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Constitutional Law Notes
CONSTITUTIONALISM
PRINCIPLES OF CONSTITUTIONALISM
Here’s the plan if the question were to ask about the principles in Constitutionalism
1. Define constitution
2. What’s the notion of constitutionalism is all about? – in Msia the context is
the limited government – Loh Kooi Choon: the 2nd & 3rd concept in her
judgment when he said about consti as the supreme law of the land to
achieve such supremacy – another doctrine need to be embodied in it as
well which are SOP & ROL
Make a clarification that SOP and ROL are part of the constitutionalism &
these 2 elements are what help to achieve the supremacy of the
constitutionalism itself
3. SOP – define SOP – Montesquieu: stressed on the absolute SOP – James
Madison: it’s necessary for one branch to be allowed to exercise part of the
powers of another branch and he also promotes the check and balance –
purpose of SOP? Got 2 – C&B AND to prevent abuse of power AKA
concentration of power – how is it actually works in Msia: overlap + element
of C&B should include the Judicial Review which cum to the another
principle under constitutionalism which is the Independence Judiciary (JR –
same jela cuma “Independence Judiciary” makes it more clearer to
announce it as principle) + Discuss relation btwn all three branches: L&E,
E&J, E&J + Kesavananda v Kerala (basic construction applicable to Indian
Constitution, thus there’s implied limitation) + Loh Kooi Choon (RAS: Consti
is supreme + 3 basic concepts) + Kok Wah Kuan v PP (Msia Consti has
doctrine of SOP + features which don’t strictly comply with the doctrine – to
what extent the doctrine applied depends on the provisions of the Consti – a
provision can’t be struck on the ground it contravenes the doctrine & no law
can be struck out as unconstitutional when it inconsistent with the doctrine
– DOCTRINE ISN’T PROVISION IN MSIA CONSTI THO IT INFLUENCED THE
FRAMERS OF MSIA CONSTI) – Dissenting: TS Richard Malanjum –
amendment of 121(1) doesn’t amount to the elimination of the
independence of judiciary as a basic feature of FC – judiciary is a servant
of the law as a whole & judiciary’s power on issue of constitutionality
cannot be said to be extinguished.
4. ROL – define ROL as general: no one is above the law + treated equally +
Aristotle: govt by law rather than govt by men + AV Dicey: 3 elements of
rule of law – i) no man can be punished except fr a clear breach of law, ii)
equality bfr the law, iii) law of consti + ROL v RBL (differentiate)
Msia: constitutional monarchy is part of our basic structure + it’s for judiciary to
decide on the basic feature of our constitution on a case-by-case basis which
also means this aspect of our jurisprudence is still open for further development
Loh Kooi Rejection of the doctrine in Msia
Choon
Consti amendment cannot be invalidated under Art. 4(1)
Rejection of
merely because it is inconsistent with itself because it is the
the doctrine
supreme law of the land, however if an amendment complies
with Art.159(3) regardless of Art.4(1), the amendment will be
part of the consti, RAS rejected the doctrine however laid out
the FC has 3 basic concepts:
I. Fundamental rights upon which not even the power
of the state may encroach.
Phang Ching Court didn’t rule that the basic structure doctrine was
Hock inapplicable (applicable). The doctrine of implied
limitations had no application to Malaysia but that the
impugned provisions of the Emergency Act weren’t contrary
to basic structure.
Differentiate IC & MC
i) IC- drafted by a Constituent Assembly
MC- fruit of Anglo-Malayan + Malayan Parliament played
no part
ii) IC got 2 elements – preamble + directive
principles (heavily relied) MC none
Court didn’t actually refuse the doctrine but it didn’t follow such
authority.
Kok Wah Kuan Facts: A argued that s 97(2) violates the doctrine of SOP that is
part of FC and thus that section is ultra vires. The COA agreed
with this argument and affirmed that SOP is an integral part of
*memorize the Federal Constitution.
The courts held that the amendments did not involve tampering
with the basic structure. The courts also doubted the relevance
of the basic structure argument to Malaysia.
