After God Is Dibia PDF

After God is Dibia
Igbo Lectures
Lectures & Poems
By Friends of Emeagwali
Comment: With an introduction by
Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali
2
After God is Dibia
Igbo Lectures & Poems
by Friends of Emeagwali
Ichoputaghari Ihe Banyere Umu Igbo Furu Efu
Ozi Nkwado Ndi Igbo nke Ma'zi Chukwurah Filip

Emeagwali degara Igbo Cultural Association of
Calgary, Canada n'oge emume afo ncheta Igbo
August 23, 2003 na Calgary di na obodo Canada
Ndi b'anyi ndeewo nu O!
Obi bu m so an~uli oge Ma'zi Kene Ufondu kpokurum
ka m bia buru onye obia puru iche na emume ncheta
Ndi Igbo 2003 na Calgary. Ya mere nji were si ka
m'gwa unu okwu nkwado.
Iji kwado emume unu, ana m akpoku nwa Igbo obula
ka ochee echichi ma lotakwa ihe iriba ama puru iche
Umu Igbo gara mba imilikiti afo gara aga megasiri
ikwado oganiru madu.
Ewerem ubochi Icheta Igbo were lota Ma'zi Jubo
Jubogha nke ana etu "Ja Ja," onye nke atoro na oru
nafo iri na abua ma gbagide mbo we buru Eze Igbo
n'Opobo. Ndi ulo ikpe Britain kpurulu Ma'zi Jubogha
ga n'ulo ikpe ha ebe ha noro maa ya ikpe na odara iwu
site na imebi "nkwa udo okwere" na kwa "igbochi
nnukwu uzo azum ahia". Na itaya ahuhu, achupuru
Ma'zi Jubogha nobodo ya, buru ya ga n'obodo anakpo
Barbados na kwa mba nke St. Vincent, di na West
Indies.
Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali info@emeagwali.com Page 2 of 454

3
After God is Dibia
Iji kwanyere ya ugwu ruru ya, ndi mba Barbados
etinyena akuko maka ndu ya na akuko iro ha, makwa
na ukwe.
Ozo, ewerem ubochi Icheta Igbo were kene Ma'zi
Olaudah Equiano, nwata ozo dikwa afo iri na abua
erepulu n'oru onye nke jiri aka ya dere si: "Abu m
Igbo". Ewerem ukpa ekene bunye Ma'zi Equiano onye
nke mere ka anyi nwee akuko edere ede banyere
odinani na omenani ma kwa emume Ndi Igbo oge
gboo. Ekenekwasim Ma'zi Equiano ka osi were mee ka
uwa ghota ijo ihe din a igbo oru, soro nua ogu iji kwusi
ya, ma dekwa akwukwo banyere ajo agwa di na igba
oru.
Abu na esota bu abu nke ejiri were kwaa obere nwa
anyi Olaudah furu efu:
"Obu Onye ka anyi na acho? Obu Onye ka anyi na
acho?
Ikwuano ka anyi na acho.
Obu iyi ka ochulu? Biko nya nata.
Obu ugbo ka ojelu? Biko nya nata.
Ikwuano ka anyi na acho."
Ma'zi Ikwuano bu ichie, burukwa nna-mmuo. Ndi ogu
akwukwo dum, iji bobe ya ndu anwu anwu, nyere ya
aha otutu: "Nna akuko banyere ndi ojii."
Ewerem ubochi Ncheta Igbo were kponite mmuo
Umu Igbo nwoke, nwanyi na umuaka ndi Georgia's

4
After God is Dibia
Sea Islands ndi nke miri rigbadoo oge ha siri na ugbo
oru manye na miri iji gbanari agbam oru. Akuko ndi
anakpo n'oyibo ndi Sea Islands nerota etu "Oru ekwe
ekwe Umu Igbo", ndi anya miri juru anya siri buru iga
akponyere ha na olu makwa na ukwu, kwa akwa alili,
were otu olu were tie nkpu akpata oyi na asi:
"Oshimiri butel'anyi, Oshimiri g'ebu anyi laa"
Omume dike nke Umu Igbo, makwa inupu isi ha
nupuru banyere agbam oru madu ewerela onodu
anwu-anwu na akuko makwa abu ndi bi na ikpere
miri Georgia, ndi anakpo ndi Gullah.
Ka mmuo Umu Igbo furu Efu soro unu n'akuku n'ije
unu, gbanyere unu izu okwu, makwa dube unu na
ochucho amam ihe na ako n'uche unu.
Ma'zi Ikwuano kowara onwe ya sin a ya bu "obia na
obodo oghotaghi" Dika ndi obia na obodo Canada,
ajalum unu ike na nnukwu oghere nke a unu weputara
maka umu Igbo iji makorita onwe ha.
Ndi ba anyi si na njiko ka, mmadu ka e ji aba.
Igbo Kwenu!
[Chukwurah nwa Emeagwali bu onye onicha. Ma'zi
Emmanuel Chinyeaka Okoli de re nka na asusu Igbo.
Udo di ri gi, nwannem.]

5
After God is Dibia
IGBO Comment: According to Chinua
By OBU UDEOZO,
UDEOZO, University of Jos, Nigeria. Achebe,
“Udeozo’s poetry comes to us
hot from the foundry of his restless
imagination.
He is a natural poet ready to
take on any subject that touches his
people.
We shall hear of him more and
the earth more in the years ahead.”
Igbo is excerpted from Cyclone - an
vanished into a pin-hole; anthology of poems
shortlisted for the 2005 Nigeria LNG
I am soaked with songs... literature prize.
My ancestry’s
sharp beauty baptized me
at the forest’s nipple
- a pilgrim of delicious peace.
Igbo
space-shuttle and speech
your civilisation flowers
in every face of earth
yet your offspring

hide in the toilets
of foreign tongues
your offspring
bury your sharp beauty
with the inferiority of mad English.
mystic damsel

6
After God is Dibia
I shiver
in your tabernacle’s splendour
beyond Bill Gates and microchips,

you fathered supercomputer’s Emeagwali
- a vapour in the ocean
of your maltreated genius.
mystery’s powdered face

succumbs to insight
we must rescue
our lone baby from oblivion’s fire
we must re-plant
our fingerprint
against the monologue of English,
resurrection
awaits those
who drink from our roots
not our suicidal love of foreign gods.
- by Obu Udeozo. Comment: “A man with a message, a

very heavy and urgent message.”
OKIKE: An African Journal of New
Writing

7
After God is Dibia

8
After God is Dibia
THE 2001 AHỊAJỌKỤ LECTURE
IGBO OR IGBOID:
ASỤSỤ N’AGBỤRỤ NDỊ IGBO
LANGUAGE IN IGBO CIVILIZATION
by
Prof. Emmanuel Nwanolue Emenanjo
B.A. (Hons.) English, Ibadan; Post-graduate Diploma

Linguistics: (Ibadan)
M.A. (Linguistics) Ibadan; Ph.D (Linguistics) Ibadan
EKELE
Igbo mma mma nụ

9
After God is Dibia
Ekelee m
Abịa mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Anambara
Mmma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Delta mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Ebonyi mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Enuugwu mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Imo mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Rivas mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Naịjirịa mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Igbo bụ Igbo mma mma nụ
Ekelee m unụ
Kwezuonụ
OKWU MMALITE
I meela, Chineke, I meela
I meela, Chineke, I meela o
Imeela, Chineke, Imeela
Onyeaweanyi nara (ekele) I meela
(otito)
10
After God is Dibia
(onyinye)
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
Nkịta nyara àkpà Nsị àgwụ n'ọhịa
Ọhịa ogwū mara ọkụkọ A naghị epio yà epiọ
Òke bàa na mkpọ Àzụ gwụ na mkpọ
Dinta buru egbé Anụ àgwụ n'ọhịa
Isi akwu daa n’àlà Nwaànyị arịa ya elu
Agụ bàa n'ọhịa Mgbada achịri ume n'aka
Mmiri riri nwa awọ À naghị egwū ya ègwù
Ahịajọkụ agbaala afo iri abụo na abụo. Ọ mụtala umu

iri na isii, na ederede iri na isii. Ozugbo ha, n'asụsụ
Bekee. Na ndị ochie dike ndị a, na ndị diji ndị a, na
11
After God is Dibia
ndị ọkà okwu na otụ ilolo ndị a, ọ dịbeghị nke ọ bula
n'ime ha nwere ụdi nsogbu mụ onwe m nwere n'asụsụ
m ga-eji akpụpụta echemeche m ma ọ bụ kwupụta
mbunoobi m Ihe kpatara nke a bụ na na 'Citation on
The Ahịajọkụ Lectures' ekwuru ya n'akpughị mmiri
n'onụ na:
Each lecturer is to choose his or her Language of

delivery bearing in mind that the audience
understands both Igbo and English.
Ụmụnne m na ụmụnna m, unu anụla ya nụ. Ọ bu ihe a

ka Igolo. Gius Nkemjika Anọka, Ode Nguru, na ndị
komiti ya chepụtara ma kwuo n'afo 1o7o mgbe ha
naewube Ahịajọkụ. Ndi niile maara ihe e jiri mara m
na ihe mere m jiri bụrụ ihe m bụ, maara na anọ m na
nsogbu. Ezigbo nsogbu o. N'ezie, adi m ka onye chi ya
na ogo ya rịorọ olụ, n'ọnọdụ a m hụrụ onwe m n'asụsụ
m ga-eji. Chi m n'ebe a bụ asụsụ Igbo; Ọgo m abụrụ
asụsụ Bekee. N'ezie, ọ na-adị m ka na ụfọdụ - ikekwe -
otụtụ ndị bịara Ahịajọkụ n'afo a, bịara ihụ etu nwoke
ga-esi anabata aka mgba asụsụ cheere ya. Ma a kpọrọ
ya Ahịajọkụ ma ọ bụ Ufiejọku o, ma ọ bụ Njọkụ ma ọ
bụ Njọkụji, ma ọ bụ Ajamaaja, - ha niile bụ otu ihe ma
bụrụkwa okwu ọkpụ Igbo. Ahịajọkụ bụ mmemme. Ọ
bụkwa evueme ndị Igbo. Otụtụ ndị bịara mmemme a,
n'ebe a, n'afo a, bụ ndị Igbo. Nga a anyi guzọrọ
ugbuaaka a bụ ala Owere Nchi Ise, n'ala Igbo. Ebe ihe
ndị a niile dizi etu a, ọ bụ gini gbochiri anyi iji asụsụ
12
After God is Dibia
Igbo gawa n'ihu? Nga olee ka mba ọ bụla si akpata
nkụ ha ji esi ihe? Kedụ ebe mba ọ bula si enweta
mmiri ha na-anụ? Ọ bụ na mba ndị ọzọ? Olee ebe e si
agbata mmiri e ji esi ụgụ? Eche m na ọ bụ mmiri ụgụ
gba(pụ)tara ka e ji esi ya? ELo m na ọ bụ ife di n'ubi
ka wa ji esili ubi nni?
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
Ladies and Gentlemen, the point I have tried to make

is that no Ahịajọkụ lecturer before me has had my
dilemma in the choice of the language for preparing
and delivering his lecture. All before me who have
trodden this road had no problem with their language
of delivery. Not necessarily because of what they had
to talk about but necessariiy because of their training.
Luckily, in the extant and pristine citation crafted by
those who thought of and through Ahịajọku, it was
explicitly stated that each lecturer is free to choose his
or her 'language of delivery' because the audience
understands both ‘Igbo and English.’ Simple, children
like statements are rarely childish. Are choices really
ever free? Aren't they hemmed in by the imperatives
of context-time, space, dramatis personae? Again,
who says the typical Ahịajọku audience 'understands'
both Igbo and English? And when we talk of both Igbo
and English, are we talking about conjunction,
13
After God is Dibia
disjunction or co-ordination? Are we talking of a
monolingual presentation through and through in
either Igbo or English or of the bilingual presentation
in both Igbo and English, in one text, or of the same
text presented simultaneously in Igbo, and in English
all bound together as a book in the Aboyedean sense?
We know that bilingualism has as many types as it has
varieties. Ladies and Gentlemen, I will stoutly resist
the temptation of being drawn from ikpọta ụtaba to
iba n 'ime ahịa.
Ndị nwe m, we all have our own different proverbs

and anecdotes for why it is the mad man uses so many
words. That is really stream-of-consciousness at work.
I have mentioned the Igbo, Ode Nguru, Ambassador
Gaius Nkemjika Anọka, master bureaucrat 'and
administrator, International diplomat, Poet, Scholar,
Linguist, Thinker, Traditionalist and a Knight in the
Anglican Communion, Master Facilitator and
Strategist in Igbo Lore. Have you ever heard of The
Readings on the Igbo Verb, The Dictionary of Igbo
Place Names and the still-born Standard Igbo
Dictionary (Project) scuttled by the ndorondoro
between persons, offices and location? Division of
Culture in the Ministry of Information and Culture
and The Imo State Council for Arts and Culture? What
of the Añụ? The Journal of Igbo Arts and Culture?
14
After God is Dibia
How many of us are aware that the design,
popularization and the wearing, of Igbo traditional
dress by ndị ọlụ oyibo is one of the projects in Anọka's
multi-coloured calabash of practised and practical
Igbo wisdom? The Mbari pavilion down there which
now houses the Imo State Council for Arts and
Culture. And the Ikenga status, two different versions
of them once stood like resplendent ijele at strategic
road junctions here in Owerri, to remind those who
knew, and to teach those who did not know, that the
metaphor of Ikenga is the driving force for success in
Igbo life and endeavours. Until, during the Zubairu
era of collective forgetfulness and anti-Igboness some
heaven-bound dreamers appeared, claiming to see
into tomorrow and claiming to be able to make the
blind, walk. They came and saw those Ikenga status.
And they said God said they were not good. And since
then we have ceased to see them. Ashịnze Ikenga,
those heaven-bound seers never made it to Damascus!
Chiifu G.M.K. Anoka. He is now dead.
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ

15
After God is Dibia
Gwa m gwa m gwa m, ...
Gwanụ m.(ihe) ...
Ị mara, Ị marala, Ị marala ...
O befọrọ be onye?
Nri ọ na-adighị,
Onye nà ọ gaghị eri?
Ụgwọ onye ọ bụ la aghaghị ikwụ
Ihe nyirị dike?
Ihe a gụrụ aha,
O di ka aha a gụrụ ya?
Ozuru ụwa nille?
E zuru ezu gaa
E zughị ezu laa?

16
After God is Dibia
Maazị Chiifu, Dọkịta Frederick Chiedozie Ọgbalụ has

paid his own debt. Whatever anyone likes, let him say
about Ọgbalụ. Nobody can take away from him the
fact that between 1944 - 1992, he literally facilitated
the empowerment of the Igbo language for functional
literacy, numeracy, creative literature and in the
collection, transcription and description of Igbo
orature. F.C. Ọgbalụ, he is also now dead. So, too,
another Frederick, Professor Doctor Nnabuenyi
Ogonna, the authority on Mmanwụ, in particular, and
Igbo dramatic arts in general. The diegwu of the Lagos
School of Igbo Studies. Maazi Tony Uchenna Ubesie
proved to the international world of literary creativity
that the Igbo language, can contribute its own to all
genres of fiction, faction and radio-television
productions. Mr Chairman, I am not aware that any or
all of this ouartet-facilitators, masters, practitioners
and analysts of Igbo language, literature and culture
have ever had any mention at an Ahịajọkụ. With your
revered permission Mr. Chairman, I pray that this
highly esteemed and respected audience rise on their
legs, and remove their hats, caps and headgears - in
their names and in their honour, n'ugwu unu niile.
May their great and large Igbo souls rest, nwa jụụụ, in
the bossom of Chineke, Olisaburuuwà, Ọpụtaobie!
May they become ndịichie n’ala Igbo niile. And saints
17
After God is Dibia
of the Most High.
Ise
Ise
Ise ọ ise
Amaala, mma mma nụ Ekeleenụ
Mma mma nụ Ekeleenụ
Okwu m chighaa! Back to my language of discourse. It

will be Igbo and English in complementary
distribution and in line with the principle of
complementary dualism which pervades Igbo
thinking, Igbo mode of thought and the grammar of
structures in the Igbo language. Igbo and English. Not
Engligbo, for that would be Igbo oxide, Igbo carbon
monoxide! Nor Igbo and English with code-mixing.
Or with code-switching. Those are not allowed or
18
After God is Dibia
tolerated in 'native like' or symmetrical micro-
bilingualism. That will be our language of discourse. I
would really have preferred it through and through in
Igbo as I did in the first in the series of the Odenigbo
Lectures: Olumefula. But do all of us here; really,
understand Modem Spoken Igbo with all its complex
internal dynamics and the evolving protean language
for talking about Igbo IN Igbo; otherwise called Igbo
metalanguage? We all are familiar with the ụkabụilu
of the sick mart who went to the traditional doctor for
treatment. After he had reeled off his mind, the doctor
asked him to put himself at ease, comfortably. While
trying to do so, a huge fart was heard. And the doctor
asked him what the matter was. The patient replied,
well, 'you can hear and see things for yourself. That is
one of my ailments.' You all can now see with me, why
it has taken Ahịajọku so long to recognize the other
side of the Igbo identity and reality - the Igbo
Language! Is it because we were waiting for the young
to grow, in s milieu where age is something? Or is it
because what concerns us most, must be treated last?
MBÈ àgaba Ajambène
MBÈ àgaba Ajambène

19
After God is Dibia
MBÈ gaa gaa Ajambène
ALA IGBO
Inu m, na akụkọ m na okwu m enupụụnọọ faa faa

gidigwom wee nukwasị ofu nnukwute ala, otu obosara
ala. Ọ bụghị ala Ịgala, ala Ọnọja Oboni.
Agadaaga ala a di, site n'ala ndị Nsụka n'Ugwu ruo na

nke ndị Ikwere na Ahoada, na Ndida; ma sitewe
n'Ehugbo n'Ọwụwa Anyanwụ ruo n'ala Ndịosimili,
Ụkụani na Ịka, n’Odida Anyanwụ. Ala Igbo di mbụ
dịrị tupu ndị Potokori eruo Ose Naịjirịa n'afo 1472. Ọ
tọrọ Berlin. Ọ tọrọ Naịjirịa ka Naịjirịa na siri dịrị ugbu
a. Ọ dị adi tupu a lụo agha Bịafra. Ọ di adi tupu e
kerisiwe ala Naịjirịa na Steeti na Steeti olemaole ha di
ugbu a, ma olemaole ha ga-abụ echi. A chọọ Naịjirịa
echi ma a hụghị ya, ala Igbo ka ga-adikwa. A gaghị
20
After God is Dibia
achọ ya achọ ma ọlị.
E mee elu mee ala, mbo tọrọ eze. Ma ọ masịrị ndị di

ka Bala Usman na ndị ọdịka ya. Ndi a bụ ndị ka nọ
n'afọ 2001 na-eso onye di ka Hugh Trever Roper na-
ako ka ọ siri masị ha, ka Naịjirịa siri malite ma ọ bụ ka
Naịjirịa kwesịrị ịdị. Iji tupịa okwu m ọnụ. E kwesịrị
ikwusị ya ike na ala Igbo kwupụrụ iche n'ala mba ndị
ọzọ soro mepụta Naịjirịa ka anyị siri mara ya
ugbuluaka a! N'ugwu ala Igbo, Ndị Nsụka ka ma oke
ala ha na ndị Igala, na ndị Idoma. Etu ahụ ka ọ di ndị
Abankeleke (Izii) na ndị Idoma na ndị Tiv na ndị
Mbembe. Wee ruo echi, ndị Ehugbo na ndị
Arọchukwu maara oke ala ha na ndị agbataobi ha ndị
a - ndị Mbembe, ndị Yako, na ndị Ibibi. Ndị Ngwa na
ndị Ụkwa maara nke oma oke ala ha na ndị Mmom.
Ndị a niile bicha n'Ọwụwa Anyanwụ. Na Ndịda
(Naịjirịa) ndị Ikwere na ndị ụmụnne ha, ma oke ala ha
na ndị Ịjo na ndị Ogoni na ndị Andoni. Ndị Ekpeye na
ndị Ahoada masịrị oke ha na ndị Ịzon na ndị Ogbịa.
N'Odida Anyanwụ, Ndịosimili na Ndi Ụkwani na ndị
Ịka, ka mara oke ha na ndị. Urhobo na ndị Isoko na
ndị Okpe. Ala Igbo, ọ teela ya. Ọ teela ya na ndị egede
nwere ya. Ala Igbo bụ ọkpụtụrụọkpụ ala. N'Ugwuele,
n'Ehugbo, na Nsụka na n'Igboukwu e gwụputala ọtụtụ
ihe okpu kabon - 14 na-egosi na ọ peka mpe, ndị
mmadu ebiwela n'ala Igbo site n'afo 100,000 tupu a
21
After God is Dibia
mụo Jesu wee ruo afo 5,000 tupu a mụo Jesu. Ọ bu
ezi okwu na ndị ọkaa na mmụta ka kaa-asụ ngongo
n'ikwekorịta ma ndị (mmadụ) ahụ bi n'ala Igbo, n'oge
ahụ, nke ka nke, n'Ugwuele - ma ha bụ ndị Igbo ma ọ
bụ ee. Ma otu ihe di n'enweghị mgbagha bụ ebe
Ugwele di taa. Ọ bụ n'ala Igbo. Mana ka m jụkwaa o,
mmadụ ole na ndị nọ ugbu a, na-ege m nti ma ihe ndị
a m na-arụtụ aka maka Ugwele n'akụkoala ndị Igbo?
Ihe a abụghị akuko mbe na ajambene. Ihe a bụ
ọkpụtọrọọkpụ okwu nwere njirimara ya.
N'ezie ọ bụrụ na ọ bụ ndị mba ndị ọzọ nwere Ugwuele

n'akụkoala ha, ha ga-egi ikòrò na ògele na ngwa ndị di
ugbu a, e ji ezisa ozi na redio n televishọn, na opike na
ederede dịgasị iche na-ekwu maka ya, na-ako maka
ya, na-ama njakịrị, na na-agba oke ogbondu na egbe
onụ maka ya. Ma na-agwa ndị mmadụ, ndị mba ọzọ
n'ụwa niile: bịa lerenụ, bịa hụrụnụ, bịanụ kilibenu. A
ga-ewu oke ụlọ ọkpụ e ji ọla edo chọọ mma, ka ọ ga-
abụ oge onye - na ndị - chọrọ, na ka onye ahụ-na ndị
ahụ siri chọọ, ha bịa, a sị ha:
Kilibenu
Kilibenụ
22
After God is Dibia
Kilibenụ o
Kilibenụ
Ihe kara mere n'ekobe
Kilibenụ
Kilibenụ
Kilibenụ o
Kilibenụ
Ihe ndị ọkpụ mere n'akụkọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ

23
After God is Dibia
Kà Ị mà nke à
Ị mà nke ọzọ ụ
Kà Ị sị na Ị ma nke a
Ị mà ñke ọzọ
Ị nụbela maka Thurstan S na Maịk Angulu

Ọnwụejeọgwụ na Frank Anọzie na Lawal. Ọ kweghị
Lawal na ndị ogbo ya na di ọdịka ya ghọta ma ọ bụ
chemie na oze di n'ọkpụtorọọkpụ ngwongwo na
ngwoloko ndị ahụ e gwupụtara na Nri tọrọ nke oma,
oze nke ahụ e gwupụtara n’Ife na n'ala Idụu - n'usoro
e jiri meputa ya. Azi gbakwaa, otoro gbakwaa ndị
kwuru na ndị dere na ndị hụrụ ihe a! Tufiakwa!
Kabon-14 aruola ala! Gini ka nsị na-achọ n'agba?
Nwata (ya bụ ndị Igbo) ọ na-ebu nna ya ụzọ amụta
ọkpara? Nwata ọ na-egosi nna ya oke ala! Ma ọ masịrị
Lawal, ma ọ masịghị ya, ndị maara maka ola dịgasị
iche iche, na-ekwu ma na-akowa na oze nke
e'gwupụtara na Nri bụ ezigbote oze e jiri kọpa, tiin na
leedi gwọọ. Mana oze nke e gwupụtara n'Ife na Benin
24
After God is Dibia
abụchaghị ezigbo ya. N'ezie, ha bu braasị eji kọpa na
zinki gwọọ.
Ka Maịk Angulu Ọnwụejeọgwụ na Lawal nọsịrị na-

eme ndọrọndọrọ a, na-agba egbe onụ na egbe ederede
a mmadụ ole n’ogbakọ a, mara maka ya, gụrụ maka ya
nụrụ maka ya? Ọ bụghị atụmatụ ọzọ n'Igbo oxide!
Ezechitaoke, Olisabuluụwa na Chi Okike kenyere anyi
Ugwuele, na Nri na Nsụka na Ehugbo n'ala Igbo na
ọkpụtụrụọkpụ ihe ọkpụ, n'akụko anyi. Ozọkwa, ihe
gbasara anyi agbasaghị anyi. Olee uru Ugwuele baara
anyi n'oge ugbu a, n’ụwa taa? Ka ọ bu Ehugbo ma ọ bụ
Nri Oreri, Aguleri na Nsuka? Ugbu a, uwa niile na-
ekwu maka w.w.w. ma ọ bụ: sayensi
@niile.yahoo.com.
Mana ndị Igbo, ha bụ yahoo! Lee ihe J.C. Obienyem

dere maka 'Akwa Ala Igbo Na-Ebe'
A zụrụ unù n'isụ ọhịa
Ma unù nọrọ na-èlè m anya ọcha

25
After God is Dibia
Ụmụ m, oleè ihe m mere unu?
Amamihe unù na-anyụ osụ
Unù jiri ha ètere ni ọzọ ofè
Mgbè unu hapụrù m n'ida ajo ọhịa
Ndị m, oleè ihe mere unu?
J.C. Obienyem Akpa Uche 1975:66-7
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
Ihe niile anyị nwere n'ụwa à

26
After God is Dibia
Ònye nyèrè ànyị ha
Chi nyere anyị o
Chi nyere anyị o
Mba niile Igbo nwere n'ụwa à
Asụsụ niile e nwere n'ụwa a
Olu niile e nwere n'Igbo
ASỤSỤ IGBO: OLUMBA NA IGBO IZUGBE
O wee bụlụ ma okwu. Ogbu a, inu m, na okwu m na

akụko m enukwasala asụsụ Igbo. Asụsụ Igbo na
27
After God is Dibia
olumba ndị dịgasi na ya adịrịla adịrị asụrụla asụrụ,
n'oge ọkpụ, tupu Bekee na Ụka abịa n'Ala Igbo. Site
n'Ugwu wee ruo na Ndịda n'Ala Igbo, site n'Ọwụwa
Anyanwụ wee ruo n'Odida Anyanwụ n'Ala Igbo, mba ọ
bụla nwere olu ha na-asụ e jiri mara ha. Anyi ekwuola
ya na Ala Igbo bụ obosara ala gbanyere ụkwụ na steeti
isii, dị ka Naịjirịa sịri dịrị ugbu a.
Ndị a bụ: Anịọma (na Delta State) Anambara, Imo,

Ebonyi, Enugwu, Abịa na Rivers. N'obosara ala di etu
a, ọ di ndị na-atu anya na ọ bu etu nd Agbo Obi n'ala
Ịka si asụ, ka ndị Ọgba ga-esi na-asu? N'obosara ala di
etu a, ọ di ndị na-atụ anya na ebe na ebe onye esila
pụta ma ọ bụ bịa n'ala Igbo, ozugbo ọ mepere onụ ya
kwuwe ụka na onye na onye ya na ya na-ekwu ụka, ma
ọ bụ nọ ketara ya nso, gaanụtacha ma.ghọtachaa ihe
ibe ya na-ekwu, ma ọ bụ na-ako? Ọ di ihe so na ibe ha
na-eji otu okwu, ndị ọzọ ana-eji okwu ọzọ? N'asụsụ ọ
bụla otụtụ ndịiche pụtara ihe na-adi site n'otu mba
gaa na mba ọzọ na site n’otu olu gaa na nke ọzọ. A ga-
ahụ ndịiche n'ebe na n'ihe ndị a.
Mkpụrụụda asụsụ, na mkpọpụta nke ọ bụla
Mkpọpụta ụdaasụsụ - ngowire, ndebeolu, ọdịdị olu,

28
After God is Dibia
olu nka, n'abụ na n'ukwe
Mkpụrụasụsụ na mkpụrụkwu
Mkpọkpụta mkpụrụsasụsụ na mkpụrụokwu
Mkpọnuume, mkpọnaakpo, mkpọna egbagbere
Nkebiokwu, nkebiahịrị, ahịrịokwu na ndịnaya
Nnyemaka ngwaa, mmejupụta ha na mpụtara ha
Ndị Igbo niile maara nke a, ofụma ofụma, kpatara ha

ji ebee otu akpata onụ na:
Mba na-achi n'olu, n'olu
Ma ha kwaa ụkwara
Ya adaa kwa kwa kwa
Ilu a bụ mmanwụ tiri onwe ya. N'ihi na achọghị m ka

ego e jiri lụo nne m laa ọkpọrọ, agaghị m agbali ikowa
ya. Mana n'ihi na nne m azụchaala ahịa nke ya soro
igwurube laa mmụo, ka m gbalịa zipụta ụmi ilu a. Ihe
29
After God is Dibia
ọ na-ekwu bụ na e gemizie nti na rịịị na tịịị dị
n’olumba gasị anyị were anya ahụ e ji ahụ nsị osa, na
ntị ahụ e ji anụ ikiri ụkwụ esu, anyị ga-ahụ ma nụ
otụtụ ndịiche, site n’otu ebe gaa n’ebe ọzọ n’olumba
ndị Igbo. Mana anyị bịa n’ihe ndị ahụ asụsụ jiri bụrụ
otu njirimara ndị, na omenaala ha, olu na ibe ya bụ
otu, site na nghọta na mpụtara dị n’iminiimi ha, na
n’ọkpụ ndịrị ha – na mpụtara na nghọta ha.
Asụsụ Igbo nwere otụtụ olumba. E nwebeghị ike

imatacha olumba ole di n'asụsụ Igbo. Otu ihe anyị
maara bụ na ọ karịrị steeti ole a na-asụ Igbo ka asụsụ
mbụ, maka ụfọdụ ma ọ bụ niile, na ha. Otu ihe ọzọ
anyị maara bụ na olumba ndị a erughị ka komuniti
ndị nweere onwe ha, na goomenti ndị di ugbu a n'Ala
Igbo, na-ekewapụta aghara aghara. Otu ihe ọzọ anyị
maara bụ na e nwere otu olumba, oge, ndị mmadụ na
adimkpa nyeela ndị Igbo. Ọ bụ nke a ka a na-akpọ
Igbo Izugbe. Asụsụ di ka Igbo, a na-asụ n'obosora ala
di dika Ala Igbo, asụsụ nwerela abidii ya oke mgbe,
asụsụ nwerela otụtụ ederede na ya, asụsụ so asụsụ
abụo ndị ọzọ bụrụ asụsụ Ala Naịjirịa, a na-akụzi site
n'otaakara wee ruo yunivasiti dị ka A1 na A2, asụsụ a
na-asụ na redio na televishon, were ya na-eme otụtụ
ihe ndị digasị iche iche, asụsụ bụ na ndị na-asụ ya
ruru 20m ma ọ peka mpe. Asusu di etu a kwesiri inwe
Izugbe abuo - nke osusu na nke odide. Izugbe Osụsụ
30
After God is Dibia
na Izugbe Odide abụghị ebiri. Nke osụsụ tọrọ nke
odide. Izugbe asụsụ Igbo malitere kemgbe ndị Igbo si
na mba digasị iche bidoro nwewe mmekorịta
n'ọgbako, n'azụmahịa, n'ụlo ụka, n'ama egwuregwu,
n'ụlo akwụkwọ, n'egemnti na mkpịrịta ụka na ejije na
ihe ndị ọzọ a na-eme na redio na televishon. Izugbe
Odide malitere kemgbe ndị ụka Siemesi tinyere anya
n 'asụsụ Igbo imepụta na ikpụpụta otu olu Igbo ga-
abụ ozuruigbo niile onụ. Na mbụ na mbụ ndị Siemesi
wubere Isuama site na mgbali. Schon, na Saro.' Mana
ka Schon garuru Abo sụo Isuama n'enwegbhi onye
ghọtara ya ka ọ kpụpụta na akamere anaghị adi
n'asụsụ. Achịdikịn Denis ewee gbalịa chopụta Yunion
Igbo ka ọ bụrụ Igbo Izugbe. Nke ahụ kụkwara afo
n'ala. Ida Ward ewee haziwe Central Igbo, etu
Welmers na Welmers siri hazie Compromise Igbo. Na
ndị a niile ọ dighị nke a nabatara ka ọ bụrụ Igbo
Izugbe. Ma ka agha Bịafra biri, n'afo 1970, Otu Iwelite
Asụsụ na Omenaala Igbo bidoziri haziwe Igbo Izugbe
nke e jizi ede ederede Igbo ugbu a. Na mkpọkọta okwu
m, ọ kwesịrị ka anyị mata na Isuama, Yunion, Central
na Compromise Igbo jikọrọ aka mee ka mpupụta na
nhazi Igbo Izugbe na-aga were were. Ọ bụ naani Igbo
Izugbe a nwere ọkaasụsụ Igbo. Ọ bụ nke a bụ otu oke
ndịiche di n'etiti olumba ndị ọzọ e nwere n'asụsụ Igbo
na Igbo Izugbe.

31
After God is Dibia
Sọọ nwata ụ nọ n'ikpele mmili
Kwe m eke Ekene Oma
O ma Oma na udo
Údo Ùdo obele
O bele Obele nza
Nza Nza atụle
Atụle Atụle òbò
O bo Obo n'ụgbo
Ụ gbo Ụgbo n'amì
Amì Amị gololịo
Osikapa Joloof O nà-àsonashị kombiìfu
Osụwayịwayị Ìyaà
Ladies and Gentlemen,

32
After God is Dibia
THE IGBO OF INNOCENCE
THE ESSENCES IN IGBO CIVILIZATION
In the age of innocence the indịgenous, native and

original Igbo were simple child-like, hardworking,
imbibing from their elders who were steeped in
essence, in the lores and mores of Igbo culture and
civilization. As the young Igbo grew up they were
exposed to and imbibed four crucial 'cults' (but
without the pejorative senses of today).
Ikengà – ‘the cult of the right hand which symbolizes

indịvidual achievement through hard work (with one's
hand);
Iru-cult – ‘the cult of the face which sytnbolise one's
commandịng personality and influence;
Ùhu-cult - 'the cult of the body and tongue which
symbolise personal charm and persuasive eloquence;
Ụkwụ nà ije - 'the culture of the limbs which
symbolise success in adventures.

33
After God is Dibia
Essential in his inculturation programme, the Igbo

amika and ntoroobia, were taught to recognize the
Alusi or supernatural being forces for what they were.
Even though they could have the features of men, the
Alusi were neither living human beings (mmadu) nor
dead human beings (mmuo). In the age of innocence,
the Igbo, whatever was their location in Igboland,
shared an identical conception of the Cosmos. To
them the universe was divided into four
complementary departments:
Ùwà, Mmuo, Alusi and Okike. Uwa (-wa break open;

split open, be cracked) in the world of the senses is
seen in Igwe (the heavens or firmament) and Ala (the
earth) Uwa is inhabited by Mmadu (living human
beings), Mmuo (dead ancestors who, as ndịichie, the
canonized ones, can re-incarnate, or as Akalaogoli
can't re-incarnate, or Ekwensu, mischievious spirits,
and Agwu, the maverick ambivalent trickster spirit
which through divination, Afa, reveals to human
beings the complex nature of the cosmic relationships
in the Igbo world. Very close to but distant from Uwa
ndị Igbo, is Chi Ukwu (Chukwu), the Great Chi (God),
Chi Okike = Chinaeke (the Creator), Olisabuuwa (the
God that carries the world). In the pristine world of
their bucolic innocence, the Igbo revered Chukwu
34
After God is Dibia
(God), the Great Enigma, Amaamaamasịghịamasị
(The-known-and-not-so-known). Ọnọnsomateeaka
(One-that-is-near-but-still-far). The innocent Igbo
venerated Chiokike because:
Ikeechukwuebuka Chukwunọnso
Chukwuebuka Chukwuenweghịiwe
Chukwunweikeniile Chukwunwendu
Chukwukadibịa Chukwujindu
Chukwumụanya Chukwumaobimmadụniine
Chukwubụike
In the philosophy of Igbo knowledge
Chukwu kere Ala na Mmadụ

35
After God is Dibia
Ma Ala ka mmadụ
In the age of innocence the rural Igbo had very great

respect for Ndu (life) because it comes from God. It is
greater than money or wealth. It cannot be foundered
by blacksmith. All things are only useful if they have
life.
Osondụagwgụike Ndụbụeze
Chukwụbụndo Ndụbụisi
Chukwunwendụ Ndụkaego
Chukwujindụ Ndụkaakụ
Ekejindụ Ụzụakpụndụ
Ifebụnandụ Mdịkaanwụifemgaemedị
Ifesinandụ Obụlụnamdịndụifemgaemedị
Ifeakandụ
36
After God is Dibia
In the age of pre-innocence, God allowed Death to be

in order to checkmate Man. There are many versions
of the aetiology of death in Igbo cosmology. The race
to deliver the message of life and death from God to
man by the Dog and the Tortoise exists in Igbo
folklore. God had to bring death to the world so that:
Onye lote ọnwụ
O mea nwayọọ
N'ihi na
Ọnwụatụegwu Ọnwụenweiro
Ọnwụatụaka Ọnwụamaoke
Ọnwụasoanya Ọnwụakpaoke
37
After God is Dibia
Ọnamaoke Ọnwụnọnso
Ọnwụeliego Ọnwweteaka
Ọnwụelingo Ọnwụejeọgwụ
Ọnwụenweoyị Ọnwụamaife
In the age of innocence the Igbo respected age and the

elders almost to the point of reverence because:
Ife okènye dànà àni fụ
Nwatà kwụlụ ọtọ ọ má-afụ yá
A hụ, e kwughị nà-ègbu okènyè
E kwuo, a nụghị nà-ègbu nwatà

38
After God is Dibia
In their ranking of professions or attributes, the igbo

of innocence ranked brain over brawn:
Kalịa aya gà-èli ọtụ ilòlò
Ya lia dike
Thus the strategic thinker, the philosopher, a bundle

of brains is preferred to the warrior, the military
strategist, the man of strength. For, whereas the latter
is replaceable and dispensable, the former is not
replaceable, and is indịspensable. Tied to the virture
of thinking and geometric reasoning is the indgenous
Igbo ranking of amamihe (absolute wisdom) amamizu
(absolute wisdom) over:
Àkọ 'smartness, ‘wit’ as in Nwa Ebule Ako
Uchè ‘commonsense’ (without real wisdom)
Àkọ nà uchè ‘wisdom’

39
After God is Dibia
Ñtụbịrịkọ ‘diplomacy’
If the above analysis is correct, what then do these

mean?
Àkọ bụ ndụ
Uchè bụ ndụ
Uchè bụ afa
Uchè bụ àkpà
The autochthonous Igbo of innocence prized material

possessions but would not make a fetish of them
because material possessions come from God.
Chukwunweụba
Chukwujiụba

40
After God is Dibia
Ekèjiụba
Ụbàsìnàchi
But if:
Ndụbụàkụ
Nwabụàkụ
Mmadụbụàkụ
Madụwụụba
And then:
Nwakàụba
Mmadụkaụba

41
After God is Dibia
In the light of the above what is?
Àkụ ụba àkụ nà ụbà
Possessions possessions of assets wealth
· Eluluù (animal resources)
· Akụmakụ (forest resources)
· Ala (land)
· Ndịinyom (wives)
· Ụmụ (children)
· Ohù (slaves)

42
After God is Dibia
In terms of wealth, the Igbo of innocence were
concerned more with the creation and acquisition of
wealth - than with the spinning of money. The image
of the King in Every man which the Ikenga and the
Ụkwu na Ije cults seem to portray, is only partially
correct. Adventure and success are not only carried
out and achieved in society, they are measured against
other people in and the virtues society. Persuasive
eloquence, rhetoric and oratory associated with the
Uhu-cult are society-determined. So, too, is
commandịng personality and influence of the Iru-cult,
society-driven. The Igbo of innocence was a
community dweller and a team worker.
For while he knew that:
1. Onye ya na chi ya kwụ
O dighị ihe ga-eme ya
Or

43
After God is Dibia
2. Onye kwe, chi ya ekwe
He also knew and believed that:
1. Mmadụ bụ chi ibe ya
2. Ịhà mè ịha me ịhà
3. Ọgọ bụ chi ogbenye
4. Ofu onye adị-abụ ebò
5. Ofu aka adị-eke ngwugwu
6. Ofu onye adị-ebu ozu enyì
7. Ofu onye adịghị mma n'ije
8. Otu mkpịsị aka rụta mmanụ
Ya eruo ndị ọzọ
9. Ihe kwụrụ

44
After God is Dibia
Ihe akwụdebe ya
10. Onye maani ya kwụ
Odudu atagbuo ya
11. Ọkọ kọba mmadụ
O gaa kwụde mmadụ ibe ya
Ka ọ kọọ ya;
kọba anụ ọhịa
O gaa n'ahụ osisi
12. Otu onye lie onwe ya
AKA ya ga-apụtarịrị
13. Nwata nwe ọkpà
Mana n'ezi okenye
Ka ọ na-akwa
14. Onye fee ezè,
Ezè eruo ya
45
After God is Dibia
15. Ọhà nwè tutuu
Tutuu nwè ọhà
16. Aka nri kwọọ aka ekpe
AKA ekpe akwọọ aka nri
All the above proverbs emphaize the complementry

roles of indịviduals with indịviduals - inhuman
society. So, too, does the aetiological anecdote about
why 'Fowls go in twos - because the thing that kills
fowls (hawks) come from above. If one fowl sees the
enemy first, it alerts the others. So too do personal
names like:
Adimabua Nwaìgbò
Adaọha Igboanụgo
Nwaọha Igbonaekwu

46
After God is Dibia
Obiọha Igboakalụzịa
emphasize complementation, reciprocity and group

plidarity.
What I have been saying so far suggests

complementation rather than polarity, inclusivism
rather than exclusivism, and holism rather than
indvidualism. Too much: exists in the political,
sociological and cultural literature about the Igbo
being an extreme indịvidualist, a lone ranger (= I-go-
before-others). I would not, however, like my
audience to go away with the impression that the Igbo
society of innocence and the Igbo people of innocence
did not have their fair share of mavericks, madmen
and deviants. They had. But they believed these were
the exceptions that give vibrancy and relevance to the
rules.

47
After God is Dibia
O dighị ala na-enweghị ngwere
Some people among the Igoo of innocence did do

what they were not expected to do. The ten, universal
commandments were broken. There was incest. There
was adultery, fornication and abortion. For the Igbo
language has words for these. People ate animals,
fishes and fruits they were forbidden to eat. People
went to other people's farms and removed yams and
cocoyams from their farms and barns. But there were
sanctions for those caught in the act. There were
public confessions, executions, and suicides for those
who offended grieviously against ala. For:
Ògbu mma nà-àla na mmà

Ogbùru onye nà onye ọ gbù yị àla
Ajụghị àjụ eri kpàtàrà
A rịàghị àrịà ànwụ
For those who confessed their transgressions, there

was forgiveness. For:

48
After God is Dibia
Mmehie dịka-àdị
Mgbayàlị adị-àdị
The Igbo of innocence lived in and operate within his

umunna, at the three levels of partilinage: minimal,
major and maximal. He also lived and operated within
the Ikwunne or Nnamochie - the matrilinage. At the
widest level, he operated within a village. Beyound
that, he went into an mba - another or foreign land
adjacent to his and with which it had all sorts of
alliances and relationships. Even in some of the
known (Igbo) kingdoms the king, even where there
was a primogeniture, was treated as a President-for-
as long as he proved himself people-centred,
democratic and republican - and his people were
satisfied with his reign not rule. For:
Ọhà nwè ezè
Èzè nwe Ọhà
In conclusion, the Igbo of innocence loved and

49
After God is Dibia
coveted wisdom and applied it to all he thought, said
and did. For him Chukwu himself created wisdom and
so all true wisdom came from Chukwu. This true
wisdom is not just one of intellect, derivable from
facts but a passion for truth. The young garnered it
from counsel, instruction and observation from the
elders and the wise, through informal traditional
education whose unwritten texts were the folktales
and other narratives the proverbs, anecdotes, tongue
twisters, riddles, songs and poems of all descriptions
and genres, feasts and festivals. Whether as technical
knowledge, or hypostratic knowledge, true knowledge
as against spurious wisdom is what kept the Igbo
going in their arcadian innocence.
THE BACKGROUND TO EXPERIENCE
Mutual trans umunna, trans ogo, trans mbam, trans

mba contacts, with other sub-cultural Igbo groups
within Ala Igbo. This was one factor. Mutual trans
Igbo culture contacts with their non-Igbo neighbours
(Edo, Ịgala, Isoko,' Urhobo, Ịjọ, Ịzọn, Ogoni, Mbembe,
Idoma, Ibibio, Yoroba, Awụsa). This was another
factor. Then the economic contacts with the Royal
Niger Company. Then the colonial intervention from
50
After God is Dibia
Berlin through 1900, 1911, 1914, 1954 and 1960. From
punitive military expeditions to occupation and
colonization. And the introduction of the culture of
the hustlings and ballot-box democracy. Add to these
the missionary enterprise of the orthodox Christian
groups from 1857 for the CMS, and 1885 for the RCM,
and the laisser faire modern-day freaks and
charlatans that have come with the halleuyah
Revolution. (Cotton, 1995; Obiora, 1998). Here
irrationalism, counter culture, ecstasy, induced
conversions, link up with the cutting edge of neuro-
science and pseudo-christianity. And the romance
with Western Education. Then the Biafran debacle
and the post-Biafran military and civilian potitics,
.post-Biafran monetary and fiscal policies, and the
grammar of pauperizatin and marginalization. The
effects of all of the above were seen in varied
perspectives and, at various levels of religious, socio-
political and economic realities.
THE IGBO OF EXPERIENCE
According to Onwuejeogwu (1987) exprience

intergrated the theatre of Igbo civilization into what is
today called Nigeria. ‘Igoland ceased to be .a theatre
51
After God is Dibia
of civilization. It became a periphery of a larger
periphery whose capital is at Lagos and its centre is
London.’ From being simple and child-like theIgbo of
experience became rather naive and childish as their
shattered psyche grew from tragedy and tragicomedy,
to slapstick comedy and farce. Nkem has replaced
Nkeanyị. I-go-before-others has replaced Erima (eriri
Omumu Nwa) Group Solidarity (Anyanwu, 1993;
Mozia, 1982/87). The punitive military expeditions
that imposed Pax Britanica and the Biafran
experience, all these made nonsense of egbe cham and
traditional charms, gunpowder and machetes. The
descration - and deposition – of Eze Nri, Eze Aro, Obi
Agbo Obi, all before 1911; the demystification of the
oracles at Arọchukwu, Oka, Diobu, Ụmụnneọha, the
introduction of a monetized economy. The birth of
Eastern Region and Nigera. The replacement of open
consultative and consensual democracy with
Westminster type of democracy and the secrecy of the
ballot box. The treatment of Christianity as Mammon
and the elevation of Jesus into an Industry or a
corporation with the features of a LTD. Or a PLC. The
incorporation of syncretism into some pseudo-
christian assemblies and communions, in their beliefs
and worship. The replacement of traditional secret
societies with modern Eruo-American brotherhoods
and sisterhoods which meet in Lodgies! The romance
with Western Education and its devaluation of
traditional education. The enthronment of
52
After God is Dibia
indịvidualism and materialism, the enthronment of
the English Language not only as The Language of
Wider communication, God's own language, with
Latin for the Catholics in the post-Sanahan era, and,
later, the Official Language of Nigeria. From some
twenty-seven traditional monarchies and kingdoms at
Abo, Agbo, Isele Ukwu, Nri, Ụbụlụ-Ukwu, Ọsọmale,
Ọnịcha Ado, Ugwuta, etc., we now have well over 800
autonomous communities each with its own Eze. And,
in Aniomaland, we have, in addition, modem political
contraptions designed for and co-existing with a
bicameral polity with the Okpara system in places like
Asaba, Okpanam and Ibusa, The Asagba of Asaba, The
Asagba Okpanam and the Obuuzo of Igbouzo are
really not eze but Presidents-for-Life! All these
because, as Obienyem has observed in his poem 'Di
Anyị, I Bụrụla Eze'
Ezè Ìgbò di mfe

nweghị omà:
Aju e ji èbu ezè dọ nà ngwùrù niile
Di n'ime Olu nà Igbo
Ebe m nwèrè òkpu mmèe mmèe

53
After God is Dibia
Jide ija nà ñkù akpukpọ
Ezè, ọ fọrọ ihe ọzọ
N'Olu nà Ìgbò ezè na adà n'obi ọ masịrị ya;

Àjàdu nà-akpọ isi àlà, ọ na-akpọrọ onwe ya
Ebe ọ bu ego bu igidigi oju eze
Àjadu chi ya mụ any a, ọ majite ego

Ego tụa ahụ, eze adawaa!
Ma eze naịrà, ọ bụ eze gini?
Eze ụra atụ na eze nkwōro
E gbue ebi naabo, e zoo otu
Okwu sie ike, ndị uwe ojii na ndị dibia erie ego
Bikonụ, eze naịrà, ọ bụ eze gini?
Nolue Emenanjo (ed.) Ụtara Nti pp. 63-4.

