called his most brilliant son and exhorted
him to take revenge upon his rival. Sriharsa agreed and after the
premature demise of his father, the young Srlharsa, entrusting his family
to his relatives, set out for studies. Under various teachers be mastered
the different branches of knowledge such as Logic, Rhetorics, Music,
Arithmetic, Astronomy, Mantrasastra, Grammer and so on. He
meditated upon the Cintamani mantra for a period of one year, on the
sacred banks of the Ganges. The Goddess Tripura revealed Herself and
conferred upon him a gift of unsurpassable eloquence. But, Srlharsa's
sharp intelligence proved a curse to him as his learned arguments were
unintelligible to others. He propitiated the Goddess, once more, and at
Her advice, blunted his sharp and all-grasping intelligence by taking
curds in the mid-night. Now the people could follow him. He then
composed hundreds of works headed by the Khandanakandakhadya. After
this, he returned to Benaras and informed the king of the same.

Once when the poet had well-settled, the king requested him to
compose some extraordinary work. The poet, accordingly composed an
ornate epic entitled the Naisadlyacarita, and showed it to the king who
advised him to go to Kashmir for the approval of his poem at the hands of
Sarasvatl who was presiding there in person. Srlharsa accordingly, went
there, showed the poem to the Pandits and placed it in the hands of the
 58

Goddess. But lo! it was flung away by Her. The poet expostulated with
Her on this unexpected treatment of his composition. The Goddess,
thereupon explained the reason of her disgust by saying that he had
described her in one place (XI. 66) as a consort of Visnu, and thus
offended Her virginity for which She was well-known. The poet replied
to this allegation by saying that he was simply following the account as
given by the Puranas wherein She is so described. The Goddess, being
satisfied with this explanation, took the poem in her hand and
appreciated it. Now. Srlharsa requested the Pandits to introduce him and
his poem to the king Madhavadeva and to give a certificate of approval
of his poem, which he could show to his patron king. But the ill-hearted
Pandits did nothing and Srlharsa had to wait for an opportunity. He sold
all his possessions, one by one, to maintain himself.

Once he was chanting Rudramantra near a well, when two

maidservants came there to fetch water. There ensued a quarrel between
them on the precedence and from exchange of words they came to blows.
Both went to the king to complain. When the king inquired for a witness,
they suggested that some person was sitting there. Srlharsa was brought
in accordingly. But he confessed that he was an alien to that country and
as such he could not understand their language. However, he guaranteed
that he was in a position to reproduce the very words of theirs. At the
order of the king, he reproduced verbatmet literatim the whole quarrel of
the ladies. The king who was highly pleased and astonished with this
wonderful performance, asked him about his personal history. He
informed the king about everything. The king got wild and reproached
the Pandits for their misbehaviour with the poet and ordered each of
them to carry the poet to his place and to greet him, Srlharsa recited a
 59

stanza (N.C. XXII. 150) at that moment.. The Pandits now repented and
paid him due honour. The king also favoured him and sent him back to
Benaras. On his return, he reported the matter to his patron. The
Naisadhlyacarita, thenceforth, became current and enjoyed unique
popularity.

According to an account current amongst the Kashmirian Pandits,

which is recorded by Dr.Buhler, Mammata was a maternal uncle of
Srlharsa.
48
But in the opinion of some scholars this view is not credible as
Mammata flourished in circa 1050 A.D.

Regarding the home of Srlharsa different places viz., Kanauj,

Benaras, Kashmir and Bengal are the home of Srlharsa. Nevertheless, by
the observation of Bengali diction like faia (1.16), Mepana (11-26), laladma
(XXIL51) annamlna (XIV.78), gImglni (XIX.61), Bengali customs etc., it may
be better to conclude that Srlharsa was a Bengali by blood and his father
being patronised by the king of Kanauj,was living at his court. The same
honour was extended to Srlharsa as well.

Srlharsa's Date :

The date of Srlharsa is freelv discussed bv eminent scholars in the

• j j

volumes of Indian Antiquary. It was Dr.Buhler, who for the first time
tried to fix the date of SrIharsa,on the strength of the account of Srlharsa
as given by Rajasekhara. And he came to the conclusion that the date of
Srlharsa is the latter half of the 12th Century A.D.49

48. Chatterji K.C., 'Some notes on the Naisadhlyacarita of Sriharsa', Calcutta Oriental
Journal, Vol.lll No.6, 1936, p.154; Baladeva Upadhyaya, Sanskritakavicarita
(Hindi) Banaras, 1932, p.381.