Sivarasa Federal Court has departed from the earlier cases and held that
Rasiah *the basic structure doctrine is part of our law and that the
fundamental rights provisions form part of the basic
structure.
SOP was
The effect is that even if an Act amending the
formally
Constitution complies with the procedural requirements
accepted!
of Art. 159, it may nevertheless be struck down if it
violates the basic structure. What forms part of the basic
structure is something that must be decided on a case by
case basis.
Semenyih Judicial power is a basic structure of the FC that cannot be taken
Jaya away by Parliament. Summary of decision: deliver by Zainun Ali :>
1. *DBS applies to our Federal Constitution.
2. *SOP and the doctrine of the independence of the
judiciary are part of the basic structure of the Federal
Constitution.
3. The amendment in 1988 that purported to remove the
judicial power of the Federation from the courts and
make them subject purely to federal law was invalid
because it violated the basic structure of the
Constitution.
4. Section 40D was unconstitutional because it violated the
judicial power of the Federation which was vested in the
High Courts by vesting that power in the professional
valuers, whose only duty was to assist the court and not
to usurp the function of the judge.
Indira Ghandi This case restored in full the judicial review removed by
FC Parliament in 1988. Rulings were as follows:
1. SOP is part of basic structure
2. Judicial power of Federation is part of basic structure
so amendment 1988 void
3. Judicial review forms part the basic structure so any
attempt to exclude power of JR by Parliament will be
ineffective
4. Since JR is part of basic structure, Art 121(1A) cannot &
doesn’t prevent the ordinary courts from reviewing the
acts of Islamic Institutions to review the exercise of
statutory functions.
In fact, article 150 is not the only article affecting the rule of law. Another
notable example that should be referred to is the ouster clauses stated in the
Federal Constitution. Though the rule of law has been emphasizing on the
importance of judicial review to ensure the protection of the citizen’s rights,
article 4(2),
(3) and (4) of the Federal Constitution seem to go the other way around. The
language usage in these ouster clauses seem to obvious in halting the judicial
review. Is not it obvious that the failure of the judicial review has failed the rule
of law as well?
Approach adopted by the Malaysian courts is worth to be noted as well. For the
past 44 years, the Malaysian courts have shown reluctances in invalidating the
legislation made by the Parliament in the grounds of ultra vires or
unconstitutional. The judges have somehow showed inclination in following the
British style of parliamentary supremacy rather than constitutional supremacy as
provided in article 4(1) of the Federal Constitution. Inevitably, it would give
people the idea that article 4(1) is more notional than realistic and practical.
AG v Chow Thiam Guan: court held that ‘the law may be harsh, but the role of the
courts is only to administer
the law as it stands’.
Koh Wah Kuan v Public Prosecutor: the majority had ridiculously rejected the
doctrine of separation powers as an unalienable feature of the constitutional
order. There is only one sole dissenting judge who defended the fundamental
democratic principle of the rule of law. It is not an exaggeration to say that the
rule by law has somehow killed the rule of law in Malaysia.
Judicial Judicial reform in appointment context is crucial to the position of the
Reform (effort rule of law under FC Establishment of Judicial Appointment Commission
govt) Act – effort from govt. to embrace the ROL
- It’s undeniable that the Act did contain certain +ve aspects
required to achieve the
idea of IJ – subject to certain extents only
- The Act shows no intention to get rid of the flawed parts of
Article 122B and 122AB of the constitution. This would then show
little use in judicial reform in order to curb the evils of
factionalism and other negative issues.
- It is important to note that in order to do that, the
independence of judiciary is crucially important
Conclusion - Judiciary needs to play an active role, in order to enforce the
making of a limited government which operates by the means
of constitutionalism and the rule of law.
- The judiciary or the courts have an implied duty or power to
review executive and legislative actions on the ground of
unconstitutionality.
- Judges should interpret mere constitutional clauses in such a way
as to give them life and a purpose.