54
After God is Dibia
Put in the most simplistic language the combination

of all the agencies and forces of the post-innocence era
resulted in the emergence of men without shape,
women without ears, shapes without forms, hollow
men without backs; for whom all things are not where
they are supposed to be, the spirtus mundị was
ambivalence, the zeitgeist; snakes swallowing snakes.
Ebe niile abụrụ mmadụ mmadụ, mana mmadụ akoo.
Ụkwụ eju ala, mana ije adighị. N'ezie, ọkụkọ
agbasaala okpesi. Ndị nọ n'ala bidoziri dagbuwe ndị
nọ n'elu. Akwụ wee chaa n’ọdụ igù. Ịkwighịikwighị
efebezie n'ehihie. Eỳi n'ehihie. Ndị eze akarịa ndị ha
na-achi. Ya abụrụ mpụ n'elu, mpụ n'ala. Enyi mbekwu
na Uze ejuzịa n'ebe niile Nke bụzi na n'Abụja na
n'Ajegunle, e nwezi eze ndị Igbo? Nke a, abụghị eze
akhje! Ka ndị eze siri hie nne ka aha (otutu) ha siri na-
eyi egwu ma dikwa egwu!
Mmirinaezònaọkọchi I
Otuonyeanaetuụnuabịala I
Oshìmìrìrieonyeorieọgwụya I
Odịụkonamba I

55
After God is Dibia
Gwugwuga I
Odụmnaegbuagụ I
Anụanaagbaegbeọnaatahwịọhwịọ I
Mmirinaarịugwu I
Ndị bụ na karịa ha ga-echepụta ma rụpụta ngwa

ọhụrụ, ha alaa defence, rụo ngwa ahụ akpụrụka ma
mepụta ajasa ya, adịgboroja ya, ijebu ya! Nke a emezie
ka n'Ala Igbo niile mana ọ karịrị n'Aba na Ụlụ diwazịa
ka Lo Wu, oke obodo ahịa di na Shenzhen na China.
Ebe a ka a na-asị na ọ bụ ya bụ isi obodo ngwa ahịa ọ
bụla adịgboroja n'ụwa niile. N'ezie, a na-asI na, n'ahịa
Aba, ngwa ọ bụla nwezuru ezie ya, de main de main,
na oyiri ya, y.b. akpụrụka ya, zuru iri. Ọ bụ ihe a soro
mee e ji asị na ị chọọ ịmata Aba i ga-etukwuru ala. I
kwụrụ oto i gaghị ahụ tụtụrụ rachaa. Onye ọ bụla
n'Aba, ọ kachasị ndị ahịa, tukwuru etukwu na-ede ibe
ya ka ọ rụo ya akpụrụka, mee ya emeghị erne gosị ya
na nwa Aro di iche, mkpọọlà adịkwa iche; kuzie ya na
ahịa na-aka mma n'etiti Arọ na Mbàise.
I will now end my observations and impressions about

56
After God is Dibia
the Igbo experience with this poem, (a little adapted)
from an anonymous hand. It's title:
(THE) NOTHING PEOPLE
They do not lie.
They just neglect to tell the truth.
They do not take,
They simply cannot bring themselves to give.
They do not steal,
They scavenge.
They will not rock the boat,
But did you ever see them pull an oar?
They will not pull you .down,
They'll simply let you pull them up,

57
After God is Dibia
And let you pull them down.
They will not hurt you,
They merely will not help you.
They do not hate you,
They merely cannot love you.
They will not burn you,
They'll only fiddle while you burn.
They are the nothing people,
The sins-of-omission folk,
The neither-good-nor-bad,
And, therefore, worse.
The good, at least, keep busy, trying,
And the bad try jut as hard.
Both have that character,
That comes from caring, action and conviction.

58
After God is Dibia
The honest sinner with God and Satan.
They know the price of everything,
But do not know the value of anything
They scream about national character.
But, given the chance,
They live and practise family character.
Or sell out their own quota and the character
Or scatter everything, like the fowl
Who says:
Scatter and scatter lest another eat!
CHIAKPII wọọọ
CHIAKPII wọọọ

59
After God is Dibia
CHIAKPII wọọọ
Enye m i ọkwụlụ inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom
Okwụlụ àkpàjili inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom
Asụsụ neafụ o inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom
THE IGBO LANGUAGE OF EXPERIENCE
...n'okwu Igbo
Ndị gboo kpara ụka n'asụsụ a
Ha kọrọ akịkọ ọchị, daa kwàkwàkwà;

60
After God is Dibia
Iwe hà pụtàrà n'okwu zuru òke;
Ha gbàrà ìzù, ghọta ònwe hà n'Ìgbò
Ha bụrụ Mbe n'echìche okwu Ìgbò
Ha bụrụ Ndùrì bụkwa nwa Ọkịrị
Ha zara ọkwà nka, zaakwa ọchị agha
A kpọrọ ha mà ọkà okwù mà ọkà alò
N'ọnụ na nghọta, ha nọrọ bụrụ Ìgbò
J. C. Obienyem, 'Mbo m Na-Agba' Akpa Uche p. 69.
The Igbo language of innocence was, as should be

expected, a closed circuit phenomenon. Each person
spoke his dialect (D1) in his umunna, his ogo, his
onumara, his mbam - essentially and unrepentantly,
undịluted. The smiths who produced the Igbo-Ukwu
bronzes must have spoken an undịluted Aguukwu-
oeri D1. So too the axe makers at the foundries at
Ugwuele, an Okigwe D1. And the salt makers of
61
After God is Dibia
Uburu, and undịluted Ehugbo D1. What did the Nri
aka nshi speak when they went on their religious njem
across those parts of Igboland within the Nri
hegemony? At the axe foundries of Ugwuele what
language did the master axe makers, their patrons and
their clients speak? When the Aro went on their
exploits beyond Ibiniukpabi, and, for Ibiniukpabi,
how did they communicate along their routes? What
language was used by the Ekumeeku Warriors who
were drawn from all parts of Aniomaland? At the salt
markets in Uburu and the horse markets at Nsukka,
how did the buyers and sellers communicate? My
haunch (given today's experience) is that Igbo-
speaking people who left for other Igbo-speaking mba
modified their D1 - or learnt and used the more
prestigious D1, for purposes of intra-group
communication. Let it be emphazised that inspite of
the political independence of the mba, there were
many forms of formal and informal contacts and for
inter-dependence between various Igbo-
speakingpeople before the dawn of experience: trade,
marriages, fairs, festivals, feasts, and even wars. These
were veritable avenues for mutual exposure to
different lects, varieties, jargons, sound systems,
syntactic structures, lexical elements and semantic
systems in the Igbolanguage.

62
After God is Dibia
With experience came greater mobility within ahd
beyond Igboland, as the Igbo and their land now had
greater contacts with other peoples, other cultures
and other languages. The nascent Spoken Standard
Igbo began to grow and grow in its lexical inventory,
especially, in the names of plants, animals,
geographical features and phenomena alien to Igbo
culture. Words like osikapa, otanjele, jakị, dawa,
akamu, alakwuba, agidi akpoto, elele, munchi from
Ugwu Awusa, ụrooshi, ichafo, abada, panya, from
European Languages via the Coast; oloma, agboro,
wayo, ashawo, jedijedi from yorubaland; Iduu, iyase,
Agwuele, from Edoland; banga, bonga, ogogoro,
agogo from the Niger Delta, mmom, abasị afaniko,
Ibibi from Ibibio-Efikland. Just as new words were
coming in and being domesticated to the realities and
imperatives of the Igbo sound and lexical systems, so
too, new tales, proverbs, and anecdotes were being
welcomed and added to the repertoire of Igbo folkore,
poems and songs. Collectors of unwritten Ibo
literature are used to choruses, non-ideophonic
words, phrases and sentences which they often treat
as either 'archaisms', 'nonsense words or 'obscurities'.
These so-called archaisms and nonsense words may
well be from languages which are either siblings of the
igbo language or 'live' languages spoken by non-Igbo
neighbours of the igbo or others who have come in
contact with the Igbo. As for the 'obscurities', those
references which may now look opaque may well be
63
After God is Dibia
references to phenomena in cultures and literatures
which are neighbours to th igbo. Among the Anioma,
for example, references to Ala Iduu are copuous. And
characters like Giant Alakwukwu, an Agwuala (i.e.
Giant), Gbanwula Asigie, Ogiso and Ezechime, feature
robustly in their folklore and oral histories. These and
many more features of the language contacts between
Igbo and the languages of their neighbours are
begging for urgent studies.
IGU AKWUKWO NA IGU EGO
Onye ọ bụla chọrọ iga n'ihu, ndị ọ bụla chọrọ iga

n'ihu, ezi na ụlọ ọ bụla, ụmụnna ọ bụla, ebe ọ bụla,
ogo ọ bụla, uhe ọ bụla, mba ọ bụla, obdo ọ bụla, n'ezie,
agbụrụ ọ bụla chọrọ iga n'ihu ga-ebu ụzọ gwọọ ọgwụ
mmadụ tupu ya agwọọ ọgwụ ego. Maka na mmadụ bụ
mma di na ndụ na n'elu ụwa a. Leekwa aha ndị a ndị
Igbo na-aza:

64
After God is Dibia
Mmadụbụakụ Mmadụbụuko
Mmadụwụụba Mmadụnaecheibeya
Mmadụkaego Madụmereụwajiasoụso
Mmadụbụchiibeya Ihekanammadụ
Mmadụbụike Mmadụkaife
Ị gwọ ọgwụ mmadụ apụtaghị iga na dibịa. Ọ bụ iga

akwụkwọ gaa nweta mmụta na mmụba si n'akwụkwọ.
Ọ bụ ima akwụkwọ wetara ka mmadụ ghara iko
mmadụ ibe ya ma ọ bụ mba ya. Ọ bụ ụko mmadụ
kpatara mmadụ ga-eji eju, a ka na-achọ mmadụ. Iga
akwụkwọ bụ isi dọkpụ nti n'etiti ndị na na mmepe
obodo na agbụrụ. Ọ bụ ezie na:
Akwụkwọ nà-àtọ ụtọ

65
After God is Dibia
Ọ nà-àra ahụ na mmụta
Mà onye nwere ntasi obì
O ga-amuta akwukwo
Ịga ezi akwụkwọ na-eweta mmụta na mmata. Ndị a

na-eweta amanihe na amamizu. Ịga akwụkwọ na-enye
mmadụ orụ aka na aka orụ. Ịga akwụkwọ na-achụ ma
na-egbochi
Amaghị nka asụsụ

Amaghị ege ntị
Amaghị echebara ihe echiche dị omimi
Amaghị agụ ederede na akwụkwọ ndị dịgasị iche iche
Amaghị aghọta ma ọ bụ akota eserese na diagram, na
tebulu, na fịgo ndị dị iche iche
Amaghị atụ ihe na isì ihe
Ịga akwụkwọ na-akụzi nka ndị dị ịche iche
Nka ọgụgụ na odide ihe

66
After God is Dibia
Nka e ji aghọta ma ọ bụ. akota eserese na diagram,
tebulu, na fịgo gasị
Nka otụtụ na osịsị ihe
Nka nzụlite amamonwe
Nka maka opịpịa ihe gasị
Nka mpiako na nhazi
Nka nzulite aka orụ na orụ aka
Nka maka mkpata na ndokọ àkụ
Nka maka mmata aka ọrụ na ọrụ aka
Nka maka àmụmihe
Ịga akwụkwọ na-enye mmadụ ike na ikike karịrị akarị

n'ih ndị a:
(a) mmata na mmụta maka
Ịchọpụta na idokọ esinaaka

Nyocha esinaakonauche
Ozụzụ ọgụgụ isi
Iji aka na ako onye chọwa ihe ndị ọzọ dịịrị mmadụ
mkpa
(b) nka dịgasị iche iche maka:

67
After God is Dibia
Ọgụgụ isi na ntụrịch….e

Nchepụta na nhazi ir
Mkpebi esinaọgụgụisi
Iji ako na nka tinye n'echemeche
Ikwu na ibe imeko ihe na ibiko onụ
(gb) Mmaraonwe y.b. mmadụ imara onwe ya site n’ijụ

ma ichọpụtasị oziza ajụjụ ndị a:
Onye/gịnị ka m bụ?
Olee ihe ndịm nwere ike imeli?
Aga m ejiko aka m nọrọ duu n'agbaghị mbo ọ bụla
n'ihi na onye kwe, chi onye ahụ ekwetakwala?
(c) ngwa ndị na-ezipụta na mmadụ adịrịla ezigbo

niikere maka ibi nke oma n’ụwa nke ubu a:
Orụ aka na aka orụ pụtara ìhe e jiri mara onye

Mkpata akụ na-abawanye ma na-amụwanye, kwa daa,
kwa izu, kwa onwa, kwa afo
68
After God is Dibia
Nkwere n’onwe onye n’ime ihe ọ bụla
(d) mmadụ ihụ onwe ya n’ụzo zịri ezi na n’emume

kwụrụ oto. Nke a ga-enyere mmadụ aka ikwusị ike na:
O bụ m di ihe a. Ọ bụghị onye ọzọ. Eji m anya m ahụ

ụzo ma werekwa ntị nke m na-anụ ihe
Aga m emeli ihe a n’eleghị onye ọzọ anya, n’ajụghị
onye ọzọ nke a na-eme
Ọgbọ dị iche, ibe dị iche
Otu nne na-amụ man ọ bụghị otu chi na-eke
Onye kwe, chi ya ekwe
Mmadụ ibu onwe ya n’eleghị anya n’azụ
Mmadụ itinye onwe ya niile, ndu ya niile, ike ya niile,
echichle ye niile, n’ịhe ọ bụla ọ na-eme n’ajụghị ihe
(ojoo) ga-esi na ya pụta
Ịga akwụkwọ bụ oke ihe. Ọ na akụziri mmadụ nka ndị

a bụ ọkachasị ibe ha:
(i) nka ntoala,

69
After God is Dibia
Maka ọgụgụ na odide

Ọnụọgụgụ na nọmba
Iji akara, ma eserese na fịgo dịgasị iche mee ihe
Otụtụ na osisi gbasara aka na uhịe: volum, aro, ago,
njem
(ii) nka maka obibi ndu gbasara nzụlite onwe
Opịpịa ihe
Mkpezi na nhazi
Mwughari ihe - iji nke a rie/mee nke a
(iii) nka enwemakaolụ maka
Mmụta akaolụ na olu aka

Nzulite aka olụ na olu aka
Nzụlite akpamakụ
Mmụwanye na ntowanye
Nka omụmụ ihe

70
After God is Dibia
(iv) nka maka amụmihe ebighị ebi, agwụ agwụ
N'ezie, igụ akwụkwọ abụghị nnanị maka inweta

asambodo e ji achọ ọlụ oyibo ma ọ bụ e ji agụwanye
akwụkwọ. Ọ bụ maka izụ mmadụ, ahụ mmadụ dum,
obodo niile na agbụrụ niile ka mmepe na ọganiihu
wee jupụta n'echiche na n'echemeche ndị mmadụ na
mba ha.
O bụ maka ịzụ anu ahụ mmadụ na nke ime mmụo ya.

Ọ bụ maka ịzụ anya onye ka ọ na-aru ma ọ bụ rụkarịa
olụ dịịrị ya. Ka mmadụ wee nwee ike leruo ihe anya iji
hụ nsi osa na iji mara anya nke e lere ele na nke a rọrọ
arọ. Ọ bụ maka ịzụ echiche ndị mmadu ka ha wee
mata na tutuu nwe ọhà, mana ọhà nwekwa tutuu; na
ofe na-atọ ka ọkwụrụ ma n'agbaghị mkpụrụ ka
ọkwụrụ abụghị ofe ọkwụrụ. Ịga akwukwọ na-azụ imi
mmadụ ka ọ nwee ike iminyere imi na mmiri ịchọpụta
ebe ndị mmụo si abata n'elu ụwa. Ịgụ akwụkwọ na-
azụ ire mmad ka ọ dị ire, nti mmadụ ka ọ wee nwe ike
mata myiri na ndịiche dị n'etiti egbe na egbe. Ọ bụrụ
na iga akwụkwọ bụchasịrị ihe ndị a niile anyị
kwuputarala, ọ bụ gini bụ mbunuuche ndị a na asị na:

71
After God is Dibia
Unù na-àgu akwụkwọ,
Anyi àna-àgu egō,
Fa ncha bụ ife ọgụgụ.
Onye na-asị na igụ akwụkwọ na igụ ego bu otu ihe na-

agwa ụwa niile na ọ maghị asụsụ Igbo ma ncha. Isi
ngwaa a bụ – gụ dị n’ịgụ akwụkwọ na igụ onụ (ego)
abụghị otu n'ụtoasụsụ Igbo, na na nghọta ha.
Akwụkwọ enweghị onụ ma ọ nọmba: A naghị agụ ya
ka e si agu ego nwere onụ na nọmba. Ka ị sị na ị ma
nke a, I mazigo nke ọzọ ahụ? Ya bụ, onye sị na ịgụ
akwụkwọ na ịgụ ego bụ otu, ihe ọ na-agwa uwa niile
bụ na ọ bụ iti, iti bolibo, okpe, mumu, ewu Nupe! Ọ
na-agwa uwa niile na ọ maghị na amaghị akwụkwọ,
amaghị agụ na amaghị ede, bụ orịa, orịa ogbugbu
kariri AIDs dị ire. Ọ na-agwa ụwa niile na ọ maghị agụ
na amaghị ede bụ njo, njo kachasịrị njo niile - njo
ogbugbu. Ọ na-agwa uwa niile na ọ jiri aka ya chụpụ
onwe ya n'ụgbo. Ya asịkwala na ụzo erukwaghị ya. Ọ
chụpụla onwe ye n'orụ bekee na ihe ndị soro ya. Ọ
chụola onwe ya n'agụmakwụkwọ di elu. Ọ chụola
onwe ya n'iso ndị isi n'otu ndọrọndọrọ ọ bụla.
Ndọrọndọrọ ughu a, n'ebe ọ bụla, aghọọla anụ enyi.
72
After God is Dibia
Otu onye enweghị ike ibuli ya. Ndọrọndọrọ abụghị
ahịa, nke ọ ji abụrụ azụmahịa. Ọ bu okwe e ji
birikambiri, onye daara ibe ya, onye daara ibe ya. Ọ bụ
ako, uche na ntụbịrịko ka e ji egwu ya. Ọ bụghị gbata
gbata. Ọ bụghị a nọrọsịa n’ime ogwu ma ọ bụ ahụhụ a
na-achọ ikwo ya. Ọ bụ ọhịa ogwu jupụtara. A na-arụ
ụkwụ aba ya. Ọ bụghị okwu e ji njakịri akpa. Ọ bụ
akpaalaokwu ka e ji eso ya bụ akpa okwu. Ọ bụghị anụ
e ji akpụtụ mma egbu. Obụghị ọgụ a na-etu onụ aba.
Ọ bụ ọgụ e ji akpa uche aba. Ọ bụ ijele nwegasịrịr ijere
n’ụzo ya, na n’ahuya niile. Onye na-agụghị akwụkwọ
achụola onwe ya n’iga n’ụlo ezemeezu ịtụpụta aro
onya ga-eji ala, n’ala anyi. N’ezie, ọ jirila aka ya kpaara
onwe ya oke n’ihe ọ bụla, n’ebe ọ bụla, n’ọgbakọ ọ
bụla n’otu ọ bụla. Ọ meela onwe ya ihe akaje n’ezi na
ụ’o ya, n’etiti ụmụnna ya, n’ụlo ụka, nga na naga ọ
bụla. Otu na otu ọ bụla ọ nọ na ya, ọ ga na-agbara ndị
ma akwụkwọ boịboị, na-agbabara ha oso ahịa, na-
agbara ndị ọzọ apịlịko! Kedụ ka udi onye dị etu a ga-
esi ebizi n’elu ụwa nke ugbu a? E-mail, Internet,
Komputa, Ifo! Bekee aruola ala!
Ebe ndị ọzọ na-ekwu maka yunion – European Union,

Africa Union – ọ ka na-ekwe maka Ọtọnọmọs
komuniti. N’ebe ndị ọzọ n’ụwa ugbu a nnukwute
kompịnị ole na ole na-ejikozị aka abụrụ otu agadaga
kompịnị, ọ ka na-ekwu maka kompịnị nke ya na ụmụ
73
After God is Dibia
ya nwoke naanị. Ịhe ụwa ugbuluaka a, abụkwaghị nwa
Arọ iche, mkpọọla iche, nwa ọhụhụ/isoma ichie;
amaala iche, nwaofo iche. Ọ bụ aka weta, aka weta,
onụ eju. Ọ bụ a gbakọọ nwa mmiri ọnụ, ọ gbaa ụfụfụ.
Ọ bụ ihe kwụrụ, otụtụ ihe ndị ọzọ akwụnyere ya. Ọ bụ
ony aghala nwanne ya. Ịgwebụike. Onye naanị ya
kwụzi ugbu a, odudu emee ya otụtụ ihe! Onye na-
agaghị akwụkwọ agaghị aghọta izụ a, ugbu a. Onye na-
amaghị akwụkwọ ọ nwere ike nwee otu agadaga ụlo,
ma ọ dịghị ụzo e sị aga ya. N’ime onụ olụ ọ bụla dị
n’ụlo ya, e nwere televịshọn (na Akwụkwọ Nsọ) Mana
ọ dịghị nkọwaọkwu ọ bụla n’ụlo ahụ niile. N’oge ugbu
a, olee eve onye, na ndị dị etu a, ji azụ aga?
Ọkpaakụerieri. Mmirịnaezonaọkọchị. Ibe ya jiri ugbo
elu na-aga njem, ọ were moto abalị ebe ọ ga-anọ
n’obere oche! Ọ were bụrụ ụka bụrụ ilulu.
IGBO OR IGBOID
Mba na-achị n’olu n'olu
Ma na-asụ n’olu n’olu

74
After God is Dibia
Mana ha kwaa ụkwara
O daa kwa kwa kwa
O daa n'olu olu
Time was when it was fashionable to be Igbo. It was

then a mark of achievement to know and speak Igbo,
with pride and gusto especially among the neighbours
of the Igbo. Northcote Thomas recorded in 1914 that
during those times it was nothing strange beyond the
Nsukka frontier to find ‘a knowledge of Igbo
extendịng fully one day’s match into Igara country but
no correspondịng knowledge of Igara on the Ibo side
of the frontier.’ The Ovie of Abraka paid tribute and
received recognition from the Obi of Abo. Igbo
ritualists, smiths and traders from the Igbo heartland
were not strangers in Isokoland, Ogoniland and
Ijoland. Just as Igala, Nupe and Idoma traders were
common sights in Ohambele in Ndokiland. On the
southern flank at least in the Niger Delta, at that time,
and up to fairly recently, it was fashionable and a
mark of achievement to be born of an Igbo mother.
For the belief was that:

75
After God is Dibia
Onye nne ya na-abughị onye Igbo
O naghị aba n'ihe
CHIAKPII CHIAKPII wọọọ
CHIAKPII CHIAKPII wọọọ
Once upon a time Timer
Once upon a time and it was a very long time ago, the
Igbo, the Yoruba the Edo among many others of their
present day neighbours, spoke one very big language.
Then some 6000 years ago, so say some historians of
language, the Igbo, the Yoruba and the Edo began to
speak diffrent languages. And each of the 'new'
languages began to develop dialects. But the dialects
76
After God is Dibia
did not prevent people from understandịng
themselves. But one thing happened. Those dialects at
the culture margins retained, in different respects, the
original features of the original Igbo language which
historians of language call Proto-Igbo. The Igbo at the
centre and periphery of the igbo speech community
continued to live and communicate without much
difficulty, even though traveling then was severely
limited by very many realities. But there were contacts
between and among Igbo people who needed to.
Trade, trade fairs, politics, marriages, festivals,
skirmishes and wars provided veritable avenues for
permanent contacts between and among various Igbo
people and their neighbours. At that time, the English
Language and its syncretic scion, Pidgin were still to
be in Igboland. And so transactions between these
people must have been in some form of spoken Igbo -
the predecessor of our Modern Spoken or Standard
Igbo without a Received Pronunciation. It is true that
there were written texts here and there in Igboland in
different types of scripts - Nsihidi, Uriala, Uri Mmuo
and Nwagwu Anieke's. But these were used by 'closed'
secret groups and societies for their in-group
transactions. And so their influence was very limited.
And so the evolving spoken Standard Igbo continued
to hold sway especially among the Igbo who had to
travel beyond their mba. Even at that, such travelling
or travelled igbo must have added diglossia to their
Igbo, while for the Igbo at the culture margins
77
After God is Dibia
bilingualism of the 'native like' type must have been
acquired. We are not unmindful of the ambilingualism
of the Olukwumi among the Enuani in Aniomaland of
Delta state or of E and Ika at Igbanke in Ikaland.
Among the Igbo at the culture margins there could
have been a sprachbund or language convergence
involving the mixture of languages not only in
vocabuary but also in the overall structures of Igbo
and the languages enjoying convergence with Igbo. It
is a pity we have no written records in this area!
And all these came to pass. Then came the Europeans

as traders, missionaries and colonial administrators.
And Igboland was conouered by force. And sacred
Igbo institutions, icons and their language got into a
terrible bind. And the English Language was subtlely
introduced and imposed through the Education Codes
and Ordinances, grants-in-aid to Schools, and the
missionary activities of the Catholics, especially
during the Sanahan and post-Sanahan eras. The
massive bombardment of all these on the Igbo psyche
led some of them to the point of believing that 'the
native' was a bushman who continued to use his
language. The new elite - the Igbo kotuma otue ntu,
the interpretes, the cashiers and the non-Igbo colonial
administl.ators carried out all their transactions in
English, not Igbo. Then came the 'great' Igbo
78
After God is Dibia
Orthography Question - that big ferocious storm in a
tea Cl.lP perpetrated, fuelled and confounded by the
CMS and the RCM over the writing of just a few letters
of the Igbo Alphabet. So, from 1929 - 1961, no serious
creative literahlre was produced in the Igbo Language.
Afigbo (1981), and Emenanjo (1974: 1993) among
others, have said most of all there is to say about how
the Igbo were used by the Igbo to underdevelop their
language.
Then came the Nigeria-Biafra War. And the Igbo were

again conouered by force. And this came with a new
type of linguistic dilemma - the displacement of
glossotomy or languag unity, with glossogamy or
language splitting. On the eve of the Biafran
adventure, the Igbo had a high profile in Nigeria and
so it was fashionable to be Igbo. At the end of the
adventure, the Igbo had no profile in Nigeria. And so
it was not fashionable to be Igbo.
One of our weak points as a people is that we do not

know how to manage crises, adversity failure or
misfortune. As an either... or people not a both...and
people we cannot understand, let alone reconcile why,
in Chinese, the symbol for crises and adversity is the
79
After God is Dibia
same for challenge, prosperity, success, growth and
development. As something likeu, a NothIng People
when we charter a society association or group in the
interest or service of our people we seem to make it
our own, not allowing for new or other synergies and
conglomerate action. Why is it that we have so many
societies today' fighting' for Ndị Igbo'? Where is Otu
Iwelite Asusu na Omenaala Igbo - The Society For
Promoting Igbo Language and Culture? Why was Igbo
Language Association never allowed to stand?
Okwu m chighaa. With the Fallen House of Biafra,

many Igbo-speaking peoples and groups started to say
that they are no longer Igbo. This has resulted in new
myths of origin in certain communities. If it is not
Benin or some other empire, it must be Oriental.
Clearly, all these people have got their anthropology,
history, and historiography all wrong. Igbo personal
names did not sound well. And so, Ngozi had to be
changed to Blessing, Ihuoma to Fineface and Anuri to
Happiness, to sound better. Their Igbo place names
did not look or sit well in their new states and
environment. And so some affixes had to be excavated
from the archeology of protor-Igbo for synchronic use.
All these irked Obienyem so much that he said so,
very despondently but picturesquely, in his poem:

80
After God is Dibia
Ihe Ọkwa Ekwe Nà-Ekwu
Unu gbaa akwa mmìri gafere anyịm

gbasaghị m
Ma ọ bụ kwọrọ ụgbọ gaa onwa
Ma ọ bụ wuo ụlọ elù
Nke ọla edò gbùru egò
Mgbe unù eleghìghàrị Asụsụ na Òmenààlà unù anya
Ihe unù nà-eme agbasaghị m
Unu gaa Roshịà mà ọ bù gaa Amerikà

Unù mara sụọ Frenchị ma ọ bụ dee Jaman
Ma ọ bụ gaa ụka na London ma ọ bụ na Rome
Unù mara sọm mà ọ bụ mara anya ahịa
Mgbe asụsụ unù nà-àdachigha àzụ

81
After God is Dibia
Ihe unù nà-eme agbàsaghị m
J.C. Obienyem in Akpa Uche pp. 64-5.
Add that in the spelling practices, the Onwu

Orthography and the conventions in use for Igbo since
1961 had to be re-written in all sorts of ways to de-
Igbonize them. An agu can discredit its agutude. But it
cannot disown it. Or wish it away. It cannot. Never
ever!
THE IGBO LANGUAGE AND HUMAN

COMMUNICATION
There is nothing new in the observation that there is a

one-to-one relationship between language and
culture, especially, among a people for who there has
not been any language shift and language death. Nor
is there any originality in the view that not everything
in the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis was headed in the
82
After God is Dibia
wrong direction. In spite of all that have happened to
the Igbo people and their culture, their language has
shown a great deal of resilience and vitality, moreso in
the spoken medium. The ire-cult survives in the
njakili phenomenon which has become a veritable
source for word-smithery in the Igbo language. This is
found especially among the agbero, mechanics, petty
traders, members of the underworld, popular
musicians, itinerant magicians, acrobats and vendors
of all sorts of mechandịse including Christianity,
pimps and prostitutes, and their fellow travellers.
There now exist hundreds if not thousands of words,
structures, proverbs, anecdotes, wellerisms, as well as
slang, argots, and colloquialisms in the Igbo lexicon.
It will not be out-of-place to hypothesize that all these
may constitute a subculture language of its own,
completely closed to outsiders. This language is full of
Igbo words with new 'underground' meanings,
Engligbo and X-Igbo, where X is any language in
contact with Igbo.
If a new 'underground' language for which Igbo is the

substratum currently co-exists with Igbo, this is
simply because languag is essentially a medium for
intra-group human communication in response to the
many variables of its dynamic environments and
needs. The Igbo language has always been a link and
83
After God is Dibia
bridge between and among the people rather than a
gulf or a gully. Over the 6000 years of its existence,
the dialects of Igbo were always media for mutual
understandịng through mutual intelligibility. How?
(i) Human communication, in the same language, but,

in different dialects, is only possible among those who
share genetically the same linguistic community and
so 'feel they belong to the same language and believe
they speak alike in all respects' (Martinet: 1967).
(ii) Igboland constitutes one culure area and, by the

same token, one linguistic community: The Igbo
linguistic communiiy is a very large one in terms of
territory, terrains and population. A large culture
area, of necessity, has sub-culture areas. In many
respects, dialects are the linguistic equivalents of
subcultures.
(iii) When people belong to the same culture area,

speak the same language but use different dialects,
they are more concerned with understandịng what is
said rather than the way it is said. At their relaxed
84
After God is Dibia
moments, they make fun of and laugh at the
idiosyncracies of the different ways they all say the
same thing. With time, these idiosyncratic ways begin
to disappear and we have the emergence of a spoken
standard. 'What disappears when the speakers of
different dialects of the same language meet and
speak, each speaking his own dialect are for th'e mot
part those peculiarities which people first - or always
notice - in others and are inclined to make fun of
(Jespersen: 1946).'
(iv) Human language is essentially a cultural

construct. It is a sociofact, a mentifact and a artifact
fashioned by man for intra-group communication. It
is a behaviour that is learned and used by all who
believe they belong together in the same culture area.
(v) In spite of present-day differences in the surface

structures of different Igbo dialects, they share lots of
common things in their underlying structures, from
sounds to meanings. Emenanjo' s (1981) comparative
study of auxiliaries in the grammar of Igbo reveals
that there are correspondences between the various
dialectal elements used to express negation, tense and
aspect across Igbo dialects. These elements include
85
After God is Dibia
auxiliaries, tones and tonal patterns which are
extraordinarily stable and systematic. Anagbogu's
(1991) study of nominalization, Uwalaka's (1983)
study of verbal-nominal combinations, Nwachukwu's
(1975) study of noun phrase sentential
complementation or Igwe's (1974) study of afiixes in
the grammar of Igbo, all these reveal unity in basic
structures but diversity in dialectal forms for which
regular correspondences are available across the
dialects. Armstrong's (1967) Comparative Word Lists
of Five Igbo Dialects reveals 'one striking unifying
factor which is obvious from these lists. There is an
extraordinary stability of tone through the whole
range of dialects studied. Igbos who speak or
understand other dialects than their own are relying
to a very great extent on tone. Tones are one of the
principal means to mutual intelligibility of dialects.'
Tones are also basic if not precondịtions for the
mutual 'modification' or 'accommodation' of dialectal
forms, when 'unsophisticated, rural', 'traveled' and
'intelligent' Igbo people meet and have to
communicate in Igbo. These were the first-hand field
experiences and findịngs of foreigners like
Westermann (1929), Ward (1935; 1941) and Green
(1936) concerning how and why the Igbo handle the
issue of one language, many dialects. But the
significant thing about their findịng for us now is this
- they all predate the application of lexicostalistics to
the study of the Igbo language. They all predate the
86
After God is Dibia
introduction of glossogamy into Igbo studies. They all
were carried out at a time when the Igbo had not
become a problem to Nigeria or to themselves.
Williamson's study of Ika and Ukwuani and of the
Lower Niger Group of Languages where carried out or
had their gestation period during the Nigerian civil
war. And most, if not all her informants were Igbo
students marooned on the Nigerian side of the Nigeria
- Biafra war. This whole attempt at creating and
reproducing new languages out of Igbo could be called
Igbomosaic, following the same phenomenon that has
been called Euromosaic in European linguistics.
(vi) Human language is essential to human

communication. But human communication involves
much more than speech sounds arranged in a
structured systems of words, phrases and meanings. It
is a complex and intangible phenomenon that is
linked to and associated with many variables which
unclude physical well being, one's definition and
identification of self and group, socia1 needs, the
nature of direct and indịret experiences within and
beyond self and group. It involves dialogue and is thus
bidirectional, context-sensitive, culture-driven,
simultancous, relatively unstructured, with an
interdependence of participants requiring explicit and
immediate feedback. Human communications only
87
After God is Dibia
meaningful in communication contexts in which all
the interlocutors who may be two, many or a mass,
may be in private or in public. It may be intra-cultural
or extra-cultural. So crucial and critical is human
communication to the definition of man-in-society
that the normal literate person is believed to spend
some 70% of his working hours daily communicating.
And so central is human: communication to human
understandịng and intra-, and extra group cohesion
that words alone are not and cannot be the only
carriers of meaning, in a speech act. This is what is
called 'The Container Fallacy' (Haney: 1986). Human
communication through speech is conveyed by verbal
and none-verbal cues. Non-verbal cues include
spatial, temporal, visual and body movements. It is
estimated that well over 700,000 possible signs can
be transmitted via body movements in the form of eye
movements, facial expressions, body mannerisms that
accompany speech acts, dresses and costumes, hand
gestures, voice cues: volume, loudness, timbre, pitch -
among other features of paralanguage. Verbal and
non-verbal communication are mutually
complementary and mutually reinforce, replace or
even contradict each other and one another. Whereas
non-verbal cues are known to convey messages that
are prmarily relational or emotional, the verbal ones
convey messages that are lexical - and lingual. For
relational., emotional and lexical communication to
effectively take place, the participants must belong to
88
After God is Dibia
the same speech community, speak the same
language, dialects notwithstandịng, enjoy robust and
warm relationships which filter all the interference
and noise which are associated with mistrust, anger or
confusion; the impenetrable barriers to mutual
understandịng, desired feedback, misconception,
distortion, improved relationships and action. When
all these condịtions are met, the input will produce
the desired output, and the receiver's meaning will be
equal to the sender's meaning. When all these
condịtions are met it is then, and only then, that real
communication takes place. In terms of verbal
communication per se, of the four crucial language
skills that make up the total communication time,
53% is expended on Listening, 16% on Speaking, 17%
on Reading and 14% on Writing. In other words, 69%
of 70% of communicating time is expended on the
Audion - Oral skills. Listening: effective listening,
attentive listening, active listening, is what makes
human communication possible moreso for
interlocutors involved in intra-cultural
communication through dialects. Listening, strategic
listening, listening with the 'third ear', listening
'between the lines', empathic listening - these are the
condịtio sine qua non for intra-group communcation.
It is these types of listening that sensitize the
participants to the unspoken messages embedded in
the non-verbal cues. Listining, and especially
discriminatory listening, enables interlocutors to
89
After God is Dibia
selectively attend to, hear, understand and remember
sounds and symbols. Through listening, interlocutors
are able to discriminate properly between and among
different speech sounds, words, structures, dialectal
forms and deconstruct them for the meanings desired.
Through hearing interlocutors are able to successfully
filter noises from real speech. Through understandịng
they are able to audit, interpret, re-interpret what they
hear and assign meanings to these. In the speech acts
of human communication, as in life, empathy and
empathic listening enthrone a willing suspension of
disbelief and the absence of effective understandịng.
They establish relationships rather than break them.
They keep wide open ALL the channels from speaker
to hearer and vice versa. They block the tendency, out
of mistrust, fear and prejudice to unduly criticize,
summarize, conclude, agree or disagree with the
speaker. They block deliberative listening which tends
toward minimum understandịng of speaker's
comments from the speaker's point of view. With
empathy and empathic listening, the speakers -
hearers are more concerned with understandịng what
is said rather thah how it is said. Thus, they ignore
internal and external distractions. Empathy and
empathic listening are very careful and focused. Their
thrust is a stubborn willingness not to judge, evaluate,
or criticize but rather to be an accepting, permissive
and understandịng listener. They help interlocutors to
mutually get into their inner frames of reference
90
After God is Dibia
rather than, indịvidually, listening and respondịng
from their different non-mutual frames of reference.
From the foregoing, therefore, it is clear that in the
pragmatics paralinguistics and ethnography of human
communication, many more things are as involved as,
if not more relevant than words, the building blocks of
language, the concerns of descriptive linguistics and
the basic items of which are considered in
lexicostatistics. When, therefore, Ika, Ikwere, Ịzi,
Ekpeye Ukwuani or Ahoada people say they do not
hear or understand Igbo, it is either:
(i) They have become serious victims of the virus of

glossogamy, a post-Biafran epidemic in parts of
Igboland; or
(ii) They have refused to use and exploit the potentials

inherent and genetic in intra-Igbo communication;
(iii) They are completely devoid of, and lacking the

LAD - devices and the audio-oral skills in Igbo; or
(iv) They have forgotten that as a component of

ethnicity and group awareness, human language can
be used to give or hide information as well as to
communicate and exclude; or

91
After God is Dibia
(v) They are being plainly and fashionably dishonest
playing to the gallery of those who are slavishly
interested in the phenomenon of Igbomosaic; or
(vi) They have refused to heed the findịngs in the

Container Theory or the warnings of honest historians
or archeologist of language, and of psychologists and
sociologists of human communication, that words
alone without empathic listening are meaningless in
intra-group communication within the same speech
community. Some more words about
glottochronology and its handmaid, lexicostatistics,
for creating so many 'new' languages out of the Igbo
language Hicks and Gwynne (1996) and Renfrew
(1987), among very many others, have drawn
attention to the many flaws in glottochronology - and
lexicostatistics as techniques for historical linguistics
and dialectology. In the words of Renfrew (1987: 117)
'Glottochronology in its single assumption is just too
good to be true. Onwuejeogwu (1975) has drawn
attention to some fundamental problems in the
application of lexicostatistics in the study of Igbo. And
this critique not only forced Williamson to look again
at the technique but also to change the nomenclature
and classification of Igbo from the Izi Ekpey Group of
Related languages or language cluster to the Lower
Niger Languages which are essentially all dialects of
Igbo. The title of Paul and Inge Meier and John
Bendor-Samuel's 1973 book Grammar of Izi: An Igbo
92
After God is Dibia
Language is mischievious, patronizing and misleading
for imposing Euro-American post-Biafran prejudices
on Igbo, and mixing politics with academics in
general, and linguistics, in particlar. How about a title
like this for a book on English linguistics: A Grammar
of Cockney: An English Language?
IGBO LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
Language is primarily spoken. It's survival in the

spoken medium is the mark of a people robustly loyal
to their language. But its survival in robust creative
literature and other literary classics is the mark of a
true civilization. For, it is the texts in all the genres of
literature, and other ancillary and cognate areas, like
phiosophy, literary critisism and stylistics that
valorize and perpetuate a language and its civilization.
Even if the language eventually dies! Not the linguistic
studies or grammars in or about the language. In the
use of the Igbo language for creative literary purposes,
orature appears to have done better than written
literature. With Igbo orature, the genres have been
largely identified and established, their structures or
forms have also been identified. Hefty collections of
some ọ these have been made and studied. While the
93
After God is Dibia
minor genres have been reduced to writing (even if
amateurishly) - the folktales, proverbs, songs, poems,
anecdotes, tongue twister, conundrums; the more
mature genrs, - the epics, the sagas and the extended
prose narratives are only now beginning to have
serious mention in the collections and critiques of the
Azuonyes, the Okpehwos, the Ugonnas and the
Uzochukwus, among others. It is unfortunate that the
rich corpora of tales, epics and sagas which where
being collected from the Aguleri areas of Anambra
State and studied by the Nsukka School of Igbo
Studies under the assiduous professional leadership
of the Azuonyes and the Udechukwus, have suffered
some serious setbacks with the 'brain drain' that has
taken away the duo. For example, from some of the
corpora collected and studied under their guidance, it
has been established that there are tales which take
one long (big) Igbo week i.e. eight days, to tell. I have
in my corpora an egwu une, partly narrative and
partly sung to the accompainment of the une, a string
instrument, a folktale collected from Ibusa. I have
transcribed this in some fifty pages of A.4 paper,
typed. There is not much problem collecting orature
by the professionals. But there is with its
transcription. Two problems, among others, stand
out. What is the nature of the 'line' in Igbo poesy? For
the scholars in the Lagos School of Igbo Studies,
'something' appears to have been extablished. But this
'something' was not quite acceptable to the late Prof.
94
After God is Dibia
Donatus Nwoga who was battling with this problem at
the time that he left. The second problem - the dialect
into which the text should be rendered. I believe it
should be in the dialects of the performers. Attempts
to reduce texts to the sound system and orthography
of a Central or Standard variety of Igbo does
irreparable damage to the spontaneity vibrancy,
unioueness, and authenticity of these texts. Texts
collected in any lect or variety of Igbo should be
faithfully reproduced in writing, in the lect or variety
of the performers with their entire local colour,
phonological and structural idiosyncrasies, in full and
intact. To do anything different, as the scholars of the
Lagos School are doing and teaching their students,
does not appear to me to be doing sufficient justice to
these works of great creativity.
But why has creativity in written Igbo not fared so

well? The Orthography controversy? The Dialect
issue? The linguistic and literary 'immaturity' of the
practitioners? The neglect of publishers and the
formal school system: The absence of receptive and
willing audience? The abandonment of literature in
Igbo by the 'mature' Igbo creative writers for
Literature in English? The genres of Igbo written
literature? The shape or structure of the serious, well-
crafted prose narrative: cylindrical, curvilinear or
95
After God is Dibia
linear? Then, the language of creative Igbo literature?
Emenyonu's Rise of the Igbo Novel is good schlarship
in mellifulous prose for which Emenyonu is known.
That book is now a classic. But is it conceived,
executed, titled and headed in the right direction?
Some scholars brought up in the Euro-American and
Anglo-Saxon traditions of literature see everything
right and exellent about the contents and
argumentation in the book, and tend to trivialize the
reactions of scholars of African literature in African
languages, to the praxis and crisis of identity thrown
up by the text.
Ladies, and Gentlemen, what really is creative

literature? It is, simply put, the use of language to
create domes of pleasure. It is the use of language
through displacement and the exploitation of
deviation in its multifarious forms, to provide
entertainment, provide food for thought and thought
for food for the readers wherever they might find
themselves - Ala Bingo Otu Ebe, Ala Iduu, Erewhon,
Utopia, Umuofia, Wonderland, Treasure Island etc.
Essential to the definition of literature is human
language. If written literature is meant to grow from
and expand the horizons of the orature of a culture
and its people in THE language autochthonous to the
culture and its people, shouldn't the written literature
96
After God is Dibia
of a culture and its people be in THE language
indịgenous to the culture and its people? If one of the
definitions of poetry is the best words in the best
order, or whatever was thought but never so well
expressed In a named language should the best words
in English crafted'to the best order in English be used
to express a poem in Igbo? The essential difference
between English Literature and Literature in English
lies somewhere between endogamy and autochthony -
right there in the bowels of identity.
Now, lastly, - another impression and another

problem for Igbo written literatur. Shouldn't great
literature flow from the barrels of spontaneity in
tranquility? Omenụkọ, Akpa Uche, Udo Ka Mma are
the firsts in their respective genres. And all of them
were thrown up by literary competitions.
Competitions have time frames. They are prize-
driven. They are context-sensitive. They are
mechanical. Great written literature takes time to be.
It consumes celebral energy. It is not written for a
prize or to raise money, like Rasselas. It is not even
written by those with formal training in creative
writing and literary criticism. Tony Ubesie's works
were all written before he went to the university. His
Isi Akwu Dara N'Ala and Jụọ Obinna are great prose
narratives. Tony Ubesie confided in me that his biro
97
After God is Dibia
went dry after his exposure to literary aesthetic in the
university. The posthumous festschrift we have put
together in his honour is seeing its debut at Ahiajọku
2001. The Igbo language can do with many more
Ubesies in the different genres of creative literature -
short stories, novels, plays, poems, faction, etc, etc.
Let people write in their dialects if they are not
comfortable in or conversant with Standard Igbo. (But
why shouldn't they be?) And here I agree with Chinua
Achebe. If the works are good and with great
potentials they can be re-done in Standard Igbo or
translated into English and other Languages by
competent hands who should not distort the flavour,
the internal logic and dynamics of the works. But will
we be ready to read the prose narratives and go to the
theatres to watch the plays, and buy the printed texts?
LITERACY AMONG THE IGBO
Literacy in Igbo is very low and I doubt that our

people are a theatre-going people. Our people are very
selective in expendịng their money on written texts.
Hence church bulletins and denominational
newspapers are rarely bought by the faithful. Given
my very close association with publishing houses as
98
After God is Dibia
an editor, a literary agent and assessor, I am aware of
hundreds of texts in genres of all sorts IN Igbo.
Some of them are of excellent quality. All these are

begging to be published. Publishers, we all know, are
into hard-nosed business: not into vanity publishing
and philanthropy! Can the Igbo governments of today
in all the Igbo states not follow the example of the
Literature Bureau of the early colonial governments?
And can these governments not help out with Igbo
newspapers like the Ogene of old? Abiola is no longer
there to give us Udoka. Neither is Ogbalu there to give
us Anyanwu. We hope Nzisa, which the Catholic
Archdiocese of Owerri has established, will succeed
and survive like the Odenigbo Lecture Series. What as
become of the Imo State Anu - A Journal of Igbo Arts
and Culture; the defunct Anambra State Ugo, and the
extant Abia State Onwa? All these are veritable outlets
for creativity and analyses in Igbo. They all should be
revived. For me, these count much more than the
Mmanwu Festival of Enugu State, and the Omenimo
and Ugwuabia of Imo and Abia States respectively. I
think we have had more than enough of traditional
dances and such spectacles. A discussion of language
and literacy among the Igbo cannot lose sight of the
pervasive (some may say pernicious) presence of and
preference for English in Igboland. Igbo ga-adị. Bekee
99
After God is Dibia
ga-adị. These are realities nobody can or should wish
away. Igbo and English laguages are not in
competition but in complementation. Igbo is our own.
But its use should go beyond phatic communiction
and tokenism in public places. English is the one that
works! Hence, at World Igbo Days or Congresses
whether in the United States of America or in Enugu,
the language of most transactions is English, spoken
by people in three piece suits or in three-piece
babariga or overflowing up-and-down caftans, the
Malian style. Yes. We certainly need English Igboland
because in Igboland, English occupies an intermediate
position between a 'Foreign Language' and a 'Second
Language'. On account of this, therefore, just as we
are spoiling for 'resource control' in our states, we
should also use the concurrent status of education in a
democratic federal republic to plan and implement an
educational policy that best suits our circumstances.
Such a policy should have a robust bilingual education
component. A recent World Bank - sponsored project
which the National Institute for Nigerian Languages,
Aba, has just completed in selected classes in selected
primary schools in the Bende LGA of Abia State has
thrown up some findịngs akin to those from the Ford
Foundation sponsored Six Year Primary Project in
Yoruba, in parts of Yorubaland. In the whole of
Igboland, we need a bilingual education in Igbo and
English so that the products will have the necessary
language skills to be useful citizens who enjoy reading
100
After God is Dibia
and writing in Igbo and English. Because, not only are
the reading nations the leading nations and the
winning nations; those who know how to read and
write lead mankind.
NCHIKOTA, NA MKPOKOTA
What we have tried to present you in this year's

festival is an okwu, an uka, an ilu, an ụkàbụilu - all
these rolled into one. Where is the cohesion? Where
are the links? Our interpretation of civilization is not
one about large empires and monarchies, military
campaign and conquests, big feats and the
subjugation of othcrs. No. Civilization for us, is a
mental construct populated by ideals, fired by ideas
which are the undersoil of Igbo life and cosmos: the
four cults that motivate and moderate the Igbo,
respect for traditional authority in age and in other
institutions including constituted authority; the
inscrutability and fear of God, reverence for life and
the awe and usefulness of death; wisdom to appreciate
that man, nations and civilizations are not great by
the virtue of their wealth but by the wealth of their
virtues; wisdom to distinguish between appearance
and reality, and the ephemeral (Ezemfu the wastrel;
101
After God is Dibia
ụzọ nkụ, enyi) from the permanent (Ezeji: the
achiever; ụzọ mmiri; ụzọ). We have argued against
group illiteracy and the dropout syndrome. We have
emphasized that illiteracy is a sin, a mortal sin; a
crime, a capital crime. Illiterate people are liabilities.
They have no dreams, no theoretical thinking, no
strategic planning. They have no focus and lack long
term durable ideals. They lack all the skills of
language and cannot use language to articulate ideas.
They cannot engage in geometric reasoning and can
neither be proactive nor synergize. They lack Stevn
Cowen's seven attributes of the Effectiveness, and the
seven desirable virtues in the Vision 2010 Report
needed to steer Nigeria and her plural ethnic
nationalities, of which the Igbo are one, into
modernity and economic prosperity.
The Igbo of the 21st century must see education for

what it is - the summation of all the processes for
developing abilities, attitudes and all other forms of
positive attributes needed for self and group
socialization, realization and the total empowerment;
the acquisition of skills of all sorts including the skill
of being civilized. Ability to live with problems and
paradoxes and find solutions to them. We need
language transmission in Igboland. We abhor the
issue of lack of inter-generational transmission
102
After God is Dibia
leading to language shift, and the absence of language
loyalty among the Igbo. There are, among the Igbo,
population movements, urbanization, mixed
marriages, pressures to learn the official language.
These should not be seen as liabilities but as
challenges to the Igbo language - and the Igbo people.
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
Igbo and Igboid have been used in this work as

metaphors. Igbo is unity with diversity; Igboid,
diversity without unity. Word compoundịng,
derivational processes and holistic dualism in the
language of the civilization point in the direction of
one rather than of the other? Kedụ nke anyị chọ?
THANKS AND APPRECIATION

103
After God is Dibia
Permit me now, Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Ladies

and Gentleman, to do the first thing last. Thanks and
appreciation. I feel highly elated. My family, friends
and associates feel very happy. My discipline feels
fully recognized, for all the honour done to all of us for
being the first Ahiajọku lecturer in the new millenium.
We thank, most profusely, all those who have made
this possible.