Rajasekhara's Prabandhakosa, Bharatiya Vidyabhavana, Bombay, 1935, pp.55.

 60

R.D. Sen and D.R. Bhandarkar support this view. According to

Justice Telang the date of Srlharsa is 9th or 10th Century A.D. This
opinion is supported by other scholars like F.S.Growse, R.P.Chanda etc.
But P.N. Puraiya puts Srlharsa in the last quarter of the 10th Century or
at the most in the middle of the 11th Century.

Fortunately, we are able to fix the lower limit also, as the

Naisadlyacarita is quoted for the first time by Mahendrasuri, a pupil of
Jain Polymath Hemacandracarya (1088-1172 A.D.) in his commentary
called Anekartha-Kairvakarakanmudl, on his preceptor's
Anekarthasangraha. This commentary was written immediately after the
death of Hemacandracarya. Thus, this proves that the Naisadlyacarita had
become popular about 1180 A.D. (appropriate year of the composition of
Mahendra's work). The date of the composition of the Naisadlyacarita,
therefore, can be given as 1175 A.D. if not earlier.

Hence the date of Srlharsa falls between 1020 A.D.-1180 A.D. and his
literary career may fall between circa 1125 A.D. to 1180 A.D., as his
Khandana-kanda-khadya is refuted by Gangesa Upadhyaya in his
Tatvacintaniani.

Srlharsa's Works :

Only two works Naisadlyacarita and Khandana-kanda-khadya of

Srlharsa are the extant works. But Rajasekharasuri states that Srlharsa
had composed more than hundred works. Basing on the internal
evidence, his works may be grouped into two divisions 1. Works
mentioned in Srlharsa's extant works 2. The works attributed to Srlharsa.
These may be seen as below:
 61

I.Works mentioned in the extant works :

1. Armvavarnana - It is mentioned in the Naisadhjacarita. IX. 160. It is
obviously a description of the beauties and traditions of the ocean.
2. Chindaprasasti- This work, which is referred to in Naisadhjacarita.
XVII.222, is a poem according to commentator Narahari.
3. Gaudorvlsakulaprasasti -The name of the present work, which is
mentioned in Naisadhjacarita VII.110 shows that it is a poem eulogising
the family of the king of the Gauda (Bengal) country.
4. Isvarabhisandhi- Srlharsa refers five times, to this works, in his
Khandana. Like Khandana this also to be a philosophical work
discussing the concept of God.
5. Khandanakandakhadya - This work, which is referred to in the
Naimdhjacarita.Vlll.113, has, fortunately come down to us. The title
literally means - 'A sweet eatable of refutation.' Just as the
Naisadhjacarita occupies a very high place in the field of poetry, so
does the Khandana in the field of philosophy.
6. Navas alias ahkacarita - This is referred to in the Naisadhjacarita.
XXII.199, according to which it is a Campu-poem.
7. Sivasaktisiddhi -This work, which is mentioned in the Naisad/yacarita.
XVIII. 154, is also read as Sivabhaktisiddi.
8. Sthairavicaranaprakarana- This is mentioned in the Naisad/yacarita.
IV.123. It seems to be "a disquisition on philosophy, and according to
Narayana and other commentators it is a work establishing the non-
transitory character of the word by refuting the Ksanabhahga theory of
the Buddhist philosophers, according to whom everything is
transitory.
9. Vijayaprasasti - It is described as Srlvijayaprasasti in the
Naisadhjacarita V. 138.
 62

Il.Works attributed to Srlharsa :

l.Amarakhandanam l.Dinrupakosa 3. Janakiglta A.Pancanallyakavya 5.

Sabdabhedanirdesa 6. Slesarthapadasangmha 7.Suprabhatastotra 8. VanMlasa.

Naisadiyacarita

Canto I - The poem opens directly with the stjbject-matter, viz. the
description of king Nala, the hero of the poem.

Canto II - The canto begins with the description of the joy of the swan. Being
asked by Nala, the bird leaves for Kundinapura. It sees Damayantl along
with the female friends in the pleasure-garden and makes up its mind to
approach her.

Canto III - It deals with conversation of the bird envoy from the king. This
canto ends with scene that the bird returns to Nala and tells him the success
of its mission.

Canto IV - The canto is mainly devoted to the description of the love-lorn

condition of Damayantl. Bhlmasena understands the situation and declares
that he will arrange for the swaynimam of Damayantl.