- And If the law has loopholes, the judge must try and correct
them. If there is conflict in the law, as it happens every so often,
the judge must make it his aim to bring consistency and harmony
where none existed.
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION
case: Tun Dato Hj Mustapha: Regarding the power of the YDPN to appoint
CM.
*s.33 Houses of Parliament Ord. 1952 > if a minister has done something which
can embarrass a govt, he must resign.
*These 5 factors would cause the politician to leave his “political world”.
CODIFIED in FC:
UNCODIFIED:
- The division of govt responsibilities branches to limit any one branch from
exercising the core functions of another to prevent the concentration of
power & provide checks & balances [Loh Kooi Choon – the 3rd basic
concept)
- To ensure that another branch does not carry out its duty exceeding the
boundary of its power and to induce the branches in carrying out its duties.
- Example in Malaysia:
Marbury v Madison
Marbury was supposed to be appointed as Justice of
the Peace in but bc of change in President and the new
State Secretary his commission was never sent to him so
he filed to the court demanding for his commission to be
sent to him by Madison.
The Court, found that Madison's refusal to deliver
the commission was bothillegal and correctible.
Nonetheless, the Court ordering Madison (by writ of
mandamus) to hand over Marbury's commission, instead
holding that the provision of the Judiciary Act of 1789
that enabled Marbury to bring his claim to the Supreme
Court was itself unconstitutional, since it purported to
extend the Court's original jurisdiction beyond that which
Article III established.
The petition was therefore denied.
This is a landmark case where the Supreme Court
for the first time declared the principle that a court may
declare an Act of Congress void if it is inconsistent with
the Constitution
Legislature CB 1. EXECUTIVE thru Q&A during the parliament sessions
on where the members of executives are members of the
legislature where they have collective responsibility to
the Parliament in which embodied in Art 43(3). A motion
of no confidence can be made against the PM if
parliament think that PM doesn’t carry out his power
properly.
1. YDPA
Constitutional Monarchy = King Under Constitution
“Constitutional rulers” refers to rulers who have the rights to exercise their
power within the
constitution of a country.
In Malaysia, constitutional monarchy is practiced. Constitutional monarchy is
a form of government in which a monarch is legally restricted within the
boundaries of a constitution.
4 reasons why our King is a Consti Monarchy
i) The post of YDPA is created by consti: Article 32(1)
ii) YPDA exercised his functions under the consti & federal law in
accordance with the advice of cabinet/ a minister acting under
general authority of the cabinet: Article 40
iii) YDPA must take oath of office: Article 37(1)
iv) YDPA may be removed on any ground by a majority vote of the
Conference of Rulers before his term has expired. The vulnerability
of the YDPA to removal means that it is unlikely in practice that he
will act in a controversial manner without the consent of the
Conference of Rulers.
Powers of YPDA
A) Discretionary power – Article 40(2)
- the appointment of PM (follow conventions)
- the withholding of consent to a request for the dissolution of parliament
- the requisition of a meeting of COR which concerned solely with the
privileges, position, honors & dignifies of their Royal Highness & any acts
at such meetings
Emergency
Stephen Kalong Ningkan v Haji Openg
Held: YDPA is the sole judge in determining the declaration of emergency +
sole judge doesn’t mean
YDPA has power but once a declaration is made it cannot be challenged/
questioned
if it were to be “discretionary” power, it must have the “discretion” word
- The PM is chosen from the member of the Dewan Rakyat which holds the
majority confidence of the house [Art. 43(2)(a)] which usually comes from
the leader of the ruling party and the appointment must follow
constitutional conventions.
- If the situation is not plain about who has the majority support, YDPA has
power to choose & make decisions on who should be PM.
- However, there are limitations towards this power of granting pardons. The
YDPA and Malay Rulers or Yang di-Pertua Negeri could not grant pardons to
himself or his wife, son or daughter as stated under Art.42(12) of the FC.
- Besides, we can also say that the power of granting pardons is not actually
exercised by the Head of State because there is a Pardons Board for each
State and the Federal Territories. It consists of the federal Attorney
General, the Chief Minister or Menteri Besar of the State, and not more
than 3 other members appointed by the Head of State for a term of 3 years.