Alawala m, nụ
Amaala, mma mma nụ
Alawala m, nụ
Alawala m, nụ
Naịjirịa kwezuonụ
Alaala m
Naịjirịa alaala m nụ
Kwezuonụ
E. Nolue Emenanjo
National Institute for Nigerian Languages, Aba

104
After God is Dibia

105
After God is Dibia
OPERATION KPOCHAPU Comment: According to Chinua

By OBU
OBU UDEOZO,
UDEOZO, University of Jos, Nigeria. Achebe,
imagination.
with swords longer than one year people.
and sharper than acid more in the years ahead.”
horse whips and python clubs anthology of poems
literature prize.
they combed the teeth of every rock
armpits of mountains
bowels of forests
and surveilled ant-holes across the land
for Igbos to roast across the land
waves, upon waves, upon waves

trainloads, trailers, and trucks,
in wheelbarrows and body bags;
football fields and market squares
their massacre was aflame...
Igbos blossomed in graveyards

saturating streets
with blood and bones

106
After God is Dibia
from Kano to Kaura Namoda,

Kafanchan to Fadan Karshi,
from Bornu to Timbuktu
Igbos were cleansed
from rooftops and market squares
until the ocean vanished

and the sea surrendered
her last plea of moisture...
-and they are not appeased
their revenge is aflame...
the universe froze

at the ferocity of mankind
darkness ruled the hearts of men
Africa’s holocaust unmapped....
and daylight
vomited blood
and reconstructed graveyards
groaned from saturations afresh
in streetsful of dead Igbos

the climate was:
blood and bones
107
After God is Dibia
but these they labelled flies

void census and statistics
for their revenge is aflame...
with the pogrom’s switch

in automatic mode
and the 3-year war on song

108
After God is Dibia
Nweke Udeozo
my father said:
witness history’s first
colour blind marriage across the compass;
Communism and the West
in a strange and sudden tango
to pepper Igbos with
one annihilating blow...
Agrippa and Pilate’s

romance
over the blood of Christ
and our brothers

arrived in fractions
our brothers
arrived as spare parts
Gabriel Okoh, Theo Okeke, ...
Chief George Mbonu; and Mrs. Adekunle whose knife
is sacred but her teeth craves forbidden meat:

punctiliously signalled Nwandu to the
assassins...

109
After God is Dibia
from Kano to Kaura Namoda,
rooftops to market squares
until the ocean vanished
and the dark census awakes:

110
After God is Dibia
ỤZỌ NDỤ NA EZIOKWU
Towards an Understanding of Igbo Traditional
Religious Life and Philosophy
by
Rev. Professor Emmanuel Nlenanya Onwu
1. INTRODUCTION
Ndi Igbo have suffered the double misfortune of being

misunderstood and having a bad press. In spite of
their stupendous achievements in every area of
human endeavour, particularly in science and
technology, religion and education, the Igbo nation
has been deliberately and systematically marginalized.
At the risk of sounding patriotic and accommodating,
Ndi Igbo have suffered the loss of their human rights
and dignity but have also shown great courage and
determination to survive as a people.
The questions arise. What is it that keeps Ndi Igbo

going despite all odds? What is it that makes them
behave, act, and move the way they do? What is the
power behind the Igbo? Why was Igbo religion in
conflict with Christianity? Why do the Igbo love the
Christian way of life? The answers to these questions
are the main focus of this paper.
These answers definitely are rooted in the traditional

111
After God is Dibia
religious life and philosophy of Ndi Igbo. It has been
rightly observed that the Igbo are a highly religious
people. Writing about the Igbo in the early 1900,
Major A.G. Leonard in his book The Lower Niger and
Its Peoples remarked that:
They are in the strict and natural sense of the word a

truly and a deeply religious people, of whom it can be
said that they eat religiously, drink religiously, bathe
religiously, dress religiously and sin religiously. In a
few words, the religion of these as I have all along
endeavored to point out is their existence and their
existence is their religion.
This observation is not only true of the Igbo but also

of other Africans. Professor J.S. Mbiti (1969:1) more
than fifty years later in the opening sentence of the
very first chapter of his book, African Religions and
Philosophy has re-echoed similar statement which
summarized the traditional religious attitude of
Africans when he said:
Africans are notoriously religious, and each people

has its own religious system with a set of beliefs and
practices. Religion permeates into all the departments
of life so fully that it is not easy or possible always to
isolate it. A study of these religious systems is
112
After God is Dibia
therefore, ultimately a study of the people themselves
in all complexities of both traditional and modem life.
Religion is the strongest element in traditional
background, and exerts probably the greatest
influence upon the thinking and living of the people
concerned.
Similarly, after observing how religion thoroughly

permeated the life of every Igbo, Bishop Shanahan
was cited by John P. Jordan (1971:115) as having come
to the conclusion that:
The average native (Igbo), was admirably suited by

environment and training, for an explanation of life in
terms of the spirit; rather than of the flesh. He was no
materialist. Indeed nothing was farther from his mind
than a materialist philosophy of existence. It made no
appeal to him.
In the context of this paper, Igbo religion and

philosophy are perceived as two sides of the same coin
which Leonard, Shanaham and Mbiti acknowledged.
In order to understand and arrive at the meaning of
Igbo religion and philosophy, it is not necessary to
engage in a definition or analysis of concepts. On this
I agree with Kunirum Osia that this is because in Igbo,
religious categories are not bound together in a purely
ideal order. The categories do not form a system, a
bundle of abstractions, as it were. Rather, they define
113
After God is Dibia
a style of life, and a guide to practical living. Unlike
the major world religions, Igbo religion is not codified
or formulated into systematic dogmas. It is culturally
learned and adopted. It is a tradition. Religion is an
intrinsic part of culture. Culture is itself the totality of
knowledge and behaviour, ideas and objects that
constitute the common heritage of a people in a given
society. And as a lifestyle, culture covers every aspect
of the society's life in their efforts to relate with their
environment, with one another and as well as the
ideational elements within the society. Scholars agree
that they are layers of culture. Kato (1976:8) had
identified the philosophical level of culture as its core.
Philosophical not in the sense of abstraction but in the
sense of reality -- what is viewed as the real thing that
gives answers to life's problem. The philosophical
level is the basic thinking or idea of a community. It
answers the question as to what gives meaning to life.
Close to this hard core of culture is the mythical level,
which is made up of the basic beliefs of the people,
which gives meaning to life. In a sense, people's
culture constitutes their beliefs, customs, ethos, and
manners which of course enshrine morality. Whereas,
on the one hand, cultural elements can be discerned
from the people's religion, the people's religion itself
is an intrinsic part of the people's culture in a broader
sense. Therefore studying one is by implication
studying some of the vital elements of the other.
Philosophy is therefore the heart of culture.
114
After God is Dibia
Religion and philosophy are therefore concerned with

the beliefs and practices of the people. T. U. Nwala
(1985:26) in his book Igbo Philosophy argues that the
best word or concept which expresses Igbo philosophy
is Omenala or Omenanị which literally means that
which obtains in the land or community and refers to
what accords with the customs and traditions of the
Igbo people. For Nwala, Igbo philosophy is the
philosophy of Omenala, Omenala referring to the
spirit, the underlying principal or idea behind a
particular custom/act. The inseparability of the two
concepts are similarly recognized by Professor N.S.S.
lwe when he argued that the African, Traditional
Religion is inseparably interwoven with the
traditional African society and culture. This is because
African traditional religion is essentially a philosophy
and a spiritual way of life, which permeates, pervades
and animates the traditional social institution, norms
and celebrations. Nwala (1985:112-200) also agreed
with the inseparability of Igbo religion and
philosophy. He rightly noted that generally a people
or an individual may have a philosophy but no
religion, but no people or individual may have a
religion without a philosophy. Religion and
philosophy are intimately related both in the belief
and practice content. We must note here that every
Igbo ritual act - sacrifice, dance, festival, has a
philosophy or idea behind it; it is such an idea that
115
After God is Dibia
motivates such act. Both involve basic belief, a
philosophy, an underlying principle, or an idea, which
generate actions and behaviours, which influence
individual or group. Therefore it is obvious that a
discussion of traditional Igbo religion must involve a
discussion of Igbo philosophy. The main justifications
rest on:
1) That Igbo religion and philosophy are centered on

Chukwu, the Supreme God and
2) The fact that the sacred and the secular are held
together. In other words, the secular life of the Igbo
like all other traditional communities has been
inseparable from their religious life. Their cosmology
has a deep religious root and their practical life and
moral values are interwoven with their religion. The
only weakness is that their philosophy has often
lacked what Nwala rightly called “critical and
analytical content"
The point being emphasized is the appropriateness of

the expression Igbo religion and philosophy. Religion
and philosophy originated from native African soil
(Onyewuenyi, 1993) and therefore indigenous to the
Igbo as well. Both are about our way of life, concerned
with meaning and explanation.
116
After God is Dibia
In other words, the burden of our argument is that

one of the challenges of Ndi Igbo in the 21st century is
religious. Therefore, our intention is to engage .in a
hermeneutical exposition of some aspects of Igbo
religion and philosophy from the Igbo African point of
view. It is here we find the essence of the reality of
Igbo scholarship in the traditional Igbo religion.
I am not, however, ignorant of the propaganda

mounted by western writers about the sub-humanity
of Africans as a people without history, without
religion, (Green, 1964:52) denying them any
conception of morality (Basden; 1966:34) and lacking
in intellectual and technological accomplishments. I
am not unaware of how African religions in general,
and Igbo religion in particular suffered neglect,
misinterpretations and distortions in the hands of
missionaries and colonial government and their
agents.
Without any intention to criticize any of these

previous writers who had done veritable work in the
117
After God is Dibia
study of African religions, our position is rather to
indicate a positive contribution to the on-going quest
for a meaningful and contextual interpretation of
some aspects of Igbo religion and philosophy from the
African point of view. The work will draw attention to
the great potential Igbo religion and philosophy hold
out for the unity, peace and progress of the people was
well as to argue that Igbo religion and philosophy has
been the key to Igbo self-understanding, identity and
achievement within the Nigerian State. We will
emphasise within that context that the religious
challenge of the 21st century is for the Igbo to take a
leap of faith and be fully restored in their relationship
with 'Chukwu' first entered into by Igbo first ancestor
and to insist that Christianity and education which act
as sources of empowerment remain the only viable
option that can equip the Igbo with character and
knowledge that can transform us into instruments of
change in the 21st century world which is knowledge-
based, technology- driven and responsive to
environmental concerns. We will begin this study by
probing into the origin of the Igbo and their religion.
2. ORIGIN OF IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION

118
After God is Dibia
2.1. Who are the Igbo?
The puzzle about Igbo origin has been attributed to

lack of interest in Igbo studies either from our own
people or from outsiders. This problem was
compounded by the fact that some Igbo people did
not accept others as being ‘lgbo,’ for instance, Mbieri
people did not regard the Onitsha people as ‘Igbo’
(Green, 1964:7; Isichei, 1976:19)
Similarly, some groups in Onitsha who traced their

root to Benin kingdom used the expression 'nwa onye
Igbo’ (an Igbo person) in a spiteful manner to refer to
other Igbo people (Onunwa, 1990:2). Most scholars
are agreed that there was no real sense of pan-lgbo
identity in the pre-colonial period, that the village
groups felt a strong sense of local patriotism (Isichei,
1976:19; Talbot, 1926:404). The Igbo studies by C. K.
Meeks (1937) and M.M. Green (1964) only helped to
perpetuate the bad press the Igbo already had as a
lawless and ungovernable people.
We do not intend to go into the old speculative

119
After God is Dibia
arguments about the theories of Igbo origin and
expansion. The people we intend to focus on in this
work are found in the South-eastern part of Nigeria
and are presently comprised of the people of Abia,
Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo and parts of Delta,
Rivers, Cross River and Akwa-Ibom States. The Igbo
have common boundaries with the Igala and Idoma
on the north, the Ijaw and the Ogoni on the South, the
Yako and the Ibibio on the Eastern boundary and the
Bini and Warri on the West. The Igbo geographical
area are what scholars call a culture area, rural or
urban, manifesting distinctive characteristics or traits.
Ọnwụejeọgwụ (1975) in his Article "the Igbo Culture
Area" identified six basic traits which include: the
linguistic, social, political, economic, ritual, and
cultural traits.
There are five identifiable sub- culture areas within

the Igbo culture area made up of:
(1) Eastern or Cross River Igbo (2) Southern or Owerri

Igbo, (3) northern or Onitsha Igbo (4) Western Igbo
and (5) North-Eastern Igbo (Forde and Jones,
1950:10) Inspite of the obvious sub cultural
differences, the Igbo see themselves as one people and
120
After God is Dibia
at the same time outsiders see them as a
homogeneous entity. They are a unique people. While
the Yoruba could find their kins in Burkina Faso and
the Hausa could find their kins in Chad and Niger,
historians are yet to tell us where- the Igbo could be
found other than in the South- eastern part of Nigeria.
In recent times, our scholars have engaged in an

exciting and fruitful research into Igbo origin. Their
efforts are highly commendable. Professor A.E. Afigbo
has ably articulated the scholarly views on Igbo origin
in his books Ropes of Sand (1981) and more recent
monograph - Igbo Genesis (2000). The weight of
scholarly opinion rests mightily on situating Igbo
origin within the Negro race generally but particularly
in West Africa because of the Kwa language family in
which the Yoruba, Edo, Igbo, Igala, Ijo, and Idoma
fell. It may sound funny but historians should not
snub the Igbo Nri myth which claimed that man's
origin started from Igboland when God created Eri
and sent him down. The Nri creation myth says that
Chukwu the Igbo high God sent down the Igbo
ancestor Eri and his wife Nnamaku somewhere in
Aguleri. From these two human beings originated the
Umueri and Umunri clans of the Igbo. Though the
myth did not assert that the rest of Igbo people
originated from Eri, many Igbo scholars have come to
121
After God is Dibia
believe and treat Nri town as the heart of Igbo
nationality. Similar myths of creation are found
among the Bini and Yoruba. The importance of the
Nri myth is not only historical but also religious. The
Igbo acknowledged their divine origin and not that
they came into existence by chance. It is a figurative
expression that has tremendous historical import. In
Time Magazine of July; 22, 2002 pages 50-55 and also
the Guardian Newspaper of Thursday, September 19,
2002, we find the recent archeological findings of the
earliest ancestor of modern homo sapiens named
'Toumai’ (hope of life), with the scientific name
sahelanthropus tchadensis (Sahel hominid from
Chad) dated about 7 million years old in the Lake
Chad region. That man first settled in Africa is no
longer an archeological statement, but a historical
fact. It has also further disproved the theory of
Charles Darwin that man originated from the apes.
In fact conventional wisdom ostensibly based on

earlier discoveries had placed the origin of man
around the Great Rift valley of East Africa, the new
Lake Chad findings by Professor Michael Brunet, a
paleontologist from the University of Poitiers in
France has challenged the current thinking on human
origins and also "the migratory patterns of the world.
One fact is obvious; the myth of Igbo origin may be
122
After God is Dibia
taken more serious. This is because the current
findings have shifted attention from East Africa to the
Lake Chad region which is closer to Nigeria. In the
past three decades nobody thought about this,
perhaps a little patience may lead to another finding
East of the Niger.
Speculations about Igbo ancestry whether it was Eri

as in Nri myth Digbo as contained in Nwosu’s Ndi
Ichie Akwa Mytholody and Folklore Origins of the
Igbo (1983) cannot be historically confirmed.
However, both Igbo myth of origin and archeological
discoveries show that Igbo history and culture go far
back into human history.
2.2. ORIGIN OF IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION
2.2.1. VIEWS ON THEORIES OF ORIGINS OF

RELIGIONS
As far as we know, all human societies have possessed

123
After God is Dibia
beliefs and practices which have come to be grouped
and known under the name ‘religion.’ Religion is thus
a universal phenomenon. Speculation about which
religion would be superior has never been of scholarly
interest but rather why religion is found at all in all
societies.
The quest for the origins of religion has centered on

four main views. The first refers to the psychological
theories, which cover a variety of postulations, which
1ocate the origin, of religion in primitive people’s
concept of ghosts, the soul and even in the deification
of natural phenomena. One of the most enduring
strands was that the origin of religions is in fetishism
– worship of the animate and inanimate things, which
the early Portuguese observed in West Africa. Edward
Tylor credited as having constructed the first theory of
religion assumed that belief in the existence of the
soul stemmed from speculation about such states as
dreams, trances and death (Ember, 1977, 246-250).
Thus in Tylor’s view religion may have arisen out of an
intellectual curiosity concerning mental states and
other things not fully understood. This is the basis of
the religious belief which Tylor called 'animism.’ It
was Herbert Spencer who modified Tylor’s view by
giving prominence to belief in ghosts rather than in
souls as the source of religion. Spencer moved the
124
After God is Dibia
idea further by linking the belief in ghosts to the belief
in gods which he also equated with the ghost of
ancestors (Nwanunobi 1992: 166-169). It was
Crawley’s Idea of the Soul that primitive man’s fear
was posited as the root of religion.
In sum, all psychological theories agreed that

whatever the origin or purpose, whatever the belief or
rituals, religion served to reduce anxiety, and
uncertainly which are common to all people. Second
Sociological theories suggest that religion stems from
society's needs. Emile Durkhein recognized that it is
the society not the individual which is the society; not
the individual which distinguishes between sacred
and profane things. He suggested that a sacred object
symbolizes the social fact that society considered
something sacred. In other words the sociological
theories concentrate on religion as significant to social
solidarity and the integration of the relevant society
within which the feelings, belief and practices are
common.
It was argued that societies from ancient times

modeled their cosmology after their own experiences.
Aristotle in Politics (1.1.7} tersely stated as follows:
125
After God is Dibia
As men imagine gods in human form, so also they

suppose their manner of life to be like their own.
Aristotle's view was extended by later scholars who

saw a relationship between political sophistication
and the nature of a people's cosmology (Nwanunobi,
1992:168). Thus Fuste1 de Coulanges argued that
ancestor worship as the origin of religion since in
ancient societies before the larger forms of political
organizations: the family was the basis of co-operation
and survival.
The third suggestion is the combination of the

psychological and sociological approaches. This
position argued that religion is a response to strain or
deprivation which is caused by events in society. Thus,
when the society is stable, its efforts and its energy are
employed to maintain its equilibrium. But when the
stability is threatened either by internal dissension or
by outside force, the society many ‘revitalize’ itself by
various means. Perhaps this revita1ization is achieved
by a new cult, sect, denomination or religion. Aberle
126
After God is Dibia
(1971: 528-531) has argued that relative deprivation,
whether economic or social, is the cause of the stress
which generates new religious movements. Wallace
{1966:30) suggested that the threat of societal
breakdown forces people to examine new ways to
survive. It is the hope they gain from the new ways -
not deprivation for people can live for centuries in
deprivation-which leads them to revitalize their
society.
The last view for the origin of religion which

anthropologists and psychologists do not like to
mention is that of revelation. Revelation is God’s
disclosure of himself to man. The Bible tells us in
Hebrews 1:1-2, God has in the last days finally and
fully revealed himself to humanity. Christ is the full
expression of God's revelation, better than anything in
the Old Testament, and so the author warns his
readers to depend on Christ alone. Igbos believe in
God’s revelation to their ancient ancestors, including
revealing his name as Chukwu. It is with this
conviction we now discuss the origin of Igbo
traditional religion.
2.2.2. IGBO TRADITIONL RELIGION: IT'S GENESIS

127
After God is Dibia
Our Igbo ancestors were philosophers who were

inspired by Chiukwu/Chukwu, the Supreme Being. In
other words, our Igbo ancestors like other ethnic
groups received the revelation of God. Igbo religion is
as old as humanity. It is a well-established fact that
religion in Africa in general is at the root of African
culture. Its is the determining principle of African life.
Thus religion is their basic philosophy and philosophy
is their religion.
It is for this reason that one comes to the conviction

that the Igbo people are born religious. In Igbo world,
time and space, objects and persons are made sacred.
People born into the Igbo world approximate to the
spiritual. Thus people are born with their personal
‘Chi’ or personal god or protective spirit.
The question here is what is the origin of this religious

sentiment in the Igbo? In other words what is the
origin of Igbo traditional religion? This question has
not been a scholarly focus. Many renowned Igbo
scholars have written on many aspects of Igbo
128
After God is Dibia
traditional religion but that question has never
attracted their conscious attention.
Professor A. E. Afigbo (1981:9) in his Ropes of Sand

first muted the idea of the origin Igbo Traditional
religion, and I share his insight on the subject.
The history of the origin of Igbo traditional religion

must be sought within Igbo history of origin. Igbo
lived a hazardous wandering life of the hunter and
gatherer of wild edible plants. The tradition of Nri
disclosed how the Igbo entered a settled 1ife which
brought him further development of skills.
The Nri Myth has it that the father of all Nri was Eri.
When Eri was sent by Chukwu from the Sky to the
earth, he sat on an anti-hill because he saw watery
marshy earth. When Eri complained to God Chukwu,
sent an Awka blacksmith with his fiery bellow and
charcoal to dry the earth. After the assignment, the
Awka blacksmith was given ọfọ as a mark of authority
for his smithing profession. While Eri lived, Chukwu
fed him and his people with azu-igwe! But this special
129
After God is Dibia
food ceased after the death of Eri. Nri his first son
complained to Chukwu for food. Chukwu ordered Nri
to sacrifice his first son and daughter and bury them
in separate graves. Nri complied with it. Later after
three-Igbo-weeks (Izu atọ = 12 days) yam grew from
the grave of the son and cocoyam from that of the
daughter. When Nri and his people ate these, they
slept for the first time; later still Nri killed a male and
female slaves burying them separately. Again, after
Izu Ato, an oil palm grew from the grave of the male
slave, and a bread fruit tree (ukwa) from that of the
female-slave (Afigbo, 1981:41-42). With this new food
supply, Nri and his people ate and prospered. Chukwu
asked him to distribute the new food items to all
people but Nri refused because he bought them at the
cost of sacrificing his own children and slave. Nri and;
Chukwu made an agreement. According to M. D. W.
Jeffreys (1956:123) a tradition has it that:
As a reward for distributing food to the other towns

Nri would have the right of cleansing every town of an
abomination (nso) or breach, of crowning the eze at
Aguleri, and of tying the Ngulu (ankle cords) when a
man takes the title of ozo. Also he and his successor’s
would have the privilege of making the Oguji, or yam
medicine, each year for ensuring a plentiful supply of
yams in all surrounding towns, or in all towns that
130
After God is Dibia
subjected themselves to the Eze Nri. For this medicine
all the surrounding towns would come in and pay
tribute and Umunmdri people then could travel
unarmed through the world and no one would attack
or harm them.
Another tradition claims that because Nri would not

sell yam to his neighbours, he then demanded seven
fowls, chalk, a pot and goats, with these he made
medicine Ifejiọkụ, the yam spirit, which he gave to the
applicants. They took this home with the new crops
and sacrificed to it. This tradition has some variation
but basic facts still remains (Isichei, 1977:22-23;
Thomas, 1913:50).
The discovery of yam cultivation formed not only the

economic base of Igbo civilization but it also carried
tremendous religious import. It was of such great
importance that it was given ritual and symbolic
expressions in many areas of Igbo life -- (Sacrifice at
Nfijoku/ Ifejiọkụ during Yam festival/Iriji). The Nri
myth suggested how agriculture and iron technology
brought tremendous changes in the life of the Igbo.
These changes Afigbo rightly indicated includes (1)
the more effective mastery of the land, (2) the growth
131
After God is Dibia
of population, (3) the elaboration of the archetypal
Igbo social institutions (4) the evolution of a
cosmological system in which the Earth (Ala, Ani, Ali)
then became deified and occupied the central place as
the ordainer and guardian of morality, the source of
law and customs.
It is significant to note here the emergence of Igbo

cosmology from the Nri myth in which Ala {Earth
goddess) became the arch-divinity in Igboland. Thus
from the myth the Earth (Ala, Ani, Ali) was so
important to the Igbo that it became the most vital
function of Eze Nri to preside over its worship.
This development accords with the otiose character of

Chukwu - the Supreme Being - in Igbo cosmology and
the domination of the lgbo world by the Earth
goddess. This is not only peculiar to the Igbo; it is a
common perception of the Supreme Being as Deus
Otiosus in primal religions.
The Nri myth which contains Igbo cosmology also has

in it an important dimension of historical truth not yet
132
After God is Dibia
hitherto recognized, namely, the origin or evolution of
Igbo traditional religion (Afigbo, 1981:9). We wish to
suggest and maintain based on Nri myth that Igbo
traditional religion is going through a three-stage
development. The first stage is what we may call the
Eri period. This period agrees with Professor Afigbo's
periodization in 1983 which he labeled the a-horizon.
This first stage is the earliest period of human
existence, the probable dynamic age of Chukwu, when
God created and dominated the earth, including the
Igbo world. The age of pure intuition marked by the
over powering awareness of the presence and
nearness of Chukwu the creator. The God fed Eri and
his people and Eri had intimate contact with Chukwu
and worshipped him alone. This was the age of
innocence and what existed at period was pure
religion. This was because man had not come to need
intermediaries between him and his creator. Igbo
myths and folklores lend validity to this claim (New;
1985:15-32 Iwuagwu).
'The second stage is the hunting and gathering stage

of existence when the Igbo had not fully come to a full
appreciation of the value of the land. This I call the
Nri period, when with the coming of agriculture and
iron technology the Igbo attention shifted from the
sky above to the earth below, with Ala, Ani, Ali
133
After God is Dibia
displacing 'Chukwu' into a supposedly remote
inactivity. This is the supposed period in primal
societies including Igbo when 'Chukwu' came to be
perceived as the Deus Otiosus the withdrawn God, the
absentee landlord. This period marked the dominance
of the Earth goddess in Igbo traditional life and the
origin of Igbo traditional religion. Based on Nri myth,
it became the chief function of Eze Nri to preside over
the worship, veneration and purification of the Earth
through rituals and sacrifices. Professor Afigbo calls
this period the b-horizon marked by recession of pure
intuition, the fall of man, the withdrawal of the
creator and the domination of man's daily existence
by a hose of gods and spirits. At this time the Igbo
adopted divinities which appear to work in controlling
their world.
The dominance of the Earth goddess in Igbo land at

this period is well acknowledged. On this Professor
Anene (1966:12-13) stated:
Among the Igbo law and custom were believed to have

been handed down from the spirit world from time
immemorial from ancestor to ancestor. The spirit
world comprised a hierarchy of gods: the most
134
After God is Dibia
important perhaps was the god of the land-the unseen
president of the small localized community. No
community is complete without the shrine of the god
of the land.
The god of the land in context refers to the Earth

goddess whose influence is very great in a society
whose economy is primarily agricultural. It is at this
stage that the Igbo abandoned the worship of Chineke
God to the worship of the created things. The
acknowledgement of the High God, the Creator, at the
same time as he is dealt with as remote or withdrawn
forms the major basis of the concept of deus otiosus
or deus remotus or deus absconditus which many
writers have given attention to at various times
(Pettazzoni, 1954:Horton, 1971 85-108)
Apart from the worship of Ala, other divinities arose

in several other communities. Some of the prominent
ones included Ibinukpabi of Arọchukwu, Amadiọha
(or Kamalụ) also known as the "god of: thunder"
whose shrine was at OZUZU (now in Rivers State); the
Ogbunworie of Ezumọha, Mbano; Igwekaala of
Umunọha (South-Igbo sub-culture area); Agbala of
Awka and Ọha Mmiri of Oguta to name a few.
135
After God is Dibia
The organizers of these cults were diviners, priest,

medicine men, traders and other ritual experts as well
as men of note in the community who considered
their life, political and economic interests threatened.
Quite often people go to these divinities to take oath.
Their origin in most of those communities is
unknown, they do not have documentary history but
they were believed to have been brought by their
respective ancestors many of whom were unknown to
them. Some of them are said to have taken their origin
from outside Igbo territory and especially from Igbo
neighbours such as Efik, Ibibio Yako and Ekoi.
(Onunwa, 1990:11, 21, 31).
Two of the prominent Oracular divinities - Ibinukpabi

of Arọchukwu and Ogbunworie of Ezumuọha were
destroyed by the British in 1901/02 and 1910
respectively, but their influence still linger. At the
moment there are severa1 millions of deities and
divinities in Igbo land.
In this second stage, however, it is obvious that

136
After God is Dibia
something definitely went wrong. It is the stage that
Igbo ancestors abandoned the worship of God the
Creator to the worship of the created things - Ala and
other divinities. At this point, the created being
becomes so powerful that it took the place of 'Chukwu'
in Igbo traditional life. Ikeji or Iri ji (yam festival)
which Ndi Igbo celebrate with fanfare is part of the
ritual that goes with the worship of the yam spirit
(Ifejiọkụ; Ahiajọkụ). Many rituals and sacrifices
accompany this celebration even in our time. Loss of
contact with 'chukwu' generated insecurity and fear
which necessitated the development of seeking help
from powerful deities for protection and for doing
evil.
Thus there came a great gap, a lacuna in Igbo

spirituality. As the Nri myth would tend to suggest
there arose a broken link between chukwu and Igbo
ancestors, a broken link that has to be restored.
The development gained impetus in the third stage of

development of Igbo traditional religious life. This
period Prof.. Afigbo called the c-horizon but which we
now refer to as the Arọ Era. The Arọ Era is what
Professor Afig designated in his Ropes of Sand as the
137
After God is Dibia
era of Arọchukwu Ascendancy with its Ibinukpabi
Oracle - their famous Long Juju. The era, which we
regard as "the most tragic" for the Igbo race because
of the evils of slave trade and slavery. A lot has been
written about it. It is obvious that Eze Arọ one of the
highly recognized kingship stools in Igbo land pre-
date the existence of Ibinukpabi Oracle. It is an
Oracle, which no Arọ person would like to discuss.
However, it is generally believed to have been
imported from a small Ibibio shrine (Isichei, 1976:59).
The influence of the oracle in Igbo land was like a
harmattan fire. It is believed to have conferred so
much prestige and authority on the Arọ to such an
extent that in 1896 an Arọ person proudly announced
to a white man at Aba in "broken English" that he was
an 'Arọ man' and a 'God boy' (Isichei, 1976:59).
Scholars agreed that the oracle rested on a deliberate
deception. The Arọ civilization of the period was
extremely idolatrous, materialistic and dehumanizing.
The Arọ civilization generated trade in which the Igbo
were commodities of trade. The slave trade bred a
disregard for human life. It is reported that in Nsukka
ten human slaves sold for a horse and in Uburu in the
1880's a horse was exchanged for four to six adult
human slaves (Isichei, 1978:47). Professor
Ọnwụejeọgwụ indicated that Ibinukpabi supported
slave trade, which brought into Igboland depopulation
due to instigated wars, family disorganization, ritual
cannibalism and human sacrifices (1987:56). Thus
138
After God is Dibia
Arọ at this period combined slave trade and
manipulation of the oracle by a highly intelligent
group or kinsmen for their religious and economic
interests. Thus fear of insecurity, constant wars,
headhunting at this period led many Igbo resort to
seeking the protection of divinities and deities most of
which were imported.
Similarly there emerged highly developed secret

societies as a new (p.12) instrument of social control.
This is not to say that secret society was absent in Igbo
land but it became prominent. The Arọ brought secret
societies from Efik-Ibibio areas into Igbo land, such as
Ekpe, Okonko, Obong, Akang. The Arọ made great use
of them and because of their influence cult houses
were erected for them at the village centers of several
Igbo communities, for effective control of
communities. They also made use of nsibidi sign for
communication which made the need for initiation
quite attractive. Thus it was common to hear that the
need to belong to a secret cult would enable one pass
through the road (ka ewere ya ga n'uzo). In effect, this
period brought about the multiplication of deities or
divinities for security.

139
After God is Dibia
In sum, according to Igbo myth Igbo religion in its
purest form originated as a direct revelation of
'Chukwu, 'Chineke' to the Igbo earliest ancestor. In
course of time, the subsequent earliest Igbo ancestors
lost touch with the original revelation, and turned
their back on 'Chukwu' but focused on the worship of
created things -- Ala/Anị (the Earth goddess) not as
creator but as their sustainer and protector. This leads
to the theory of the origin of Igbo traditional religion
as a combination of psychological and sociological
needs for their protection and survival.
Thus in their various studies Basden, (1938), Meek,

(1943), Forde and Jones, (1962), Ilogu (1973), and
other numerous researches conducted on Igbo
traditional religion in the department of religion, all
agree that the idea of 'Chukwu,' Chineke,' is central to
Igbo traditional belief and life. We agree with
Nwanunobi (1992) that the overwhelming situation is
such that even though there is a belief in the Supreme
God in Igbo traditional religion, the brand of belief is
characterized as polytheistic. It is a type of polytheism
in which the High God, 'Chukwu' presides over the
lesser gods often perceived as intermediaries in the
cosmic hierarchy. The Earth goddess was the arch-
divinity with omenala as its governing moral code
which regulates human relationship with the land
140
After God is Dibia
according to what obtains in the land or community.
Having therefore examined rather briefly the origin of

Igbo man and his traditional religion let us then
inquire into how the Igbo man perceived his world,
his person, his vision and his mission.
3. IGBO PERCEPTION OF THEIR WORLD
Igbo world-view is significant in understanding the

Igbo man and his identity, his vision and his mission
in the world.
The Igbo traditional understanding of the world and

reality as a whole is religious and holistic. The
universe is conceived of a cyclical order as the seasons
of the year, the sun, the moon, the stars and natural
events in general repeat themselves in an
interminable way. Mircea Elide calls this repetitive
order in nature as the "myth of eternal return" (1959).
This ordered succession symbolized harmony,
141
After God is Dibia
persistence and dynamism. This order must not be
disrupted in the Universe in which the different levels
of space as perceived are inhabited.
A critical look at the Igbo world -- view would throw

light on the rationale for man's insistence on
maintaining the delicate balance or cordial
relationship between him and the spirit beings in the
spirit world as well as ensure the maximum success of
his life on earth.
3.1. GOD AND gods IN IGBO
As a matter of fact, Igbo religious philosophy (religion

and philosophy) begins with his conception of the
Supreme God variously called Chiukwu, Chukwu,
Chineke (Obasi di n'elu). The Supreme Being is the
primal being.
Though the Igbo traditional religious thought cannot

lay any special claim as to a clearer and more
142
After God is Dibia
comprehensive perception of the nature of the
Supreme God than any other group of mankind, yet
there are numerous references and attributes which
the Igbo use to express their keen awareness of the
supreme reality and ultimate explanation of all the
things. Philosophically in this regard, the Supreme
Being is conceived under two major principles - (1)
the principle of creation (Chi-Okike) (Chineke) (2) the
principle of Absoluteness (Chi-Ukwu) (Chiukwu).
Both principles are implied in the principles of (i)

divinity and (ii) absolute dependence, which are
expressed in the conception of "Chi" or personal god
(Nwala, 1985:115-116). In creation, Chukwu or
Chineke is the creator of all things including man
whom he endows with his nature and his destiny. This
nature and destiny are referred to as 'uwa' and 'chi'
which every person possess. The principle of creation
(Okike) (Chineke) shows man's divine origin.
The second principle - the principle of absoluteness

means absolute/perfect in power and might in
everything. Here he is Chi-Ukwu (the Great God
Chukwu), his other names such as Chukwuka (God is
supreme), Onyekachukwu (who is greater than God),
143
After God is Dibia
Ifeanyịchukwu (Nothing is beyond God's power)
Chukwunweike (In God rests all strength) also express
this principle of abso1uteness. On the basis of this
principle, the Igbo invoke the ultimate power and
protection of the Supreme Being especially when all
else has failed them.
Generally Chukwu's power is constantly sought in oral

prayers. The principle of absolute dependence earlier
referred to shows the source of man's nonexistence
and welfare.
This keen awareness of God is also expressed in the

Igbo traditional ritual of Igbo Ọfọ by the elders. Ọfọ
symbol itself is a clear expression of the concept of the
Supreme Being's authority, justice and-truth. The
belief in the Supreme Being among the Igbo has been
strongly attested to by many other foreign writers like
O'Connell, Schon and Crowther, Talbot, Basden, Meek
and others.
Thus the concept of the Supreme God as a 'loan god'

introduced by the missionaries as a "stranger" in Igbo
144
After God is Dibia
religious thought (Nwoga, 1984) is definitely
unfounded and irrelevant. The Supreme God is seen
as the chief guest of honour at every Igbo traditional
religious festival or ritual, the ultimate recipient of
sacrifices even though there is no elaborate cult for
him in Igbo land.
As a matter of fact Archival records showed that early

Christian missionaries to Igbo land drew abundantly
from Igbo terminologies including the idea and name
for the Supreme God, in their preachings and
translations (CMS, 1862). Moreover, research works
by some Igbo scholars like R.A. Arazu, S.N Ezeanya,
E,C. Ilogu , E. Ikenga-Metuh and E.I. Ejizu have also
proved that the generalization that 'Chukwu' was not
acknowledged in public cults among the Igbo, is also
an over-simplification. Public altars and rituals in
honour of Chukwu, though not elaborate, did exist in
certain traditional Igbo sub-cultural units as
Ihembosi, Okija, Ihiala, Aji, Nsukka and Ututu
(Akum, 1983), (Ezeanya 1969:39-40).
3.2. DIVINITIES AND DEITIES

145
After God is Dibia
However, the stronger belief in and pre-occupation

with the divinities and deities, and patron spirits, are
manifestly the most striking feature of Igbo
traditional religion.
No matter what other writers say, polytheism (which

means belief in or worship of many gods) is practised
among the traditional Igbo. But it does no imply that
all the local deities are of equal importance and power
to the people. Although a lot of local variation exist in
names, categories and details of belief in and worship
of these divinities, a number of them are believed to
be major divinities and are widely acknowledged.
These include: Anyanwu (the sungod), Igwekaala (the
sky god), Ala (Earth goddess), and Amadiọha/Kamalu
(the god of thunder and lightning); others include
Ahiajọkụ (god of agriculture), Ikenga (god of fortune
and industry) and Agwunsi (god of divination and
healing). Many other deities which constitute the Igbo
pantheon are major deities to individual communities.
For instance Ebumiri of Umunumu in Mbano, Ọfọ Itu
in the Mbaise, Idemili in Uga, Aguata, Haba in Agulu,
Nnagwurugwu of Isu in Arọchukwu, and Ọha Mmiri
of Oguta and many, many others.

146
After God is Dibia
Of all the divinities Ala-the Earth goddess is generally

worshipped in Igbo land as the arch-divinity and seen
as the goddess of fertility and guardian of Igbo
morality, a power which controls - divinities and a
force which brings fortune and economic prosperity.
There are numerous other lesser deities which
constitute the dominant feature of Igbo religious cult.
Many of these we personifications of natural forces
and phenomena while others are man-made for the
people's survival and well being. This indicates the
extent of the influence of ecology on Igbo religion. In
addition, there exists myriads of lesser deities which
are good or bad spirits which besiege the Igbo
religious horizon. These spiritual entities inhabit
physical realities like streams, forests, hills and
animals. Some want to reincarnate in those to be
born, others make life uncomfortable for the living
causing calamities, barrenness, diseases and untimely
death. Caught up in the midst of physical insecurity
(which could also come from his fellows witches and
sorceries) the Igbo resort to divination, sacrifices,
traditional medicine and protective charms or amulets
in order to cope with the uncertainties of life. They
also resort to the ancestral spirits and some of the
deities for protection and progress.

147
After God is Dibia
The Igbo belief in the ancestors is a clear expression of
the people's faith in "after-life" even though perceived
in the context of external return to the earth again in
reincarnation. And it is believed that one's status in
the after-life depends entirely on one's status here on
earth since the spirit- world is a mirror of the human
world with same topography and similar organization.
The motion of judgment which everyone is afraid of is
clearly spelt out by the Igbo belief in reincarnation.
Seen from the anthropological perspective, Igbo

traditional religion, as evident from the pantheon of
spirits and deities acknowledged in worship in various
localities, is a religion of structure, inextricably bound
up with the total structure of Igbo traditional life. For
the Igbo, man's existence, his welfare and destiny are
totally caught up the general behaviour of the forces
above, under and around him, Igbo believe that the
more man can control nature and the force, the more
he is able to enjoy protection, longevity, progress,
success and peace with God, the divinities and the
ancestors. This perception of his world-view and
control methods is borne out of the conviction about
the constant interaction between the world of the
spirit d the world of men. Igbo religion relies heavily
on divination in this regard.

148
After God is Dibia
3.2.1. Divination: Igbo religion relies on a diviner or

divination to provide answers to problems and
puzzles of daily life-experiences. Divination therefore
becomes the mechanism for connecting observed
effects to causes that lie beyond the powers of
common sense to comprehend.
In other words, the essence of divination in Igbo

religion is the provision for resolving one difficulty or
the other that the individual or the community
encounters as he attempts to understand the world
around him. The diviner (dibiaafa/Igba aja) is thus a
busy person among the adherent of the Igbo religion.
He is consulted for practically all problems, sicknesses
and failure in business or failure to have a male child,
boundary disputes, sudden death, etc. After
determining the cause of the problem, the diviner
then prescribes remedies which more often than not
are sacrifices to be made to the ancestors or to the
spirits believed to be angry about something. The
centrality of Igbo religion is defined by divination. It
offers a lot of attraction to many Christians who have
not yet committed their lives to Christ. In other
words, Divination is therefore a common key that
unlocks the door into the interpretation of various
149
After God is Dibia
aspects of Igbo religion. It plays an important role in
the Igbo belief in reincarnation.
3.2.2. Reincarnation: Reincarnation is one of the Igbo

beliefs that have persisted in spite of the influence of
westernization or christianity. The issue of
reincarnation is a problematic one in Igbo thought
and life, Damian Opata's Essays on Igbo World View
(1998) argues that it is to be understood around two
principal Igbo concepts: ilua uwa and Ogbanje. Both
involve some kind of re-embodied existence after
having lived and died in the world. This is better
understood in the Igbo conceptualization of two types
of existence uwa mgbede and uwa Ututu. The ogbanje
phenomenon is the repetitive coming and going of
people especially of children into one's family. It is an
undesirable thing in a family. The principle of
reincarnation is seen as a positive one because it is
believed that only people who have lived well and died
well are the only person entitled to reincarnate or re-
embody themselves in a beneficent manner. Thus it is
common experience through divination to identify
who reincarnated a new born baby. This is the work of
a diviner. In Igbo a diviner is dibiaafa (ogbaaja), and
could be a medicine man or a priest. Some of them
undergo special training in the use of herbs, in
clairvoyance, divination and reincarnation.
150
After God is Dibia
The concept of reincarnation makes meaningful the

Igbo belief of life after death. Since the biblical
concept of resurrection is not clearly understood by
many, in traditional Igbo setting, the concept of
reincarnation assures an Igbo that his attempt to lead
a good life here on earth, obey the deities and the
ancestors are not in vain. Death is not the end of life.
There is another life after death and the most practical
way to make it meaningful is the belief in
reincarnation which includes physical resemblance,
character traits, oracular pronouncements all of which
point to the fact that the dead are somewhere waiting
for their return to the world of time and space. The
notion of judgment which people fear is so clearly
spelt out by reincarnation belief. This implication of
judgment also brings in the moral and ethnical
implications of the belief. Thus it becomes obvious
that death and reincarnation explain quite a lot about
the Igbo realization of a meaningful existence. Within
the concept are woven some principles of existence,
some deep and lasting motivation for decent living
among the Igbo, motivation based on everlasting and
transcendent reward. It is the idea of living well
among the Igbo that constitutes for them an authentic
existence such that it could be said that to have died
well is to have lived well.
151
After God is Dibia
3.3. MAN IN IGBO THOUGHT
Inspite of the Igbo concept of 'Chukwu', the Igbo

world remains homo-eccentric. In other words,
although 'Chukwu' is the foundation of Igbo religion
and philosophy, yet Igbo world and Igbo philosophy is
focused on man.
Igbo philosophy begins with his conception of life

(Ndụ). Life is the consciousness of 'being' or existing.
Man (mma ndụ) is made up of "life' (Ndụ), intellect
(Uche) and body (ahu). When there is no life in a
person he is ozu (corpse). It is the sole function of life
to hold body and intellect firmly in their positions and
sustains them. As far as life is doing this, man is said
to be living a human life and is capable of showing the
act of knowledge. Thus the source or origin of human
knowledge is life. This life comes from God
(chinwendụ).

152
After God is Dibia
For the Igbo like the others life is simply a gift (Ndụ
bụ onyinye). Thus according to the Igbo, "life is a gift
owned by God and is given to somebody" or "some
thing by God only." Hence the Igbo say that "Ndụ bụ
Onyinye Chukwu" (Life is the gift of God).
To mention God in an epistemological treatise like

this is definitely disapproved of by some philosophers.
But the Igbo people do not have any apology to render
to any of such people because their sense of God is
deeply rooted in our Igbo philosophy. For the Igbo,
philosophy without God who is the first philosopher is
no philosophy. That is why it is unthinkable for the
Igbo to have a religion without philosophy. As Fr.
J.J.C. Akunne (1995) rightly put it:
For us Igbo philosophy without God is like a house

without a roof. To philosophize whether there is God
or not and to marshal out argument for or against it is
the most absurd thing any lgbo man is expected to do.
A basic question has been asked as to what a human

being is for the Igbo in regard to the origin of human
153
After God is Dibia
knowledge.
Greek philosophers' positions have varied. For

instance, the Rationalists concluded that human
knowledge originated from reason alone. The
Empiricists asserted that human knowledge
originated from experience, while the Kantians
maintain that some human knowledge originated
from reason, and some in experience and others in
their necessity. With the fact established that Greek
philosophy originated from African philosophy
(Onyewuenyi, 1993) tremendous contributions have
come from other African thinkers. Using the theory of
Ndụakpunyereuchenaahụ, it is rightly argued that
knowledge originated from life. Man has within him
the gift of life which carries within itself essentially the
gift of knowledge. As a man starts developing in the
womb, the intellect and body become the effects of
this development, which reaches its high point in
man's 'awareness' which is the human knowledge.
This is what the concept of Ndụakpunyeruchenaahụ is
all about (Akunne, 1995). This life which is enclosed
with intellect and body is what we call human being,
Mma Ndụ (the goodness/beauty of life). It is this
concept which brings out what a human being is for
the Igbo in regard to the origin of human knowledge.