Canto V - This canto deals with the fraud of Indra. In order to gain the hand
of Damayantl, Indra together with other gods send their female messengers
to plead their case before Damayantl and also send celestial presents to her
father. On their way, they meet Nala who is also going to Kundinapura to
attend the Swayariwam. Crafty Indra requests him to go to Damayantl on
their behalf and to persuade her to choose one of them. Nala knowing their
treachery fully well, boldly refuses on the ground that he himself loves and
pines for her. There upon Indra, becoming sarcastic in the beginning and
then growing rather mild tells him to keep up his promise. Nala, being
 63

puffed up, consents to their request and receives from Indra the power of
becoming invisible.

Canto VI - Nala now starts for Kundinapura, while the gods are waiting for
his return. Nala enters the city and sees the royal palace. He meets
DamayantI returning from her mother. He hears the messages of the Dutls
sent by Agni, Yama and Vanina as conveyed to DamayantI and her refusal to
them. But DamayantI rejects the requests and replies nicely to the
temptations induced by the messenger. The messenger retires and Nala is
delighted.

Canto VII - Nala who is invisible, looks at the different limbs of DamayantI,
then describes her from top to toe and decides to make himself visible to
DamayantI and her friends.

Canto VIII - Nala now becomes visible. DamayantI and her friends are
astonished at his beauty. DamayantI first looks at the different limbs of Nala
and then inquires about his name, place and mission. Nala pleased to hear
her sweet words and introduces himself as a messenger of four gods -Indra,
Agni, yama and Varuna. Next he narrates in detail the wanton tyranny of
Cupid overreach of them, and informs her further that they have come to
secure her hand. He then conveys their message, wherein they suggest her to
take pity on them by gracing the heaven, or if she is pleased, they may turn
the earth into heaven for her sake. In the end, Nala concludes by beseeching
her to choose one of them.

Canto IX - It describes conversation between DamayantI and Nala.

Canto X - It begins with the description of princess coming from different

quarters to attend the festival. Nala comes, and overpowers others by his
radiance. Bhlmasena gives them seats. Various feelings of the kings, the gods
and their talks on the arrival of DamayantI, are described.
 64

Canto XI - Damayantl enters the Sabha. She gives a poetic description of the
countries of the kings the different Dvlpas. All these are discarded one after
the other by Damayantl. But Damayantl, who is all the while thinking of
Nala, sees everyone interior to him in one respect or the other.

Canto XII - This canto is in continuation of the preceding one and as such
gives the description of the kings of Ayodhya, Pandya, Malava, Mithila,
Kamarupa, Utkala. Magadha. All these share the lot and Damayantl is
finally brought to Nala.

Canto XIII - Damayantl is brought to five persons (four gods and Nala) who
all appear like Nala. Then follows the description of helpless Damayantl
who is unable to discriminate between gods and real Nala. She remembers
the swan. Damayantl then addresses herself as to what course she should
follow and begins to reproach the gods mentally.

Canto XIV - Damayantl now makes up her mind to appease the goods and
adores them. She, then, scrutinizes the signs by which she can distinguish
the gods from Nala. Now she is overpowered by the various love feelings
such as bashfulness, etc. Gods thereupon give their consent and Damayantl
garlands Nala with the wreath of the Madhuka flowers. All gods now confer
blessings upon Nala then ascend the aerial region. The feelings of kings are
described. A shower of flowers is poured on Nala who is about to start.

Canto XV - It describes the decorations of the bride and the bridegroom.

Canto XVI - This canto is a continuation of the previous one. The marriage
procession is first described. Then follows the description of the marriage
ritual and the presents given by Bhlmasena to his son-in-law. After having
spent five or six nights there. Nala starts for his capital. The couple enters
the city; young girls welcome them. Ladies have flocked to have a look at
 65

them. Nala gradually enters the palace and the gods who were in the air till
now, leave for the heaven.

Canto XVII - This canto describes Kali's jealousy of Nala.

Canto XVIII - The canto opens with a description of the pleasure-garden.

Then follows the description of their dalliance in which the knowledge of
Kamasutra is ransacked by the poet.

CantoXIX - The bards come and sing the song describing the day-break
thinking that the king is still asleep. Damayantl offers presents to the bards
and the king is seen returning after having taken a bath for which he had left
before the arrival of the bards.

Canto XX - This canto includes the description of amorous jokes and funs
between Nala and Damayantl.

Canto XXI - This canto deals with excellent conduct of Nala.

Canto XXII - This canto consists of description of the moon. Lastly follows
the usual epilogue followed by the proud statement of the poet.