These 3 members may not be members of the federal or state legislature.
The head of state would act on the advice of the Board.
III) YDPA HAS THE DISCRETION TO CALL FOR MEETING WITHIN THE
COR TO DISCUSS ISSUES REGARDING THE RULERS [1983 Crisis
where COR was called] *important crisis to take note
The rulers, they may act in their discretion in any proceedings relating
the election or removal of the YDPA or the election of the Timbalan
YDPA. Besides, they also play an important role in amending the FC,
namely those pertaining to the status of the rulers, the special privileges
of the indigenous Bumiputra, the status of the Malay language as the
national language.
FUNCTIONS OF LEGISLATURE
Parliament is the best place to debate where the policy of the govt is
discussed & departmental matters are decided
Parliament acts as the observer of the executive where they’ll highlight,
discuss, suggest what to be
done by executive – if executive was wrong, the action would be taken.
Parliament is the place where laws are passed.
2. RAPIDITY
The Constitution and Malaysia (Singapore Amendment) Act 1965
was passed by both houses within 3 hours and MPs saw the Bill
only the same day and MPs of Sabah & Sarawak was not
consulted although with their special interest.
4. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS
MP from the same party by conventions, does not oppose a Bill
proposed by the party. This is because the ruling party
represents the Govt. and if govt. MP vote against a Bill, that
means they are voting against their own party and there will
be a parliament whip that will “discipline” them. Thus, MP will
fear for their career more.
5. PROCEDURES OF ELECTION
If an MP keeps voting against their own party in Parliament,
they will fear for their future that on the next election they
would not be chosen as a candidate. Thus, MP will be afraid to
oppose their parties’ decision. [therefore not all laws of
Parliament reflect wishes of the people]
Senate the higher house of parliament and member known as Senators.
(DN) It’s always been criticized.
Eg: “Rolls-Royce institution” “yawning & sleeping chambers of
the aristocrats” “Consolation for the politicians who lost in the
election and as a backdoor to place certain ppl as ministers”
Roles The debate and discussion in Senate is more influencing
A body which reviews on laws passed by the legislature
A body which delays the passing of laws in certain matters
Veto power to make change to decision
Art 159: Amendment of Consti ( 2/3 majority in Senate + HOR
must agree)
Membersh Has two kinds of members: those elected by each state legislature
ip and those appointed by the YDPA. Just refer to Article 45.
YDPA - Art 44: He’s part of legislature
- Art 55: Has power to summon, prorogue and dissolve Parliament
- Art 66: Assent from YDPA must be given within 30 days, the
Bill shall become law at the expiration of the 30 days in the
like manner as if he had assented to it
***Bicam A bicameral legislature in Malaysia is important as the Dewan
eral Negara can act as a brake to hasty actions by the Dewan Rakyat.
Legislatu One of the ways that the Dewan Negara can put a brake on hasty
re actions by the Dewan Rakyat is provided in the FC under Art
(details) 159(1) where a Bill to amend the Constitution (other than an
amendment excepted from the provisions of this clause) and a Bill
for making any amendments to a law passed under clause (4) of
Art 10 will require a 2/3 majority from both the Dewan Rakyat
and the Dewan Negara.
Thus, it would be difficult for a Bill which would be seem
favourable to a certain party to be passed as law even if the 2/3
of the majority in the Dewan Rakyat has voted for the
amendment.
The Dewan Negara would be demanded to act maturely and
protect the interests of the citizens by discussing and reviewing
the Bills passed by the Dewan Rakyat.
[Googled this]
Tan Sri Mohd. Taib (HE was former MB of Selangor where he
had to resign due to political pressure, why? Google it, he
married the Sultan of Selangors daughter senyap2)
Tan Sri Elias Omar (He was former Datuk Bandar KL who
bought luxurious cars for his officers, and resigned after
allegations)
b) Collective Responsibility [must resign if not followed]
- Minister must be responsible collectively with the cabinet.