154
After God is Dibia
For the Igbo, God is life (Chi bụ ndụ) and God owns
life (Chinwendụ). Since we have life we have a share
in God. This lifeness of the life in us makes our
morality which has eschatological under-tone
meaningful. This is because for the Africans to be is to
live, and therefore, one continues to live even after
death when he continues to live in another form. This
is where the Greek philosophers failed. They fai1ed to
recognize the inseparability of the intellect and body.
They separated intellect and body respectively and
gave them independent existence. For the Igbo, this
proves the fact that not only that life continues after
death but also that it is the same person when alive in
this untranscendental world is responsible for all
his/her good and bad action done in this world. In
other, words a person starts life in the transcendental
world following the occurrence of death, it is the
person who is now living on this earthly world that
will continue to live the transcendental world with his
full identity. His life will be the same life because life
is not affected by the action of death. Because life is
not affected, it carries the implication of one's action
in our mundane world into that of our transcendental
world, acquiring a new form of intellect and body. In
other words, in Igbo thought and life, man finds
ultimate meaning in transcendence even though it is a
homo-centric world.
155
After God is Dibia
3.4. KOLANUT AS LIFE AFFIRMING PRINCIPLE
Igbo philosophy is life-affirming because it centered

on human being. Igbo people usually say Ndụ bụ Isi
(Life first). It has been observed that the overall
conceptualization of the kolanut among the Igbo is
that it is a life affirming principle. Kolanut
presentation, ritual, breaking and sharing is
significant in Igbo land. The ritual invocation will
include Chukwu, ancestors, the clan deities, the spirit
forces especially the market days. Finally the
invocation would normally end with an affirmation of
life:
Ndi ebe anyị
anyị ga adị
anyị goro ka anyị dịrị
ọ bụghị ka anyị nwụọ

156
After God is Dibia
(Our people
we shall live
we have prayed for life
not for death).
This final affirmation of life is significant because one

of the first statements surrounding kolanut breaking
ritual in Igbo land is:
Onye wetara ọji wetara ndụ (He who brings kola

brings life).
Among the Igbo, everything that is, has a life and to be

alive is the aspiration of every living thing. Ọji
(kolanut) is life because he who brings it brings life in
the dual sense (1) that signifies welcome and
friendship and (2) that the prayer for good and long
life which precede its breaking and eating would be
accepted by the ancestors. From the biological point
of view, the kolanut is also life affirming. Paul E.
Lovejoy (1980:2) listed forty medicinal uses of
157
After God is Dibia
kolanut, collected at the beginning of the 20th
century, and included relief from hunger, fatigue and
thirst as important properties along with cures from
headaches and sexual impotence. This list is
interesting because the medicinal uses noted is all life
affirming. Of special importance is the fact that it
could be used as cure for sexual importance. For the
Igbo, nothing can be more life affirming than this very
fact. In other words, kolanut in Igbo world view
touches on the principal essence of existence: being
alive and sustaining it.
This principle of life affirmation as constituting the

essence of the kola is also supported by the Igbo myth
surrounding he emergence of the four Igbo market
days. It is aid that four enigmatic people once visited a
place. They would neither eat nor talk. But by mere
coincidence, some one gave them a piece of kolanut to
eat. To the surprise of all assembled, the people
suddenly were given to speech in which they revealed
their names as Orie (Oye), Eke, Nkwọ and Afọ. By this
singular act, the kola is said to have gained
significance not only as the food of the spirits, but also
something that gives life. This is because somebody
who can neither talk nor eat anything is as good as
dead. It is only something that can give life that
worked the wonder of giving back life even to the
spirits. This is the basis of the Igbo saying:

158
After God is Dibia
Onye wetara ọjị wetara ndụ.
Apart from being an affirmation of life, it is also a

symbol of continuity, of the entire life process as a
continuum. Kolanut ritual is always a feature of the
Igbo society, in social functions and ceremonies,
which has resisted westernization and Christianity.
In addition, numerous researches conducted on ritual

practices that have to do with consecration of time,
space, animate and inanimate objects have also
confirmed this affirmation of the life principle in Igbo
cosmology. The ritual practice of itu aka (ritual
offering of food to the spirits in general in Agukwu
Nri, or itu aka ezi (ritual throwing of food outside for
the spirits) as in Ututu, Arọchukwu, Ezza/Izzi are
highly illuminating because they also show the
purpose for such a practice. For instance, the research
conducted by Anthony Ekwunife, of the department of
religion, University of Nigeria shows that in Ovoko,
Nsukka; the ritual of itu aka is aimed at giving the
spirits their share. In Ngwa, the purpose is
thanksgiving offering - an acknowledgement of
favours from the spirits. In Arọchukwu and Ututu, the
aim is that of sanctification of food (and it is called igo
nri), so that it becomes a vehicle for communion with
the spirits. Thus the whole ritual is designed to effect
communion with the spirits through the agency of the
celebrant and food. The ritual words of itu aka or igo
159
After God is Dibia
nri shows the dependence of the human life on the
transcendent life of the invisible spirit world. The
practice as Ekwunife rightly noted is a way of
inserting the participants to the source of their
spiritual life - the transcendence. The word Isee is a
definite symbolic word in the Igbo language and
culture. A human being has five fingers, five toes.
Among the Igbo the number five has great symbolic
significance. If a kola nut is broken and it has five
lobes it means good luck to the sharer. It also refers to
stability. Thus isee reflect axiomatic values, five
definite realization on which the life of every Igbo
rests. They are: life, children, wealth, peace and love
(Ekwunife, 1990).
3.5. ‘CHI’ IN IGBO WORLD VIEW
We have seen that inspite of the remarkable

awareness of spiritual forces, the Igbo like the other
Africans, place man at the center of the universe, yet
there is the irony that his destiny is determined by the
'chi' variously interpreted as his 'personal god' or
guardian angel. In creation, Chineke, the Supreme
Being brings man into being, at the same time endows
him his nature and destiny. This nature and destiny
are spoken of as 'uwa' and the personal 'chi' which
every human being possesses. Thus if any person does
something characteristics of him/her, the Igbo say ọ
bụ etu ụwa ya dị (i.e. it is how his/her nature is}. The
160
After God is Dibia
idea of 'chi' explains the elements of luck, fortune,
destiny or fate unique to an individual. The Igbo say
of a lucky man ọ bụ onye chi ọma.
Igbo mythology is replete with examples illustrating

the fact that the "
Supreme Being used to be very close to human beings

but later withdrew to the sky because a woman used
to poke her pestle in the sky while pounding her
foofoo late in the night.
This incessant disturbance made God to withdraw. It

is this that probably gave rise to the concept of deus
otiosus - the withdrawn God, a concept that at God
does not enmesh himself in human affairs. It has also
been suggested that it could be that it is this
withdrawal of God that gave rise to the Igbo
expressions:
Mmadụ bụ chukwu a na afụ anya n'ụwa
(A human being is the god that is seen in the world).
Madụ bụ chi ibe ya
(A human being is a god to another person).
Both expressions imply that human beings also can

161
After God is Dibia
play vital roles it influencing the destiny of others.
This is the point D.I. Nwoga tried to make in his very
much misunderstood book, The Supreme God as
Stranger in Igbo Religious Thought.
T.U. Nwala (1985:46) tried to summarize the concept

of destiny among the Igbo by citing two Igbo Sayings
to the effect that Whatever befalls a man is - ihe ya na
chi ya kpara (What he settles with his chi) but onye
kwe chi ya ekwe, (If a man wills, his peronal 'Chi' wills
also) provides him an escape route from the clutches
of fatalism. Thus the element of fatalism, where man
is left to the mercy of destiny is mitigated by ascribing
some will power and initiative to man. One can
influence one's 'chi' by brave or good conduct and this
knocks the horn out of fatalism in Igbo philosophy.
It is here that we find the traditional Igbo escape from

this apparent fatalism through the basic principle of
onye kwe chi ya ekwe. The Igbo believe that if a man is
at peace with his god and his ancestors his harvest will
be good or bad depending on the strength of his arm.
What is implied as Nwala rightly indicated is that the
efficacy of the human will depend on a sound moral
life because that is the only way he can be at peace
with his god and his ancestors. 'Chi' is like a personal
guide which pilots a man's prospects and determines
his fortune.

162
After God is Dibia
For the Igbo three principles are operative in the
shaping of a person's life. We have already pointed to
the principle of onye kwe chi ya ekwe, the other two
are: (1) akara aka and (2) lfe si na chi.
Akara aka literally refers to lines inscripted on a

person's palm.
Among the Igbo it is believed that what one would be

in life is already inscripted on the person's palm.
What can hinder the actualization of what is
inscripted are incorrect reading and misinterpretation
as well as lack of sustained personal effort. The
principle of lfe si na chi implies things that are already
predetermined from birth for somebody. However in
both principles we observe that: (I) what comes to
people are predetermined and so no escape and (2)
the relationship between chi and personal effort in the
total shaping of a person's life and (3) the principle of
onye kwe chi ya ekwe is a normative paradigm in the
conduct of one's affairs in life. It is a manifestation of
optimism and dynamism so evident in the Igbo
attempt at self actualization and achievement
orientation.
Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart brought out the

working of the 'chi' principle in Igbo life. Unoka had
163
After God is Dibia
gone to the oracle to find out why he still had poor
harvest inspite of the prescribed sacrifices he offered
to the gods, and he was also in good standing with his
'chi'. The oracles confirmed that Unoka was in good
standing with his 'chi' but insisted that he should go
home and work harder because mere offering of
sacrifice would not make him reap bounteous
harvests. Thus having a good 'chi' must be
accompanied by being industrious. On the other hand,
it is said of Okonkwọ that he is an example of one who
said 'yes' to his 'chi' but his 'chi' refused to give assent
to his affirmation. The explanation is that no one can
go beyond his 'chi.'
As a matter of fact the Igbo does not give up or get

discouraged. The principles of akara aka, lfe si na chi
and onye kwe chi ya ekwe serve as ideology of
consolation, encouragement, and determination. In
Achebe's Things Fall Apart, Okonkwọ contributed to
his own fate. He was consumed by his personal
ambition. He failed to understand the basic Igbo
philosophy of complementary dualities and
consequent accommodationists principle inherent in
that philosophy. This suggests that saying 'yes' must
be understood within the framework of the dominant
world view of the people. The Igbo hardly ever resign
to fate, they hardly give up in a struggle which they set
their minds on. This is supported by their wisdom
sayings:
164
After God is Dibia
Otụ egwu mgbagbu adịghị eje ọgụ
(If you are afraid of death you won't go to war).
di ochi anagị akwụsị ịrị enu akwụ maka na ọ dara

n'enu ya
(A palm wine tapper does not stop tapping because he

fell from a palm wine tree).
ebe ọkụ nyụrụ achịsa ọwa
(Surrender comes only after one had tried all one

could).
This is also why the traditional Igbo consult diviners

and move from one sacrifice to one deity to the other
in the hope that some how they would succeed. A
world-view as this makes a people rugged and does
not encourage the doctrine of fatalism. The Igbo like
other Africans pays high premium on life and would
therefore go to any length to preserve it.
The Igbo world is principally a world of interacting

realities the spiritual and the physical, each impinging
on the other. It is both the world of spiritual beings
165
After God is Dibia
and the world of man and other animate and
inanimate beings. But man's existence, his welfare,
and destiny are totally caught up with the general
behaviour of forces above, around, and underneath
him. And while deploying the power of his reason, and
utilizing his mental and physical skills to better his
lot, man expends as much energy and ingenuity in
trying to sustain the delicate balance between the
various orders of his world view in order to ensure the
continued welfare of his life and that of his family.
This in brief outline is the Igbo cosmology whose
ideas and ideals infuse meaning and coherence into
the entire gamut of Igbo religious life and philosophy.
We now focus on the dominant religious and
philosophical ideas derivable from this Igbo world
view to understand how they have served as key to
Igbo self understanding and identity.
4. DOMINANT IDEAS IN IGBO RELIGIOUS

PHILOSOPHY
The relevance of the foregoing Igbo perception of their

world to the emotional and psychological levels of the
traditional life of the Igbo is of great significance to
the argument of this paper. This is because in the
daily life of the Igbo, their values and attitudes which
they aspire to and exhibit are the direct off-shoot of
their dominant religious and philosophical ideas.
These ideas include:
166
After God is Dibia
4.1. RESPECT FOR LIFE (NDỤ)
Igbo world is principally anthropocentric. It is for this

understanding the Igbo say Ndụ bụ isi (life first).
Because of the heavy accent which the traditional Igbo
place on human life, they go to any length in order to
preserve it. As a matter of fact the traditional Igbo
attitude to the divinities and ancestors appears on
many occasions to be primarily manipulative, as the
Igboman moves from shrine to shrine for definite
material satisfaction bordering on life, off-spring and
health. Igbo traditional prayers {Igọ ọfọ) and
sacrifices to the deities are mainly petitionary for the
welfare of man. Even when sacrifices are made to
malevolent spirits, the only reason for doing so is to
ward them off from causing harm. Igbo constantly
resort to divination, traditional medicine, magic, the
use of protective charms or amulets and initiation into
secret cults in order to cope with the uncertainties of
life, for protection and progress. Childlessness was
considered a threat to life among the Igbo as it hits
the very root of that traditional primary value, life.
Thus Igbo traditional religion provides for the people

a viable system by which they seek to explain, to
predict, and to control all space and time event for the
preservation of life. In traditional Igbo society, human
life was considered sacred. That it cannot be taken
167
After God is Dibia
away with impunity. Suicide is considered a most
abominable crime against the human society and so
any person guilty of suicide is denied formal burial. In
most cases when human beings were killed (twin
killing and human sacrifice) the traditional Igbo saw
such as a fulfillment of convinced religious obligation
and for the good of the land. For them, sacrifice was
different from killing a fellow human being, for which
life must go for life. Nevertheless, the Igbo respect life
more than any other ethnic group in Nigeria, because
the Igbo respect life, kolanut breaking will always
remain for them a celebration of life. Emenanjo
(2001) lent emphasis on the great respect the Igbo
have for life when he said that in the philosophy of
Igbo knowledge the:
rural Igbo had very great respect for Ndụ because it

comes from God. It is greater than money or wealth. It
cannot be foundered by a blacksmith. All things are
only useful if they have life.
Let me remind you that it was not a mere coincidence

when under the Igbo war commander Chief
Odumegwu Ojukwu, Biafra (the Igbo) fought a thirty
months gruesome war from 1967 to 1970 to preserve
the life of the Igbo people. Let me remind you that it
was not mere accident when the great Zik of Africa
along with other notable Igbo leaders (Dr. Ojike, Dr.
Mbadiwe, Dr. Okpara, Dr. Akanu Ibiam, etc) of
168
After God is Dibia
blessed memory unanimously agreed that "To Restore
the Dignity of Man" was to be the motto of the first
indigenous University, the University of Nigeria. That
motto represents the finest formulation of the finest
Igbo minds, the collective affirmation of Igbo faith in
the worth and dignity of man. It remains for the Igbo
a vision; a mission and a commitment.
4.2. RESPECT FOR MORALITY
The traditional dominant Igbo orientation to the

ultimate is their great respect for morality and so
dreaded the consequences in-built in committing any
offence against the Supreme Being, the ancestors,
local divinities and deities. We have earlier indicated
that part of what the traditional Igbo were known for
is that they were a very spiritual people. That is the
philosophical understanding behind their morals,
customs, traditions, beliefs, and myths. The ultimate
which a traditional Igbo person cherishes is to live a
good and worthy life here on earth, die and receive
full and proper burial rites and finally rejoin his
ancestors who lived well and died a good death. This
could only be achieved within a decent moral order.
This perception of Igbo cosmology meant that the

moral order must be maintained so that they can live
169
After God is Dibia
in peace and have abundant life. The Igbo ancestors
constructed a number of socio-cultural controls. The
first was to emphasize characters. Character refers to
moral uprightness, peace with the gods and peace
with human beings. Purity among the Igbo was seen
as essential in blocking the anger of the gods or the
ruin of evil spirits, this is the implication of onye aka
ya di ocha. Hence seasonal festival included
purification rites.
They devised elaborate system of moral codes known

as omenala or omenani, which regulate the behaviour
of the people including their social, economic, and
political lives. Omenala is believed to have been
handed down from Ala (the Earth goddess) through
Ndi Ichie (the ancestors) and so literally means action
in accordance with the stipulation of the land.
Omenala in Igboland contain prohibitions which
regulate human behaviour, maintain purity and
sustain community life. These prohibitions are known
as Nso Ala (taboos). They also involve seasonal
celebrations like Iri ji/Ahiajoku and Igo Arọ. Ndi Igbo
explain some aspects of their life- experiences,
namely, natural disaster and calamity, as resulting
from pollution of the land somewhere along the line
by which harmony between man, nature/environment
and the spirit would have become broken. Hence the
essence of Igbo morality was primarily to keep the
harmony, well- being and effective co-existence of
170
After God is Dibia
members of the 'community' made up of the living,
the dead ancestors and children yet unborn.
The implication is that among the Igbo omenala is

communal rather than individual. Every Igbo is born
into a community where the person shares in the
community life, spirit and collective responsibility.
Thus the concept of a man as a person who co-exists
with others gives rise to the idea of collective
responsibility, inter-dependence and humane living
which is an important aspect of Igbo social and
religious life. As Chieka Ifemesia (1978:70) rightly
argued that interdependence is a fundamental
principle of Igbo philosophy of life because ‘a tree
does not make a forest.’ The Igbo ideology of
interdependence recognizes that unity is strength –
ọha/Igwe bụ Ike, it among others promotes discipline,
reduces crime, and humanizes relations. Igbo religion
recognizes personal/individual salvation, but it exists
mainly for the preservation of the collective life
(umunna/ikwunne) and of the community (ọha).
Respect for religious philosophy which inspires them
to look up to future with hope and expectation for a
good reward here and hereafter.
4.3. TRUTH AS IGBO PRINCIPLE OF LIFE
Truth is a noble value in all human culture including

the Igbo. Though an important religious and
171
After God is Dibia
philosophical idea, it has received little attention from
scholars. Nze C., (1994.4) has rightly suggested two
Igbo words descriptive of truth: eziokwu and ezigbo.
Eziokwu is used to represent utterances while ezigbo
is used ontologically or materially for substance and
entity to mean good, true or genuine. Damian Opata
(1998:73-80) in addition referred to the Igbo
expressions for truth: ihe mere eme meaning 'what
really happened.' The Igbo words signifying falsehood
or untruth or lie are, okwu asi and asi
In Igbo community onye okwu asi or onye asi are used

judgmentally for someone who cannot be trusted,
believed or relied upon. Other related Igbo words are
used, for instance asiri or onye ogba asiri refer to
gossip, rumour mongering or someone who goes
about spreading rumours saying what is true or
untrue. Such a person is dangerous and that is why
Mike Ejeagha's minstrel maintains that asiri brings
misunderstanding among friends and causes
instability in family. Chidi Osuagwu's study on truth
in Igbo land is very illuminating. He points out that
the Igbo word for truth is ezi. Ezi means correct,
order, positive, proper rectitude, genuine, upright or
valid. When ezi is used to qualify okwu which is Igbo
word for 'word' or statement then the word eziokwu
becomes what is valid, positive, genuine and truthful.
Truth is paramount in Igbo life. Ezi is from the root
word zi. From this root, Igbo language generates such
172
After God is Dibia
words like izi, to show, imezi, to rectify, to correct;
ikozi, to explain correctly, to teach; igbazi, to
strengthen, ihazi, to arrange, to organize idozi, to
order, to arrange, idazi, to fall into place, igozi, to
bless, iduzi, to lead aright, ikwazi, to mend, to arrange
properly; this word-study is significant and it is
deliberately done to emphasize that in Igbo 'truth' is
order.
In Igbo igha means to scatter. This word links up all

chaotic processes as the Igbo see it. Such include
aghara, commotion, disorder. Agha means 'war',
ighasa, to scatter, to spread out; ghaghagha,
chaotically bad and igha, to scatter, spread, to lie;
onyeaghara, troublemaker, madman. Thus igha
means 'to lie'. To lie in Igbo mind is to cause a thought
scattering, a mental disorder. From the above it can
be deduced that falsehood is disorder; a
disorientation. The traditional Igbo pictured
falsehood as simulated disorder, disarray or chaos-
generating expression. A liar in Igbo is basically a
chaos - generator. Just like eziokwu is okwu dabara
adaba, ordered train of thought, falsehood is okwu
nadabaghi adaba -- a disordered thought. Thus the
Igbo picture of ezi is the ordered, the truth, whereas
'ugha' is falsehood. In an ugha system only guesses
can be made, while the order in an ezi system allows
for prediction. Truth is synonymous with order hence
its predictability. Falsehood is disorder, amplifying
173
After God is Dibia
unpredictability. For the Igbo, the notion of truth is so
central and important that there are a number of ways
in which it is characterized. Among the Igbo it is said:
Eziokwu dika ehihie (efifie). Truth is like noonday
This stresses the fact that truth is self-evident and

there is nothing anybody can do to destroy it. That is
why the Igbo say:
Anaghị eli eziokwu n'ala
Truth cannot be buried in the ground
This asserts the indestructible character of truth. You

cannot suppress it even though the Igbo also say:
Eziokwu na'elu ilu
Truth is bitter.
All traditional societies have a strong moral

orientation in their conception of truth. Truth
sustains relationships with God, the deities and their
fellow men. Truth is paramount in Igbo life and they
believe it is what gives life to any society.

174
After God is Dibia
Traditional Igbo society is built on truth and the basis
of this is trust which is primarily dependent on the
ability of the individual members to tell the truth to
one another. It is the basis of our faith in God and in
people. Truth is the foundation of any Igbo
community. The greater the tendency to lie in a
society, the greater will be the social disorder which
no doubt increases the tendency to lie. Thus I share
Osuagwu's insight when he said that:
"A truth - telling society would be a highly ordered

society." "A better ordering of society would enhance
the tendency of its members to tell the truth."
The Igbo use the ọfọ symbol to designate truth and

justice as a principle of life. The Igbo say:
Ọfọ ka ide ji awa ala
Truth and justice are the content of life
Oji ọfọ anaghị atọ n'ije
The man of truth is never stranded in a journey
In these sayings, the Igbo are emphasizing the

centrality of truth in human relationship, organization
and morality. This is further made obvious in the Igbo
saying:
175
After God is Dibia
Ezi okwu bụ ndụ
Truth is life
The philosophy of the Igbo founding fathers of the

University of Nigeria shows that in order to restore
the dignity of man and protect life you must seek the
truth, teach the truth and preserve the truth.
The commitment to Truth is a fundamental Igbo

philosophy without which there would be neither
regard nor respect for human life and dignity.
4.4. ACHIEVEMENT - ORIENTED VALUES
It is important to notice that the history of Igbo origin

as legend has it, reveals that the word 'Igbo' refers to
'forest-dwellers'. We are aware that at this time the
primitive Igbo lived a hazardous wandering life of the
hunter-gatherer of wild edible plants. The Nri myth
which preserved for us how agriculture came meant
that the Igbo became 'farmers' who had to be directly
dependent on the land for their livelihood. Definitely
these kinds of job descriptions will require among
other qualities - strength and intelligence.
The implications that right from the Igbo genesis, the

Igbo man was born into a tough world that demanded
176
After God is Dibia
him to be rugged, courageous, fearless, determined
and hardworking to survive. Thus I will agree with
D.I. Nwoga (1984:48) who said:
…the .most prominent aspect of Igbo concept of man

is that of a struggler for survival, a hard and
determined person in confrontation with the
environment to force out of it a means of sustenance.
Luckily enough, this Igbo nature of hard work had

been acknowledged right from the pre-colonial
period. It is reported of Igbo slaves in Haiti that they
were
… excellent for work in the fields yet difficult to

manage. They kept a strong sense of their Igbo
identity and gave help, care and instructions to new
arrivals from Igbo land. (Isichei, 1976:44; Herskovit,
1931:20-21; Uchendu, 1965:37).
Even in the New World Igbo slaves were outstanding

for their hard work and intelligence. Igbo slaves
became much more productive than the other slaves,
by exhibiting higher degree of intelligence, honesty
and craftiness. Nwosu (1983:7) argued that the Igbo
slaves showed an uncommly greater degree of
brotherly 1ove among themselves, which was lacking
177
After God is Dibia
also in slaves of other nationalities. This discovery
made the American Masters of Igbo slaves to become
more productive, and wealthier than their counter-
parts in Cuba and South America, Igbo slaves there
became more expensive than others.
Admittedly, this Igbo achievement orientation as an

important aspect of Igbo life is one area in which the
Igbo have been badly misunderstood and
misrepresented.
Many non-Igbo use it and argue that the Igbo are

materialistic.
Interestingly enough on this kind of accusation

(Jordan, 1971:115) reported that Bishop Shanaham
who had worked in Igbo land for years had come to
the conclusion that:
The average native was admirably suited by

environment and training, for an explanation of life in
terms of the spirit, rather than of the flesh. He was no
materialist. Indeed nothing was farther from his mind
than a materialistic philosophy of existence. It made
no appeal to him.
This was several years ago and I wish to categorically

178
After God is Dibia
state that the Igbo do not cherish money more than
the other ethnic groups. In fact, if money has today
become an Igbo problem, it is a problem which
Nigeria created for them. So it is a Nigerian problem.
This achievement orientation has been found in their

industry, courage, determination and in itinerancy in
search of adequate means of livelihood in all nooks
and crannies of the world, in all human endeavours.
The dynamism of the Igbo is found in their history
and in the psychological structure of the Igbo man
and his society. In other words, it is a reflection of the
Igbo perception of 'self.'
First, the Igbo is afraid of failure in life. He believes

that nature has endowed him with the ability to
subdue his world and succeed and therefore had to do
just that. Definitely the mandate to control the land is
a mandate to be successful. This position is well-
supported and articulated by Afigbo (1974) when he
said:
It is thus quite clear that the Igbo saw failure in his

world as a terrible calamity which implied damnation
and so did every thing possible to avoid it. It is this
fear of failure, this drive to succeed here, and attain
the status of Ogaranya (a rich man) which he could
carry across to the next world, which helped him to
account for the economic drive of the Igbo man, as for
179
After God is Dibia
the high score and prestige set on hard work,
resourcefulness, foresight, and rugged individualism.
Second, the Igbo is not prepared to attribute any

failure to his personal 'chi.' Thus the Igbo saying that
onye kwe chi ya ekwe locates the Igbo in the context of
determination and faith to succeed. It is for this
reason he has to get all forces on his side. The
achievement orientation finds the Igbo in reverence of
Ikenga, the cult of strength, a symbol for personal
achievement, heroism and success.
The Igbo people love to be rewarded and recognized

after having worked hard. Thus recognition for
achievement is well entrenched in Igbo life. For
instance, far from despising manual labour, the Igbo
esteem the successful farmer. Some parts of Igbo land
award them the titles of Eze ji (King of yam), Oko ji
(yam planter). There is an Igbo saying:
egbuwa ọfịa a hụ akụ
When you clear the forest you see wealth.
The Igbo people believe so much in the dignity of

labour (work) probably more than any other ethnic
groups in Nigeria, and it is for this same reason, the
Igbo are also hated. Everywhere in Nigeria you find
180
After God is Dibia
the Igbo working for his livelihood. It is a new
phenomenon seeing an ‘Igbo’ begging for alms. We
know as Oluadah Eouiano wrote centuries ago, that
begging was unknown to the Igbo society. The only
circumstance that begging was probably accepted was
rather than being a thief (Onye arịrịọ ka onye oshi
mma). Stealing was a terrible crime in traditional Igbo
society and its punishment could be death, at times.
Creating wealth is based on hard work and

intelligence. It is just recently we started seeing people
who do ‘nothing’ but we find them building ‘estates.’ It
is only recently we find people who do nothing and yet
become leaders. In traditional Igbo society, you can’t
lead without your being an accomplished person,
having something doing. We have what is called the
British pride, the American pride; we also have from
time immemorial what is known as the ‘Igbo pride’
which some historians refer to as ‘Igbo identity’.
Precisely, handworker as an important philosophical
Igbo idea is centered on Igbo pride. This ‘Igbo pride’ is
that Igbo spirit, that Igboness in every Igbo person,
that courage, that determination, that fearlessness,
that self-confidence in every Igbo person. He knows
that he is not judged by what his father or relations
have but rather by what he is able to achieve by
himself for his community.
4.5. IGBO REPUBLICANISM

181
After God is Dibia
The traditional Igbo had a deep sense of community.

The popular sentiment among the Igbo, as found in
most other Africans is as J.S. Mbiti (1969:108) puts it:
“I am because we are and since we are, therefore I

am.”
Individual existence and freedom are appreciated, but

they are delicately balanced with the underlying
philosophy of life-in-community.
This life-in-community is captured by the Igbo

concept of Umunna/Umunne/Ikwunne. Part of Igbo
problem is using foreign concepts to define Igbo life
and thought. Umunna is a spiritual idea embedded in
Igbo origin. The concept of democracy (ọha,
umunnakwuru) which is contained in the Igbo
philosophy of republicanism is deeply rooted in Igbo
life and thought as embodied in the Ummuna concept.
Before taking any decision, the Igbo have the tradition
of gathering together to discuss matters of interest in
order to arrive at a consensus and agreement. This is
call in Igbo Igba izu (consultation). This is the basis of
Igbo republicanism which E.G. Ekwuru (199:134) calls
the Consensus philosophy, but referred to as
Unanimity by T.U. Nwala (1985:168). Thus modern
182
After God is Dibia
democracy is not after all foreign to the Igbo because
it has its root in Igbo origin and thought. The Igbo life
did not start with colonization rather before the
advent of the Europeans Igbo already had a
philosophy, established structure of government,
education and technology.
According to Webster’s Encyclopedic Dictionary,

republic is defined as an affair, interest, a state or
nation in which the supreme power is rested in the
whole voting community which elects indirectly or
directly, representative to exercise the power; a group
whose number are regarded as having a certain
equality or common aims, pursuits, ect. in other
words, republicanism is a system with clear pattern of
organization and a mode of behaviour.
Here we find that the republican idea recognizes

individual worth and input. People who deliberate
and take decisions that arc of common interests, Ndi
Igbo live and still live in units of villages, and clans
called Umunna. The relationships among them are so
close from the family to the clan level including the
age grades system. Similar close relationships are
found in the Eastern and Western Igbo. Power resided
with Umunna or Ọha. People to represent each unit
are chosen on the basis of age, ability and character.
183
After God is Dibia
There is consensus, constant consultation covering
every aspects of their lives from individual to group
levels - including marriage, education, funeral. It is
common to hear such expressions like:
Ihe anyị kpara akpa
Something discussed/agreed
Igwebụike/ọha bụ ike
Umunna is strength
Umunnakwe
Umunna agreed
In Igbo republicanism, individuals and groups of

individuals up to the clan level aspired to relevance,
had rights and responsibilities, worked harder to
better their lots and welfare and contributed to
policies (Nwajiuba, 2001:19-25). Igbo republicanism
is hinged on people's rights and founded on
forthrightness, hard work, truth, and character.
The democratic spirit in Igbo checks any possible

excesses arising from seniority, status and
184
After God is Dibia
achievement. This is further strengthened by the Igbo
principle of equality and equivalence which Prof.
Afigbo rightly says is fundamental in Igbo democracy.
Ndi Igbo don't worship people; they don't even have

sanctions against rude people. They respect people. In
fact, there is great respect to the elders in an Igbo
society but they allow people express themselves. Ndi
Igbo do not tolerate of acts of rudeness to their elders.
Osagie Jacobs's generalization and insults against Ndi
Igbo in his (This day, September 17, 2002 page 11)
where he claimed that Igbo do not respect the elders,
and that they respect money not age is unfortunate.
Osagie himself knows that he is dishonest, rude and
crude, how because of one person he has the guts to
insult a whole race. Igbo people respect their elders,
but they resent oppression and authoritarianism. It is
reported that during the slave trade period Igbo slaves
who were constantly starved by their European
masters organized a revolt to resent their starvation.
They had to be fed by force. They refused to be treated
as sub-humans.
In modern times it could be seen that Nigerian

colonial Politics had remained passive until the arrival
of the lgbo intellectuals on the scene in the person of
Hon. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe, Mr.
Mbonu Ojike, Dr. Akanu Ibiam, Dr. Nwafor Orizu, etc.
Igbo republicanism does not mean the freedom to
185
After God is Dibia
insult, maltreat or abuse people because of one's
position. It should be noted that the Igbo expressions
like:
Igbo-ama-onye-ukwu
I na-enye m nri
Igbo enwe-eze
were not in traditional Igbo thought. They have

become Igbo expressions in the mouth of those who
harbour envy, hatred and jealousy for others, those
who do not appreciate 'excellence,' people influence
by the Hebrew saying: "a prophet has no honour in his
own community." They served a colonial interest of
destabilizing Igbo unity.
I have become personally worried that even our Igbo

intellectuals are accepting the expression - Igbo enwe
eze - as reflecting traditional Igbo situation. It does
not and it is arrant nonsense. It has its origin in the
early colonial European writers who spoke about the
Igbo in particular as people without any universal
conception of God (CI), and without history. We must
take note of the fact that Igbo history did not start
with the advent of the white man. The man who
denied that you had a history could not possibly come
to believe you had a 'king’ or 'chief' which ever title
186
After God is Dibia
you may prefer.
The truth which historians have agreed on is that all

the ethnic groups in Nigeria, it is only the Igbo that
really resisted the white man, not months but several
years. Igbo historians have also agreed that the
Europeans had a basic dislike for the Igbo whom they
found ungovernable and what was worse irreverent in
their attitude to members of the 'master race' (Afigbo,
1981:2). Put simply, they hated the Igbo. This is what
informed their introduction of the indirect rule in
Eastern Nigeria. This colonialist created the warrant
chiefs. These chiefs were installed to serve the interest
of those who established them (Nwajiuba 2001:25):
1), to assist them hold down the Igbo 2), to serve their
economic interest including collection of taxes and
settlement of local cases. The colonialists distrusted
the original Igbo chiefs. Thus the colonialists used the
Indirect rule to remove and destroy the legitimacy of
Igbo rulers and them imposed their own subjects who
ruled in their stead.
We must not forget the fact that right from time in

Igbo history there is what we call 'Igbo pride.' The
Igbo saw himself from time as a superior race. King
Jaja of Opobo treated the European traders and
administrators as his inferiors. They latter feared him
and tricked him to go aboard the British warship for
friendly discussion but was carried away into exile
187
After God is Dibia
where he died. Do we not know the implication of the
fact that he died in exile, he died with the history of
his people in his memory. The Arọchukwu people and
most Igbo royal princes never removed their hats or
stood up or prostrated for the British colonialists
unlike most other subservient African tribes.
Specifically in 1896 at Aba an Aio man refused to
remove his hat for a white man (Isichei, 1976:59)
(Leonard, 1966:191), because he felt he was superior
to the white man. Have we even bothered to ask why
up till today 'Eze Nri' is not listed among the first class
chiefs in Igbo1and (along with Eze Arọ, Oguta, Nnewi
and, Obi Of Onitsha). Nri model. Of kingship which
controlled many parts of the Igbo land for several
centuries was finally liquidated by the British
imperialists to exploit the Igbo (slave trade). The truth
of the matter in our view is that the Igbo enweEze
concept was introduced into the Igbo psychic, and in
practice by installing warrant chiefs in order to
destabilize the Igbo society and make it impossible for
them to retain their 'Igboness,' their uniqueness, their
industry, their confidence and their pride/identity as
a people.
You will realize that this concept is introduced into

our 'Culture,' the very essence of a people. It has
succeeded to work like magic in the Igbo nation which
presently is the most destabilized and disunited ethnic
group in the world. It brought the culture of
188
After God is Dibia
disrespect and greed as well as that of falsehood
thereby destroying every evidence of a well laid down
functional leadership pattern prior to the advent of
the white man. How else could we explain that our
people in government could not be united to promote
Igbo cause. We saw what happened in the period of
Shagari government. It was a near impossibility for
the vice president and the governor to work together
to promote Igbo interest. It is what is happening
today. Today many of our state governors are in
conflict with our people in government at the federal
level. Does it happen elsewhere?
Indirect rule is not yet over. Igbo land still remains its
testing grounds. This sys em was and is still the basic
instrument being employed to destabilize the Igbo
race, incapacitate and frustrate any plan of the Igbo
people to form a common force where together they
can challenge the ills done to them. There is hope.
This ray of hope comes from the Arọchukwu example.
The modern Arọ understand the- Igbo enwe eze
concept as an instrument of destabilization. They are
the only community in Abia state that has up till today
rejected the creation of autonomous communities.
They know that creating many autonomous
communities is creating many autonomous troubles
and it will destroy their kingship institution and
traditions, which is centered on Eze Arọ as an
institution, and not as a person.
189
After God is Dibia
Let me ask you, who is afraid of Igbo unity? The Igbo

people say: Igwe bụ ike = unity/strength is power. We
know even as the Igbo Bible puts it, that divided we
fall, but united we stand. Igbo enwe eze concept is
strange to Igbo psyche and history of the origin. It
should be discarded, forgotten and formal education
at reorientation of every Igbo undertaken. A family
regarded as the smallest unit in a locality has the
'father' as the head, how much more a village, a clan
and a tribe. Let the issue of Igbo enwe eze be laid to
rest. We Igbo people are not crabs; we are men and
women with great propensity for leadership and
followership we do not need to invoke the expression
to support our philosophy of republicanism for self-
reliance. Nor as a way of checking the excesses of any
Igbo leader.
Lastly, Igbo republicanism goes with the consensus

philosophy of Igbo-kwenu. Emeka G. Ekwuru
(1999:134) has drawn attention to the importance of
Igbo-kwenu in his recent book. In Igbo 1and it
represents constituting symbol of the gathering of
Umunna, which allows for the full deliberative and
consultative participation of every adult for decision-
making. It not only recognizes the freedom and right
of each individual but more importantly it awakens
the Igboness in every Igbo person. I agree with Emeka
Ekwuru that Igbo-kwenu in the Igbo land underscores
190
After God is Dibia
a social formula of action, a call to order and unity
and collective will vital in all Igbo relationships to
fashion its destiny as a people. There was a time when
we hear - Igbo kwe - Enyim Mba Enyi - we see with
our eyes Igbo solidarity, the clearest expression of
Umunna. W need to recover that time and to offer to
our country the best that is in us, because we have
what it takes to move Nigeria forward.
4.6. 'CHUKWU': THE ULTIMATE IN IGBO

THOUGHT
Igbo scholars agreed that the Igbo world is principally

a world of two interacting realities - the material and
the spiritual, each impinging on the other. In this
world, the material mirrors the spiritual in the
different degrees. The Igbo believe in a life thereafter
like many other Africans and also that the status
achieved now in this life can be carried over to the
next world. Thus though homo-centric in practice, yet
the Igbo find ultimate meaning in transcendence. In
other words, the Igbo see existence as future-oriented.
This is the implication of the word 'Nkiruka' - future is
greater.
As we indicate, reincarnation is the central Igbo

concept which captures this Igbo sense of the future.
This is related to the idea of death. Every Igbo believes
that death is a necessity. The traditional Igbo believes
191
After God is Dibia
that when you live well you die well in a good old age.
Though Igbo myths, folklore and rituals, they believe
that at death they rejoin their ancestors. In other
works, their expectation of future is a rejoining of
their ancestors whose abode is underneath the earth,
the supposedly land of the dead. The world
underneath is the abode of the ancestors and evil
spirits. Ala Mmuo. On the other hand, christians look
upwards - elu-igwe - the abode of 'Chukwu' and they
believe that when they die they go to God in heaven
the sky. Chukwu is the foundation of Igbo religious
philosophy. Even though the people make sacrifices to
the other gods who quite often fail them, Ndi Igbo still
believe that Chukwu, Chineke is the last port of call.
I makwa na Chukwu no
Don't you know there is God?
This is a saying referring to people who think they can

do anything and that God will not see them or they
believe they will go free. Their concept of God in terms
of his creative power and absoluteness, the source of
man's origin dependence and protection when all
others have failed is original in Igbo thought. The
irony is why Igbo man inspite of this noble conception
preferred to worship the spirit of the earth, and to also
look downwards in rejoining the ancestors, instead of
looking upwards in returning to his 'Chukwu' his
192
After God is Dibia
maker. It is important that Igbo myth established the
fact that originally Igbo ancestors had acknowledged
that God created them and had maintained contact
with him, a contact which was broken because they
now moved away from God and focused on a created
thing (the earth) as their god with elaborate sacrifices
and worship.
The coming of christianity into Igbo land in 1841 was

rightly perceived as a civilizing mission. It meant the
introduction into the relatively stable Igbo traditional
religious framework of an alternative view of the
world, a rival cosmology and a different way of
understand the place of Igbo man in particular in
creation. This encounter marked the beginning of the
restoration of the broken link and what has been the
developmental implication of either looking
downwards to rejoining our ancestors or looking
upwards to returning to Chukwu on Igbo man and his
society.
5. IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION AND

CHRISTIANITY
Chinua Achebe (1958:123-125) gave us the first Igbo

description of the impact of that encounter between
Igbo traditional religion and christianity when
Obierika said:

193
After God is Dibia
How do you think we can fight when our own brothers
have turned against us. White man is very clever. He
came quietly and peacefully with his religion. We were
amused at his foolishness and allowed him to stay.
Now he has won our brothers and our clan can no
longer act like one. He has put a knife on the things
that held us together and we have fallen apart.
The above words articulate the sentiments expressed

by an Igbo elder after realizing how the new religion
(Christianity) had gone in terms of winning converts
and dividing the members of the clan. And it is true
that henceforth things were never the same for the
Igbo.
The question that comes to mind is whether the Igbo

did misunderstand him? If the missionary had not
posed as quiet and peaceable, could the Igbo have
been less tolerant with him? How exactly did the
missionary manage to win some Igbo over into
christianity? In Achebe's Things Fall Apart, Nneka
wasted no time in joining the Christian when she
became pregnant because she has been losing her
children through ogbanje. The outcasts in Mbanta
flocked the church. Christianity offered freedom from
evil spirits and oppression. There was the case of
Nwoye who was shocked because twins were thrown
194
After God is Dibia
away into the forest to die and about Ikemefuna who
was killed for sacrifice by his father Okonkwo. We
remember how Ndi Igbo gave out the shrines of their
various gods to Christian missionaries who cleared
those sites, erected churches and nothing happened to
them contrary to the expectations from the people,
their gods and shrines. The Igbo are not sufficiently
stupid to hang on to those failed shrines and gods,
even if they had not completely imbibed christianity.
The gods were dead and the people became convinced
that the white man's God was very powerful. There
were those who failed at this time to become part of
this dynamic process and they lost out. The priestess
of Agbala in Umuofia spitefully called the christians
the excrement of the clan and the 'new faith' was a
mad dog that had come eat it up (Achebe, 1958:101).
Thus when the colonials and missionaries wanted the
chiefs and the chief priests to surrender their children
for education, these principal Igbo chiefs who were
custodians of true Igbo history refused for fear of
being treacherously enslaved. Rather less privileged
people like the 'osu' caste, outcasts and personal
servants regarded as 'worthless and empty' men as
described by Achebe were given to the Europeans for
education. When this class of people became educated
they had no enthusiasm to engage in the collation and
preservation of Igbo history in view of their past
shameful family background. This negative
motivation or social resentment even led many of
195
After God is Dibia
these educated elites to join in the colonialist
propaganda that the Igbo had no common history
(Nwosu; 1983:6). Thus christianity and Igbo are
weighted for what they are worth and a choice is made
accordingly.
Therefore the advent of christianity in Igbo land had

meant the introduction of a christian world view.
Admittedly, christianity made tremendous
achievements. They abolished slave trade and slavery,
human sacrifices and twin killing, introduced
education, built hospitals and charity homes. They
destroyed some level of superstition, increased human
knowledge that brought about improved human
welfare. Igbo traditional religion was incapable of
achieving this because it was static as well as looking
downwards. Through education and christian religion
it was possible for the Igbo to re-shape their faith and
world view. Nevertheless syncretistic practices among
many Igbo christian show that Igbo traditional
religion is still alive. But this encounter with
christianity means it will ever be the same again.
The early missionaries saw themselves as social and

religious reformers. However, while they tried in their
own way to achieve their mission goal, which was the
conversion of Africans into christianity, their
approach and attitude did not produce a wholesome
result. They thought by condemning African religious
196
After God is Dibia
beliefs and practices, social and political means of
control. That they would produce 'a new man' born in
a new faith; but this 'newman' produced became a
split personality - who could neither totally return to
the old nor firmly be rooted in the new. This was
made worse by the fact that most of the missionaries
were not only ignorant of the Igbo people but also
lacked adequate knowledge of the content of the
christian message. For instance, one of the listeners in
Achebe's This Fall Apart asked the missionary thus:
If we leave our gods and follow your god, who will

protect us from the anger of our neglected gods and
ancestors? In response, the missionary nastily said
angrily: Your gods are not alive and cannot do you any
harm. They are pieces of wood and stone.
The impatience and unwillingness of the white

missionary to educate the traditional Igbo on WHO
JESUS IS and WHAT HE CAN DO for them in
relation to their gods marked the beginning of a false
start in communicating the christian message to the
Igbo. It was a brand of christianity, which did not
affect all facets of Igbo life. It was that failure which
gave rise to ambivalent christianity in Igboland
whereby most Igbo christians resort to their local
deities, ancestors, medicine men, divination, sacrifices
and use of charms or amulets to seek for solution and
protection in their crises moments. Nevertheless the
197
After God is Dibia
Christian message has continued to challenge Igbo
man and his environment.
It is important that we be reminded that the various

ethnic groups in the world have their traditional
religions as an answer to the reality of their existence.
The Philistines, the Babylonians, the Greeks and the
Romans, all indulged in idolatrous worship. The
Arabs used to worship many spirits (Jinns).
Stonehenge in southern England is a living evidence
of Druidism, which was the heathen worship of the
early inhabitants of the United Kingdom. Human
sacrifice was a part of Druid worship and was only
abolished in the Roman period, (Kato, 1985:33).
Whatever rationalization we may try to make, the

worship of God in traditional Africa and the primitive
nations of the world is idolatrous. Idolatry is
worshipping God in pictures, and this was thought to
be normal, not sin, since in their view, God is always
represented in visual symbols, and so there must
always be pictures, idols and statues in their shrines
or places of worship. True worship must be spiritual,
not material and idolatrous. Pictures designed to
encapsulate divinity necessarily diminish God's
honour, and transcendence and sovereignty. It is
impossible to capture God's power and majesty in a
198
After God is Dibia
visual image and all attempts to do so deteriorate into
magic, superstition and idolatry. Images in worship
destroy the human spirits; distort God's spiritual
identity and they promote the lie of idolatry. The
depravity evident in African traditional religion is
evident among all peoples of the earth (Psalm 14:2-3).
Traditional Igbo ancestor turned away from 'Chukwu'
and set up his gods, with Ala as the arch-divinity. The
Igbo myth of origin as shown by Nri myth reveals how
Nri sacrificed his first son and first daughter. We don't
know why Nri could not be patient to be fed by
'Chukwu' as he fed his father Eri and his people. As
with Adam the Igbo man's ancestry to search for
answers (about his welfare) away from God broke the
link between him and 'Chukwu.'
It is important to observe that while pagan worship

was a part of the religion of the peoples of the world,
they could still change to other religions of their
choice. Most Arabs accepted Islam and became
Muslims. The British no longer claimed Druidism as
their religion, but Christianity. It was the white
missionaries who brought the church to Igbo land.
Why should this not be the case in Igbo land?
5.1. RESTORING THE BROKEN-LINK
The question that is being asked today is that of Igbo

traditional religion in relation to Christianity. The
199
After God is Dibia
question has become more urgent today following the
explosion of christianity in Africa where the
population is more than 300 million people.
The great Apostle Paul categorically points to the fact

that the worship of the pagan gods is a distortion of
God's revelation in nature (Rom. 1:18-23). In Acts
17:16-34 he told the people of Athens that the
'Unknown God' they worship is Jesus Christ. In the
book of Hebrews 1:1, Paul disclosed that the God who
spoke to our forefathers in various ways had now
spoken in the last days by his son Jesus Christ. The
incarnation has made all people savable.
The Igbo people are lucky people. Our great grand

ancestor 'Eri' in Nri myth knew God - "Chukwu".
'Chukwu' has offered the last and final revelation in
Jesus Christ, and he is the only foundation for
humanity, there is no other. (1 Corth 3: 11), and every
veil which had hitherto covered people is destroyed
and taken away by him for us to have freedom (2
Cor3:16-18). We are told in the book of Proverbs 16:25
that:
There is a way that seems right to a man but in the

end it leads to death.
In acts 14:8-18 Paul made it clear to the people of

Lystra that God had never left himself without a
200
After God is Dibia
witness and had also in time past let all nations go
their own way and then wed them in the words of
Samuel the prophet (1 Samuel 12:21) to turn from
their useless idols that can do them neither good nor
rescue them but to turn to the living God who made
heaven, and earth and sea and everything in them. It
is Jehovah who alone is both God and Saviour (Isaiah
43:11-13).
The Bible makes it abundantly clear that God himself

does not give his glory to another or his praise to idols
(Isaiah 42:8) Isaiah 42:17. And whenever people pour
libation to other gods, Jehovah's anger is always
provoked (Jeremiah 7:19-19). Thus in Exodus 20:3-5,
God commanded:
You shall have no other gods before me. You shall not
make for yourself an idol in the form of anything in
heaven, above or on the earth beneath or in the waters
below. You shall not bow down to them or worship
them ---
Nri thought he was right in his worship of the Earth

goddess and his sacrifices. He saw the created beings
as intermediaries. He became a captive of Satan and
lost his freedom. In Igbo traditional religion, the
concept of Deus Otiosus is explained by appeal to the
201
After God is Dibia
lesser gods and the ancestors as intermediaries
(middlemen). On this the Bible declared in John 14:6:
Jesus answered I am the way, the truth and the life.
No one comes to the father except through me.
Similarly in reacting to the great tendency of elaborate

sacrifices in Igbo traditional life, Christ offered
himself as sacrifice once for all (Heb. 10:10, 14).
Salvation is found only in Jesus (Acts 4:12, John 3:16).
Jesus is the only foundation for humanity. The
foundation laid by Igbo ancestry in their purest
contact with 'Chukwu' has yielded fruit right from the
time the first missionary set foot on Igbo soil.
Christianity is not a white man's religion. It is the
religion of those who have accepted faith in God
through Jesus Christ. The Igbo christians have joined
the list of noble African church leaders like Origen,
Athanacius, Tertullian and Augustine. Recently
Reverend Father Tansi is canonized as Saint in the
Roman Catholic Church and again Cardinal Arinze is
the first black to be elevated to the 4th powerful
position in the Roman Catholic hierarchy and by this
he can even become a Pope. Great developments can
come to Igbo land and Nigeria, if we commit ourselves
to Jesus Christ as Lord. Jesus Christ alone is the
answer to Igbo spiritual and material needs.
According to Acts 17:28, we hear:

202
After God is Dibia
For in him we live and Move and have our being.
In him alone we find satisfaction and meaning for our

life in this world and hereafter. This kind of choice,
faith commitment has tremendous developmental
implication for us as a people and as a nation. No one
can deny that looking upwards to Chukwu has been
more beneficial than looking downwards to our
ancestors. They were men who lived and died in their
time. Where we are today has been the fruit of
Christianity and western education.
The 21st century challenges the Igbo to take a leap of

faith and be properly restored in our relationship with
God first entered into by Igbo earliest ancestor, A.O.
Anya {2002) recently has rightly drawn attention to
the demand of the 21st century marked by a transition
from a resource-driven economy, society and culture
to the new and emerging economy and culture which
is knowledge-based, technology driven and responsive
to environmental concerns. Igbo Christianity and
spirituality must respond to this new demand.
Because we must not allow our culture to retard our
development as a people, we must let our culture be
judged and transformed by the word of God as
contained in the Bible. The Bible makes it clear that
people perish for lack of knowledge (Hosea 4:6) this
203
After God is Dibia
we can avoid by engaging in aggressive education of
ourselves and our people. Igbo religion can accelerate
economic development of the Igbo nation, and the
nation at large. This education can emphasize
knowledge and character formation that comes
through changing our general orientation in terms of
values and attitudes, knowledge that would include
acquiring skills and idea that can change the mind.
You change man and his environment when you
succeed in the mind. Ignorance is one of our
destructive hindering forces in our society. With
sound knowledge of God, man and society, we will
appreciate the danger of superstition, idolatry, caste
system and sacrifices to their idols and with good
character formation whereby we imbibe christian
values, we become major resource for economic and
spiritual growth which will minimize corruption,
improve human relations and increase our productive
capacity for personal growth and social development.
This religious demand of the 21st century demands
risk, choice and commitment. Risk because once you
put your hand on the plough there is no more looking
backwards. Choice because it is a matter of life or
death. Commitment because it involves vision and
mission. The dominant Igbo religious and
philosophical ideas require those three dimensions,
which constitute Igbo man's identity, vision and
mission rooted in our faith in Chukwu who not only
creates but sustains and protects. Christianity and
204
After God is Dibia
education which act as source of empowerment will
equip us with character and knowledge that- can
transform us into agents of change in our time.
5.2. CONCLUSION
We have argued that our Igbo religion and philosophy

is embedded in our world view. We observed among
other things that the Igbo had a clear concept of
‘Chukwu’ from the Igbo genesis but was distorted by
idolatrous and polytheistic tendency thereby
disrupting the original cordial relationship between
the earliest Igbo ancestor and ‘Chukwu.’ We indicated
that the Igbo cosmology is expressed in our respect for
human life and dignity, respect for morality, our
commitment to truth, our achievement orientation
centred on hard work, courage and determination, our
deep sense of republicanism with its democratic
values which also not only recognizes the uniqueness
of the individual but affirms the importance of
Umunna/Ikwunne and insist on our faith in ‘Chukwu’
as the foundation of Igbo life and thought.
We argued that these dominant religious and

philosophical ideas constitute the key to Igbo self-
understanding and identity as well as providing the
Igbo their vision and mission in the world. We call for
the restoration of the broken link started with the
advent of Christianity into Igbo land and urge all Igbo
205
After God is Dibia
to be fully united with one another and be restored
back to ‘Chukwu’ their creator through Jesus Christ
the one and only Universal Intermediary of humanity
which is vital for the full realization of our capacity
which is our ‘Igboness’ in national development which
the Igbo enemies would want to destroy for their own
advantage. We observed that the religious and
philosophical challenge of the 21st century portrays
Christianity and education as the only viable option,
which act as source of empowerment will equip the
Igbo with character and knowledge, which can
transform us into instruments of change in our time.
NDI IGBO NDEWO Nu. We are not here to sing the

praise of a people, but we see a people who have the
capacity to change their world.
Nke a Bụ Ụzọ Ndụ Na Eziokwu
Igbo, Chukwu Gọzie Ụnụ
Ọha na Eze mma nụ
Igbo mma mma nụ
Naijira mma mma nu
Rev. Professor Emmanuel Nlenanya Ọnwụ

Department of Religion
206
After God is Dibia
University of Nigeria
Nsukka
4th November 2002

207
After God is Dibia
CASUALTIES DURING THE 1966 POGROM AND
1967 TO 1970 CIVIL WAR.* Comment: According to Chinua
By OBU UDEOZO,
UDEOZO, University
University of Jos, Nigeria. Achebe,
imagination.
people.
Mr. Brown Agbogu of ATMN Bukuru more in the years ahead.”
Morris Okam anthology of poems
Nwibe Enweani literature prize.
Samuel Anudu
Mr. C.C. Nwokoye of Akwa
Mr. Nwari of Awka (All of these killed in Jos)
Mr. Nweke Ufele

Godwin Okeke of Nguru fame
Clement Nwankwo of ACB Nguru
Lawrence Okeke
Eric Okonkwo of Gusau
Iliemene Nweke Mene
Louis Nwoyeocha
Reuben Nwandu
Oji Okoye Okwubunne
Emmanuel L. Nkwocha
Nwankwo Okika
Lawrence Ifitezue

208
After God is Dibia
a grim chronicle from Enugwu—

Enugwu—Agidi, a mere
single town,
out of the several hundreds of towns and cities in Igbo
Land.
Nwamadi Ifitezue
Uyanwune Ifitezue
Ernest Onyejeli
Anthony Ofoedu
Simon Onwuemene
Bernard Okoye Nwune
Benson Ogu
Ogu
Okeke Okwubunne
Nweke Nwine
Okonkwo Nwine (genealogy wiped)
Mgbeke Nwine
Kutanya Okoye Igwikolo
Moses Okoye Nkili

Nwafor Okongwu
Nweke Ivenso
Okoye Nmoh
Okonkwo Ego
Ementa llodigwe

209
After God is Dibia
Okeke Odigili Ama
Ofoedu Ivenso
Okoye Enweana

210
After God is Dibia
Okeke Ibeki
Nwokike Ibeki
Aghaegbune Okoye Akuakor
Nwafor Anagor
Oranu Okolobu
Nwamadu Idegwu
Hyacinth Ibeki
Nweke Okonkwo Ego
Nwanne Okoye Anagbogu
Reginald Okeke
Odii Nwaku
Andrew Anikpe
Okeke Arize
Okoyenta Onuorah
Joseph Ifitezue
Felix Ifitezue
Nwanebe Ifitezue
Okoye Ifitezue
Mgboye Ifitezue (nee Igboanugo)
Nwokeke Kameme
Mgbafor Enemmor

211
After God is Dibia
Nwamgboye Nwolisekwe
Mankwocha Nwokoye
Okekenta Okoye
Okafor Ndife
Nwankwo Igboanusi
Nwankwo Eligwo
Okeke
Okeke Anaduaka
Nweke Chilete
Okeke Akamala
Christopher Okafor
Chidebe Ogadi
Afocha Nwankwo Adunma
Eric Obunabo
Chukwuma Okafor Akuafor
Onyeibo Ani Modozie
Agwuncha Nwokafor
Nwanmadi Mgbajiaka
Anene Uluekwu
Nwanyaegbo Nwankwo
Okafor Patego
Tabansi Anaoji
212
After God is Dibia
Mgbekeocha Ogadi
Mgba Nwodu Anareñe
Nwije Ilozor
Mankwocha Udeozo*
Peter Ilozor
Mgbeke Okoye
Eric Anenwe
Nweke Nwego (and his wife)
Anaso Igboanugo
Ojukwu Añuta
Thomas Anenye
Anakpu Okonkwo
Nwufo Mokwuo
Nwaku Nwufo
Patrick Nweke
Cordelia Ilozor
Israel Sunday Chinyelu

Ejiofor Chinyelu
Ilojianya Chinyelu
Nwaomunu Chinyelu
Mgbeke Chinyelu
213
After God is Dibia
Josiah Nwandu
My Paternal Grandmother died 8 October, 1968.

214
After God is Dibia
Sunday Josiah Nwandu

Chukwuma Okonkwo Uchendu
Mgbeke Uchendu
lwuchukwu Okonkwo
Nwandu Okonkwo
Okafor Obuah (and his wife)
Okoye Onwurah
Okoloudo Nkeakwa
Nwafor Ifenacho
Okafor Ejinaka
Nkwocha Nwokoye
Nwokoye
Nwaku Nkwocha
Cecilia Nkwocha Nwokoye

Nechi Nkwocha Nwokoye
Mr. Iwotor of the Nigeria Rail Ways, Bauchi.
Mr. Onyali of the General Hospital, Bauchi.
Meniru Ikpeamana
Amechi Okoye
Peter Nwaneki
Peter Nogeli
Samuel Okoli
215
After God is Dibia
Okafor Chilete
Patrick Onuorah
Onuorah Okeke Nwanma
Bernard Okeke Nwanma

Christian Nwaneki
Nweke Obiorah
Nathaniel Nmoh
Eduzor Nkwonta
Abalaora Chieme
Okoye Menu
Nwobu Egwuekwe
Christopher Egwuekwe
Nwakuabia Obiorah
Akueke Mbonu
Mgboye Isidaenu
Chieme Akunkwo
Uchenu Okeke
Nwezele Igboekwe

216
After God is Dibia
Mgbeke Anaeme
Okoye Nwanyaka
Ekenma Dozie
Okafor Duaka
Unoaku Morah
Jeremiah Nwankwo
Nwamgboye Egwuekwe
Ekpe Nwaogalanya
Caroline Ikeanyi
Akuekwu Nwoyeocha
Albert Igboanugo (and his wife)
Okoye Mgbeke
Nwoduijele Nwanisobi
Nwambu Ogadi
Nwude Nwokeke
Paul Okafor
Onuekwusi Enumele
Nwanna Enemmor
Okoye Enemmor
Nmonwuba Okoye Enemmor
Chigbata Okoye Enemmor

217
After God is Dibia
Okoye Anawana
Anyaora Uregwu
Daniel Ayeke
Okeke Ofiaeli
Chinwude Okoye Ezeudu
Simeon Ezete
Anaesolu Ezete
Jonathan Nwankwo
Silvanus Okonkwo
Joseph Omaefi
George Okam
Innocent Omaefi
Nwafor Obike
Ekemezie Enunwoke
Innocent Okwubunne
Mgboye Mpuatu
Ojukwu Duaka
Nwoye’gbune Okeke
Mgbogafor Modozie
Ebenezer Omaefi
218
After God is Dibia
Okoye Nwanyakonwu
Okeke Nwanyakonwu
Tabugbo Duaka
Chianumba Okeke
Ibeki Obuorah
Obed Oraegbune
Nweke Nga
Onwumelu Nnangwu
Moses Okoye Nmoh
Patrick Onyekwelu
Solomon Okeke
David Amanambu
Chidume Okonkwo Ego
Eric Obunabo
Onuorah Okeke Egwuekwe
Onuorah Amazigwom Enweani

Nwankwo Udozo Nebeolisa
Nwamadu Ojukwu Nweneteanya
Chinwuba Okonkwo Igweonwu
Benedict Ekesi
Ogbonnia Richard Okonkwo

219
After God is Dibia
Nwankwo Ifenacho
Cecillia Ifenacho
Ugoye Ifenacho
Nwankwo Nwegbo
Nwora Okafor Onwanuo
Onwanuo
Anyaegbune Anameze
Felix Anameze
Biamali Anameze
Margaret Anameze
Mankwocha Anameze (nee Nechi)
Nduba Onwudi
Nworamali Anagbo
Okoye Anaefune
Mankwo Anafune
Okoye Ogalanya
Ifeanyi Okolobu
Benson
Benson Akabueze (and his wife)
Ifeanyi Akabueze
Chidebe Okeke

220
After God is Dibia
Nwamadu Anaduaka
Okoye Nwogo
Nwankwo Okafor Obodoaku

Jonathan Aguolu
Josiah Aguolu
Emmanuel Okeke
Anene Chedom
Okoye Aguigwo
Okoye Ibeilo
Ibeilo Chukwura
Okoye Emekwisie
Ojukwu
Ojukwu Mgbajiaka
Umeadu Ilora
Lewis Ekwealor
Nwankwo Akunkwo
Okonkwo Ilora
Nwoye Nñuli
Jonathan Duaka
Hyacinth Mpuatu
Nwanyaerie Chukwura
Okonkwo Ekesi

221
After God is Dibia
Nwonwu Ayaebu
Nwilo Aguolu

222
After God is Dibia
Okonkwo Nwanyako
Nwanyako
Ibegbune Emekwisie
Mankwo Nnanyelu
Nnanyelu
Nwankwo Nmo Aghogbune
(and his two wives)
Okolo Duaka
Victor Okoye Akuakor
Mgboyeocha Okoye Akuakor

Theophilus Okafor
Nwafor Obike
Nweke Chedom
Okafor Obidike
Nwankwo Onwuakpa
Philip Ezendu
Okonkwo Uregwu
Okafor Nkilo
Nkilo
Nathaniel Uzoka
Nwanaebene Obuogu
Nwobu Igbo

223
After God is Dibia
Nwokonkwo Nwadogbu
Nwudu Nkilo
John Aghuche
Paul Okonkwo Nonyelu

Agbonma Nweke Mkpaja
Obed Agwuncha Okafor
Augustine Nwandu
Nwanjo Okeke
Chinwoke Ibenegbu
Chiedozie Egwuonwu
Sunday
Sunday Okonkwo
Nkwo Anyaorah
Sussana Anyaorah
Obeleokoye Ekeokwu
Nwankwo Ubosi
Isaac Nwobu
Ozo Nwobu Maneke
Nwanna Okafor Duaka
Ugonwa Nwokoye Chinweaku

Akuekwu Nwokoye Chinweaku
Nwunye Joel Udeze

224
After God is Dibia
Adolphus Ndulue
Anakwuba Okeke Ama
Nwoye Okeke
Okeke Ama
Mgbafor Udeji
Nweke Nwanadile
Michael Okafor Aru
Alice Okafor Aru
Igwevi Ogadi
Nwanaigwe Okafor
Okeke Onunkwo
Uchendu Ovulunne
Nwaku Anyaorah
Alexander Ezue
Amoge Ezue
Ogechukwu Igweonwu
Anyanechi Nwalado
Jacob Nwabuji
Mgbeke
Mgbeke Nwabuji
Anyankwo Nebechi
Onuorah Obunwa
Emerenti Obunwa

225
After God is Dibia
Obiageli Onuorah (nee Obunwa)

Tagbo Obunwa
Ilonwa Onyeocha
Nwoye Onyeocha
Njideka Okeke Odogwu

Anene Okonkwo Anawana
Nwafor Okonkwo Anawana

Jerome Okoye (Captain Lee)...
The Late Children of

Sampson C. Okoye
of Etiti Village Enugwu—
Enugwu—Agidi:
Chika Okoye
Ngozi Okoye
Nkemdilim Okoye
Josephine Okoye
Nwakego Okoye
Osita Okoye*

226
After God is Dibia
*First cousins of the poet who perished in the Biafran

War.
This list however, does not include children and
adolescents,
whose memories have curiously been swallowed by
Time.

227
After God is Dibia
- dead Igbos
were dumped in decimals:
left femurs, three-
three-quarter trunks, cracked
clavicles,
crushed girdles, limping ears, yanked genitals,
flying heads,
heads,
precursors of the Gideon Akaluka arrogant show
unscratched cadavers
putrid and wet
mutilated bodies, babies, foetuses
which fanatical axes split
waves, upon waves, upon waves
of dead Igbos
saturated a season
and Nigeria’s soil was drunk
but these they labelled flies

void census and statistics

228
After God is Dibia
their revenge is aflame

and foists slavery upon us
their revenge is aflame
Ironsi, their revenge is aflame
and fake lions flee

your memorials in Abuja and Lagos
but garnish the anniversary of Butchers
with Harvard tinted grammar and champagne
Igbos flee
from your memorials across the land

229
After God is Dibia
every blade of grass

fed the massacre
every tributary
fuelled the graveyard
graveyard
every face of earth

pumped profits of Igbo blood
every village
boasted kilometres of martyrs
every cycle of slaughter

amplified their outrage
we fell in swoops and squadrons

in trucksful and trainloads
an African Auschwitz;
with London’s morals at 4 O’clock
an African Gallipoli
with Washington kissing Moscow in Kubla
Khan;
Yugoslavia, Egypt and the Gulf States
“fanning the embers...”

230
After God is Dibia
- prognosis of the debacle in Hamman Gog.

231
After God is Dibia
Igbos perished like locusts

locusts
some buried alive
but at last
Rome’s neck
spread
for Nero’s fanciful blade to roast.
their swords, guns, pickaxes, and python

clubs
drank the blood of kings and merchandise
but they are not appeased
- their anger is aflame...

aflame...
so they chase us
beyond the jugular
profaning our Ikenga and Cross
uprooting our teeth alive:
pixilated, our nativity’s Ogbu Chi
battles the pityriasis of hatred

232
After God is Dibia
they chase us
into twilight
with castration as their Coat of Arms
our regression as Constitution
subliminal slaughter punctuates our footsteps

a dirge escorts our toil in every sphere
and now that the first pilots

are dishwashers across the globe
and without one firm finger

on their switch of milk and honey
honey
this bearded cruelty blossoms
because they are not appeased...

our oblivion is their goal
their anger glows

their anger grows
their anger
sharpens at sunrise
Major General J. T. U. Aguiyi Ironsi

their revenge is aflame....
aflame....
233
After God is Dibia
- by Obu Udeozo.

234
After God is Dibia
THE 2000 AHỊAJỌKỤ LECTURE

IGBO ENWE EZE: THE IGBO HAVE NO KINGS
PROFESSOR CYRIL AGODI ONWUMECHILI
BY SIR FESTUS CHUKWUEMEKA EZE,
NOVEMBER, 2000
Ndu isi ọchịchị e kenee mụ ụnụ

Ndu Eze ekene nụ
Ndu Nze na Ndu Ọzọ ekene nụ
Ọha na Eze e kenee mụ ụnụ
1. INTRODUCTION
The legacies of the various cultures in a country tend
to remain ingrained as they are transmitted from
generation to generation. In spite of this, colonial and
subsequent governments have grafted uniform
governmental structures on the different ethnic
communities in Nigeria. That has helped to legitimize
the recognition of Ndu Eze even while discussing Igbo
Enwe Eze (The Igbo have no kings). In fact, the saying
“Igbo Enwe Eze" is a reference to the characteristic
traits of the Igbo. It should not be taken literally as a
total denial that any king ever existed anywhere in the
entire Igboland.
There was at least one exception. The Nri people had

pre-colonial kings. Nri is part of Northern Igbo, many
of whom were believed to have immigrated from
235
After God is Dibia
Benin or Igola, and kept their tradition of chiefs and
kings. If this view is sustained, the very long eventful
epic - Akụkọ Eze Dba na Iduu – some of my age mates
or older learnt and recited as teenagers, may well have
been the relics of their exodus or odyssey. Despite
this, most Igbo communities had no kings.
The pre-colonial traditional government of the Igbo

without kings imbued in them the characteristic traits
that prompt the saying that “Igbo Enwe Eze”. It
appears that in recent times the phrase is sometimes
used in circumstances that suggest unwholesome
connotation. Perhaps this is because the traditional
governments of certain other influential ethnic
communities in Nigeria had kings. Let us not
disparage this legally without due consideration.
Our purpose here is to examine the legacies of Igbo

Enwe Eze in the light of our times before pronouncing
it a good or bad heritage of the Igbo. To provide a
contrast, we briefly outline the traditional
governments of certain Nigerian communities with
kings and summarize their legacies. We then take a
deeper look at the traditional government of the Igbo
without kings: its structures and conduct, its religious
and cultural setting, and its response to the external
threat of colonization before summarizing its major
236
After God is Dibia
legacies. The role of self-reliance in the fortunes of the
Igbos is then examined because it appears to because
it appears to be salient among specific local examples
are given wherever possible. Finally, certain parallels
are drawn between the legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze and
scientific culture before reaching our conclusion.
2. SOME NIGERIAN TRADITIONAL

GOVERNMENTS WITH KINGS
Hausa
The Hausas had kings who were regarded as sacred. A

king owed his rulership to his aristocratic descent.
Members of the royal family assisted them in the
affairs of the government. They appointed district and
village heads to administer parts of their kingdoms.
Loyalty was a major factor in the promotion of their
appointees. Stride and Ifeka (1971 P. 109) stated:
"One reflection of the cultural unity of the Hausa

237
After God is Dibia
peoples is the similarity of their systems of
government. Early rulers were both political and
religious heads of their people, their authority being
enhanced by their sanctity, their key role in local
religious ceremonies and their traditional descent
from the founder of the state".
Benin
The Oba of Benin was a King very much revered by his

people. But we learn from Elizabeth Isichei (1985 p.
91) that a certain class of chiefs from noble families
known as the Uzama, represented the government of
Benin before the foundation of the dynasty. Since the
inception of the dynasty "successive Obas undermined
their powers as time went on, and added the crown
Prince, Edaiken, to their number." They eventually
became of less political importance. “All free born
Binis were theoretically the King's servants.”
The Oba appointed two classes of chiefs that formed

the Council of State and advised the Oba. The palace
chiefs undertook various duties in the court including
238
After God is Dibia
responsibility for the guilds. They remained intensely
subordinate to the king. The other class comprised the
town chiefs who had no palace duties. The only chief
that had right to argue with or even censure the Oba
in public was a town chief, the Iyasere. But when the
Iyasere died "his jawbone was sent to the Oba to show
that the jaw which had disputed with the Oba in life
became the Oba's in death." (Isichei 1985). Thus, it
was affirmed that, the Iyasere not excepted, every Bini
was the subject of the Oba.
Yoruba
The Yorubas had powerful kings. They lived in palaces

in splendid ceremonials among their many wives,
slaves; palace eunuchs, court officials, drummers, and
praise singers. They were regarded as sacred and were
deeply revered by their subjects (Isichei 1985 p.70).
The ancestors of the very powerful Obas were believed
to be descendants of Oduduwa, the progenitor of all
Yorubas, and indeed of all human kind according to
popular Yoruba legends. Such mighty Obas had the
right to wear beaded crowns as the symbol of their
authority.

239
After God is Dibia
A Yoruba king ruled with nobles. In all important

matters, decisions rested in the hands of the king and
a minority of nobles (Basil Davidson 1981 p. 123). This
makes for quick decision and is supposed to foster
unity. In this regard, Akinjogbin (1966 p. 451) opined
"all these kingdoms believed in and practised the Ebi
system of government. Under this system, a kingdom
was regarded as a larger version of a family, and a
country as a collection of kingdoms whose rulers look
on one another as relations. Seniority was based on
the believed ages of the various kingdoms."
But disagreeing to some extent, Basil Davidson (1981

p.123) states: "government by kings and nobles make
it possible to unite the people of each main town
firmly together, but difficult or impossible to unite the
different towns. Each town's nobles tended to feel
themselves in rivalry with those of neighboring towns,
even though the ebi family system, as mentioned
above, made all the towns part of the same big Yoruba
family."
According to Davidson (1981 p.123), the Yoruba

240
After God is Dibia
system of government mixed up politics with religion.
Governance rested not only on the political power of
the rulers appointed from the leading ruling families
but also on their religious power. To illustrate, I was
once told that ancient Ile-Ife had 201 gods. The 201st
of these gods was the Oni of Ife, the King of Ife
himself. If this is true, it must not be regarded as
extraordinary. All the kings worldwide reported as
sacred or divine were believed to be gods by their
subjects. Outside Nigeria, some still exist in modern
times. Indeed, it was an act of moderation and
humility if the people of ancient Ife ranked their King
last among their gods.
The following quotation from Professor Bolagi Idowu

(1962) evinces the great impact the above governance
model can have on the life of the Yoruba:
"The real keynote of the life of the Yoruba is neither in

their noble ancestry nor in the past deeds of their
heroes. The keynote of their life is in their religion: In
all things they are religious…As far as they are
concerned, the full responsibility of all the affairs of
life belongs to the deity; their own part in the matter
is to do as they are ordered through the priests or
241
After God is Dibia
diviners whom they believe to be the interpreters of
the will of the Deity..."
We may summarize the major attributes of traditional

governments with kings as follows:
1. The king owes his enthronement to the accident of

his birth in a royal family.
2. The king is regarded as a god by the citizens of his

kingdom who are all his subjects. He is deeply revered
by his subjects.
3. The king wields both political and religious power.
4. The king rules with an advisory council of state

consisting of nobles who owe their positions to
appointment by the king and/or to their ancestry.
They remain loyal to the King in order to retain their
positions.
3. IGBO TRADITIONAL GOVERNMENT WITHOUT

KINGS
242
After God is Dibia
Most Igbo governed themselves without giving power

to chiefs or kings. They organized themselves into
many independent village governments. Village
councils and assemblies met periodically, and could
also be summoned as the need arose to discuss and
take decisions on both internal and external affairs of
the village. The councils might be limited to certain
age grades but the assemblies were for all and sundry.
Every man could and did have his say on all matters
under discussion. Nobody had any special privilege
because of ancestry.
There are however some social structures in the

communities. The entire community is divided into
age grades. Each grade has its recognized rights,
duties and responsibilities for the good of all. The age
grade of elders includes those that hold the Ọfọ stick.
Each holder of the Ọfọ stick is regarded as the titular
“father” of an extended family group that originally
descended from the same ancestor or what may be
called lineage. His privilege ends with the right to
keep and administer the Ọfọ stick as the need arises
according to tradition.

243
After God is Dibia
The Igbo have title societies open to all free borns of

the community. There are however certain
qualifications. Depending on the community, these
may include: age, virtuous life style, contributions to
development of the community, dedication to truth,
peace and service, prowess in some human affairs,
and of course sufficient wealth to pay the cost of
investiture of the title. The title holders carry respect,
honour and prestige. They have recognized rights,
duties and responsibilities. Among the Southeastern
Igbo in the Cross River areas, there is also the Ekpe
political association.
Certain traditional duties and functions are reserved

for elders and/or title holders. These include:
conducting funeral rites, marriage ceremonies,
libations, kola nut ceremonies; communing with
ancestors, etc. The traditional government also
delegates certain powers to the age grade of elders
and/or title holders as appropriate. In such matters
they function like standing committees of the village
assembly. These include: determination of general
policies, guidance and decisions on traditional issues,
handling of extremely abhorrent acts known as
abominations such as iru ala (defiling the earth);
244
After God is Dibia
adjudication of cases involving traditional rights,
sharing of inheritance, ownership of land and
economic trees thereon, etc.; as well as settlement of
difficult and prolonged disputes referred to them.
Sometimes, if serious miscarriage of justice is feared
their adjudication may be appealed to the village
council. It is noted that title holders are also members
of their appropriate age grades. But even within their
age grades, they enjoy their respect, honour and
prestige. In the above ways, the elders and title
holders enjoyed greater participation in Igbo
traditional government than others.
Igbo traditional government often consisted of two or

more tiers. The lineages of all the people of a village
are descendants of the same ancestor. There are
ancestral ahiajoku and ndu ichie shrines, and a holder
of the ancestral Ọfọ stick for the village. The village
government comprises the first tier. Secondly, in most
cases, the respective progenitors of a group of villages,
in what we may call a town, are believed to be the
descendants of a common ancestor, the founder of the
town. The villages take their seniority from the
seniority of their progenitors. There is an ahiajoku
shrine and a holder of the Ọfọ stick for the town. In
such a case there is a larger second tier of
government, the town government, for the group of
245
After God is Dibia
villages making up the town. There is a town council,
a town assembly and all the structures described at
the village level. The only difference is that villages
send representatives to the town council except as
may be otherwise stipulated. Quite often there is a
third tier of government where the progenitors of a
group of towns, in what may be called a clan, are
believed to have a common ancestor. As in the second
case above, there is a clan ahiajoku shrine, a holder of
the Ọfọ stick for the clan, a clan council and a clan
assembly. The towns elect representatives to the clan
council. The seniority of the towns follows the
believed seniority of their progenitors.
The kinship stories on the basis of which the larger

group of villages or towns affiliates are often
uncertain. They may appear purely legendary, lurid
and tenuous. Sometimes, they appear like mere
rationalizations of names and sayings. Because the
events are supposed to have taken place at the
inception of the communities in the great past,
beyond the reach of living memory, they can hardly
ever be verified. Nevertheless, they arouse strong
emotions; they are passionately believed and their
appeal is sufficiently strong to bind the affiliated
communities together.

246
After God is Dibia
We may illustrate such kinship legends with our case

at lnyi clan. Inyi is a clan of nine towns, namely:
Umuome, Enugu, Obule, Amankwọ, Agbariji, Arum,
Ụmụagụ, Akwụ, and Nkwere. The founder of the clan
was Inyi Omire and his wife Ukagbantu. There are
detailed lurid stories of where Inyi came from, his
childhood under foster parents, the fortune teller's
prophecy that this brave child had a great future, the
two abominations associated with him, his
banishments, his means of survival and how he got his
five sons.
Following the history of Inyi I was taught in primary

my own research about 1940, my own research about
1950 and the account given by Dr. Agwuna (1981), the
first five towns listed above descended directly from
the five sons of Inyi in that order of seniority. Because
the ahiajoku shrine of Inyi clan is Enugu, some put
Enugu first and explain that Enugu lost his birth right
to Umuome by insisting on choosing the bigger part of
the chicken which is not the part for the eldest son. It
was believed that Arum descended from the daughter
of Agbariji, that Umuagu was picked in the bush
where he was abandoned because of some
abomination as was the practice then; and that both
247
After God is Dibia
Akwu and Nkwere were the descendants of groups
that escaped from communal upheavals at the
neighbouring towns of Akwu Achi and Nkwere Ubaha
respectively.
Indeed, some such kinship legends might have

originated because the Igbo knew the benefits of and
desired large territorial governments, or at least
cherished acting together on matters of common
interest of all the components. But being essentially
pacifists and lacking large armies, they rejected
empire building by conquest and looked for other
bases for common action. Indeed, there were other
bases for further extensions for common action
beyond the kinship of the clan. There is the concept of
iji ala (having common grounds). On this principle,
clans that may not necessarily have common
boundaries cooperated with each other as if they were
in a loose confederation. Iji ala is the concept that
associates various clans that have common mores,
regarded as the laws of the land.
Even beyond the concept of iji ala, the Igbo had

sometimes sought for wider bases for association. One
such basis is the invocation of natural boundaries
248
After God is Dibia
from geographical features. Such groupings include:
Ndu Ọhaozara (peoples of scrubland), Ndu ala ike
(peoples of stony land), Igbo Ufesi Odo (Igbos around
Odo River). "Furthermore, the incidence of trade both
internal and long distance, brought various sections of
Igbo into frequent contact. One significant source of
intercourse was the practice of exogamy among the
Igbo, that is, the practice whereby men took wives not
from their own but from other villages. In this way
there developed an interesting ramification of
personal relationships over a considerable area” (Osae
and Odunsi 1973 p. 98).
There should be no doubt that ultimately, all Igbo

must have ancestral and sociological affinities. This is
evidenced by their common language and the strong
similarity of their mores. Sociological and
anthropological researches have continued in their
attempts to elucidate the origins and relationships of
the various Igbo peoples. One of the most
comprehensive attempts so far is the work of Oriji
(1990). He has woven together the origins of
practically all the Igbo groups.
"The early history of the Igbo people is yet to be

249
After God is Dibia
systematically reconstructed. Archeology will play an
important part in such a reconstruction.” (Alagoa
1985 p. 401). Indeed, Archeology is already
illuminating the history of the Igbo and elucidating its
interpretation. Excavations discovered at Ugwuele,
near Okigwe, the stone axe factory site dated about
500,000 years ago which was described as one of the
largest in the world. Exquisite 9th century bronze and
clay artifacts were discovered at Igboukwu (Shaw
1970). They were older, distinctive in quality, style
and material from the better-known bronzes of Ife
and Benin, and therefore could not be related to Benin
and Ife. Doubtful attempts were made to relate them
to very far places like India, North Africa, and Middle
East. But later archeological finds in Igboland and the
anthropological researches of Onwuejeogwu (1972)
appear to have now changed the interpretation of the
Igboukwu artifacts.
It is now thought that the political organization

responsible for the bronzes was born at a place near
Aguleri under a founder known as Eri. Some of his
descendants spread north into Igala, and some moved
south and established at Nri. Alagoa (1985) argues
that they could have got some of their materials from
trade at the Niger Delta. The interesting accounts of
the influence of Nri people over a large area of
250
After God is Dibia
Igboland and their pacifism are relevant to our topic.
Onwuejeogwu (1972) described how the Nri People

spread their religious and ritual power and authority
over a large area of Igboland. The Nri were constant
visitors to Inyi but they did not confer political, social
ritual nor religious titles or authority to Inyi people as
Onwuejeogwu (1972) suggested. They did not invest
the Ọfọ stick nor the staff of office. They could remove
abomination, but in Inyi, after the necessary
propitiation this can be done by any man from any
village outside those believed to have common mores
(iji ala) with Inyi. However, Alozie and Uchendu (with
fully tattooed faces signifying their title of ichi)
regularly visited Inyi from Nri during the season of iru
nkpu (which early Europeans called fattening). In
addition to selling copper and bronze anklets (nja),
and whistles, they tattooed a line of design (mbubu)
from the neck, through the chest to the waist of rich
and brave girls.
Meanwhile, we now turn to the influence or religion in

Igbo traditional government and life. In the first place
there is no equivalent of the king elsewhere who
combined political and religious powers. "The village
251
After God is Dibia
society had its social norms and a strict sense of what
was lawful and just. Its members allowed their daily
lives to be governed and guided by such norms and
concepts. Above all, the strong belief of the Igbos in
the Supreme deity they called Chukwu gave
remarkable religious colour to the life and work of
every Igbo. All this helped to create effective
government at the village or local level which
adequately met the day to day needs of Igbo people"
(Osae and Odunsi 1973 p.97). In addition to the
Supreme deity, Chukwu Okuke (God the creator), the
Igbos had some spiritual forces to whom they also
prayed. In Inyi clan, for example, Aja ala (earth force)
was influential. An elderly man had a shrine for Ndu
ichie (Spirits of ancestors) and a shrine for ahiajoku
(Yam force). An elderly woman had a shrine for
Chukwu Okuke, who gives children to mothers. The
intercession with the minor spirits and forces is like
Christians praying to angels and saints but there is no
doubt in either belief system that these are inferior to
the supreme deity. When a woman died, her father's
relations who came to bury or permit her burial
destroyed her Chukwu Okuke shrine after receiving
the traditionally-codified accompaniments. When a
man died, his male children maintained his shrines.
As his descendants increased, they strove to maintain
the shrines of their ancestor. Ultimately, the shrines
of a lineage progenitor were maintained by the whole
lineage.
252
After God is Dibia
The remarkable influence of Igbo oracles that spread

widely far beyond Igboland has attracted the interest
of historians from the early ones like G. Jones (1939)
to the later ones like Alagoa (1985). Oracles provided
avenues for appealing cases to a god. After offering
sacrifice at the shrine, the judgment of the god was
pronounced by the priest who was the god's
mouthpiece. The oracles could also bestow the
blessing of fertility to a childless woman. The oracle
could kill those disobeying its verdict and disputants
who invoked it falsely. For fear of the latter, most
litigants told the truth.
The nationally famous oracles of Igboland widely

believed to give impartial verdicts were: the Ibini
Ukpabi of Arọchukwu, the Igwe-ka-Ala of
Umunneọha, the Agbara of Awka, the Amaduọha of
Ọzụzụ, the Ojukwu of Diobu, and the Onojo Oboni of
Ogurugu. The influence of Ibini Ukpabi covered most
of the Igbo hinterland and stretched through the
Cross River and the Niger Delta and beyond to
Urhobo, Idah and Idoma. The influence of Onojo
Oboni covered Igala outside Igboland and their royal
house at ldah consulted this oracle.
253
After God is Dibia
The influence of an oracle was spread by its agents

who traveled widely. This factor made Ibini Ukpabi
pre-eminent. The Arọ who acted as its agents
maintained thriving trade activities and organized
settlements at all important centres in Igboland, the
Niger Delta and the Cross River areas, especially along
the main trade routes. There was a kind of symbiotic
arrangement between them and the oracle operators.
They were respected and no one dared harm them for
fear of the oracle. This enabled them to procure and
channel slaves and their merchandise to the Delta
markets without impediment. In the name of lbini
Ukpabi tracking down wrong doers, they used
mercenaries from Abam, Edda, Ọhaọfịa and Abrịba to
ravage communities as in the case of Ogeni at Enugu
Inyi, looting properties and capturing people to sell as
slaves. The Ogeni community was surrounded and
completely wiped out. They also used mercenaries
against their trade rivals.
Although the Arọ had the religious power of lbini

Ukpabi and the military might of the mercenaries
available to them, they never attempted to build an
empire by force. This again points to the pacifistic
254
After God is Dibia
nature of the Igbo. Nevertheless, the British then in
the Niger Delta feared the dominating influence of the
Arọ and believed that an Arọ empire virtually existed.
This was regarded as a threat to the British empire-
building strategy. As a result, a punitive British
expedition arrived at Arọchukwu on 24 December
1901, destroyed the shrine of lbini Ukpabi and hanged
some Arọ chiefs in 1902 (Crowder 1968 p.129).
4. CONFLICTS OF COLONIAL AND TRADITIONAL

GOVERNMENTS
Historians have often drawn attention to the military

weakness of segmentary governments like those of the
Igbo. On the other hand, large kingdoms can raise
strong armies. Possibly, the realization of their
military limitations contributed to the pacifist
tendencies of the Igbo to which attention has already
been drawn. In the light of this, it is relevant to briefly
outline the conflicts between colonial and traditional
governments in the period of the establishment of
colonial rule.

255
After God is Dibia
The British began the establishment of their rule over
Nigeria by negotiating, persuading and signing
treaties of protection with the big kings and chiefs
holding sway over large areas and peoples. They
believed that the protectorates treaties transferred the
sovereignty of the areas to them, even if the people
were not consulted by their traditional rulers. Later:
they preferred the swifter method of military conquest
taking advantage of their superior weapons and
technology. In southern Nigeria, the British swiftly
imposed their rule by overthrowing King Jaja of
Opobo in 1887, and easily conquering Ijebu in 1892,
Nana of Itsekiri in 1894, Benin and Ilorin in 1897. The
events were similar in Northern Nigeria. Sir Frederick
Lugard easily captured Bida and Kontagora in 1901,
Bauchi in 1902, Kano and Sokoto in 1903. In Eastern
Nigeria there was no single state or power whose
defeat would put the whole region or any large part of
it into British hands. Although Arọchukwu was
captured in 1901-02, it was not until about 1920, after
20 years, that the whole of Igboland was subdued in a
series of small military expeditions (Afigbo 1984).
Michael Crowder (1971) edited a book on the West

African resistance to the establishment of European
colonial rule. The following is cited from page 15 of his
overview:
256
After God is Dibia
"The nine case studies in this volume are concerned

with the confrontation of African and European
armies, and as such do not cover the resistance of the
segmentary societies or peoples divided into
numerous petty chiefdoms which had no coordinated
military organization beyond the level of the village.
Nevertheless, such societies in particular the Benue
peoples of the Benue valley in Nigeria and the peoples
of Southern Ivory Coast - provided some of the stiffest
resistance the colonial forces of occupation
experienced. Since each village offered its resistance,
there was no identifiable army to defeat among the
Igbo as there was, say, among the Tukulor, the
Emirates of Nigeria or Samori's Mandingo empire.
Each village or federation of hamlets had its own war
leader. These societies conducted what was in effect
guerilla warfare against the invading armies, quite the
best tactic that could have been adopted in the
circumstances. Unfortunately no detailed study has
yet been made of the military resistance offered by
these societies to colonial occupation."
In view of his last sentence we briefly outline the

encounter between the British and Inyi community.
257
After God is Dibia
After taking the neighbouring clan of Ufuma, the
British delayed attacking Inyi probably because an
article in the National Geographic in about 1908
cautioned special preparations before attacking the
warlike peoples of "Inyis and Ishielus". On the other
hand Inyi people were planning to attack and loot the
British and sent reconnaissance groups to study their
outlines.
Eventually, benefiting from the information of their

spies, the British attacked at noon on Nkwo Abia day
when the Ọzọ title investiture ceremony of Alfred
Obika was at its peak, merry makers crowded the
market and the Inyi clan was engrossed in festivities.
Their firing from afar from the direction of Amankwo
Inyi tore down twigs and branches of trees in the
market They exploited the resulting pandemonium.
With some research this event can be accurately timed
because Nkwo Abia is always on the Nkwo day nearest
to the 24th day of the third lunar month after the Aja
Ala lnyi festival which takes place on the first full
moon in October of each year.
The British attack swept through Inyi against

unplanned and ill-equipped resistance. Maduekesi
258
After God is Dibia
Ekwele, the third member of his family to become the
leader of Inyi in succession, came out of his shelter in
the double-face cave at Awla to surrender to the
British with a cow, although his son was killed in the
battle. The British settled on the outskirts of
Amankwo and ordered the surrender of guns. All
attempts to remove them by juju power and guerilla
tactics failed. There was a second invasion and
burning of houses associated with a certain McGregor.
The exact cause of the second invasion was not clear
from investigation but it was probably a reprisal for
the continued harassment of the British.
Later, the British asked Maduekesi to nominate one of

his sons to replace him as Inyi leader. Maduekesi
suggested Ọhaka to the council but had to present his
other son Ezechukwu, preferred by the clan council.
Ezechukwu was made the first Warrant Chief of Inyi.
The leaders of the British were identified as a certain
Ọgba aji aka (one with hairy arms) and a ruthless
Major. In the 1950s, I read a book, Juju and Justice in
Nigeria, by Frank Hives. He recorded that the natives
called him Agbajaka because of his hairy arms. I
therefore believe that Frank Hives was the man Inyi
people called Ọgba aji aka.

259
After God is Dibia
The above has outlined the military resistance related

to the establishment of colonial rule. The introduction
of taxation engendered another series of widespread
insurrections. Indeed, the British approach to taxation
was indicative of double standards. One of the causes
of the unrest that led to King John granting the
Magna Carta to the British people on 12 June 1215 was
taxation. The British are proud of that event and also
cherish that John Hampden resisted the tax imposed
by King Charles I because neither the people directly
nor their representatives were consulted to discuss
and approve the taxation. In spite of these
'precedents', the British imposed taxation on Nigerian
communities without the necessary consultation.
There were numerous riots in Nigeria, indeed all over

West Africa against the introduction of taxation by
European colonial rulers (Afigbo 1984 and Crowder
1968). After rationalizing why West Africans reacted
so strongly against taxation, Afigbo (1984 p.480)
recorded:
"The last and most famous riot against such

imposition (of taxation) was the women's (Aba) riot of
260
After God is Dibia
1929-30 in Eastern Nigeria during which the women,
among other things, asked the British to leave the
country so that the people would run their own affair
as they had done in the days of yore"
The introduction of taxation in Inyi clan has an

interesting story. According to Inyi oral historians, the
British gave the directive in about 1928 that all male
adults be registered for the purpose of utu ala
(contribution for the land). Arising from a serious
misinterpretation of English into Igbo, it was believed
that according to tradition the British would offer oji
ala (land rent normally paid for using another
person's land) to be shared by those being registered.
Adolescent males reaching the age of puberty were
enthusiastically registered.
When it transpired that the people were to make the

contributions, there was a commotion. A delegation
was sent formally requesting the British to pay land
rent for occupying the people's land. When that failed
and the tax had to be paid, the reverse argument was
made that the age of puberty was no indication that
the young male had an independent livelihood. My
investigations in the 1950s through oral history could
261
After God is Dibia
not establish how the misunderstanding of the age of
liability was resolved, but the taxes were eventually
paid under duress.
5. THE LEGACIES OF IGBO ENWE EZE
From the above review we note the major legacies of

Igbo Enwe Eze as follows:
In general the Igbo have no kings. They respect age

but respect is not servility. Leadership comes from
elders and great achievers but parentage does not
grant privilege to any person.
The strong belief of the Igbo in Chukwu Okuke (the
Supreme deity) gave remarkable religious colour to
their life and work. Their daily lives are guided and
governed by special norms and strict sense of what is
lawful and just (Osae and Odunsi 1973 p. 917).
Igbo traditional government was participatory and
extremely democratic. Every grown up male could
have and indeed had his say at the assemblies
discussing the taking decisions on matters of interest
to the village or group of villages.
262
After God is Dibia
Igbo traditional government could not raise large
armies because of its segmentary structure. On
account of that the Igbo developed pacifist tendencies.
In place of empire building through military might,
they sought other subtle ways of promoting
affiliations and common action by larger groups of
communities and peoples.
Being egalitarian, every Igbo man considers himself as
good as everyone else. Their traditional cultural
competitions graduate into competitions in life-long
activities between individuals as well as between
villages (Webster and Boahen 1992 p: 98-99).
Promotion is by achievement and service to the
community. Davidson (1981) opines that "village
governments of this type were very much in line with
the democratic habits of the modern world;" and the
people accustomed to these conditions are "people
with a great deal of individual self confidence: they
tend to be enterprising, always ready to deal with new
problems, easily adaptable to new conditions."
Indeed, Davidson (1981 p.113) posed the very

fundamental question at the core of our topic.
"Does it mean that peoples without chiefs or kings

were less successful than the peoples who formed
263
After God is Dibia
themselves into states with central government?"
He answered emphatically as follows:
"Far from it. Some of these people without kings were

to be among the most go-ahead of all the peoples of
West Africa: very active in trade, very skillful in
politics, very shrewd in dealing with their neighbours.
Prominent among them were the Igbo who have lived
since times beyond the reach of history, in the fertile
land to the east of the lower part of the Niger. Most
Igbo have governed themselves without giving power
to chiefs."
6. LEGACY OF SELF-RELIANCE
Perhaps we should say more about self-reliance,

which is strongly influenced by the legacies of Igbo
Enwe Eze. It is clear from our review that the Igbo
were among the last Nigerians to come under British
colonial administration. Very soon there was no
264
After God is Dibia
disguising their appetite for the trappings of Western
civilization. Indeed, there was a local song
glamourizing Western civilization. Their competitive
spirit emerged in education as the vehicle for the
acquisition of the good things of Western civilization.
Within 10 to 15 years of the last Igbo village being

subjugated by the British, some Igbo were already
working and settling in various parts of Nigeria. The
Igbo took their destiny in their own hands. All over
Nigeria, they were very active in the public and private
sectors mainly as clerks, teachers, members of the
security forces, artisans, petty traders and domestic
servants to foreigners. Even without their kindred in
high positions to act as godfathers, they began to
improve their positions by dint of hard work. But their
rapid progress did not go unnoticed. Indeed, it later
contributed to ethnic rivalry in Nigeria.
The Igbo in the cities organized their traditional

assemblies of people from the same village, town or
clan, and often one person belonged to the
movements at these levels. The assemblies at home
and "abroad" (away from the clan) rendered mutual
help to their members, promoted development in
265
After God is Dibia
their clans of origin and often awarded scholarships to
their sons and daughters. The various clan assemblies
in a city federated to become an Igbo city union
especially in cities outside Igboland. Some of the
unions built Igbo schools in the cities of their abode
such as in Kano: As time went on, individuals and
assemblies mustered enough resources to build
private schools in Igboland but the demand for
education still appeared insatiable. In 1943 the Igbo
State Union, a federation of the Igbo city unions, was
created and its first assembly met at Aba. It had an
anthem and an ambitious programme including the
building of five secondary schools.
However, this was not unique. The lbibio National

Union was already in existence. Some other ethnic
groups with segmentary traditional governments like
the Urhobo and the Tiv also experimented with
national unions (Webster 1984 p.573). In 1948 the
Yoruba joined the others with the formation of Egbe
Omo Oduduwa. With limited success (Webster 1984),
this was followed by the Egbe Omo Olofin.
The regionalization of Nigeria introduced by the

MacPherson Constitution in 1951 acerbated the ethnic
266
After God is Dibia
rivalries and bitter disunity in the nationalist
movements in Nigeria. The regional governments
provided focus for the major ethnic groups. The
Eastern region controlled by the National Convention
of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) was dominated by the
Igbo; the Western region controlled by the Action
Group (AG) was dominated by the Yoruba; and the
Northern region controlled by the Northern Peoples
Congress (NPC) was dominated by the Hausa and
Fulani.
As full political independence and withdrawal of the

British was becoming imminent, fears of domination
of one ethnic group by the other began to loom. The
Northern region had suspicion and deep fear of
domination by the more educationally and
economically advanced South. The Southern regions
talked of the threats of the Fulani either to continue
their interrupted march to dip the Quoran in the sea
or to withdraw from the Nigerian Federation (Aluko
1984 p. 639). The Yoruba were becoming uneasy
about the fast rise of the Igbo into prominence.
Indeed, there were the allegations of threatened Igbo
domination of the Yoruba (Coleman 1958 p.312; and
Enahoro 1965 p.98). P.28

267
After God is Dibia
In the circumstance, when the British virtually offered

self-government to the people of Nigeria "on a platter
of gold", the Nort1len region refused to accept self
government until they declared their readiness for it.
The attempt by the Action Group to force the pace of
self government against their wish precipitated the
Kano riots of May 1953 in which at least 36 persons
were killed and 240 were wounded (Aluko 1984
p.640). The Northern region seriously considered
secession from the Nigerian federation. True to their
legacy, the Igbo embraced the slogan of "One Nation,
One Country, One destiny" and worked very hard to
keep the Nigerian federation together. The NCNC
wanted the Northern region "to be given time to
decide on the date for independence and were anxious
that no step should be taken on the issue which might
push them towards secession" (Aluko 1984 p.641).
We may continue this sketch because it provides the

background to an event that fully tested the self-
reliance of the Igbo. In 1957 the Northern region
declared its readiness to accept full internal self
government by 1959 and Nigeria became an
independent country under the British
Commonwealth on 1st October, 1960. Ominously, this
provided potent weapons to the defeated distrust
268
After God is Dibia
among the regions and ethnic groups. The spiral of
events that inexorably changed the course of Nigerian
history from democracy to cycles of military rule
began with a split among the leaders of the Action
Group in the Western region.
The split led to the breakdown of law and order in the

Western region. The Federal Government intervened
with the appointment of a sole administrator for the
region. The use of soldiers to control the ugly events
in the Western Region introduced them into Nigerian
politics. A military coup occurred in 1966, ostensibly
to engender a Nigerian federation more peaceful than
the one ruled by the politicians. Ironically, the effect
was exactly the opposite.
Before the military rulers fully settled down,

unprecedented riots occurred all over the Northern
Region and parts of Western Region. Northern
Nigerians wantonly massacred thousands of men,
women and children of Eastern Nigeria origin in all
walks of life and asked them to go home. In its wake,
the second military coup occurred and eventually the
civil war of 1967-1970 followed, as the Eastern Region
declared secession as the State of Biafra.
269
After God is Dibia
The Biafran war tested the self-reliance of Eastern

Nigerians, especially the Igbo, to its limit. The small
Biafra was totally and effectively blockaded. Britain
comprehensively armed Nigeria with modern and
heavy weapons of attack by land, sea, and air. Initially,
armed with machetes, and small fire arms, the
hopelessly outnumbered and ill-equipped Biafrans
faced the awesome armaments of Nigeria with great
courage and determination. Then Biafran scientists
and engineers began to fabricate grenades, mines,
bombs, mortars, rockets, pontoons, plated vehicles
etc. The contributions of these scientists and
engineers were severely limited by lack of materials,
tools and workshops but they greatly boosted morale.
Perhaps the most difficult problem was hunger. There

was campaign for growing food crops everywhere in
whatever land was left in Biafra that was being
squeezed almost to a point as Nigerian forces
advanced. People were urged to eat wild vegetation
pronounced safe by scientists. Despite that and
massive relief by the international charitable
organizations, Kwashiokor was widespread and many
people died of starvation. These was exploited by the
270
After God is Dibia
powerful Biafran propaganda.
The Research and Production (RAP) wing of the

defense effort built mini-refineries which together
with the widespread home-made boiler refineries kept
the vehicles going on Biafran roads. The RAP units
manufactured salt, soap, soft arid hot drinks,
perfumes and so on. Telex links with the outside
world and Radio Biafra station, which were constantly
re-located, were effectively maintained throughout the
war. Thus the self-reliant efforts of Biafrans kept them
going for about 30 months of the war against fearful
odds. The BBC (1995) Time Watch television and
video documentary titled, "Biafra Fighting a war
without guns” shows only a glimpse of the heroic
Biafran epic.
The self-reliant efforts of village assemblies, their

improvement and development unions that quickly
projected the Igbo into the front line of Nigerian
affairs, saw them through the dreadful civil war and
the reconstruction thereafter, have continued ever
since. As the improvement and development of rural
communities progressed, these village development
unions mustered greater resources for bigger projects
like the establishment of secondary schools that was
earlier tackled by the entire Igbo State Union.
271
After God is Dibia
Again, I illustrate with examples nearer home. We

spearheaded the founding of Inyi Welfare Association
(IWA) in 1952 and Enugu Community Union (ECU) in
1968. These development unions have been
responsible for expanding the main market and
building market stalls, road improvement, building a
post office and a town hall, facilitating village health
clinic, promoting pottery industry, giving scholarship,
establishing a secondary school and so on. These were
projects selected by the town and the clan, as the case
may be, as most important to them at the time. The
projects were achieved through the self-reliant
contributions of the communities. Most other
development projects after these have been sponsored
by the Government.
Federal government policy has articulated the need to

develop rural communities at the grassroots level. So
far, this has been pursued through the enhanced
funding of local governments. Unfortunately, there
has been little evidence of its impact at the village
level. It should be possible to link the efforts of these
development unions with the local governments
through some cost-sharing arrangement for mutually
272
After God is Dibia
approved projects. Hopefully, this may also promote
greater accountability.
7. SCIENTIFIC CULTURE AND IGBO ENWE EZE
We find some parallels between scientific culture and

the legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze. Scientific culture
recognizes no kings and chiefs with divine knowledge.
The tests of demonstrability and conformability are
applied to the views of all scientists. The ancestry,
country of origin and position in society do not confer
any privilege on the discoveries and views of a
scientist. The long-standing researchers and great
achievers in a field of science may be respected and
may be invited to write or review progress in the field
but there is no servility to their views. Thus like the
Igbos, science has no kings.
Scientific culture does not recognize any priest who

speaks as the mouthpiece of nature. Views of the
established religions and their interests are not
allowed to influence the course of scientific enquiry.
The celebrated case in history is the discovery by
273
After God is Dibia
Copernicus in the 16th century that the Earth revolves
round the Sun. The Church was greatly displeased and
vehemently opposed it. It would have been a
monumental set back if the discovery had been hidden
or abandoned in deference to the Church.
Science thrives through open discussion in seminars,

symposia and assemblies. Everyone has a right to
attend and to speak at the scientific assemblies.
Treaties on the freedom of movement of scientists are
sought to ensure that the host country admits
participants from all countries including those
currently in conflict with the host. Life in Igbo
traditional government, kinship among scientific
disciplines is invoked to widen the fields covered and
to enrich the intellectual and data resources available
to the scientific associations and their assemblies. The
scientific associations are also structured like the Igbo
development unions. They federate from town to
national and then to continental and world scientific
unions. Scientific culture encourages competition in
scientific investigation. It honours hard work and
excellence. Like in Igbo legacy, promotion is by
achievement and service to the scientific and the
general community. Indeed, a systematic procedure is
in place for assessing the achievements of those to be
elected for awards of fellowships and prizes. Scientific
274
After God is Dibia
inquiry develops self-confidence in its practitioners.
Scientists are always ready to deal with new problems
and to seek their solution. They have the propensity to
question conventional wisdom and are easily
adaptable to new situations in accordance with the
latest discoveries. These are very much akin to
Davison's (1981) conclusions on the legacies of Igbo
Enwe Eze.
8. CONCLUSION
We have reviewed the traditional governments of the

Igbo without kings. We have briefly outlined the
contrasting traditional governments of certain
communities in Nigeria with kings. Attention has
been drawn to the major legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze,
and their endorsements by historians. Certain
relevant experiences of the Igbo have been discussed
in the light of the legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze. At
appropriate junctures, specific local events have been
used as illustrations to provide the flesh of reality to
the bones of the generalizations of history. The
legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze are found to accord with
modem trends and scientific culture.
Our conclusion is that the implications of Igbo Enwe
Eze are democratic. self-reliant, scientific, modern
and in tune with the best traditions of human kind.
Indeed, in modern times, nations that have kings have
275
After God is Dibia
been divesting them of political and religious powers
that used to be their royal prerogatives
Ọha na eze
Let us proclaim Igbo enwe eze
Let us say it loudly
Let us say it proudly
E Kenee mu unu

276
After God is Dibia
CATHARSIS: for IGBOS.
By OBU UDEOZO,
UDEOZO, University of Comment: According to Chinua
Achebe,
imagination.
Isaac’s obedience He is a natural poet ready to
to the hot sword people.
must awake into more in the years ahead.”
freedom across our nation anthology of poems
literature prize.
we are flowing
tongue
tongue-
ngue-tied into sunset...
after our submission

to automatic slaughter,
after Ironsi, Onwuatuegwu, Kalu Ezera, Nzeogwu,

Christopher Okigbo...
after decades of Igbo massacre
their anger glows

their anger grows
their anger
sharpens at sunrise
their revenge is aflame ....
STOP!!!
277
After God is Dibia
“For three sins of Edom,

even for four, I will not turn back my
wrath.
Because he pursued his brother with a
sword,
stifling all compassion,
because his anger raged continually
and his fury flamed unchecked ...”
...”
- says Jehovah, the LORD of Israel.
Igbo blood and bones

saturate the landscape,
Igbo slaughter
decorate their anger
but GOD has halted

Abraham’s hot sword over Isaac...
We must now wear

electronic shields
and hibernate our patriotism
in the anti-
anti-ballistic silos of Nevada
“Do not go gentle into that good night...