- Minister must agree with cabinets decision in public
although they disagree with it.
- It is important to show the govt. is strong and
disagreements won’t show a strong govt.
Appointm Art 43(1): appointed by YDPA to advice YDPA
ent of Art 43(2)(a): appointed PM – member of HOR who’s likely
Members to have majority
of Art 43(5): Minister other than PM shall hold office during
Cabinet the pleasure of YDPA
PM doesn’t hold his office during the pleasure of YDPA:
Art 43 everyone can be
dismissed unless PM – PM hold his office not on the assent
of YDPA
other ministers are appointed by YDPA on the advice of PM
Art 43(4) if PM ceases to command confidence of the
majority of the Member of HOR, then unless at his request,
the YDPA dissolves Parliament and PM shall tender the
resignation of the Cabinet.
- PM can only be dismissed by vote of non-confidence
- Other classes of minister aren’t members of Cabinet but
just assisting
ministers
3 classifications of Minister
- Minister (secretary of minister)
- Assistant Minister (DPM – Art 43A – English)
- Secretary of Parliament (Art 43B)
Art 43(6) Minister shall take oath individual + collective
responsibility
When PM resign, cabinet would be dissolved – all the
members of cabinet must resign
Individual Individual ministerial responsibility
ministeria - All of the minister must be responsible to their respective
l personal behaviour and their behaviour at public at large
responsibi - Responsibilities can be divided into:
lity i) Political responsibility
ii) Legal responsibility
iii) Combination (P+L)
- The meaning of responsibility varies according to which
context. Law context:
legal responsibility: when the ministers are granted powers &
they have done something wrongful at law
political responsibility: situations where ministers have
behaved in a manner which they shouldn’t have behaved –
problem of personality which might embarrass govt.
8. Power of PM is strengthened by
i) Appointment & dismissal of AG & PP (Art 145)
- decides who can be prosecuted (selective prosecuted
huhh): huge amount of power & influencing
- AG should be an independent institute
ii) Appointment of judges & tribunal for dismissal of judges
(Art 125)
iii) Appointment of member of Commission SPR (Art 144)
SUGGESTION
PP should be a person in Parliament, needs to answer. Now:
PP only answers to PM who appoints him.
The power of PM is so enhanced.
- members of cabinet could be prosecuted provided that
the PP informed PM bout the prosecution 1st
why need to do so? Once there’s evidence, baru boleh
-
prosecute
Anti-Corruption Agency
Only AG can prosecute PM – not a wise step. Mesti la PM will
appoint someone that siding on him huhhh
Appointment of judges shouldn’t have any interference by the
Executive; PM –
should be better if it is determine by the Bar and the senior
Judges
JUDICARY
Courts must hold the judicial authority of the government and the ability
to enforce their decisions and orders independently and freely. The
independence of the judiciary also depends on PUBLIC PERCEPTION of the
Judiciary itself.
INDEPENDENCE OF
JUDICIARY
YES NO
- Security of tenure until the age - Amendment to Art. 121 where
of 66 years old. Art. 125(1) before the amendment the
judicial power of the federation
- Security of remuneration fully vested in the two high
under the Consolidated courts. However, after the
Funds. Art. 125(6) amendment, the 2 HC are under
federal law.
- Security of pension that cannot ***PP v Kok Wah Kuan
be altered to his advantage. where the FC accepted that the
(only can get better). Art. judicial power of the judiciary is
125(7) vested under Federal Law.
in relation to section 59A of the immigration act that prohibited judicial review.
The Court held that the amendment made to Article 121 did not affect its
position in exercising judicial review as it was a power vested in the Courts.
Datuk Seri Gopal Sri Ram referred to Sri Lanka and India where there was no such
express provision creating this power and that the Court could still exercise this
power regardless of the amendment and the provision of section 59A.
Sadly though, the Federal Court in deciding the appeal to Sri Ram’s decision
decided that art 121(1) applied
and due to the act of Parliament, the Courts had no right to exercise the power
of judicial review.