Rage, rage against the dying of the light.”
We have scaled
278
After God is Dibia
the fence of slavery;
how many holocausts
must Jews digest
before Zion
is licensed to exist?
How many Golan Heights

must we surrender
surrender
to download a glass of water
without singing swords at our throats?
For centuries
atrocities kissed Israel;
yet over a single somersault
Igbos are out wailing labour wards
the blood of bulls and stainless sheep

capsized
the ancient tabernacle
before our salvation with Christ
after Ironsi and our kilometres of martyrs

against the logic of eternal sacrifice
oxygen is our birthright.
ignore the fallacy

of holocaust fatigue

279
After God is Dibia
after Ironsi, Onwuatuegwu, Nzeogwu, Christopher
Okigbo... Gabriel Okoh, Theophilus C. Okeke, Daniel
Nwaefulu, Rowland Nwangene, James Osineme, J.
Nwachukwu of St. Andrews Primary School, Chukwu
of St. Joseph’s Primary School, S. I. Ikenwe, Richard
Onyemah, M. C. Ogalue, William Nwabueze, J.
Nwokolo, Jonathan Chukwueke, Okoye Ibekwe, Ibekwe,
Matthew Amakuru, James Obinna, ‘Mallam’
‘Mallam’ Isaac of
NEPA fame et al. All are the casualties of 1966
pogrom in Vom environs alone in Plateau State,
Nigeria.*
*in the fragile Diary of one witness, Nweke Udeozo -

the Poet’s Dad.
Irrigation is the debt

which memory owes her martyrs.
After decades of Igbo massacre

280
After God is Dibia
after the 1945 Jos slaughter, the 1953 crisis in Kano,
after oceansful of the 1966 pogrom; the abyss sang of
stomachsful of Igbo blood and bones in the civil war;
after the Maitasine firestorms in Kano and their domino cousins
in Maiduguri, Jimeta Yola, and Gombe; after drinking
the
foaming blood of Igbo kings and merchandise in Kaduna and
Kafanchan in 1987; Bauchi, Katsina and Kano plugged into their
circus of automatic slaughter - whose paradise was
the
Gideon Akaluka’s spiked and bleeding head as an anthem of
hatred….
“Phlebas the Phoenician, a fortnight dead,

Forgot the cry of gulls, and the deep sea swell...
A current under sea

Picked his bones in whispers. As he rose and fell...
fell...
Gentile or Jew...
Consider Phlebas, who was once handsome and tall as
you.”
Beyond Gandhi, Mandela or Isaac;
Ebune abia:
our sacrificial ram,
has slaked the appetite
of rational altars....
281
After God is Dibia
And the canonical Joe Igbokwe said:
“We have accepted for 55 years,

the senseless killing of Igbo from 1945 to year 2000.
now we will fight back.”
STOP!!!
“For three sins of Edom,

even for four, I will not turn back my
wrath.
Because he pursued his brother with a
sword,
stifling all compassion,
because
because his anger raged continually
and his fury flamed unchecked....”
- says the Almighty GOD of all Creation.

282
After God is Dibia
Their masterpieces
are floods of our blood and bones
but GOD has halted

Abraham’s hot sword over Isaac...
- inhale bulletproofs for your peace.

peace.
Germany awoke
from two sunsets
into the blood tonic of Europe
Japan digested
Hiroshima’s furnace and
the insanity of Nagasaki;
yet her mother tongue
garnishes the catechism of world trade;
as the Vatican of velvet cars
and silent husbands of the earth.
earth.
To attain your Creator’s mandate

in your lives,
must you prostrate
for oxygen in Kontagora?
When fear is the emperor

how will the tortoise
283
After God is Dibia
navigate into his chamber’s serenity?

284
After God is Dibia
Igbos reject Amen

to madness,
do not flow
tongue-
tongue-tied into sunset
to appease
appease the Managing Director’s senseless fury.
Shall we surrender our chickens

to cool the fox’s dissonant screams?
Say NO
to professional mutilators
who brag of monopoly to slaughter
lobotomise marginalisation
from your idioms;
listen to your prophets
when did you inherit obeisance?
You who shattered slavery’s neutron bomb

with your Walking In The Water Revolt*
and tutored democracy to Greece,
when has subservience become your ice cream?
do not submit
your manifesto
to the aluminium fingers of testicle crushers.
Say NO
285
After God is Dibia
to professional mutilators
who brag of monopoly to slaughter....
*Chinua Achebe disclosed in his 1999 Odenigbo

lecture that
several Igbo captives jumped into the ocean on
disembarking in
America in order to register their soul’s
soul’s rejection of
slavery.

286
After God is Dibia
the peace of warriors

is forever earned,
and Gandhi’s eye for eye

is anarchy’s honey;
but do Igbos
owe blindness a gold medal
in their monopoly of slaughter?
Without Moshe Dayan, Golda Meir, Ben Gurion

without the infatuation
infatuation of bombs, the hymns of
jet fighters, without the Yom Kippur, the 6-
6-day war miracle;
without the Heavenly Father’s Mighty and outstretched Arm;
peace would never

have perched on Israeli soil!
So Igbos, drop your crutches and walk!

287
After God is Dibia
o bu ta ka anyi
fubalu buffalo na uta?
retrieve your manhood

from the compassion of razor blades.
reinforce the Centre Court

and quench hostility’s backhand
with genius and fire.
Udeozo Ekwughe
my messianic grandfather
snapped rascality’s spine
in the pavilion of in-
in-laws;
laws;
our peace
must wear bulletproofs...

288
After God is Dibia
we have saturated
senseless slaughter’s appetite
with our blood and bones
with Major General J. T. U. Aguiyi Ironsi

and our kilometres of martyrs
whose uncertificated massacre
lubricated the vengeance of madness
madness
our loyalty
to blind hatred
must be divorced from the guillotine.
We must patent
the orangutang’s
silver circuit to his sanctuary
since freshest psychotherapy’s Hail Mary Play

outlaws Jean Charcourt, Sigmund Freud, Carl
Jung,
Alfred Adler, B. F. Skinner; with their
kpakpankolo
289
After God is Dibia
of prognosis and retro-
retro-rocket dollars...
Psychotherapy’s eureka
is now a sweet epiphany:
“Don’t Tear Paper”
which is a marvellous window

to legitimate cure!
against oblivion’s deadline

Igbos need the primal shriek
and Gurdgieff’s
Gurdgieff’s warheads
against suicidal sleep...
“Who despises the day of small things?

Men will rejoice when they see
the plumb line in the hand of Zerubbabel.”
- says the LORD.
reinforce the epicentre

of your priests with prayers
choreograph the chaos

at the North-
North-Western sector
of Nero’s kingdom
into tingling Tequila

290
After God is Dibia
harvest the rainbow
of your offspring:
the Eastern Mandate Union, Arthur Nwankwo,
Edward Oparaoji,
the Oha na Eze Congress, Izu Umunna,
Emeka Obasi’s Hallmark,
Hallmark,
and the God-God-sent Ralph Uwazurike’s
Uwazurike’s Biafra
option;
and prognosticate the aroma
of America’s firm flag on Mars!
titrate the swansong

across your compass
into the amnesia of Joe Louis’ bombs;
that is the magic consensus of ants

against a limping lunch;
and the antibiotics
over the tyranny of the fish hook.
with a ruffian’s scream at Christ

the blind beggar
received his miracle healing
Igbos
I love you beyond the gold of words…
we want to be healed...

291
After God is Dibia
Igbos of Nigeria,
and your bifurcations across the globe:
whose profits flower
flower
in the armpits of rocks
and canopies in village ponds;
believe me
incandescent seeds of the Most High GOD
Abraham’s hot sword
over obedient Isaac
has been lifted over your face;
receive your miracles

bewildered dwellers
in the land of the rising sun.
sun.
receive your salvation

for the bridegroom’s awaited feast:
your compassionate LORD

has now heard Ephraim’s wailing
forsake your foreign gods

of mind shattering material quests;
and intoxication with titles and chieftaincies
as the freshest apostles
of feudalism’s sugar;
prune your passion

292
After God is Dibia
to swallow the earth,
and gun salutes to robbery across the land;
plant your dreams

into righteousness
by reversing to your kolanut and the Cross;
which is the cryptic power
of St. Paul’s fiesta
beyond the prison gates.
the grasscutter’s
invisible scents
laser guides him to laughter
beyond the wolf’s claws.
for our Saviour said:
“I was found by those who did not seek

me;
I revealed myself to those who did
not ask for me.”
And wondered why

the hypocrites who dissect
dissect
the psychology of the stars
cannot diagnose the eloquent signals
of the present hour...
Incomprehensible peace
293
After God is Dibia
shall enkindle you
even in dungeons
when you flow
in the footsteps of Christ:
this is the hotline

from Micah;
after the Passover
at Zion.
Zion.
Amen.
- by Obu Udeozo.

294
After God is Dibia
The 1995 Ahiajoku Lecture
EZI NA ULO:
THE EXTENDED FAMILY IN IGBO CIVILIZATION
BY VICTOR CHIKEZIE UCHENDU
University of Calabar
Ochi agha Imo State

Ndi isi ala
Oha n'eze
Ekele na udo diri unu:
Igbo bu Igbo; Igbo buru miri ga ogu kpo ya ijiriji; Kele

nu:
Igbo na aru ji, aru ede: Kele nu.
Igbo n'azu ahia eke ukwu, azu eke nta: Kele nu:
Igbo n'azu ahia orie ukwu, azu orie nta: Kele nu:
Igbo n'azu ahia afo ukwu, azu afo nta: Kele nu:
Igbo n'azu ahia nkwo ukwu, azu nkwo nta: Kele nu:
(3)
295
After God is Dibia
INTRODUCTION
Thirty years ago, I faced the challenge of introducing

Igbo society and culture to the world. My response
was The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria (Uchendu, 1965).
Today, I face a more formidable challenge: the task of
interpreting Igbo society to its custodians and its
culture to its culture-bearers, and through them, to
the world. My task is nor, unique. Since 1979;
fourteen Ahiajoku Lecturers, drawn from various
disciplines and professions, had faced this challenge,
each lecturer utilizing the most effective tools in his
discipline: And they have succeeded in providing us
with differing "windows" to Igbo culture.
As I address you, in the largest "classroom" for Igbo

studies anywhere in the world, a Persian folktale
comes to mind. There lived in Persia, in the 8th
century, an Islamic teacher popularly called Mulla
Nasrudim. He lost his key and came to the village
square in search of it. Soon after, a villager arrived at
the square, and seeing that the eyes of the learned
296
After God is Dibia
man were attentively focused on the ground, and not
wanting to disturb him, the villager, unobtrusively
bent down and started an aimless search. After a few
minutes which appeared to have stretched into hours,
the villager mustered some courage and asked the
learned man:
”What are you looking for, Mulla?"
"My key", said the Mulla.
The villager became better focused, went down on his

knees and diligently looked for the Mulla's key. After a
while, the villager became curious and asked the
Mulla:
"Where exactly did you lose the key?"
"In my house", the Mulla replied.
"Then, why are you 1boking for the key you lost in
your house in the village square?", asked the villager.

297
After God is Dibia
"There is more light in the village square than inside

my own house", answered the Mulla.
Mr. Chairman, this lecture could have been given

anywhere: in a classroom; at a symposium or as an
"after-dinner" talk; but I assure you that I find "more
light" among you today than I could have ever found
anywhere else in the world.
The topic for my lecture is EZI NA ULO: The

Extended Family in Igbo Civilization. In selecting this
topic, I was mindful of the limitations which
"generative ideas ---the wealth of formulative notions
with which the mind meets experiences" impose on
human understanding. According to Susanne Langer
(1962:19-31), a Harvard philosopher, a generative idea
is like
...a light that illuminates presences which simply had

no form for us before the light fell on them. Yet it is
the most natural and appropriate thing in the world
298
After God is Dibia
for a new terminology to have a vogue that crowds out
everything else for a while. It becomes a word that
everyone snaps up... the "Open Sesame" of new
positive science. The sudden vogue of such a key-idea
is due to the fact that all sensitive and active minds
turn at once to exploit it, we try it in every connection,
for every purpose, experiment with possible stretches
of its strict meaning, with generalizations and
derivatives.
Whether or not EZI NA ULO is, in fact, a centrally

important scientific concept for the analysis of Igbo
civilization, I don't know. What I do know is that no
single concept can resolve so many fundamental
problems at once and also promise to resolve all
fundamental problems, clarify all obscure issues for
all times.
We are interested in furthering our understanding of

Igbo culture through analysis and explanation. In his
The Savage Mind, the French anthropologist, Claude
Levi-Strauss (1966) remarks that scientific
explanation does not consist, as we have been taught
to accept, in the reduction of the complex to the
simple. Rather, what the analyst seems to confront is
299
After God is Dibia
the substitution of a complexity more intelligible for
one which is less. With specific reference to the study
of man, Clifford Geertz (1975:33) argues that the
explanation of cultural behavior often consists of
"substituting complex pictures for simple ones, while
striving somehow to retain the persuasive clarity that
went with simple ones". These contrasting positions
seem to put Alfred North Whitehead's advice to
natural scientists on its head. Whitehead urged
natural scientists that in the process of understanding
they should "seek simplicity and to distrust it". On the
other hand, the social scientists tend to "seek
complexity and order it" (Geertz, 1975:34).
Our approach would lie mid-way between idiographic

and nomothetic, that is, between situation-centered
description and law-seeking global generalizations,
without ignoring either. Our analytical strategy is
anthropological, not in terms of techniques and
received procedure6 which define the traditional
anthropological enterprise, but in what Clifford Geertz
(1975:34), drawing from the collected works of Gilbert
Ryle calls "thick description". In his essays, Thinking
and reflecting" and "The thinking of thoughts",
Gilbert Ryle illustrates the method of inferring
cultural behavior from ethnography.

300
After God is Dibia
Ethnography is a scientific process of observing and

recording field data and also an end result. As an end
result, ethnography is a historical document created
by the ethnographer to assist him in cultural
comparison and analysis and it serves others as a
source-book for history. It is in "doing ethnography"
that the distinction which Ryle makes between "thick"
and "thin” descriptions can be illustrated.
Consider two boys, Okorie and Nwafo, rapidly

contracting the eyelids of their right eyes. In Okorie,
this is an involuntary twitch; in Nwafor, a
conspiratorial signal to Mgbokwo hiding away from
the observer. From a phenomenalistic point of view,
the two eye movements are, as movements, identical.
The observer could not distinguish which was twitch
and which was wink or indeed "whether both or either
was twitch or wink". Yet, in terms of communication
and cultural analysis, the difference between a twitch
and a wink is vast. The winker is communicating
precise information in a unique medium. His message
is deliberate; it is addressed to someone in particular.
The content of the message is specific; and the mode
of communication is through a socially established
code; and the message is strictly inter-personal and
301
After God is Dibia
not public. "Contracting your eyelids on purpose when
there exists a public code in which so doing counts as
a conspiratorial signal is winking" (Geertz, 1975:6). It
is a "fleck of culture".
The description "thickens" when a third boy,

Okonkwo, enters the picture. Innocently assuming
that Okorie and Nwafor were engaged in a twitching
contest, and asking a poor job of it, their efforts
appearing amusing, clumsy and amateurish, Okonkwo
began to parody the two boys, laboriously
exaggerating their patterns of twitching, and
dramatizing his mimicking abilities. If he does not
find his efforts satisfactory, he could practise
twitching .it home before a mirror, in which case his is
"not twitching, winking or parodying, but rehearsing".
The point of all this is to re-state the fact that the

object of ethnography is to reveal a "stratified
hierarchy of meaningful structures• embedded in
simple human acts and social designs. Twitches,
winks, fake winks, parodies, rehearsals of parodies are
produced by what appears a single observable human
act, the twitching of eyelids. Our task is to explore the
different layers of meanings which are embedded in
302
After God is Dibia
the concept of ezi na ulo and how these help to shape
our cultural life and civilization.
A PROFILE OF CULTURE
Ezi and ulo are two clusters of culture-traits. They are

separately identifiable units in Igbo cultural
organization, embodying both material aspects of the
environment and the non-material structures of
meaning which influence the attitudes of properly
enculturated Igbo 'individuals. On the other hand, ezi
n'ulo constitutes a unity, a single culture-complex,
carrying with it a hierarchy of meanings which we will
make obvious later Since culture-traits and culture-
complexes do not make much sense outside their
relevant contexts, we will begin our exploration by
specifying our notions and conceptions of culture and
outlining what we regard as the defining
Characteristics of Igbo culture and civilization.
Popular and technical definitions of culture abound,

So also do ethnocentric notions of the concept. In
historical perspective, the Enlightenment view of
303
After God is Dibia
culture predated the Tylorean idea of culture which is
a "trait list" of all man-made aspects of the human
environment, including man's thoughts and
worldviews. The Enlightenment view of man, nature
and culture was essentially uniformitarian except that
the non-western man had no place in it. The
Enlightenment constructed a view of culture inspired
by Bacon's idea of natural science as guided by
Newton's notion of the universe. In that construction,
culture, like human nature, was conceived as
"regularly organized, as thoroughly invariant and as
marvelously simple as Newton's universe”. Clifford
Geertz (1975:35) reminds us that the "image of a
constant human nature independent of time, place
and circumstance, of studies and professions,
transient fashions and temporary opinions, may be an
illusion, that what man is may be so entangled with
where he is, who he is, and what he believes that it is
inseparable from them". Modern anthropology was
born when arm-chair theorizing was replaced by
scientific field investigations which confirmed the fact
that man "unmodified by the customs of particular
places do not in fact exist, have never existed, and
most important, could not. in the very nature of the
case, exist" (Geertz, 1975:35). A culture-bearing
animal therefore, remains a bundle of the natural, the
universal and the constant, and also of the
conventional, local and the variable. To draw a line
between the two remains always arbitrary and can be
304
After God is Dibia
justified only by analytical purposes.
In popular terms, a man of culture is a person who

Can speak languages other than his own, who is
familiar with history, literature, philosophy, politics or
the fine arts and especially in the Western tradition of
literary scholarship, the cultured person is one who
can talk about James Joyce, Scarlatti and enjoy
Picasso but it would not have mattered if he had not
read Chinua Achebe or Wole Soyinka. At a symposium
on Ozo title system hosted by the Cultural Division of
the Ministry of Information, Youth, Sports and
Culture, Enugu, in 1977, which I had the privilege to
chair, I was mildly surprised, when a delegate from
one of the States in northern Nigeria argued that
"Religion is not a part of culture" (Uchendu, 1988:17-
18), Religion is nothing if not an essential part of
culture, What makes aspects of religion so
emotionally contentious is that they are eminently
cultural, whatever other elements society and
managers of religious organizations attribute to them.
On a more technical level, I agree with Clyde

Kluckhohn (1963:24) that "to be human is to be
cultured". Believing, that "anthropology holds up a
305
After God is Dibia
great mirror to man and lets him look at himself in his
infinite variety", Kluckhohn (1963:19, 24, 28, 29, 31-
34) goes on to define culture in turn as: that part of
the environment that is the creation of man; a way of
thinking, feeling, believing; a theory that helps us to
understand a mass of otherwise chaotic (social) facts;
a store-house of the pooled learning of the group
found in the memories of old men and women, in
books and material objects created by man; anti the
learned experiences by individuals as the result of
belonging to some particular group. Cultures praduce
needs as well as provide a means of fulfilling them;
every culture is a precipitate of history; culture throws
up to history social facts which the seive of history can
hold, in changed or unchanged form but always with
altered meanings, to maintain the cultural and
ideological integrity of a living people. Culture is like a
map, an abstract but approximate representation of a
particular cultural entity which enables the young and
the stranger to find their way in particular cultures;
and all culture bearers are creators and carriers of
culture as well as consumers of culture and its
products.
Culture is all these and more. I share with Clifford

Geertz the semiotic view of culture. "Believing, with
Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs
306
After God is Dibia
of significance he himself has spun, I take culture to
be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore
not an experimental science in search of law but an
interpretive one in search of meaning” (Geertz,
1975:5). Culture is meaning-centred and a public
property. It is this public character of culture that led
me to the strategic concept of culture. Permit me to
quote from my early work on the subject:
Culture is more than just a heritage, a historical

product. It is more than the expression of man’s mode
of living, something that individuals in each society
must undergo as a kind of fate or rites de passage.
Social engineering in society demands a notion of
culture as a strategic instrument... as an instrumental
agent, as another mode of intervention in our social
and economic life. ...the notion of culture as an
interventionist agent has led man to subsume the
roles of nature within normative rules that are subject
to cultural direction (Uchendu, 1988:18-19), 1977:72).
Culture is public because meaning is shared. Cultural

meaning is not, however, uniformly or equally shared
but every culture-bearer is made to receive enough
knowledge to make him or her culturally competent.
307
After God is Dibia
This is what Ralph Linton (1936:272-75) implied
when he reminded us that every culture embodies
three separate but related spheres, cultural universals,
cultural alternatives and cultural specialties. Cultural
universals refer to those elements of a culture open to
all and shared by every culture bearer. To be
competent in Igbo culture requires sharing in its
cultural universals. We do this through the
socialization of the young in our ideal ways and the
resocialization of the way-ward or delinquent adults,
including strangers, in Igbo ideals and values.
Cultural transmission, the process of producing Igbo
citizens through their participation in our institutions
and informal life, is a never ending process. To ask a
person whether he or she is an animal is another way
of questioning whether he has lost all the benefits of
his cultural transmission. As we shall see in the
discussion of Igbo social structure, Igbo society is an
ideologically open society where equal opportunities
are provided for the individual to achieve his goals.
No individual can master all the aspects of his culture.

Individual participation in his culture, therefore,
tends to be highly selective. Society therefore provides
cultural alternatives to enable individuals satisfy a
given cultural end. In the domain of religion, we have
a great passion to ”find out" the wishes of the gods or
308
After God is Dibia
ancestors who have sent us a symbolic message.
Consulting a diviner may be one alternative source of
communicating with them; going into a trance, or to
one of he major oracles in Igboland may be others.
The marriage institution is an important part of our
life and culture. Until the Catholic Christian religion
introduced celibacy as a virtue, an unmarried Igbo
male cuts a sad picture of hopeless poverty; and the
unmarried female was a social disaster. Our ancestors
in their wisdom provided us cultural alternatives in
the form of polygamy and concubinage which give
every adult access to a spouse or consort (Uchendu,
1965:187-97).
Our society provides institutions for specialized

training and knowledge needed by our cultural
specialists. Membership of these institutions may be
voluntary or ascribed. Ezes, Igwes, Dibia and other
classes of medical practitioners; and the Umu ada in
our society are examples of our cultural specialties. It
follows therefore that no individual can master all the
knowledge of his culture since part of a culture must
be learned by everybody; part may be selected from
alternative institutions; and part is open to only those
who perform special roles in society. Culture is not a
hodgepot of traits and ideas; it is relatively integrated
and patterned. Margaret Mead (1970) sees cultural
309
After God is Dibia
integration and patterning as a matter of cultural
transmission and commitment to a given tradition of
social heritage. She distinguishes three possible styles
of life which contribute to cultural patterning and she
describes these patterns as post-figurative, co-
figurative and pre-figurative.
A post-figurative, is one in which children learn

primarily from their forebears; the past of the adult is
the future of each new generation; and the blue print
of Culture is essentially complete and therefore
unchallenged by foreign models. In the absence of a
written language for documenting the past, the
perception of the new is denied by the ”elders who
edit the version of the culture that is passed on to the
young". Igbo society still embodies aspects of the
post-figurative culture. Post figuration requires
unquestioning commitment to the essentials of
culture and is perpetuated because the elders were
needed not only to guide the group but to provide the
complete model of what life was. The post figurative
Culture depends upon the actual presence of three
generations. Its defining characteristic is that the
culture is taken for granted (Mead, 1970:1-34)

310
After God is Dibia
On the other hand, a co-figurative culture is one in
which both children and adults learn from their peers
and the prevailing cultural model is the behavior of
their contemporaries. Co-figuration has its beginning
iii a breakdown of the post-figurative system.
Indiscipline in Our contemporary society is rooted in
the co figurative system of a culture which fosters
shared expectation that members of our generation
can model their behavior on the indiscipline of their
contemporaries. To change this behavioral orientation
is the challenge to the youth and society (Mead,
1970:25-50).
A pre-figurative culture is one in which adults learn

from their children. Igbo society is still far away from
pre-figuration, although the generational differences
in access to formal education has made unschooled
parents victims of a pre-figurative culture (Mead,
1970:51-76).
One of the insights derived from Margaret Mead's

figurative thesis is that the youth must make and
occasionally reaffirm their commitment to their
culture. The question to every generation remains: to
what past, present or future can the idealistic young
311
After God is Dibia
commit themselves? This question was not relevant to
the youth in most traditional societies. You will recall
Okonkwo, the hero of Chinua Achebe's (1958) Things
Fall Apart His principal commitment to the ideals of
traditional Igbo culture arose from the fact that he
could not conceive of or be subjected to co ting styles
of life and traditions. Okonkwo was who he was. He
suffered exile, lost friends and property but was never
alienated from his culture or his country. He could not
change his commitment because he found no
meaningful alternative.
A PROFILE OF IGBO CULTURE
Anthropological theory makes a distinction between

culture, the collective achievements and heritage of
the human race and a culture or cultures, the
achievements and heritage of an identifiable
population or populations. Igbo culture is rather
complex. Its complexity is misunderstood by the
foreign scholars who forget that the Igbo utilize a
limited budget of organizational principles for their
social system. This apparent paradox creates two
problems. First, the foreign scholar is fascinated and
puzzled by an open, decentralized society which
312
After God is Dibia
exhibits cultural strengths and resilience under stress
but lacks any observable overarching institution to
account for this strength. He ends up asking the
wrong question and of course gets the wrong answers.
Cultural strength does not lie in a single over-arching
institution. Second, the Igbo student is forced into a
defensive position. He goes into a fruitless search for
institutions which the Igbo culture does not need, and
if such an institution were to be forced on it, Igbo
culture would lose its integrity. A holistic culture,
which Igbo is, cannot just be "part society and part
culture" because it does not draw its cultural
wellspring and inspiration from outside. One of the
great achievements of Igbo scholarship in the last
three or four decades is the demonstration, further
reinforced by the Ahiajoku Lecture series since 1979,
that Igbo society owes no apology for any social
institutions it had or did not fully develop. To have
done otherwise would have done' violence to Igbo
worldview.
Igbo Worldview
A people's worldview and their social structure are

two elements of the socio-cultural system; and they
313
After God is Dibia
play a pervasive role in the social system. The
worldview shapes the social structure, the body of
rules which governs society and gives direction to its
institutions. On the other hand, the social institutions,
including ezi na ulo, reinforce the social structure and
re-affirm the worldview. As we shall show, ezi na ulo
makes a statement on the social structure and aids our
understanding of our worldview, that is, the basic
notions underlying our cultural activities, the
definition of cultural goals and social relations.
Drawing from my work, The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria

(Uchendu, 1965:11-21) we may summarize Igbo
worldview in seven propositions, as follows:
First, the Igbo world is an integrated one in which all

created beings, the living and the dead, are in
communion through symbolic interactions and other
communication channels. In Igbo view the world of
man is not strictly divorced from the world of the
spirits Lineage continuity is a cooperative enterprise
between the world of man and the world of the spirits.
Existence in this world involves interaction between
the visible and the invisible, and the living and the
dead, each honouring a contract based on mutual
314
After God is Dibia
interest and reciprocity.
Second, the Igbo world is a dynamic world which

demands that cosmological balance be maintained at
all times to sustain the social structure. When this
balance is threatened by evil men, women or evil
spirits, the cause must be ascertained through
divination and the appropriate ritual remedy must be
put in place to restore the cosmological balance. Every
imbalance has its appropriate ritual remedy.
Third, the Igbo world is conceived in market terms. It

is a "market place" involving a bargaining strategy but
guaranteeing only "equality of opportunity" but not
"equality of outcome". Individuals as a party and the
spirits as another, are subjected to this bargaining
process. The socially deprived individual is not denied
alternative opportunities to demonstrate his talents
and abilities. He can still negotiate a more rewarding
social status for himself during the next cycle of
reincarnation through the institution of ebibi.
Misfortune in this world can only be a temporary
setback since ebibi and reincarnation promise a better
chance in the next cycle of life.

315
After God is Dibia
Fourth, in a world of status instability, status seeking

in Igbo society is cyclical and therefore a never-ending
quest. Every elder tries to live a transparent life to
guarantee for himself a place of honour among the
ancestors. The elder "confesses" his transgressions
every morning as he breaks the morning kola-nut and
does not spare those who wish him and his ezi na ulo
any evil. On the other hand, the ancestors try to bring
prosperity to the living lineage because they have a
vested interest in reincarnating into it. To die young
in Igbo society’ is to die unfulfilled and for the ezi na
ulo an unbroken series of such deaths is a corporate
disaster.
Fifth, "in a world where life processes are delicately

balanced and where individuals enjoy a wide latitude
in manipulating human relationships, it is necessary
for individuals to live a transparent life". To live a
secret life from ezi na ulo, from the kin and social
groups, is to court the charge of sorcery or other anti-
social activities, personality traits that spell disorder
in Igbo communities. The Igbo say that "a country is
spoilt by man, not by gods" implying that a
community is as good as its citizens.

316
After God is Dibia
Sixth, although the Igbo seek explanations for social

disasters through the medium of divination, they
know from life experiences that their society is not
"spoiled" by the spirits but by evil doers in society.
They therefore impose a strict code of conduct with
penalty for infraction that may stretch into many
generations. In Igbo worldview, accountability enjoys
no time limit or benefit of doubt. The individual is
held accountable for his wrongs, moral and otherwise,
and he faces retribution in this life if he can be
detected or in any number of his cycles of
reincarnations. It is not uncommon for divination to
hold a wrong doer accountable for wrongs committed
in his third or fourth reincarnation, as long as the
living memories could recollect the event. The only
redeeming feature is that ritual remedies are
available.
Seventh, the Igbo live in a world of constant change

and are socialized to adapt to it where possible or take
a courageous exit by suicide where society or the
forces do not permit individual dignity. The
ethnographic history of Igbo slaves in the various
parts of the New World makes the point. In Haiti, for
instance, Melville J. Herskovits, my teacher, who
317
After God is Dibia
ruled and reigned as the Dean of African Studies in
the United States for nearly fifty years and whose
seminal research in West Africa and the Black World
in the Americas is widely acknowledged, reported of:
Igbo tendency of despondency, noted in many p arts

of the New World, and a tradition of suicide as a way
out of difficulties has been remarked, as, for example,
in Haiti where the old saying "Ibos pend cor a yo" --
"the lbo hang themselves" is still current (Herskovits
1941:36).
This Igbo trait of achieving freedom, liberty and

human dignity through suicide, to escape the
inhuman slavery conditions that prevailed in the
Americas, was confirmed by my doctoral students
who worked in South Carolina, United States, in
1970s. Paradoxically, the suicide of these Igbo
freedom lovers in pursuit of liberty, earned their
descendants in the New World "family respect". Their
action was based on the logic that the time difference
between death and birth was no more than nine
months, the period it takes a pregnancy to come to
term.

318
After God is Dibia
Igbo Social Structure
It is easier to make statements about social structure

than to define it. Let me take you back to village, any
Igbo community, for glimpses of cultural statements
we make on our social structure. When a guest visits
an Igbo household, there is a compulsive necessity to
serve him with kola nuts. The presentation of kolanut,
that ubiquitous symbol of Igbo hospitality, follows a
"path" which helps the Igbo to reinforce their "model"
of social structure. The presentation of kola may
follow any one of the following principles depending
on the commensal group: it may follow the principle
of genealogical distance, the social distance, social
differentiation; and of course, status structure
(Uchendu, 1964:47-50). If the guests are drawn from
different Igbo communities, an expanded "model" is
invented to accommodate the new situation. When a
child is born, the umbilical cord must be buried and
this ritual may require the presentation of an
economic plant or a symbolic gift. When a young child
brings home his or her first calabash or pot of water,
he or she is directed to present it to the most senior
woman having a close genealogical of affinal
relationship to the child's father or mother. This
319
After God is Dibia
creates a new bond of reciprocity between the two.
When a child dies in the village, there are immediate,
uncontrolled bursts of wailing as opposed to the rigid
discipline that fosters "business as usual" when an
elder dies. The dignity and the status of the dead elder
and the prestige of his living relatives demand that the
elder's death must not be formally announced until
there is due consultation with all interested parties,
and even then, there is a compelling necessity to
assemble critical items for the "first burial rites"
before any formal announcement is made. A
premature wailing would be totally irresponsible in
the circumstance. These random samples of behaviors
are among many that are distinctively Igbo, although
the behaviors are neither limited to Igbo society nor
universal in all Igbo villages and communities. They
have been selected to illustrate the proposition that
we need not have precise knowledge of our social
structure to make cultural statements about it. In a
literal sense, social structure can be regarded as the
"building block" of society. But social structure is not
a concrete phenomenon. It is a statement of principles
embodied in objective reality. One of those realities is
ezi na ulo.
Ezi na ulo: Founding a new homestead in Igbo society

is always a political act, an assertion of independence
320
After God is Dibia
from a parental homestead. Expanding an existing
homestead is an indication of prosperity and harmony
in the domestic domain; but abandoning a homestead
in a hurry is always a response to crisis of
monumental proportions - crises of death, particularly
of the young, that defy ritual prescriptions and
remedies or man-provoked disasters like murder or
homicide which leave the members of the homestead
no option but to seek security in flight.
Ezi n'ulo is more than a homestead. It is a cultural

phenomenon of great complexity. A basic spacial unit
in Igbo social organization, analytically ezi precedes
ulo in structural time, but ezi loses its functional
integrity once ulo disintegrates. It is the peace of ezi
that brings prosperity to ezi n'ulo and poverty that
leads to its fusion. Ezi n'ulo should not be confused
with ezi na ulo. Although in structural time, ezi
precedes ulo, both protect ezi n'ulo. In cultural terms
ezi na ulo constitute a unity. You cannot meaningfully
think of the one without thinking of the other. In
structural analysis ezi na ulo are polar concepts but
they are also complementary. Their complementarity
lies in the fact that it is the social life in the ulo that
activates the cultural life of the ezi, the achievements
of the ulo that are celebrated in ezi and vice-versa.

321
After God is Dibia
Ezi is a complex word, used in a primary or literal

sense and also in its secondary, idiomatic sense. I
recall a short discourse between Ogbonna, my father's
eldest brother (FB), and his wife, Ikodiya (FBW)
during my "period of innocence", to use Prof. Adiele
Afigbo's (1981) term. I was stroking a fire for my
father's brother as he dried some tobacco leaves in our
ezi, preparatory to grinding it into powder. He called
out in a loud voice to Ikodiya, who was in her kitchen,
and asked her to bring him a drink of water. Ikodiya
replied: Dim, a nom na ezi wo: As a child I understood
the primary meaning ezi, a courtyard but did not
worry about the apparent contradiction in Da-
Ikodiya's assertion that she was in ezi when in fact she
was in her usokwu (kitchen). Like a "good child", who
enjoys the company of elders as long as he minds his
own business, I asked for no explanation and none
was expected of me in the circumstance. My father's
brother understood his wife. I thought that I did; but
as it turned out, I did not. This is a communication
environment in which what Paul Bohannan (1964:11)
describes as "the principle of the working
misunderstanding" occurs. Bohannan was
characterizing communication in a colonial situation
but the communication between mp father's brother
and his wife assumed a "cultural", not a colonial
environment. My presence introduced a "generational
322
After God is Dibia
gap” which made the use of an idiomatic expression
necessary. Nwa Disi and Lamoji Ugoji, in their very
highly successful TV situation comedy, called Icheku,
dramatically and effectively illustrated the "principle
of working misunderstanding" in a colonial
communication. My case was one of incremental
enculturation. It was much later, and under different
circumstances, that I learned what the Igbo mean
when they say - na nwanyi no na ezi. More than two
hundred years ago, Olaudah Ekwuanu, a young Igbo
caught in the net of the trans-atlantic slavery and who
was able to work himself into freedom and wrote
about it, recorded this experience about ino na ezi
nwanyi:
Every woman, at certain times, was forbidden to come

into a dwelling house or touch any person or anything
we ate. I was so fond of my mother I could not keep
from her or avoid touching her at some of those
periods, in consequence of which I was obliged to be
kept out with her in a little house made for that
purpose till offering was made and then we were
purified (Olaudah Equiano (First Published
1789):1967:12).

323
After God is Dibia
Ino na ezi nwanyi is a perfectly natural and
indispensable process in the perpetuation of a race. It
is a symbol of womanhood; and it is in symbols that
cultural meanings are stored. In Igbo worldview, this
symbol of life, which they term ino na nso is at the
same time a threat not only to social and ritual status,
but to life itself. It is pollution and a danger; and lies
at the heart of the gender patterning which
paradoxically limits the opportunities open to women
in a society that claims to be equalitarian in ideology.
Ezi is not just a "purifying shrine" for the

menstruating woman, it is also a social theatre where
cultural events are enacted and celebrated. The
moonlight plays, folk entertainments, marriages,
births and funerals are staged at the ezi. In many
parts of Igboland, ezi serves as the "official" burial
ground" for the elder as the ulo is the "grave yard" for
the male home owner. These cultural events and
activities create a deep seated historical sensitivity
which strengthens the emotional attachment and
interest of the Igbo individual in his ezi na ulo as well
as in his okpulo (former homestead).
While ezi and ulo are culturally complementary, ezi

324
After God is Dibia
and ama are structurally opposed but functionally
interactive. Ama is the path to ezi and it does not
discriminate between the "good and the evil” which it
carries to the ezi. It is therefore compelled to limit
"evil traffic" at the onu obu by ritual fortifications.
Simon Ottenberg (1968), the American ethnographer
on Afikpo, describes in his provocative essay,
"Statement and Reality...”, the role which protective
shrines, egbo, located above the compound entrance,
plays in guarding against evil entering ezi. The
antagonism between ezi and ama is further
demonstrated by the fact that the path used during
the construction of a compound (ezi) is usually
abandoned and a new path (ama) would be
constructed, with a protective shrine in place,
therefore the new compound could be occupied by its
residents. Ezi n'ulo is not just a bundle of material
cultural traits; it is a people -- people united by a bond
of kin network and interlocking functions and
reciprocities. We term this network of people ezi
n'ulo, an extended family.
The Extended Family: To create order out of many

competing social facts and to understand at least part
of the diverse cultural forces that shape human
behavior, social science teaches us to examine the
complicated facts from a particular point of view and
325
After God is Dibia
to assume, implicitly or explicitly, that "other things
are equal". We can easily see that "other things" are
never equal, even in a shared cultural environment.
But the alternatives are to assume the impossible task
of covering all the variables or give up the effort.
All societies, no matter the level of their technological,

industrial or socio-cultural achievements, have the
same genealogical capacity to construct and maintain
an extended family. Many do; a few don't; and some
of those which developed an extended family network
have reversed it because of the hostility of their
changing environment. The common element in all
types of extended family systems is marriage; and
without marriage, there would be no genealogy.
Marriage creates four kinship matrices: husband-
father, wife-mother, brother-brother and 'sister-sister,
which are repackaged into eight basic kinship
syndromes: husband-wife, father-son, mother son,
mother-daughter, father-daughter, sister-sister,
brother-brother and brother-sister. No society can
claim more or less of these basic structures but each
society decides how much importance to attach to
each of them. The basic structure that is attached the
most importance gives a focus and direction to a
particular culture. For instance, the father-son and
the brother-sister emphases provide these directions
326
After God is Dibia
in the two contrasting Igbo kinship structures.
The Concept of the Extended Family: What is an

extended family? Permit me to answer from a
previous work (Uchendu, 1971:183-85). The classic
conception of the extended family is a kinship unit
with four major characteristics: a unit marked by
geographic propinquity, of occupational integration,
strict authority of the presiding elder or patriarch over
the component nuclear families and stress on
extended rather than nuclear family relations.
Operationally, we may define the extended family as a
social system lacking a fixed number of specifiable
positions (e.g. husband/father, wife-mother, etc.), but
consisting of two or more familiar positions of which
one or more resulting dyads is not a nuclear dyad.
Implicit in our notion of the extended family as a
social system is the fact that it is marked by
persistent- patterns of social relationship which
prevail from generation to generation; and that as an
on-going social unit, it commands certain resources
(facilities and a territorial base) and certain
integrative mechanisms and sanctions such as norms,
power, status and prestige which facilitate the
attainment of its objectives.

327
After God is Dibia
Theoretically, the extended family concept may

concept at least four different notions. First, it may be
used as an ideal type construct, in the Weberian sense,
in formulating family theory. In this sense, the
extended family represents the polar limit of the
nuclear or conjugal family system. Characteristics
which are associated with the ideal type extended
family system sharpen the contrasts which exist
between it and the nuclear family. Second, the
extended family may be viewed as the ideal family
culture with a varying range of value characteristics
and ideological patterns exhibited by societies in
which this institution is a cherished value. The
extended family ideal is shared world-wide by most
cultures, and in the traditional prestige system, it is
the ideal that motivated the aspiring individual to
accumulate wealth and use it to build up "social
'power”. Third, we can view the extended family as a
cultural goal realized in a social system. The
distinction that anthropologists make between the
"real culture" and the "ideal culture" might be
conceptually useful here. The ideal of the extended
family is not attained by every aspirant. The degree to
which aspirants achieve an extended family status
which their fellow culture bearers would recognize as
"legitimate", or "proper", is a measure of the existence
of the extended family system in action. Finally, there
is-the extended family which can be viewed as a
328
After God is Dibia
structural construct – a structure with several central
variables. Theoretically, the extension of kin
boundaries is potentially limitless. The structural
aspect of the extended family is the most flexible
quality of the system. What sets the boundary is not
geography but social frame of reference. Depending
on this social frame of reference, African societies like
the Nuer and the Tiv – to cite classic ethonographic
examples – have no problem claiming to be members
of the same extended family. However, the amount of
resources available to the extended family, the
technological level of the total social system of which
it is a part, are two important factors which shape the
organizational form of the extended family, its
corporate quality, the degree of interaction among the
membership and its general viability during the
industrialising and post industrial periods of
development.
The central feature of the extended family is its

structural extension. From this, a number of
attributes which characterize the ideal system, and
which are the synthesis of our four-fold view of the
extended family may be deduced (Goode, 1963:237-
255):
1. The extended family includes a wide range of affinal

and blood relatives. Some of the relatives are
immediate and interact in the day to day affairs of the
329
After God is Dibia
extended family; others are remote and are articulated
by family crises. Some are attracted by the improved
fortunes of the system, and in contemporary Africa
their presence may give rise to the social phenomenon
called parasitism; others may be motivated by the
opportunity to acquire technical skills or get a job.
2. In the African situation, while the husband/wife

relation is gaining in importance, it is seldom the hub
of the system. The father/son or mother’s
brother/sister's son relationships are the traditional
emphases in Igbo sub-cultures with consequences for
the radical adjustment of the nuclear families in the
system which face conflicting loyalties.
3. By definition, members of the extended family have

many rights with respect to one another, and at any
given time these reciprocal rights may be active or
dormant.
4. Following from the reciprocal rights are the moral

sanctions and control over one another.
5. Ideally, the interests of the extended family affect

the behavior of the nuclear components in the system.
For instance, fertility and residence are influenced by
kin consideration. In an industrial system this raises
questions about labour mobility and appropriate
family size.
330
After God is Dibia
6. In the Umunna belt of Igbo sub-culture, the value

attached to lineal continuity creates the need for
androcentric culture and tends to perpetuate widow
inheritance and plural marriages.
In a summary of the relevant literature on the

extended family, Gelia Castillo et al (1968:1-40)
isolates the following ten elements which in their view
characterize the extended family:
1. In an extended family, relatives other than husband,

wife and unmarried children share residence or live
adjacent to the nuclear family.
2. There is a pooling or sharing or joint ownership of

resources which is usually formalized or legally
recognized and these resources normally include
symbolic estates, that is, the inheritance of rights in
relatives.
3. Recognition of kin relations either of a lineal or. of a

collateral character but usually of both.
4. Recognition of common responsibilities.
5. Allegiance to a common ancestor and pts worship.

331
After God is Dibia
6. Reciprocal assistance pattern.
7. Joint economic activities either on production or

consumption or both.
8. Maintenance of expressive relations among

extended family members through visits and support
at crisis periods.
9. The use of the extended family as a reference group

in decision-making.
10. Authoritarian control over relationships and

decision- making by the elder who has command over
the corporate resources and his house, the centre for
all formal activities, both ritual and social. This list is
far from exhaustive and I have added to it in a
subsequent publication (Shimkin and Uchendu,
1978:393-94).
The Extended Family Universe: Kinship systems

manifest themselves in many areas of social life. They
are involved in domestic activities such as cooking
and eating; in sexual activities like sleeping and
copulating; in the transmission of knowledge, values,
status and property from one generation to another;
in the terms of address we use; and in how we
perpetuate the memory of the dead and of our heroes.
332
After God is Dibia
Claude Levi-Strauss (1963:46-75) stresses that all
kinship systems are built up out of a single "universe",
a single type of what he calls "elementary structure".
He identifies this structure as consisting of a woman,
her brother, her husband and their son. His thesis
that "exchange is the universal form of marriage" can
be shared by all Igbo elders. Because of the universally
recognized prohibition of incest, a woman cannot find
a husband within her family of orientation. She and
her brother have to seek spouses outside this family
group. This fact places the destinies of women in
marriage in the control of men. The consequences are
many, and one of them is the creation of a diverse
extended family universe, each a corporate group with
important role in allocating and guarding the family
symbolic estate, that is, the wealth in their women,
who may be daughters or sisters.
In his study of "The kinship terminology of Ezinihitte

Mbaise, Edwin Ardener (1954:85-99) provides a chart
from which we recreate Igbo extended family
universe. (Figure I)

333
After God is Dibia
Ideally, Igbo extended family universe consists of

three ascendant and three descendant generations
from EGO. Very few Igbo live long enough to be
personally acquainted with members of all these three
categories, but as corporate groups, they exist and can
be activated when such important events as title-
taking, the burial of elders or other major life crises
occur. In a patrilineal system, the durability of the ties
with EGO's father's lineage is easy, EGO being a
member; that of mother's and mother's patrikin is less
difficult than that of father's and father's patrikin

334
After God is Dibia
because the functional linkages with the former have
greater emotional content than the latter. The
durability of kin ties is reversed for EGO in a double
descent system.
Each generation of the extended family can be

grouped into a number of clusters or categories.
Cluster I: This consists of EGO, the parents, siblings

and children.
Cluster II: It consists of EGO’s father's wife or wives,

their children and children's children.
Cluster III: This is located in the ascendant generation

and consists of EGO's mother's siblings, their children
who belong to EGO’s generation and EGO's mother‘s
and father’s father.
Cluster IV: This consists of a category of relations with

whom EGO might not have much contact with. But a
successful Igbo is "found" by his remote relatives. This
category of relations consists of EGO’s father's wives
mothers and fathers as well as EGO's mother’s,
mother's father and mother.
Cluster V: This consists of the in-law group of

relations for whom Ogo is a reciprocal term of
address, no matter the generation. EGO's daughters
335
After God is Dibia
create this relationship, which is further strengthened
by EGO's grand children who in the status of Okene or
Okene ukwu, depending on the generation, are treated
with privileged consideration and indulgence.
In summary, we may picture the Igbo extended family

as an onion with many layers. Igbo individuals peel as
many layers of the bulb as their social status since
kinship is a reciprocal relationship, individual tends
to reactivate dormant relations.
Social Structure: Concrete Reality or Body of Rules?

We have presented ezi n'ulo as a concrete reality from
which structural rules can be inferred. In social
anthropology, the meaning of social structure is still
debated. In the development of social structure as a
technical concept, the effort is in many ways linked
with Radcliffe-Brown (1959:190-91), who used social
structure to "denote the network of actually existing
relations". As to the content of social structure, he
emphasized two elements, dyadic relations and social
differentiation as critical. The dyadic relations would
refer to what Levi-Strauss described as "elementary
structures", such as father-child or mother's brother
and sister's son relationship. Social differentiation or
stratification refers to the social roles attributed to
individuals and classes or social categories.
Radcliffe-Brown did not resolve all our conceptual

336
After God is Dibia
problems, still various writers on social structure start
off by paying him an intellectual obeisance. Nadel's
treatise on the subject is a case in point. It is based on
the assertion that "...in anthropology, the very concept
of social structure is still in a sense on trial". He found
the prevailing definitions of social structure by
Radcliffe-Brown, Fortes, Eggan, Evans-Pritchard,
Leach, Levi-Strauss, and others rather unsatisfactory
(Nadel, 1956:2, 5). He defines social structure as
"...the pattern or network of relationships obtaining
between actors in their capacity of playing roles
relative to one another" (Nadel, 1956:12). He takes
issue with both Levi-Strauss and Leach for viewing
social structure as a "model" that has no empirical
reality. His statement on this could not be more
forthright:
I am not prepared to dismiss empirical reality so

completely from the positional picture we call social
structure. I consider social structure to be still the
social reality itself or an aspect of it, not the logic
behind it (Nadel, 1956:150).
Levi-Strauss's contribution to our expanding concept

of social structure is widely acclaimed. I call attention
to the distinction he made between social structure
and social relations, two terms that were often fused
and confused. He sees social relations as consisting of
“…the raw materials out of which the models making
337
After God is Dibia
up the social structure are built, while social structure
can, by no means, be reduced to the ensemble of the
social relations to be described in a given society”
(Levi Strauss, 1967:271). His view that "every culture
has its own theoreticians whose models of social
structure deserve the same attention as that which the
anthropologist gives to his colleague" will command
the respect of Igbo elders (Levi Strauss, 1967:274). In
Levi-Strauss's view, structure is a systemic property
and social structure refers solely to those aspects of
the social system chat have demonstrably systemic
properties. He posits the following as the four
elements of a structural model:
(a) a structure is made up of several elements, none of

which can undergo a change without affecting changes
in all the elements.
(b) it should be possible to subject a model to a series

of transformations (both synchronic and diachronic)
without changing its fundamental character.
(c) the properties (of a system and transformation)

338
After God is Dibia
make it possible to predict how the model will react if
one or more of its elements are submitted to certain
modifications.
(d) the model should be so constituted that it makes

all the observed facts immediately intelligible (Levi
Strauss, 1967:271).
Raymond Firth had also been helpful. He argued that

the use of social organization as synonym for social
structure, a practice too common in ethnography of
his day, is most unacceptable. He points out:
The more one thinks of the structure of a society in

abstract terms, as of group relations or of ideal
patterns, the more necessary it is to think separately
of social organization in terms of concrete
activity...social organization implies some degree of
unification, a putting together of diverse elements into
common relation…people getting things done by
planned action (Firth, 1963:35-36).

339
After God is Dibia
Each of the subsystems of Igbo society, such as

kinship the polity, the economy, religion, warfare, law
and medicine has its appropriate organization. A
social organization means more than a collective
action drawing from organization theory, Firth
identifies four important elements or principles
involved in social organization: the coordination of
individual efforts, a matter that calls for leadership,
foresight, which calls attention to planning and
prudent management of available resources;
responsibility which has two elements, assumption of
responsibility by the ultimate decision-maker and an
assignment of responsibility among those individuals
who help to realize the organizational goals; and a
reward system that may take various forms (Firth,
1963:75-78).
If conceptual clarification and rigour in the terms

needed for the analysis of social structure are among
our intellectual debts to Radcliffe-Brown, Levi-Strauss
and Firth, we must turn to M.G. Smith for a theory of
social structure which seems to do justice to the
complex social system in Igboland.

340
After God is Dibia
Defining Characteristics of Igbo Social Organization:
Iqbo society is complex and as far as current
scholarship stows, this social complexity is not a
recent development Students who approached Igbo
society from the perspective of its decentralized
political structure had tended to misrepresent Igbo
social system and had actually denied its complexity.
In a provocative essay, "The Comparative Study of
Complex Societies", M.G. Smith (1975) suggests a list
of twelve characteristics which, in his opinion, are
common to complex societies. The Igbo society ranks
high when scored on this measure, and depending on
the frame of reference, some Igbo communities rank
higher on this measure than others. Of the list of
complexity suggested by Smith, only the criterion of
"some traditions of literacy" was lacking, if we exclude
Nsibidi and the Okonko signs (akara ala) as symbols
of literacy. In Smith's (1975:249) view, a complex
society tends to have or incorporate:
1. Sufficient levels of structural differentiation. All the

Igbo communities "ensure differences in the
distribution of differentiated roles" among their adult
men and women on the one hand and between them
and children, on the other hand.

341
After God is Dibia
2. Some nucleated settlements with relatively large

and heterogeneous populations. Studies of riverine
city states of Abo, Oguta, Osomari and Onitsha by
Nzimiro (1972), Henderson (1972) on Onitsha,
Ottenberg (1971) on Afikpo and Onwuejeogwu (1981)
on the Nri suggest a nucleated form of settlement
pattern. R.I. Udo (1965) has suggested that the
dispersed settlement pattern characteristic of a large
proportion of Igbo communities today represents a
"disintegration" of a formerly nucleated settlement
pattern.
3. The institutionalization of production for exchange.

Igbo traditional economies, based on cultivation and
fishing, incorporated specialist craftsmen and women
who formed trade guilds in some communities. The
principle of reciprocity dominated the domestic and
kinship spheres of the economy; that of redistribution
characterized extra domestic relations and
particularly relationship with the political structures;
and the exchange principle was characteristic of the
extra-territorial market places, fairs, and other market
institutions. The overall objectives of the Igbo
"prestige economy" is to convert tangible, productive
assets into intangible, status, and prestige symbols
(Uchendu, 1965:92-3),
342
After God is Dibia
4. Forms and degrees of social stratification that

differentiate the life-chance of individuals and social
categories within the society. It is our argument that
the Igbo "conscious" model for their social
stratification has led some scholars into the mistaken
belief that Igbo social structure is homogeneous. The
status distinctions that the Igbo make between Diala
or Amadi and Ohu (oru) and within the Diala
category, the differentiation between Nze (Eze), and
Oke Okporo, are not empty terminological
distinctions but rather stratification terms that
differentiate significant life chances of individuals and
social groups
5. Differential distribution of opportunities for spatial

and social mobility. The Igbo are best described in the
words of LeVine (1966:3) as "pragmatic frontiersmen
with a persistent history of migration, settlement and
resettlement of new lands". Prof. Adiele Afigbo (198i)
gives us tantalizing glimpses of this phenomenon in
his Ropes of Sand. This distribution of Igbo in all
parts of Nigeria reaffirms this tradition in a modern
setting. The Igbo encourage migration and travels.
The proverb, Onye ije ka onye ishi awo ama ihe (the
343
After God is Dibia
traveller is more knowledgeable of the world than the
stay-at-home elder) makes the point. They also
remind the migrant of his risks, Onye ije na eri abirika
ocha (the traveller may claim no more for a meal than
a ripened banana). Migration is a selective process,
and not all Igbo communities have a reputation for
this mode of adjustment. Today, education and
economic opportunities are central vehicles of social
and geographical mobility. In the traditional past,
such factors as one's position in the status structure
and the amount of land a people have at their disposal
were the significant factors in the decision to migrate.
6. Relatively clear separation of the private and public

domains of social life. The corporate character of Igbo
social system makes a clear distinction between the
familial or private domain and the collective or public
domain. Leaders are made accountable for public
property which they hold as a sacred trust. Igbo
lineage members make a distinction between interests
that are personal, sub-lineal or familial and interests
of the whole lineage. These distinctions are further
symbolized by the types of ofo held. The family ofo
and the lineage ofo, to which, in some communities,
specific farm Hands are attached, institutionalize the
difference between private and public affairs. The
current trend in our political life where some leaders
344
After God is Dibia
convert public property into personal property is not
an Igbo heritage.
7. The allocation of an increasing number of public

roles on criteria other than sex and age. Igbo society
stresses achievement -- both individual and group
achievement -- and in constructing their social
institutions, they try to maintain a delicate balance
between the need to retain the wisdom of the elders
and the demand for technical and professional
knowledge of energetic and enterprising young men
so as to achieve efficiency and economy in public
administration. The greatest failure of Igbo
stratification system is the few opportunities it offers
to women before they attain menopause.
8. A significant number of impersonal and

instrumental forms of social relations Igbo society
possesses and applies, in varying degrees, among its
public, complex and universalistic bases of social
order. Some of these are personal and others
impersonal, and still the most successful were
institutional. Simon Ottenberg (1958:295-317) shows
in a comparative analysis of Igbo oracles how the Ibini
Okpabe of Aro Chukwu, Agbala of Awka, Igwe-ka Ala
345
After God is Dibia
of Umuneoha, Amadioha Ozuzu of Ikwerre, each in its
sphere of suzerainty, combined to provide pan Igbo
contacts and political protection.
9. Significant areas of social relations and activities

formally open to individual choice and initiative.
Practically, most areas of Igbo social life were open to
those who enjoyed the Diala or Amadi status. But the
most important single failure in Igbo social structure
was the osu system, a form of ritual slavery that is
sometimes wrongly described as a caste system.
Traditionally, the osu belonged to a special, low status
group and played only a restricted ritual role for the
dominant group. Social discrimination against the osu
was almost total and contradicted the princip1es of
equality on which Igbo culture was constructed.
10. Diversity in the forms and units of social grouping.

Great civilizations accommodate contradictions. Igbo
society is well known for the diversity of its social
arrangements and groupings. It compensated for its
organizational diversity by utilizing a limited budget
of structural principles for their articulation and
integration.

346
After God is Dibia
11. An increasing number of alternative forms of

secondary groups in which communications are
mediated through some intervening link or set of
links. Igba Ndu (literally means joining lives together)
is an institution that creates "blood brotherhood"
among the Igbo and is designed to "build trust"
among enemy lines, and establish secondary group
communications and social links in Igbo society.
Igbo Society as a Corporation: The corporate descent

group is one concrete structural arrangement that is
characteristic of all Igbo Communities, irrespective of
their other organizational forms and levels of
complexity. Of the four varieties of descent system
known to anthropology, two have been reported in
Igbo society: the patrilineal and the double descent
systems. It is the corporate character rather than the
linearity of these descent groups that must be
emphasized in a comparative sociology of Igbo
descent system. The corporate descent structures,
irrespective of their directional emphasis, contain
micro-structures. They also aggregate themselves into
larger structural forms that may be identified as
intermediate structures and macro-structures. By
micro-structures we mean primary group relations
347
After God is Dibia
such as families, peer groups, work-groups and
various interpersonal dyads. The intermediate
structures include neighborhoods and social
categories like age sets, title associations, etc. Macro-
structures represent the widest units of collective
action and they constitute the polity. By invoking an
accepted charter, macro-structures can and do lay
claims to the widest use of resources and regulatory
powers. They also give assurance of continuity as
micro-structures and intermediate structures are
more subject to fission and fusion than macro
structures.
Following Henry Maine (1905) we call these

structures corporations. Corporations are boundary
maintaining units, "perjuring units", which regulate
interactions and activities in Igbo communities. They
provide the Igbo with a framework for formal
organizations. Maine thought of corporations in terms
of the ownership and transmission of property. He
distinguished two classes of corporations -- the
Corporations Appregate which requires several
members and the Corporations Sole, which can only
have one member at a time. The Igbo lineage would
be a good example of a Corporation Aggregate.

348
After God is Dibia
Corporations are names groups. They are capable of

taking group action, which implies an acceptance of
group responsibility. They presume or assume
indefinite life, have precise rules of recruiting
membership, and maintain social boundaries.
Corporations of either type -- Corporations Aggregate
and Corporations Sole -- integrate and articulate a
complex of differentiated roles. Because of their
organizational autonomy, corporations are relatively
free in prescribing distinctive forms of social and
economic relations that govern in-group and out-
group behavior among their members. "Most
emphasize some set of functions or interests as
primary, though few pursue these exclusively. All
exploit some collective resources or privileges and rely
on collective criteria for the recruitment of members,
while most possess directorates to administer their
affairs by procedures regarded as effective and
appropriate" (Smith, 1975:248).
Smith (1975) has advanced our thinking on

corporations in three ways. His notion of society as
corporations furthers our understanding of social
structure in a way that few other theoretical models
have done. He has elaborated on the conceptual
distinctions made by Maine, showing the utility of
349
After God is Dibia
these distinctions in sociological analysis. His
exposition on the various modes of incorporation
utilized by corporations is seminal. Smith accepts
Maine’s distinctions between Corporations Aggregate
and Corporations Sole but, however, subdivides
Corporations Aggregate into two major types:
Corporate Categories and Corporate Groups.
Corporate Categories have open membership, lack
exclusive affairs, and allow mobility in membership. A
college of chiefs or priests in an Igbo community may
be cited as examples; so also are statuses of dibia
(diviner, priest), ohu, osu (slave, ritual slave), uke,
ogbo (age sets) examples of corporate categories. On
the other hand, Corporate Groups have an
organizational capacity and most of the characteristics
of corporations. They have common but exclusive
affairs, the capacity for collective action, and sufficient
autonomy to regulate their affairs. A namea lineage
like Umueke is a corporate group. Within the
corporate group are embedded social units or status
structures like the college of Amala or commissions
such as Ndi-Iwu, or the okonko.
The mode of achieving membership in the

corporations may be universalistic, consociational, or
differential. Lineage membership is categorical. As the
individual lineage member expands his interactions
350
After God is Dibia
from the micro-structural unit to the mico-structural
level, he correspondingly assumes multiple
membership in units of varying scope, type and levels.
As he acquires wealth and begins to convert it into
respected status symbols that confer prestige, his
membership in corporate categories, colleges, and
commission is accepted. In this sense, most Igbo
villagers enjoy consociational mode of incorporation;
and members of a village group, city-state, or
kingdom enjoy universalistic mode of incorporation.
On the other hand, the osu and ohu by reason of their
categorical statuses, are differentially incorporated.
They are in Igbo society but not of it. Nzimiro found
differential incorporation a major principle of political
organization in the state of Osomari. He writes, "The
three…dominant migrant (ruling groups in Osomari)
each...has incorporated two other groups, namely an
autochthonous and a servile group...the three servile
ebo are responsible for the internal government of
their respective ebo but have no political
representation outside it at the divisional or state
levels (Nzimiro, 1972 113-14, 78). The segmentary
model which Nzimiro employed in his analysis leads
him to interpret this differential incorporation as a
fact of segmentarism. Our theory of corporations
suggests it is a structural fact of domination. When
domination in a traditional macro-structure occurs in
the context of a new corporation, the traditional
structure tends to accommodate new servile members
351
After God is Dibia
through differential incorporation.
The Institutional Patterns in Igbo Society: We started

with a view of social structure as a model for
understanding social relationships. Since we cannot
directly observe social structure, the pattern of Igbo
society must be sought in its social interaction, in its
concrete spatial dimension. The locus is ezi na ulo.
Studies of Igbo social structure remain rather uneven,

although statements on aspects of Igbo social
structure abound (DeLancey, 1967, 1972). Igbo
political culture and structure has received most
attention. The pioneer efforts by Meek (1937), has
been followed by Nzimiro (1972), Henderson (1972),
Afigbo (1972) and Ottenberg (1971). Important
monographs on aspects of Igbo social organization
include the ethnography of Umueke by Green (1964),
Afikpo by Ottenberg (1968), of Igbo-Igala Borderland
by Shelton (1971), and Ohafia by Nsugbe (1974).
General ethnological studies of the Igbo remain few
indeed: Forde and Jones (1950), Uchendu (1965). In
general, our knowledge of Igbo communities that
emphasize patrilineal descent is good. We still badly
need a solid ethnographic statement on the Western
352
After God is Dibia
Igbo communities. Generalizations about the Cross
River basin Igbo communities are still limited, the
ethnographic contributions by Ottenberg and Nsugbe
notwithstanding.
With available ethnographic data, we are able to

delineate Igbo pattern of social organization as well as
the structural principles that govern them. Forde and
Jones (1950) pioneered this effort. They divided Igbo
society into the following five "cultural" provinces or
divisions: Northern or Onitsha Igbo, Southern or
Owerri Igbo, Western Igbo, Eastern or Cross River
Igbo, and North Eastern Igbo. Their approach was to
isolate diagnostic cultural traits for the major sub-
divisions in each "cultural" province. The weakness of
this method, as is the culture area hypothesis that
inspired the approach, is that we are never certain
what traits or combination of traits determine the
boundaries of the cultural province. For instance, in
the Northern Igbo cultural province, which includes
the subdivisions of Nri-Awka, Elugu and Onitsha
Town, there are two major traditions of origin: the
Igala origin, claimed by Elugu and Nri and the Benin
origin, claimed by Onitsha. It is not clear why other
Niger city-states, which have similar political and
cultural traits as Onitsha were excluded. The priestly
cult was the specialty in Nri; and Awka people were
353
After God is Dibia
known for their blacksmith guild. It is the absence of
the practice of clitoridectomy in Onitsha, and the
replacement of the Ozo title by the Ama title in Elugu
that tended to set them culturally apart.
If the Northern Igbo cultural groups are known for

their kings and an elaborate hierarchy of ozo system,
it is the importance of the okonko institution that
distinguishes the Southern Igbo from them. Each of
the four cultural divisions in Southern Igbo has its
distinct cultural trait: the Oratta are known for their
Mbari houses; the Ngwa for their double-climbing
ropes. Here again, the negative traits raise questions
about the cultural unity of the divisions. Isu-ikwu-ato
is unusual in not having the ofo system, a universal
symbol of ritual and political authority in the area.
Although the osu system is highly institutionalized in
the culture area, its reported absence in many Ohuhu-
Ngwa-Umuahia areas shows the linkage between the
institution of the powerful oracles in southern
Igboland and the institution of the osu system.
In political structure the Western Igbo have a mixed

tradition of Obiship and Okpara uku or Di-Okpa, the
former distinctive of the Northern Ika group and the
354
After God is Dibia
latter of the Southern Ika. The Oru, who are identified
by Forde and Jones (1950) as a Riverain Ibo, are a
mixed group. They have an elaborate title system and
live in compact settlements, as do other Niger city-
states, and unlike some of them, have a hereditary
obaship. In the Eastern Igbo (Cross River basin), are
grouped the Ada, Abam-Ohaffia and the Aro. Forde
and Jones (1950:52-53) inform us that:
Among the Ada and Abam land rights pass

matrilineally…these groups are generally
distinguished by the importance attached to head-
hunting…by 'secret societies' of the Cross River type (e
g. Okonko)…Ritual staves of lineage headship (ofo),
Ikenga and other typical Ibo religious deities and
symbols are absent. Cult slaves osu are absent…
It is not clear why the Aro, who are strongly

patrilineal, are grouped together with the
matrilineally dominant Ada and Abam-Ohaffia
groups.
The North-Eastern Igbo (Ogu uku) are a most

355
After God is Dibia
heterogeneous group. Forde and Jones (1950:57)
isolated eight village groups and five "tribal" units in
this culture area. A region known for its large yam-
heaps and unusually large circular blade hoes (hence
the name Ogu uku), the North-Eastern Igbo region
has been characterized as "...singularly free from the
fear of witchcraft. The 'horse title'…is found as a sole
title among them other than the Isis" (Forde and
Jones, 1950:59). The osu system is not recognized in
this area (Jones, 1949:156).
This brief survey shows that the distribution of

cultural traits in Igbo society does not tell us very
much about the pattern of social structure. For a full
understanding of our problem, we must not ignore the
way the individual Igbo thinks of his society and its
structural arrangements.
Models of Igbo Social Structure: In the analysis of

social structure, contemporary anthropology is
integrating the "analytical model" or "outsider's" point
of view with the "folk model" or the "insider's" point
of view -- the view of the culture-bearer. Borrowing
from linguistic theory, the two points of view have
been termed the etic and the emic orientations. Etic,
356
After God is Dibia
from phonetic, signifies a scientific statement or
principle that can be verified by any trained observer.
An emic point of view, on the other hand, is one from
within a particular culture -- the view of an insider
developed from the conceptual categories of his
culture. Both the etic and the emic orientations must
be regarded as complementary rather than in
opposition. What are the Igbo emic orientations of
their social structure?
The Emic Model of Igbo Social Structure: The

traditional Igbo social structure is a status structure
rather than a class structure. Ours is still a "culture
that permits a child who washes his hands clean to
dine with his elders". Viewed from the emic
perspective, Igbo social structure is rooted in a
common equalitarian ideology. This ideology is
expressed by the corporate groups through the
principle of lineage equality and by individuals
through a process we may term "social conversion", a
mechanism by which individuals and corporate
groups transform their wealth into highly valued
prestige symbols. The distribution of social advantage
and the differentiation of life styles in our society are
the functions of the individual's willingness to engage
in competitive "social conversion".

357
After God is Dibia
The Igbo world is based on an equalitarian principle.

Equality or near equality among lineages was a
structural obstacle to the development of an
authoritarian political culture within our various
polities. It gives individuals of Diala status an equal
opportunity to achieve political office. It has fostered a
highly competitive society with a political culture that
is conciliar and democratic. This pattern of political
culture is principally rooted in the pattern of kinship
and family structure; in the absence of literacy, and in
the principle of social conversion for all status
seekers. With all the variations in content, Igbo
kinship rests upon the principle of exogamous
unilineal descent groups. Except in the highly
localized "slave communities" in Nike, exogamy
produced a set of affinal ties that inhibited sub-
cultural differentiation among descent groups. A
second factor inhibiting rigid political and cultural
stratification was the absence of literacy in the society.
Fallers (1961:108-110) has argued that these two
factors had inhibited social structural differentiation
in tropical Africa. Probably central to the Igbo is what
we have characterized as "social conversion", a
principle that makes social status an unstable affair
that requires constant revalidation in order to retain
its prestige level.

358
After God is Dibia
The Social Status Model: The most important status

distinctions that the Igbo make are those between
Diala/Amadi and non-Diala. There are also
categorical distinctions between the status of free-
men and that of bondage. The structural principle of
duality embedded in the Diala-non-Diala distinctions
divides Igbo society into two clearly defined social
strata. The non-Diala is generally socially or ritually
subordinate to the Diala. Everywhere in Igboland, the
ritual precedence of the autochthonous groups is
recognized. "One of their special roles is to provide the
priest, Eze Ani, the land deity" (Nzimiro, 1972:24). As
far as I know, the privilege to offer communal prayers
and sacrifice at Ihu ala belongs to the Diala, often the
descendants of the founding lineage or the first
settlers in a multi-lineage corporation.
In spite of its clear status reference, and its pan-Igbo

application, the Diala-non-Diala dichotomy is weak
from the etic point of view. Each social category is in
fact highly differentiated. The Igbo recognize and
make further social distinctions among members of
each status category depending on their political,
economic, and religious achievements. A paradigm of
the Igbo status structure is presented in Figure II.
359
After God is Dibia

360
After God is Dibia
Igbo status structure is dichotomous at one frame of

reference and multi-layered in internal differentiation
at the other frame. The dichotomy lies in the
distinction between the Diala or Amadi and the non-
Diala categories. The multi-layered status system falls
into seven categories: kinship, political, associational,
wealth and poverty, ritual and residence statuses.
Diala is a free born, full citizen, who enjoys an

ascribed, generalized status which implies no
particular distinction or achievement for the
individual except his capacity to be called upon to
enact or initiate important societal roles, normally
ritual in nature. However, Diala status confers a pan
Igbo citizenship in the sense that a Diala in one Igbo
corporation is guaranteed the same status in other
corporations. In most communities, the status of
Diala is symbolized by the burial of his naval cord,
preferably at the foot of an economic tree, which for
most areas, is the oil palm tree. To be a Diala is to
have the doors of title societies and other associations
open to one. While the Diala status opens the door to
social climbing, one's place in the stratification system
depends on economic success and willingness to
engage in "social conversion".

361
After God is Dibia
Non-Diala status is reserved for the oppressed and

dominated groups in Igbo society. The generic term,
Ohu (oru), applied to this group, is also misleading
sociologically unless it is further differentiated. Ohu is
a slave. As the Igbo conceived the status, a slave is a
person whose links with his own corporation has been
severed forever. Slaves had some rights, and their
treatment varied in many Igbo communities "Not
infrequently, a slave became the companion of his
master and was put in a position demanding great
trustworthiness" (Basden, 1921:109). In most
communities, slaves were generally absorbed into the
lineage of their masters, and with this incorporation,
it became tasteless to mention the fact of their origin
among people who had no right to know (Uchendu,
1977).
Pawns are distinguished from slaves: In the fine status

distinctions that the Igbo make between the two,
"slaves and pawns are referred to by a generic term,
Ohu, but pawns are often terminologically
distinguished from ohu by a descriptive term – nvu
nvu aku (collateral for wealth)". Pawns enjoyed
special privileges and legal protection that slaves
never had. They could not be re-pawned by a creditor
362
After God is Dibia
master; their natural death did not terminate the debt
obligations by their family; and since the pawn-
master relationship was contractual, the pawn was
usually allowed a number of days in the week to
practise his own crafts or to hire out his labour to any
employer, including his master.
The system of ritual slavery practiced by many central

and riverain Igbo communities has been a subject of
comments in both literary and academic journals. Osu
is a cult-slave tied to the service of the dedicator's
deity. The descendants of such a cult slave were also
osu. The osu system was legally abolished by the
Eastern Nigerian Government in 1956. In a few
communities, the status of osu is ranked with that of
ume (those who wither away), a social category that is
also considered ritually polluted, and on which we
have practically no ethnographic documentation. Osu
and ume should have no place in any civilization.
The Kinship State Structure: The foundation of the

Diala/non-Diala status structure rests on the position
of an individual within the kinship system. If we
define stratification as the principles which regulate
the distribution of social advantages, then kinship as
363
After God is Dibia
the network of interrelated statuses is central to the
stratification processes Igbo kinship structure
emphasizes male precedence, seniority by birth order
irrespective of sex, sex linked roles and for most
communities, agnation.
Seniority by birth order in the lineage is the normal

basis for Opara and Ada statuses; and also succession
to those positions. By the extension of the structural
principles, the first male child in the family is Opara
and the first female child is Ada. Affinal relationship
creates an important status position for one's
children. Every patrilineally dominant Igbo enjoys an
okene (okele) status in his or her mother's lineage, a
privileged position that ensures support, which may
be emotional, political, or economic. In the double
descent systems of Cross River basin Igbo, individuals
enjoy rights rather than privileged in their ikwu nne.
Ottenberg (1971:17) estimates that about 85 per cent
of the farmlands in Afikpo are controlled by the
matrilineal groups. This means that an upward mobile
individual farmer must depend on his matrikin for a
large measure of his economic success.
Our discussion seems to have ignored women. In the

364
After God is Dibia
kinship domain, distinction is made between two
categories of women: umu okpu, lineage women who
may be married, unmarried, divorced or widowed and
ndom or ndinyom, or okporo alu alu, who belongs to
the lineage by marriage. In most communities, first
wife ranks highest no matter her age or other social
disabilities. In the public domain, the sex-linked roles.
which clearly foster sex segregation, have a leveling
effect of leaving women and men to manage their own
affairs. Although practices vary, Igbo women have the
freedom and the opportunity to engage in trade on
their own account. Wealthy Igbo women, in their role
as "social father", traditionally contracted a legal
marriage with other women and enjoyed all the rights
and privileges of husband, except the role of a genitor.
The institution of gynaegamy, a term I coined for
woman marriage (Uchendu, 1968), enables wealthy
women to convert their wealth into one of the most
prestigious rights of Igbo society, the exercise of rights
in the reproductive powers of women. Those who
confuse sex with marriage, no doubt protest this
institution. But marriage is not co-terminous with sex.
While marriage is associated with sex, and in fact,
formally gives husband and wife mutual sexual access,
which cultures may define as exclusive or not, many
societies still fall short of this ideal.

365
After God is Dibia
The conversion Principle: We have so far considered
the major ascribed statuses. The Igbo are also known
for their achieved status, a point emphasized by all
students of this society. In a very enterprising theory
of social structure and personality that combines
historical, sociological and psychological factors into
one frame in an effort to uncover the determinants of
achievement motivation in Nigeria, LeVine postulates
that Igbo status system is occupationally oriented. In
his formulation,
...among the Ibo, the acquisition of wealth led to

political power. Thus, status mobility was achieved...
through the demonstration of economic skills of an
entrepreneurial sort. The ideal successful...Ibo
appears to have been the energetic and industrious
farmer or trader who aggrandized himself personally
through productive or distributive activity (LeVine,
1966:33-37).
LeVine's occupational orientation hypothesis has

support in Igbo ethnography. I contend, however, that
to understand the dynamics of the "associational
status" system in Igbo society, we have to apply the
notion of "social conversion", that is, how wealth is
366
After God is Dibia
transformed in society. The process by which the
individual Igbo transforms his material wealth into
highly desired intangible symbols is what we call
social conversion. The Igbo lay a great emphasis on
wealth in their stratification model. They distinguish
between Ogbenye or mbi (the poor), from aka ji aku
(hand that command wealth) or uba (the wealthy).
The Igbo make clear status distinctions between
wealth (aku). They treat wealth and prestige as two
different variables. For instance, a person
impoverished by costly title-taking may have no
wealth but still commands high prestige. The
conversion process is at the heart of Igbo title system
which is the concrete structure or institution which
mediates the social conversion process. The
conversion principle is applied to every occupation
that the Igbo could think of. It is a unidirectional
process, never reversible. A successful occupation
leads to the acquisition of wealth which generates
pressure to convert it into prestigious symbols. While
the occupations and prestige institutions do vary
among Igbo communities, the principle of conversion
is invariant.
Wealth is a social product. It is not an end in itself.

Rather, it is viewed in Igbo society as a means of
achieving prestige; and prestige is the reward which
367
After God is Dibia
society bestows on those social climbers who use their
wealth in ways approved and most esteemed by their
neighbors and communities. The object of wealth is to
further achievement both personal and communal.
Traditionally, wealth was not used for things that
would not effect a positive change in status.
REGIONAL VARIATIONS IN IGBO SOCIAL

STRUCTURE
Our review of Igbo social structure demonstrates its

complexity, both in form and content (Uchendu, 1991:
27-47). Variations in Igbo social structure can be
explained situational factors; and such variations are
practically limited to the kinship domain. We have
noted that the attempt by Forde and Jones (1950) to
contour these variations by pointing out critical
cultural traits was not convincing. In a recent
statement on the subject, I suggested that kinship is
the key diagnostic cultural trait to the variations in
Igbo social structure and isolated the rules of
exogamy, endogamy and incest as critical variables.
The application of these variables revealed that a
distinction must be made between the Ikwu and the
Umunna belts of kinship systems (Uchendu, 1994).
368
After God is Dibia
Two Kinship Belts: Umunna is a common term used

in both belts but it is given a different content in each.
Both Umunna and Ikwu kinship belts share some
marriage features. Post-marital residence is patrilocal
in both belts and the kinship structure is differentially
corporate. Marriage is legitimized by bridewealth
payment which is comparatively a token in Ikwu but
high in the Umunna belt
The Umunna kinship belt coincides with the strictly

patrilineal areas of Igboland, which is the whole Igbo
territory less the eastern portion of the mid Cross
River basin. Marriage rules provide for the payment of
comparatively large bridewealth in the Umunna belt
resulting in the acquisition of full genetricial and
uxorial rights in their wires and the incorporation of
such rights in their descent lines, no matter who
fathered the children. The logic of bridewealth
payment is that "the child belongs to the man who
paid the bridewealth". Widow inheritance is practiced
because the patrilineage and not just the bridegroom,
has an enduring interest in every marriage. The rule
of exogamy excludes cross-cousin marriage but
gynaegamy and wife exchange are reported and fit
369
After God is Dibia
into the structure of the kinship system.
The Ikwu kinship belt lies in the mid Cross River

basin and spills into Yakurr (Ugep) in Cross River
State. It stretches from the Okpoha-Amasere-Edda in
the north to Abiriba-Ohaffia axis in the south The
western boundaries are approximately Akaeze-
Nkporo borderlines; but the kinship status of these
borderlines is not well documented.
The most important and therefore unique kinship

feature of this belt is the double descent system. In
this kinship a person enjoys concurrent matrilineal
and patrilineal descent, his or her affiliation is
unambiguously matrilineal but movable and
immovable personal property, some lineage lands,
palm groves and fish ponds are subject to partition
between the matrilineal and patrilineal groups. As can
be predicted from the kinship structure, widow
inheritance is either absent or unimportant, the child
bearing capacities of women are not transferred at
marriage, because they belong to their descent group
and while the socialization of the child is the formal
responsibility of the patrilineage, this may also be
shared.
370
After God is Dibia
The patrilineage and the matrilineage are both

corporate in character but while residence in the
matrilineage is highly decentralized, the patrilineage
is residentially concentrated in various villages. The
lines of cleavages are drawn by marriage and activated
by death and other crises which draw interest in sharp
focus. Property rights, including the rights in women,
are highly focused on the matrilineage and the
administration of these rights is in the hands of the
male descendants even though that women provide
the seeds of lineage continuity through children
fathered and socialized by husbands who come from
different descent groups.
The kinship and marriage traditions of the Ikwu belt

were identified by Darly Forde in 1930s for the Yakurr
of the Cross River State and by the Ottenbergs for the
Afikpo in the late 1950s and by Nsugbe on the Ohaffia
in the 1960s. Nsugbe (1974) caused an academic furor
for classifying the Ohaffia system of kinship as
matrilineal. Paradoxically, it was those who had not
apparently read the Ohaffia: A Matrilineal Ibo People
who led the outburst. What are the general features of
the double descent system and where did Nsugbe get
371
After God is Dibia
it wrong?
Features of the Double Descent System: Parenthood is

a duality. If recognition of descent were symmetrically
accorded through both parents at each generation,
kinship ties would so "proliferate indefinitely in ever
widening aggregates" that we would need a computer
to work it out. Human cultures have tended to
simplify this problem by adopting a limited number of
principles in the classification of their descent. These
principles yield four varieties of descent systems:
bilateral, patrilineal, matrilineal and double descent.
The patrilineal descent system is far too common and
so dominant that is characteristics are not easily
confused with those of other descent systems. This is
not so with the double descent system which
combines both the features of the matrilineal and
patrilineal descent systems and vary its corporate
character so widely that its identification and
classification have posed some theoretical problems
(Goody, 1961).
The patrilineal and matrilineal kinship systems have

highly focused marriage types and characteristics.
David Schneider and Kathleen Gough (1962), in their
372
After God is Dibia
synopic survey, Matrilineal Kinship, suggest a set of
"minimum conditions or constants" which distinguish
matriliny from other kinship types. The constants are:
(a) affiliation is with the matrilineal descent unit.
(b) descent group exogamy is imperative.
(c) each child is the responsibility of a specified

woman; and women in the descent unit have the duty
to promote and protect the reproductive capacities of
all women in the unit no matter their residence.
(d) men are in authority over women and children, no

matter the descent system.
The Schneider-Gough analysis simply re-states and

affirms the facts characteristic of marriages in
matrilineal systems, that is, the husband is to exercise
the rights in genetricem but the rights in personam
are limited because they are partitioned rights. The
rights in a woman's reproductive capacities are owned
by her lineage, policed by her sisters but the fruits of
her womb descend not to the pater (physiological or
social father), but to the woman's lineage. The
373
After God is Dibia
husband has a right of sexual access but the exercise
of this right may not be exclusive. The only exclusive
right to the husband on both sides of the middle Cross
River basin, is that the post-marital residence is
patrilocal.
Descent poses a different theoretical problem where

the father's role is more important than the strength
of the lineage in matters relating to women married to
their members. This is one of the unique features of
the double descent system which defines a kinship
situation in which a person belongs to a pair of
unilineal groups, one based on the patrilineal, the
other on the matrilineal, mode of reckoning. This type
of kinship embodies two corporate descent groups,
patrilineal and matrilineal, accompanied by "double
inheritance" in which a person inherits property both
from patrilineal and matrilineal descent groups
simultaneously. Double descent groups in Igboland
are property-holding corporations and they are
concentrated in the region we defined as the Ikwu
marriage belt. Forde and Jones (1950:52) list Ada,
Abam and Ohaffia; Ottenberg (1959) studied
(1961:12), Jones expands the list to include Akeze,
Amaseri, Okpoha, Afikpo, Ada, Unwana, Abiriba,
Abam and Ohaffia. Nsugbe's (1974) study of Ohaffia is
a masterly ethnographic documentation but his
374
After God is Dibia
analysis is theoretically flawed for failing to recognize
the double corporations in Ohaffia kinship which
clearly make it a double descent, not a matrilineal
system.
Igbo Marriage Types: One important function of

descent in corporate lineage systems is to act as the
guardian of the family estate. This is precisely what it
does in Igbo culture in which married life is the
normal condition for both men and women, and
polygyny, the ideal.
Igbo marriage types are strongly linked to their

kinship structures. The marriage types that are
structurally compatible with the patrilineal system
and therefore unique to the Umunna marriage belt
include the Mmaji-Njoku marriage, woman marriage,
widow inheritance and wife exchange marriages.
These marriages reflect the high degree of
incorporation achieved by wives into the lineage of
their husbands resulting from the acquisition at
marriage of the reproductive capacities of wives by
husbands. On the other hand, certain marriage types
are unique to the Ikwu marriage belt, and they are
marriage that are clearly taboo in the patrilineal
375
After God is Dibia
system. Nsugbe (1974:81) lists four such preferred
marriage-forms in the Ikwu marriage belt to include
two varieties each of nwa nna di and nwa nne di
marriages.
(a) Nwa nna di marriage forms:
(i) FSD marriage: Ego marries the daughter of his

male half-sibling, that is, Ego’s wife is a close patrikin,
the grand-daughter of Ego's own father.
(ii) FBD marriage: Ego marries the daughter of his

father's male half-sibling, the same woman whom
Ego's father could marry.
(b) Nwa nne di marriage forms:
(i) FZD marriage: Ego marries the daughter of his

father's female half-sibling, in a situation where Ego's
father and Ecro's father's half-sister are of the same
mother but of different fathers.
376
After God is Dibia
(ii) MBD marriage: Ego marries his mother's brother's

daughter because both husband and wife do not
belong to the same matrilineage.
In the Umunna marriage belt, FSD, FBD, FZD and

MBD marriages, would be an abomination because
they break the rule of patrilineage exogamy. However,
in the Ikwu marriage belt, the rules are reversed, the
emphasis being on matrilineage exogamy. "Whereas
Ego cannot marry mother's sister's daughter because
both belong to the same matrilineage, he can marry
mother's brother's daughter because both husband
and wife do not belong to the same matrilineage"
(Nsugbe, 1974:81).
"Woman marriage", for which I coined the term

"gynaegamy", is widely reported in Africa. It is strictly
a patrilineal institution, inherent in the logic of the
transfer of a woman's reproductive powers to her
husband’s lineage. Thomas (1914:83-85), Talbot
(1932:93, 195-6), Meek (1937:275) and Uchendu
(1965:50) have called attention to "woman marriage"
in the Umunna kinship belt of Igboland.

377
After God is Dibia
Gynaegamy gives us an important insight into gender

issues in marriage. It is an institution that is grossly
misunderstood by our elite in the name of our
imported religions. Once the rights in marriage can be
analytically distinguished, the confusion as to which
gender should do the "marrying", be the husband, for
instance, and whether marriage is coterminous with
sex or not, becomes irrelevant. In a gynaegamous
marriage the seed raiser or genitor is different from
the genetrix and the social father. The Judaeo-
Christian tradition of marriage treats all the rights in a
woman as a "bundle of rights” and transfers them to
the husband as an inseparable bundle. Other
civilizations don't. Before science advanced to the
stage that yielded test-tube babies and gave us
surrogate mothers, Igbo civilization had made it
possible for wealthy and respectable Igbo women to
play a husband role, not as a legal fiction but as social
and legal reality.
Widow inheritance is another marriage type that

grows out of the logic of the retention by the
husband's lineage of the reproductive capacity of the
wife. It is a marriage type that is structurally
inconsistent with the double descent or matrilineal
378
After God is Dibia
system. In either kinship system, a woman's
reproductive capacities are not transferred at
marriage but retained by her descent unit.
Wife exchange has been reported for the Umunna

marriage belt by Meek (1937:265) and Uchendu
(1965:51). It is based on the principle of strong
patriliny and for the reasons that explain other
marriage types unique to the Umunna marriage belt.
AHIAJOKU IN IGBO SOCIAL STRUCTURE
Whenever we touch upon sensitive institutions – and

some think that Ahiajoku is one such primitive deity
that should be consigned to the museum of history –
we tend to strike a cord with many echoes. In fact,
more often than not, what we strike is not a chord but
a discord, not a harmony but a disharmony because
the Ahiajoku deity appears to be a bundle of
contradictions in its roles. It gives prosperity and
protection to yams, our most important prestige crop;
eze ji, an important title guild, functions in its name
as it sets the annual farm calendar; and Ahiajoku
379
After God is Dibia
created and set the rules for the Mmaji and Njoku
marriage, the only prescriptive marriage in Igbo
culture.
Ahiajoku is impossible to conceive outside the context

of the yam crop. The yam belt of the world stretches
through the equatorial tropics with the edible yam
clustered around four distinct centres of origin: the
Indo-Chinese peninsula; Southern China; the fringe of
the West African forest; and the Caribbean area. Each
centre of origin is associated with varying species of
the genus Discorea (Coursey, 1967:11). While the
peoples of these yam belts practically produce all the
world yam crops and engage in elaborate ceremonies
connected with yam cultivation and harvest, no other
society but the Igbo succeeded in building a unique
"civilization" based on the cultivation of the yam crop.
The Yam Title: The Ezeji (yam title) tradition is widely

shared in Igboland. It is highly elaborated within what
might be described as the "nuclear" Igboland from
which the title system diffused to other parts of our
culture area; and in this century, it was adopted
across the Western Cross River basin with the Yakurr
area of the Cross River State as one of its major
380
After God is Dibia
centres of diffusion outside Igboland.
To be initiated into the yam title, the aspirant requires

a long period of indoctrination, re socialization and
motivation by the lineage elders. The aspirant would
not only work hard on the farm, but needed the labour
of a large network of relatives, with his extended
family showing leadership, dedication and devotion.
In the tradition of the Old Bende Division, which
includes Ngwaland, Ubakala, Umuopara, Ibeku,
Ikwuano and other communities in Bende area, an
aspirant must exhibit in his barn at least one hundred
stakes of the "approved" yam type (ji efu) (this
excludes all yams harvested more than once in their
growing cycle). The first group of people to "inspect"
the yams would be the elders of his extended family
who had taken the "first step" in the initiation process
to the yam title. If they are satisfied with the quantity
and quality of the yams and are encouraged by the
number of collateral yams which are not in the
prescribed list, the elders would summon their
"worthy" son to take the "first step".
The "first step" in the initiation into eze ji guild was a

purely religious affair. It involved the dedication of a
381
After God is Dibia
goat (eghu Ahiajoku) to the yam deity who would be
prayed to make the aspirant's efforts on the farm
more prosperous. For a large number of Igbo
aspirants, the dedication of eghu Njoku might be their
first and last step to the coveted eze-jiship. They end
up in a status of liminality. For the more successful
aspirants, their yam crops and eghu Ahiajoku would
show tremendous increases as they cultivated and re-
activated their potentially large and diverse groups of
the extended family networks who would add
pageantry to a future ime ihe ji (yam title taking)
ceremonies.
Ime ihe ji could take off with a single title of Ihu iri or
a double title of Nnu. An aspirant who exhibited two
hundred stakes of "approved” yams would be awarded
Ihu iri title; and he could qualify for a double Ihu iri
title by exhibiting two hundred stakes of ji efu and two
hundred stakes of a pu ji (i.e crested yam yam
harvested more than once). The Nnu title was about
the terminal point of the yam title. Igbo status
climbers who claimed a double Nnu title, that is four
hundred stakes of ji efu and four hundred stakes of
apu ji, would not be many in any community. I am not
describing our modern Igbo society where "suit-case"
farmers, without farms, wives or extended family
support could depend on the market to provide yams
for their yam titles.

382
After God is Dibia
The yam title creates for its holders an opportunity to
be involved in an exclusive but prescriptive
hypergamic connubium popularly called Mmaji Njoku
marriage. It is a high status marriage restricted to the
children of those who had taken the yam title. Mmaji
and Njokuji are carefully identified by diviners at
birth. Because of the serious extended family
obligations they impose, no parent would take the
opinion of one diviner as final; second and third
opinions might be sought, with members of the
extended family involved.
Mmaji, literally means the "yam’s knife", the knife

that cuts .yams into pieces. She is sociologically an
uncommon child and a rare bride. She must be the
first wife of her husband, who must be of Njoku status
by prescription. If there is an Njokuji in the core
extended family, he is formally allocated the
bridewealth from the "family," Mmaji, irrespective of
the fact that they might be of different fathers and
mothers. The logic of Igbo worldview assigns Njokuji
and Mmaji ambiguous ritual statuses. Njokuji, a male
servitor of the yam deity, must assume a female role
when mourning the death of his father and dedicator.
In that role, he must join his late father's wives in the
mourning room and eat with his left hand during the
mourning period. To assume these assigned roles, he
383
After God is Dibia
would literally keep the yam barn under interdiction
until all his demands were met. Njokuji and Mmaji do
not ordinarily make any extraordinary demands on
the extended family or society while alive; and as
individuals, they have no distinguishing marks that
separate them from other individuals. Paradoxically,
they constitute a cultural threat at their dedicator's
death or at their own death. Their remains must be
ritually disposed of as prescribed by tradition when
they die. Tradition prescribes and cultural practices
reaffirm that the skull of Njokuji and Mmaji must be
protected from rain and sunshine and rest on a
pedestal in a house, as long as the extended family
lasted. Although there is no sacrifice made to the
skulls of Njokuji and Mmaji, they still impose a long-
term responsibility on society. Religious change,
operating under a radically different logic and
worldview, has turned the responsibility imposed by
Njokuji and Mmaji into an incompatible and therefore
totally unacceptable burden. The extended family ofo
and Njokuji and Mmaji are alike in one respect. They
reaffirm the continuity of the extended family. While
the extended family ofo is highly decentralized, the
Njokuji and Mmaji are the products of chance,
achieved through the yam title, but selectively
endowed, as "family estate". Both still symbolized to
Ndi-Igbo the continuity of culture and civilization.

384
After God is Dibia
CIVILIZATION IN IGBO CIVILIZATION

All civilizations are the products of intellectual
culture; and they draw inspiration and support from
such a culture. By intellectual culture, I mean the
paradigms for understanding a people's cultural
achievements. An intellectual view of civilization is
essentially idea-centered; it is a system of ideas, a
communicable intelligence identified with a given
tradition. Civilization is a symbol which cannot be
understood in itself but must be taken correlatively
with what it is mean to convey. It stands for
something other than, or at least more than, what it
immediately signifies. For instance, extended family
in Igbo culture is an illustration of a unit of social
organization which stands for more than a group of
relatives. It is a concept which opens the doors of Igbo
civilization so that through it, we can truly understand
what it means to be Igbo.
Civilization is more than a symbol or an idea. It is also

the ennoblement of culture which may occur through
one focal culture trait at the same time. According to
George Adams (1959:49-61) the idea of civilization
demands that we distinguish between “life as it is
lived and life as it is observed". Civilization is a
supreme human achievement and it is constructed
385
After God is Dibia
with the "energies and the life of man". Life as lived is
life felt from within. Life as observed is the life of
other living creatures. "The observed and observable
is objective and phenomenal, the home of evidence, of
verifiability of fact, the area to which description,
prediction and scientific hypotheses are relevant"
(Adams, 1959 50). The observed civilization is the
"many diverse civilizations studied and surveyed by
historians". Most of these are dead. They have
finished and completed their careers. They now live in
the museums and come to life through intellectual
efforts which re-enact their activities. When
civilization is used as a "class term" usually in the
singular, it is civilization as observed" usually in the
singular, it is "civilization as observed" that is meant.
Igbo civilization is "civilization as lived". It is a

civilization that is being lived and enacted, a
civilization in the making, a civilization that pursues
certain ends, makes certain policies, practices its arts
and sciences and prescribes a morality and imposes a
code of conduct. Civilization as lived denotes the
content of human life, its directional processes as well
as the structure, organization and machinery of its
social system. Organization is not a privileged
prerogative of human societies, nor of civilization. A
chaotic society, like the one we in Nigeria are working
hard to leave to our children, does not mean lack of
organization but rather one with a type of
386
After God is Dibia
organization which bars it from incorporating
significant ideas and values, such as equality of
opportunity as opposed to equality of result, justice,
freedom and liberty for all.
Civilization is like a totem, ofo, ishi Njoku, ishi Mmaji

– all containers and vehicles of culturally significant
values. As long as totemism or Njokuism; or Mmajism
endures, the totem remains a container adequate for
its content and its meaning. The content of which the
totem is the bearer is not a "class idea". It is an ideal.
It provides a criterion by which to measure the
adequacy of the meaning which the totem embodies.
Once the content of a totem -- and it is sacred,
awesome or numinous -- is disincorporated from the
totem, the search for a new totem, adequate for the
meaning, begins all over again. Under the colonial
contact situation, our totems were discredited as bad
containers, no longer suitable for their contents; new
meanings crowded out the old meanings; and all
meanings outgrew their visible embodiments (Adams,
1959:61). The challenge, and it is our challenge, is
what symbols of civilization should carry the
meanings created by our living civilization.

387
After God is Dibia
The transformation of a civilization occurs when its
"generative" ideas and ideals are fundamentally
changed. History and ethnology provide some
illustrations. The Greek Sophists and Protagoras gave
us the insight that "man is the measure of all things";
and that man as a creator of culture, must artistically
mould himself and society in conformity with his
beliefs and ideals. The classic Greek and traditional
Chinese cultures made aesthetic configuration a
dominant aspect of their civilization.
In China in particular, "form” and "face-saving"

became dominant preoccupations of the culture; and
in classic Greek culture, the importance assigned to
music, literature, drama, gymnastics and
mathematical sciences attested to its aesthetic
orientation. Even Plato's attempt to re-orient Greek
culture from an aesthetic to a moral focus succeeded
only in reaffirming the Greek primacy of aesthetic
values. From a sociological point of view, the Greek
aesthetic cultural orientation made much sense in the
Athenian society of Plato's time. Their value
orientation was consistent with a culture of the leisure
class, made possible by the utilization of slave labour
for all the menial, utilitarian tasks. As educators
know, Plato and Aristotle's philosophy of education is
not as democratic as it sounds. They were concerned
with the education of free-born Athenian citizens and
gentlemen who had the social opportunity and the
388
After God is Dibia
leisure to cultivate the liberal arts and sciences
(Bidney, 1964 402). Nearer home, the 19th century
Efik or Aro nobleman was not quite distant from the
Greek nobleman of another age. Both lived in a
society where emancipation from menial work made
leisure pursuit necessary, and the pursuit of
aristocratic social status made it obligatory.
The liberal educational tradition of the Greek cultural

aristocracy found its way to the Romans who
transformed it into a universal human ideal, the ideal
of humanitas. The Middle Ages refined it into the
“humanities" comprising the trivium (grammar,
rhetoric and logic) and the quadrivium (arithmetic,
music, geometry and astronomy). There have since
been further transformations. In the modern age of
science and technology and amusement parks,
aesthetic culture is no longer an integrated pursuit of
knowledge; it has ceased to be a total vision of life or a
"testament of beauty". It has become a luxury, an
ornament created to enable a few to escape from the
vulgarities of daily life: Bidney (1960:403) captures
the irony of this development:
The major paradox of our contemporary democratic

culture is the fact that our education system is based
upon abstract, aristocratic cultural values, whereas,
our social system is organized on democratic lines;
and our scientific technology is geared to material
389
After God is Dibia
wealth and national power. The incompatibility of our
cultural ideals and practices is demonstrated by the
social esteem in which our educational system is held
and the distrust of the educated man in practical
affairs.
If a dominant aesthetic cultural orientation is based

on the theme that a society is good when it is
beautiful, a moralistic cultural orientation subscribes
to the view that a society is beautiful when it is
organized according to some dominant idea of the
good that fits its "way of life". The Medieval world
provides some illustrations. While the ancient Greeks
cultivated the wise man, the philosopher in quest of
rational wisdom; the medieval world cultivated the
saint, the righteous man, dedicated to a life of ascetic
holiness, a man but sometimes and reluctantly a
woman, imbued with faith in divine grace and love.
Since life on earth was conceived as a “pilgrim's
progress", the whole process of living became of direct
concern to the Medieval Church. The Summa
theological of St. Thomas Aquinas and the Divine
Comedy of Dante gave classic theoretical and poetic
expressions of the ideals of this moralistic cultural
orientation. The growing secularization of thought
which began in the 17th century and the
commercialism and industrialism of the 18th and 19th
centuries, have combined to produce a world and a
civilization in which ethical and political theories have
390
After God is Dibia
won autonomy from theology, thus eroding the
moralistic orientation of culture. This emancipation of
morality from secular culture is far from complete.
But a moralistic orientation is now seen as an
endangered species which must be protected by
"Fundamental Human Rights" clauses in the United
Nations Charter, in the Nigerian Constitution and as
the doctrine of inalienable rights in the United States
Constitution.
VALUE ORIENTATIONS: ANCHORS TO IGBO

CIVILIZATION
The central values of Igbo culture are rooted in the
social structure, particularly in the extended family.
Among such values are the importance attached to
mutual dependence; to lineage continuity; to a man as
a value; to life affirmation; and to a strong
occupational orientation.
Mutual Dependence is a central value in Igbo culture,

an attribute of an inclusive kinship system inherent in
the primary descent group whether patrilineal or
double descent. The other important attribute of this
descent stem is continuity. Every father-son or
mother daughter of sister brother relationship is link
in an endless chain of the descent system. Enmeshed
in a network of continuous relationships, the
individual is conditioned to orient himself linearly,
and in a secondary way, laterally within a well defined
391
After God is Dibia
kinship system. An individual's place in this line of
descent is specific and inalienable. While the
obligations are mutual between parent and child, they
are not equal throughout the stages of each
generational cycle. The child owes the parent
obedience, which is transformed into filial piety, a
ritual obligation at the death of the parent. The parent
owes the child protection. Succession to property,
name and status is a fact of descent principle, not of
the arbitrariness of law or a testamentary will.
In a system where parent-child bond is dominant, the

wife in a patrineal society remains as much a stranger
as the husband is in a matrilineal or double descent
system. The primary duty of a wife in a patrilineal
society is to provide members to her husband's
lineage, and if she falls in this task, she is easily
dispensable. The same is true of the husband in a
matrilineal system. His primary function is to seed the
continuity of his wife’s lineage.
The need for lineal continuity and horizontal

solidarity in Igbo kinship system tends to reduce
individual privacy. Children participate in the adult
world as they grow up. Mutual dependence requires
that children share the problems of the adult, to
empathize with family history, and to share in its
prejudices.

392
After God is Dibia
Lineage Continuity: Deriving from the value
orientation of mutual dependence is lineage
continuity. The lineage is seen as the building block of
a peoplehood. To maintain the lineage is a
preoccupation reflected in the demands made in
prayer: more children and wives and general
prosperity to support them are usual refrains. Since
women, as wives and daughters, are the vehicle of
lineage continuity, plural marriages are sanctioned
everywhere. Furthermore, the concept of paternity,
which is central to the legitimacy of children, is given
a broad interpretation. A legitimate child is not
necessarily fathered by the social father, rather it is a
child who can lay a claim to a social father and social
fatherhood is validated by bridewealth payment. This
interpretation of legitimacy places a premium value
on marriage as an institution, particularly on those
processes of the marriage institution which are
designed either to transfer the potential offspring of a
woman's womb from her husband or to retain it in her
lineage.
Man as Value: Following from mutual dependence, is

the value placed on the importance of man. Man is
valued above things in Igbo society. The society
demanded, and still demands, a large family, a
demand that makes polygyny a desirable goal and the
position of ancestors a dignified one. The emphasis on
man as the measure of value is not new in history; but
393
After God is Dibia
the Igbo give it a unique value. To live till the ripe age
before one joins the ancestors is the cherished wish
everywhere. Unlike Asia which glorifies ascetic life
and seeks to withdraw from the mundane world, or
the Western culture which accepts the Judaeo-
Christian worldview of a heaven as the last place for
retirement for the good, the Igba construction of the
world is that reincarnation after death and the need to
join the living lineage, make the world of man and the
world of the dead a single universe providing an
alternating abode for man.
Life Affirmation is an important Igbo value that

supports the centrality of man in the scheme of things.
It does not mean that Igbo do not take their own life.
Suicide is not valued, and where it occurs, it is of a
"protest" type, designed to call attention to one’s
social failure in this world. After a suicide, a ritual
remedy lets the living get on with their life.
Occupational Orientation: Central to work attitudes

and the values they create, is the occupational
orientation manifest in a particular status system.
Exploring the thesis that certain occupational
orientations, mandated by a status system, provide
greater incentives for status mobility than others,
LeVine (1966) calls our attention to the different
394
After God is Dibia
cultural and value implications of a "politically
oriented" and "occupationally oriented" status
systems. Using the Hausa and the Igbo as illustration,
he observes:
The Hausa status system was politically oriented,

where the Igbo one was occupationnally oriented.
Among the Hausa, political office led to wealth,
among the Igbo, the acquisition of wealth led to
political power. The status mobility was achieved in
one instance (Hausa) through demonstrating
capability of playing a role in an authoritarian
political system, and in the other instance (Igbo)
through the demonstration of economic skills of an
entrepreneurial sort. The ideal successful Hausa man
seems, to have been the office holder who faithfully
supported his superior and rewarded his followers;
the Igbo ideal appears to have been the energetic and
industrious farmer or trader who aggrandized himself
personally through productive or distributive activity.
By Igbo standards, the Hausa ideal was over
dependent and confining to the individual, by Hausa
standards, the Igbo ideal was dangerously selfish and
anarchic (LeVine, 1966:36-37).
CONCLUDING REMARKS
Historians warn us against identifying civilization
with any one individual civilization, implying that
civilization is not tied to one specific way of life. Nor is
395
After God is Dibia
it tied to one specific approach to understanding or
method of analysis. Abstract structures, like grande
ideas, can lead to the explication of the concrece
event, and vice versa. Ezi na ulo which transforms
itself into ezi n'ulo is a concrete form of Igbo social
system and it provides insights into other structures
of Igbo social life and the theories and organization of
such life. We can learn much about civilization and
civilizations or achievements of the human race on
one hand and the individual achievements of diverse
populations on the other, by exploring at Marchall
Sahlins (1983:518) describes as "other times, her
customs" according to "the otherness of the suctoms".
I have attempted to show that the "otherness" of Igbo
customs constitute an important civilization in its own
right and contributes to the pool of human
civilization.
What can modern society, including Nigeria, learn

from Igbo-type society? The problem is not what
analysis of such society will reveal and therefore teach
but rather what prejudices, which poet William
Coleridge identified as blindspots, "passion and
party", would permit us to learn. Let us hear Coleridge
on the prejudice:

396
After God is Dibia
If man could learn from history
What lessons it might teach us!
But passion and party blind our eyes
And the light which experience gives
Is a lantern on the stern;
Which shines only on the waves behind us.
We live in a politically troubled society where the

search for political models consumes a lot of our
scarce national resources and the energies of our
rulers. If we put aside our prejudices and let the
"lantern shine" on problems, we can easily learn four
lessons from Igbo political culture, all rooted in the
operations of ezi na ulo. The first lesson is the idea of
politics as the mutual accommodation of differences;
the second is the concept of sovereign power as
everybody’s business; the third lesson is the direct
consequence of the second lesson; and it is …rotation
of, power and authority among politically competing
units. The fourth, is the primary of public state and
the importance of political discourse among
397
After God is Dibia
individuals.
The management of diversity is an important

challenge in every civilization. Igbo-type society
manages diversity through decentralization of power.
It teaches that the selective management of
institutional and social diversity does not lie in its
suppression but rather in accommodating… This can
be achieved through the strategy of exploiting an
existing "minimum consensus" which is expanded" as
mutual confidence and trust are built up during a
period of mutually beneficial interaction. The
principle of "expandable minimum" consensus leads
to the…of politics as the mutual accommodation of
differences and to the concept of sovereign power as
everybody’s business, just as it is in the ezi na ulo.
Following from the central idea that the exercise of
sovereignty is everybody's business, is the idea that
power must be shared. Like the Nigerian polity, Igbo
polity was concerned about political domination, but
unlike Nigeria, Igbo political culture found a ready
resolution by making domination and submission to
authority alternating sides of the same relationship by
making lineages competent political units and
rotating authority among them following the principle
of lineage seniority. Rendering public debate among
equals in the public square "where open covenants are
398
After God is Dibia
openly arrived at, thus developing speech to a
preeminence over the instruments of power" appears
Greek; but it is equally Igbo. The political training
ground for the Igbo citizen begins at the ezi, a
domestic political arena, and expands to the village
assembly and then to the wider polity. It is a polity
where the citizen pleads his own cause and oratory is
cultivated and rewarded.
Mr. Chairman, this was not planned as a marathon

lecture, nor is it a doctoral thesis, in the mandarin
tradition. Permit me, however, to end it the way it
started, with a story. There was an old Chinese sage
who told a group of his student his dream. "Last
night", he said, "I dreamed I was a butterfly flittering
from blossom to blossom enjoying the delicious
perfumes of various flowers and sipping from their
nectar. Then I woke and found myself a tired old
man". At this stage he paused and surveyed the
reactions of his students. "Now, tell me", he asked
them, "Am I an old man who dreamed he was a
butterfly or am I a butterfly who is dreaming that he is
an old man?"
Let me rephrase the question, in the context of this

399
After God is Dibia
Lecture. Am I an armchair anthropologist creating
civilizational roles for our extended family or is our
civilization giving us new insights into our extended
family and other institutions? Since the format of this
Lecture does not permit a dialogue, may I leave you
with the Lecture and its puzzles.
Ochi agha, Oha n'eze!
Kam mii ya mma 'm na ovo.
Oge eruo 'la mgbe onye gburu agu ji afu ahia.
Ji fo ufo,
onu ala afo ufo.
Ikwu n’ibe, ndewo nu!

400
After God is Dibia
AGBAJA: for MY MUM

By OBU UDEOZO,
UDEOZO, University of Jos, Nigeria. Comment: According to Chinua
Achebe,
imagination.
slaughter kingdom people.
more in the years ahead.”
anthology of poems
literature prize.
after our memory dried
from counting the perpetual hawk’s
goals against us:
kwashiorkor’s hotline
to the yawning soil
we swallowed life
in our bowels
to brave the death daring lanes…
with the foresight of camels

we banked tomorrow
in our stomachs
lambs, limping unto life’s devouring realms…
the eagle’s splendour

is clarity in flight

401
After God is Dibia
for a burden of crumbs;

is supplication for cheap arrests:
like Edozie’s Dad
who vanished
at the waterfront
into slaughter kingdom;
severity has auctioned us
unto the Maginot Line of blind beggars…
My mum clutched her breath

her fragility groaned
a candlelight in chaos
pain awoke her fresh stitches
to cure the community’s

salt, sugar and stockfish sclerosis
and to evade that wrestler
who molests victims before their mothers:
kwashiorkor’s hotline
to the yawning soil
my Mother vowed to kiss the blind spot;

our lone bridge to salvation and harvest.

402
After God is Dibia
Zerubbabels
So we gambled on
towards hot horizons
She, a candlelight in chaos

and I,
at ten, a tendril
flavoured for calamity’s claws;
plumbing the dark trade route

of futility and faith
pure Zerubbabels for the harvest tide:
where bombs germinate

in hoods of yam tubers
and the foliage hosts
death sprinkling platoons,
or a sniper coiled
at the ceiling of an Akpaka tree
whose instant fortune
nails men, smouldering on the spot.
and roaring afternoons,

snatch unwilling folks
beyond mortality’s curve
403
After God is Dibia
a perfect homage
to the genius of a sage
and Great Britain:
whose marvellous blockade
crowned salt
our first Bill Gates
beyond our tongues or memory
and made soap and sausage

the fairy tale of madmen;
starvation
bewitch our children
with the yuletide of expiring tones;
and our elders

bargain with death
in loud hunger-propelled night songs…
Mozart and his loyal wife
dancing away the cruel winter…
yet our lone bridge

for salvation and harvest
is the bunker
of my Mother’s love
at every sorrow station;
404
After God is Dibia
the compassion
She lends us,
with the nuclear power of leopards.
a universe of wolves
bowlfuls of sweat
calibrated our rare retreats
and solitary couriers
after eternities of stealth steps
barter security briefs in whispers
like a column of ants
lacing their highways with scarce perfume.
and the bereaved farmlands

conscripted the bush paths
molding each step into a combat
as our bodies punctured the bulrushes
like agu ngwo
against the deaf waists of palm trunks
and before
our murmuring feet
succumbed to gravity’s claims,
we staggered after 3 nights upon
the brown goddess;

405
After God is Dibia
Ezu Ebenebe
with her fierce waters roaring
like a universe of wolves…

406
After God is Dibia
Ezu Ebenebe
over this bleeding bridge

the Biafra angel Ogbunigwe
snatched us from the fire
of acids, razor blades, koboko, rape
and sunset of the Hottentots
upon our heels
Ezu Ebenebe
her amputated bridge
is a key hole of suicidal Passovers
with her fragment’s head

buried in the skies
and broken feet in fierce waters
the ascent
for pilgrims
is crawling upon a skyscraper
with red monsters yawning at our feet…
- with our chi

alert
we awoke

407
After God is Dibia
upon the crown of the barricade…

408
After God is Dibia
and after seven strides

beyond the bridgehead,
with the voyage’s halfway house
wrapped in our palms
we surrender again to rest and rice:
a voyage
of long shadows
where a hair’s misprint

upon that barricade
mails victims
into the feast of fierce waters…
a voyage
of long shadows
-after
such wahala of ascents and assaults
the Di gbakwa oku ladies
sold marriage, manhood and fruits.

409
After God is Dibia
Divine Cup of Wrath
a register
of cadavers
outside the compass of trade routes:
in Biafra
yawning fabrics
or leaves
map the passage rites
of pilgrims whose luggage
eclipsed
in the fever of flight…
… roaring afternoons
snatch unwilling folks
beyond mortality’s curve
bullets pluck persons

from the bulrushes
for the elephants’ feast;
and our elders
bargain with death
in loud hunger-propelled night songs

Mozart and his loyal wife
dancing away the cruel winter…

410
After God is Dibia
we have indeed drunk

the Divine cup of wrath
promised our ancestors
the Jewish Holocaust

and Biafra’s open graves
is the same kolanut
offered our blindness.
and the Bible said:
“I swear by myself; declares the LORD,

that Bozrah will become a ruin and an
object of horror, of reproach and of cursing;…”
Jeremiah 49:13
and Okigbo said:

“The drowsy heads of pods in barren farm lands witness it,
The homesteads abandoned in this century’s brush fire witness.
it:
The myriad eyes of deserted corn cobs in burning

barns witness
it:…”

411
After God is Dibia
- we endure
toxic echoes
of petulant babies’
veiled and expiring tones
for the sake of their community’s head.
air raids saturate us

with fatality and fear
their electric birds

sow death in our
farmlands and pillows
in tunnels and bunkers

we rehearse the wisdom
of rodents
and the comfort of ant-holes;
air raids saturate us

with fatality and fear
and because we cannot sow tomorrow in our soil

starvation salutes us at day break.

412
After God is Dibia
Plaza
Plaza of dreams
amidst
these chaos and throes
for their families;
certain Esthers spread
their lives towards death’s kingdom:
we trudged on
and after one more night
the incense of merchandise
sprayed pacifism
among debonair shrubs
welcome to the
apple and ice cream
plaza of dreams;
Agbaja, the palace

of midnight merchandise:
413
After God is Dibia
canteens of salt and stockfish

with gold walking sticks;
china wares scream in splendour;
eggs and butter laugh
in glittering stalls
where plump and jocund traders
barter goods
and banters.
proud coins and pounds currency

dance mkpokiti
in the palms and pockets
of merry merchants
and Edgar said, “you can buy a planet there…”
the god of cash

autoclaved the city
from sirens, air raids and bombs;
whereas our ambassadors
pant under Houphet Boigny’s
conference table
at aeroplane’s shadow
Agbaja plays table tennis with peace.

414
After God is Dibia
and beyond the insanity

of grenades and mortar
the Federal troops and
Biafra soldiers
freeze their weapons
in soccer friendly matches
in the palace of
midnight merchandise…
Agbaja
the apple and ice cream
plaza of dreams:
who can transpose

these luxuries
unto the tongues
of my famished folks
only the tapster’s clout

can fly this market
to douse the famine at home
had I wands of noble wood!
after the seven seas and seven terrains

with the Babylonian capture
singing at our feet
415
After God is Dibia
in Agbaja
only cash and commodities speak
no minefields, artillery fire or enemies…

we saw those who saw those who saw them
and who now see us and know that we know
that we are all dwellers in this oasis of peace.
navigating our funds

against commodities
for our neutron world.
amidst huge oceans of luxuries

we ponder
how
human bonds
crack at the terminus of pain:
nations, villages, relations
mother and child
taste the death of self love
compassion bleeds
like an atom torn;
in Biafra
families barter
cassava leaves, husks and kernels
416
After God is Dibia
by pecking order, graft or knives
among families
mercy is monitored
to make hunger sleep.
human bonds
crack at the terminus of pain
like the Medusa’s Raft

whose passengers aspirated the flesh
of expired colleagues
to postpone the next
dirge
or the Daewoo’s option

that tranquillize the appetite
of children before
feeding their parent’s fire
or the smug
Chinese couple’s
plea for the cake of their baby’s corpse
to keep warm and awake.
human bonds
crack at the terminus of pain…

417
After God is Dibia
dance and laughter
as we
ambassadors from
the palace of
midnight merchandise
hoist our antenna

homewards;
my Mother declares me
her Samaritan
her encomiums drag

tears from my eyes
and memories of our
debt to her compassion
deluge me…
Mum:
your neurons creak to feed and pander;

to our thirst and thunder

418
After God is Dibia
your love
is blind to sacrifice
and danger
every second of
your leaping breath:
feeds patience, prayers, hope,
discipline and sunshine into our lives.
Mum:
I love you beyond the gold of words
Ijele
battalions await
your soup pots with fairy tales
we hibernate in
your dance, mercy and laughter
I dream
to shoulder the skies
for your sake;
to paint, sculpt, script

your face and compassion
into eternity’s mind.

419
After God is Dibia
-by Obu Udeozo.

420
After God is Dibia
THE GREATER IGBO NATION—

NATION—IDENTIFYING
IGBO VARIANTS DURING THE ERA OF THE
SLAVE TRADE
By Cultural Education Institute

Institute of New Jersey
Ishaq D. Al-
Al-Sulaimani
Vernon (Alufiel) Grier, Ed.D

421
After God is Dibia
THE GREATER IGBO NATION--
NATION-- IDENTIFYING
IGBO VARIANTS DURING THE ERA OF THE
SLAVE TRADE
I
INTRODUCTION
It is universally recognized that Igbo is the

correct spelling of the tribe that currently comprises
the majority of the inhabitants of southeastern
Nigeria and of whom are readily associated with the
Biafran revolution, however during the time of the
Trans Atlantic Slave Trade the “Igbo Nation” was
divided into a number of sub-tribe variant identities
which were most commonly expressed in the Egbo,
Egba Ebo and Ibo forms.
The contents of this Chapter establishes the
identity of the captives taken from Africa to the
Americas and enslaved were of Igbo origins. It further
clarifies the role of the sub-tribe variants during the
slave trade and their recognized status as being part of
a once greater and more inclusive Igbo identity.
The majority of Igbo intellectuals continue to
teach that the Igbo variants such as the Ibo, Ebo and
Egbo are European corruptions of the exclusively
indigenous and proper Igbo. In defense of their claim
they often cite the words of James Africanus Beale
Horton who states that the Igbo spelling is the
original of the nation, while avoiding his more
422
After God is Dibia
detailed description concerning the indigenous usages
of Ibo, Ebo and Egbo as it relates to the inhabitants of
various towns and regions.
“Egbo, Igbo, Ebo and Ibo are the various spellings
met within books describing the race that inhabits
part of the coast. Amongst the soft Isuama and Elugu
the soft Ibo or Ebo is used but amongst the
inhabitants of the coast such as Bonny and Okrika the
harsher name Egbo is prevalent. In the interior north
of the territory the nations are called Igbo which
appears more the original name of the inhabitants.”
(Horton 1969:154)
The altering of the name Igbo was initially
implemented with the intent of establishing
independence from the “Greater Igbo entity”, while at
the same time maintaining the natural ancestral link
with the main and originating body. The often hostile
reaction and rejection on the part of the Igbo towards
the seceding Egbo, Ebo and Ibo gradually weakened
the bonds of brotherhood ultimately resulting in the
emergence of such “non-Igbo” tribes as the Efik,
Ibibio and Oron of Calabar, the Egba and Igbo-Mina
of Yorubaland and the Ewe and Ga of Ghana and the
Fongbe of Dahomey.
II
The altering of the letters in a name to create an
independent identity such as that of Egbo, Ebo and
Ibo which at some “ancient” point derived out of the
original Igbo continued after the Biafran War in
423
After God is Dibia
regards to the Iwerre people as pointed out by
Professor Ben O. Nwabueze.
“It is well to note that of the Igbo border
communities in Benue State as well as those in and
around Port Hacourt now strenuously disclaims their
Igbo Identity. This disclaimer is manifest in practical
terms by the latter changing their names of their
villages by prefixing them with a “R” so that
Umuokoro becomes Rumuokoro, Umuigbo becomes
Rumuigbo, Umumasi becomes Rumumasi,
Umukorusha becomes Rumukorosha and so on. The
intention is to make them not look or sound like Igbo
names.”
Throughout this presentation I will be using Igbo
as an umbrella term describing the tribe in a general
sense and as a specific reference for the majority of
the tribe presently inhabiting Southeastern Nigeria
and of whom are readily associated with the Biafran
revolution. Egbo will primarily refer to the Efik and
Ibibio also known as the Cross River or Ekpe Tribes.
The term Ebo will refer to the Igbo descended Mina
Tribes of Ghana and Benin(Dahomey) which include
the Ewe, Fon(Fongbe) and the Ga-Adangbe. The Ebo
classification will also include the Igbo descended
captives of Angola, while Ibo will be applied
historically to the “Western Igbo” and those of
Mozambique.
Egba will be used to describe the largest Igbo
descended tribe living in Yorubaland (Southwest
424
After God is Dibia
Nigeria) inhabiting the Osugun State, while Igbo-
Mina will address another Igbo descended tribe living
in the Kwara State of Yorubaland.
THE EGBO ARE IGBO

The majority of the captives taken to the
Americas were from the coastal Egbo tribes and were
referred to as Calabaris. Presently in Igboland they
are known as the Efik, Ibibio, Oron and Ekoi, etc., and
are well associated with a secret society known as the
Egbo Society. Although the present day Efik and
Ibibio living in Nigeria generally deny ancestral
relations with the Igbo; this was not always the case as
425
After God is Dibia
described by A.E. Afigbo, Professor of History at the
University of Nsukka.
“Until three or four decades ago there were many
Efik and Ibibio communities which proudly laid
claims to Igbo origins but today would treat such
suggestions as an affront. Here we find the classic
example of the trick which time and political
consciousness play on historical writings.”
The explorer William Balfour Baike writes in
1854 that the Efik mark was formerly the same as that
used by some Igbos but more recently they have
adopted another.
Egbo captives meaning those such as the Igbo
descended Efik and Ibibio were targeted throughout
the entire period of the slave trade beginning with the
Spanish and Portuguese traders of the 16th century
and continuing to arrive in the Americas throughout
the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries.
The Aro slave trading network of Arochukwu first
established itself in 1620 with the intent of enslaving
the Egbo tribes. In regards to this task they settled in
the most southeastern corner of .Igboland, lands
belonging to the semi-autonomous Egbo nation called
Egbo-Shari. Once settled, the Aro began to emulate
and infiltrate the Egbo leaders in an attempt to
deceitfully manipulate and redirect their governing
institutions into a slave trading operative.
The coastal Egbo who were generally known to
the slave traders as Calabaris provided the majority of
426
After God is Dibia
“Igbo descended” captives and were often referred to
as KWA IBO. The general tendency to associate the
Calabaris with “Igbo” is a result of the understanding
that the Egbo tribes were related to the “Greater Igbo
Nation” and therefore Herskovits refers to Calabari as
a generic name for “Ibos” in the United States.
In Cuba it is understood that those known as
Calabaris descended from the Egbo tribes such as the
Efik and Ibibio. During the time of the slave trade the
most powerful and numerous of the Egbo tribes were
those known as THE KWA. In generalizing the Egbo
Nation with the dominant Kwa tribe, all of the Egbo
tribes were collectively known as Kwa Ibo. Through
the dominance of the Kwa tribe, the Egbo Society was
also known as the AbaKwa Society meaning of the
Kwa people. To this day the Egbo Society continues to
actively function in Cuba.
The Egbo Society communicates by using a secret
Igbo writing system known as that of Nsibidi. Nsibidi
symbols were recently discovered to be engraved on a
number of African-American tombstones in Virginia.
This most accurately attests to the Egbo ancestry of
the deceased as these writings were sacredly
maintained by the Egbo Society and were associated
as Igbo through the understanding that the Egbo
tribes were of Igbo origins. The word Mbakara which
African captives used to describe the “white man” in
the United States is of Egbo origins as it can be traced
directly back to the Efik and Ibibio.
427
After God is Dibia
Egbo captives were so numerous and dominant in
Virginia that some historians of the Colonial Era
actually referred to Virginia as “Igboland”. By the
1700’s Virginia plantation owners gathered to discuss
the “Igbo problem” as the hardworking but resistant
Egbo are acknowledged to have dominated the
Virginia trade. This further lends credence to the
alleged Willie Lynch speech of 1712 which advocated
the implementation of harsh measures of
containment designed to eradicate Egbo culture and
in turn slave resistance on all levels. The speech of
proposals was delivered by Willie Lynch on the Bank
of the James River in Virginia in 1712. 120 years later
Nat Turner led a revolt in Virginia that killed
approximately 60 whites. In accordance with his
Igbo(Egbo) origins, Turner bestowed upon himself
the honors of Odogo, a ceremonial ritual in which an
Igbo warrior places feathers in his cap to signify the
killing of a person of rank in war. After killing Hark
Travis, the head of the Travis farm, Turner placed
feathers in his cap and a red sash around his waist.
Douglas Chambers recently published a book
which discusses the alleged role of the Igbo in the
murder of President James Madison’s grandfather
who was killed in Virginia. Igbo(Egbo) revolts were so
frequent and intense throughout Virginia that it was
understood that this revolutionary mentality on the
part of the Egbo captives was an obvious reflection of
Igbo culture as the Igbo proverb states;
428
After God is Dibia
“What saves also kills and what kills also
saves.”
It is of interest to note that James Africanus Beale
Horton who clearly understood the proper application
and usage of the term Igbo and its sub-tribe variants
such as the Egbo, Ibo and Ebo chose to dominantly
use the Egbo variant when speaking of the tribe in
general, while remaining in clear avoidance of using
the Igbo spelling. This is obviously a reflection of his
descendancy from coastal Egbo captives who were
resettled in Sierra Leone.
“The Egboes are considered the most
imitative and emulative people in the whole of
Western Africa; place them where you will or
introduce them to any manners of customs and you
will find they easily adapt to them.”
“The population of Egbo is unknown.”
(Horton
1969:157)
THE EBO ARE IGBO
In accordance with his origins in the Essaka
village of Benin, Olaudah Equiano referred to his
people as being that of Ebo and never Igbo.
“The West Indies planters prefer the slaves of
Benin or Eboe.”
“Deformity is indeed unknown amongst us. I
mean that of shape. Numbers of natives of Eboe in
London might be brought in support of this assertion
for in regard to complexion ideas of beauty are wholly
429
After God is Dibia
relative.”
(Gates Jr. 1987:17)
The Ebo connection to Benin is further supported

by Onyebuechi Amene who states the following;
“Ebo is a Benin name. It was the Binis that
went to and from the Igala Royal families that took
the name to Igala.”
“The Ebo family of Isiskre still retains their
ancestral Bini names.”
Those captives who came to the Americas from
Ghana and Benin(Dahomey) were those known as
Ebo or the Mina tribes. In fact a Mina tribe remains
in the Kwara State of Yorubaland and refer to
themselves as Igbo-Mina using the original Igbo
spelling of the name. It was the Portuguese Jewish
slave traders who began selling Ebo captives from
Benin to Ghana where they were used to work the
Gold Mines. These traders coined the Ebo as “Mina
tribes” meaning those destined for El-Mina, a
Portuguese word meaning “The Mines”. El-Mina
became central to the slave trade in Ghana. The Most
powerful amongst the Ebo(Mina) to arrive in Ghana
were those called Ewe.
The word Ewe derives from the Igbo name Eke.
Eke in the Igbo culture refers to the feminine,
motherly or birth giving attributes of the Supreme
Deity Chineke. Through the interchangeable nature
of the letters v and w Ewe is also pronounced with the
430
After God is Dibia
v sound of Eve(Yeveh). It is from the life giving Eke,
Ewe or Eve that a female lamb is called a Ewe and the
mother of all humanity Eve.
Some reports estimate that over 3 million Ewe
were brought to the American South alone. Amongst
the followers of African religions in Cuba, Ewe refers
to the life giving herbs, while in Haiti, the Ewe deity
Nanan Boclou is remembered as the god of life giving
herbs and medicine. The Ewe are closely related to
the Mina tribe known as the Fon(Fongbe). In fact the
word voodoo often associated with Haitian religious
practice is a Fongbe word. The last Fon ruler of
Dahomey was named Agbo. Agbo was exiled to
Guinea where he remained until his death.
In 1967, Haiti became the only country outside of
Africa to recognize the independent Igbo Republic of
Biafra in secession from Nigeria. The vote of
confidence in favor of Biafra on the part of this tine
Caribbean nation was due to the Haitian’s memory of
their own “Igbo” revolutionary past. The numerous
and successful slave revolts in Haiti are clearly
documented as “Igbo” uprisings but yet we find the
strongest presence of the ancestral deity Legba(Eshu)
amongst the Haitians. In Haiti Legba is described as
the most powerful of all the Loa. He is the guardian of
the sun and his color is black. The guardian of the sun
is most likely a code for the “Land of the Rising Sun”
which is an ancient Igbo reference for the Land of
Biafra. The Igbo revolutionaries and devoutees of
431
After God is Dibia
Legba(Eshu) in Haiti were in actuality the Igbo
descended Mina tribes such as the Ewe and
Fon(Fongbe) who are well associated with the worship
and reverence for Legba.
The other major non-Akan Igbo descended tribe
to be sold from Ghana are those known as the Ga.
The Ga like the Ewe are known to have earlier
“Nigerian” origins which more specifically equate with
that of the Igbo. A section of Belize City is known as
Ebo Town. Most of the African captives arriving in
Belize were imported from Jamaica and in turn it is
acknowledged that the African captives of Jamaica
primarily came from Ghana. The Jamaican Festival
Jonkonnu evolved out of the Ga Festival of Homowo
and thus the African descended population of Jamaica
can trace their Igbo origins through the Ga and the
Ebo-Mina tribes as they became known.
Captives arriving in the Americas from Angola
were also known as Ebo. The city Ebo still exists in
Angola. The Gullah whose name derives from Angola
are an African-American community who live on the
Sea Isles off of the coast of Georgia and South
Carolina areas which record a majority of Angolan
captives. The Gullah are currently engaged in a
strenuous battle to secure a memorial at a site called
Ebo Landing. Ebo Landing was named in memory of
the countless Ebo who drowned themselves in protest
of their enslavement. Mr. Utsey is a Gullah meaning a
descendant of Angolan-Ebo captives. He recently
432
After God is Dibia
wrote to the Igbo Studies Association in quest of
information concerning his lost Ebo identity. He
stated that he was raised in an area which was
approximately 45 minutes from Ebo Landing. D.N.A.
testing has confirmed his Igbo (Ebo) origins.
The presence of Angolan captives in Virginia is
reflected in such names as Angola Creek and the
Angolan Quarter. What is of interest is the fact that
there were many Angolans acknowledged to have
been living in Virginia alongside of the Igbo(Egbo),
however there is no evidence or documentation that
indicates that the Angolans were any different in
regards to submitting to enslavement in contrast to
the Igbo(Egbo). In accordance with their Ebo culture
the Angolan captives were known as runaways. In
1744, a runaway by the name of Angola Tom was
captured in Orange County. This being similar to
Jamaica where an advertisement for wanted slaves
lists the two largest groups of runaways as being those
of Igbo and Angola. Igbos and Angolans are
acknowledged to have dominantly co-existed in
Delaware without any distinguishing differences in
temperament and behaviors particularly in response
to enslavement.
With the abolition of the slave trade Igboland
experienced the largest population increase in all of
Africa. Since Igboland was the area most affected by
the slave trade once left unmolested the population
that supplied the most captives would naturally
433
After God is Dibia
respond with the largest population increase. Angola
on the other hand is noted as the area which
experienced the largest population decrease after the
slave trade ended. Being that Angola provided many
captives for enslavement to the New World, a
population increase similar to that which was
experienced in Igboland would be expected unless of
course the captives taken from Angola were not from
the native population but were imported Ebos as
advocated in this writing. It is also interesting that in
the case of the Angolan and Mozambique captives
they are generally identified in the classification of
country as opposed to any specific tribe. Angola’s role
as a Portuguese slave colony was confronted by Queen
Nzinga who in 1624 declared all territory in Angola as
free country, meaning that all captives reaching
Angola would be declared free upon arrival. Queen
Nzinga’s efforts only temporarily hindered the
mission of the slave traders who continued to import
and export Ebo throughout the course of the slave
trade.
THE IBO ARE IGBO

Although Mozambique did become a Portuguese
colony similar to that of Angola, the Ibo inhabitants
had already been living there centuries before the
arrival of the Europeans and were residing under the
Ibo tribal heading. The Ibo of Mozambique are
presently known as Chi-Mwani and speak a dialect
434
After God is Dibia
called Ibo. In Mozambique there are two coastal cities
named Ibo conveniently located for the importing and
exporting of slaves. In their early attempts to colonize
Mozambique the Portuguese established their first
trading post on what is known as the Ibo Islands and
by 1754 Ibo was chosen by the Portuguese as their
main clearing house for slaves.
It is estimated that by 1807, 80% of the captives
destined for the Americas were being imported from
Angola, Mozambique and the Igbos of Biafra.
Beginning in the 16th century when the Spanish
and Portuguese were in charge of the slave trade, they
transported 15,000 slaves from Angola to America
every year. The Ebos of Angola and the Ibos of
Mozambique were classified amongst those of Congo.
The Congo slaves began arriving in such places as
Cuba in the 1500’s. The Portuguese began dispersing
Igbo captives across Africa at the beginning of the
slave trade in the 16th century. Thos sent to such
places as San Thome and Gabon were of Ibo origins as
acknowledged with the first recorded Ibo slave
Caterina Ybou who like her fellow Ibo captives arrived
at San Thome and Gabon to work on the newly
established slave plantations. In Gabon Ibo runaways
were so numerous that one of the largest mountains
in Gabon became a place of hidden refuge known as
Ibounji. It is acknowledged that most of the captives
that came to San Thome and Gabon were from the
Congo and in turn it is acknowledged that these
435
After God is Dibia
captives were Ibo. Present day Congo cities such as
Ibondo, Iboko and Ibola are reminiscent of the once
numerous Ibo captive population.
THE EGBA ARE IGBO

Southwest Nigeria is commonly referred to as
“Yorubaland” which is home to a mosaic of distinct
tribes and tribal states who collectively form the
present day Yoruba tribal identity, however the
original Yoruba designation exclusively referred to the
Oyo, a tribe who at one time lived amongst the Hausas
in what is presently Northern Nigeria. In fact the
word Yoruba is of Hausa origins.
Misrepresentations of Nigeria the Facts and the
Figures by Yusef Bala Usman, PhD – Center for
Democratic Development, Research and Training.
“The fact is that the earliest record we have
of the use of the very name Yoruba was in the Hausa
Language and it seems to have applied to the people
of the Alfinate Oyo. Don Masani wrote a book on the
Muslim scholars of the Yarriba.”
Over the centuries the Oyo were gradually driven
southward where they in turn became the conquerors
of the indigenous people of “Southwest Nigeria” who
like their Southeastern counterparts were referred to
as the Igbo. The Southwestern Igbo were protected by
an army of masked warriors known as the Egbo or
Egba. Olumida Lucas states that the name Egba is
synonymous with Igbo. The Indigenous Igbo(Egba)
436
After God is Dibia
lived in the forest area surrounding Ife. The name Ife
derives from an Igbo system of “divination” called Ifa.
It was at Ife that the Igbo(Egba) were first confronted
by Odudwa who along with his youngest son Oranyan
are remembered as the founders of the Oyo(Yoruba)
Kingdom at Ife. At the time of Odudwa’s invasion the
indigenous Igbo(Egba) resided under the leadership
of Obatala whose name means the Oba or Obi Ala.
Obi or Oba was initially an Igbo title of authority and
Ala is the land deity of the Igbo. Amongst the Egbo
tribes of Calabar the Oba appears in the form of the
deity Obassi who is also called Abassi.
Like the indigenous forest dwelling Igbos, the
present day Egbas are historically associated with the
Obas. In fact the name of the Egba ruling council
known as the Ogboni relates to the Igbo word
Ogbonna which indirectly refers to an elder.
The Wikipedia Encyclopedia – “Yoruba”

“The numerous Egba communities found in
the forests below Oyo’s Savannah region were a
notable example of elected Obas though the Ogboni, a
legislative judicial council of notable elders wielded
the actual political power.”
(The Ogboni “Cult” played a central role in the Brazil
slave rebellion of 1809.)
In their initial encounters the Oyo(Yoruba) were
unable to penetrate the frightening Egba(Igbo) as
these intimidating masked forest dwellers mastered
437
After God is Dibia
the art of instilling fear into their opponents. In
defense of their homeland the Egba(Igbo) went
further in raiding and burning down the intruding
Oyo(Yoruba) settlements in the town at Ife.
The Egba were first defeated through the
scheming of a woman named Moremi who allowed
herself to be captured as she used her beauty to
seduce the Igbo(Egba) King into revealing the secrets
of the masked Egba warriors. She later returned to
the Oyo providing her countrymen with the necessary
information needed to finally conquer the Igbo(Egba)
Kingdom. This defeat of the Igbo(Egba) is celebrated
every year at the annual Eid Festival of Ife.
In 1835, the Egba declared themselves to be
independent of the Oyo(Yoruba) and in response the
Oyo along with the Ijebu drove them out of Ibadan, Ife
and other towns north of their present day capital of
Abeokuta. As a result of contact between the Ijebu
and the Indigenous Igbo the city Ijebu-Igbo was
established. The founding of the Egba Kingdom of
Abeokuta in 1837 is considered to be the last kingdom
to be recognized within the “Yoruba federation of
tribes”. By this time the term Yoruba had expanded
beyond its original usage in referring to the Oyo and
now generally applied to all of the inhabitants of
Southwestern Nigeria.
The tradition of the masked Egba(Igbo) warriors
is likewise documented in Southeast Nigeria amongst
the followers of the Egbo Society of Calabar.
438
After God is Dibia
EGBO – A secret society at one time existing as a

political bond between various towns especially
Eastern Nigeria. – World Book Dictionary A-K 1974.
In 1876, the Scottish Presbyterian missionary
Mary Slessor came to Calabar. According to the
accountings of Ms. Slessor in the “Igbo” dominated
areas a secret society known as Egbo went around in
masks and beat people. She claimed to have chased a
group of Egbo and tore off a mask. The image of Mary
Slessor would later appear on the 10 pound British
Monetary note. (The Egbo/Egba warriors seem to
have a problem or weakness in defending themselves
against foreign women. First Moremi in the west
informs her people to burn the masks of the
Egba(Igbo) warriors and later in the east Mary Slessor
claims to have ripped a mask off of an Egbo man.)
The Egba of Abeokuta worship a deity called the
Oro. Oro is a god who resides in a bush. In honor of
Oro a sacred ceremony is performed at a secluded
spot inside the bush. This ceremony is called Igbo
Oro and is very similar to bush ceremonies observed
by the Egbo Society of Calabar. There are many
similar practices and rituals performed by both the
Egba of “Yorubaland” and the Egbo Society of the
east. In this regard it is of interest to note the name of
the Biafran Officer from Ejagham(Calabar), the
formidable Captain Ndom Egba.

439
After God is Dibia
Although the concept of Legba varies it began as
an ancestral memorial designed to maintain the Egba
identity during times of persecution and hardship.
Legba is also known as Eshu and relates to the deity
Isua which is honored in the Egbo Society as the
Master of Ceremonies. Legba was also activated in
the New World as a means to counter modern slavery
and its attempts to wipe out the Egba identity of the
captives. The deity is described in Yoruba mythology
as the “Divine trickster” because of his ability to
outwit his fellow gods. Evidences of Legba have been
documented throughout the Americas in such places
as Brazil, Guyana, Trinidad, Haiti and New Orleans
under various names such as Lebba, Legba, Elegbara
and Liba. It is the Igbo descended Mina tribes such as
the Ewe and Fon who are most readily associated with
the Legba variant.
The term Elegbara is of great significance because
not only does the name appear in the Americas
amongst Igbo descended captives meaning the Egba
and the Mina tribes, but is also the name of a tribe
that lives on the Southern Sudanese, Northern
Ugandan border and of whom are likewise related to
the Igbos of Nigeria as they are known by the variant
of Elegbara being called the Lugbara. When traveling
in Uganda I personally met a Lugbara Doctor of
Medicine who previously studied alongside of Igbo
students from Nigeria. The Lugbara man stated that
he could understand much of the Igbo Language
440
After God is Dibia
which held a great deal in common with his own
Lugbara Tongue. Through numerous and prominent
cultural and linguistic affinities the Lugbara man was
definitely convinced that the Lugbara and the Igbo are
akin.
Similar to the Igbo of the east, the western Igbo
descended Egba were always known to be
revolutionaries in continual revolt against the
Colonial British authorities, European missionaries
and their traditional Yoruba enemies being primarily
that of the Oyo and Ijebu. In 1929 the Igbo market
women of the east led a tax revolt against the Colonial
British Government which became known as the Abia
Women’s Tax Revolt. The Egba women carried out a
similar tax revolt in 1947 known as the Abeokuta
Women’s Tax Revolt of Egba Market Women. The
Egba market women were led by Fumilayo Ransome
Kuti, a teacher and wife of a prominent Egba
educationalist. The protest of over 10,000 Egba
women caused the governing authorities to abolish
taxes on women for several years and the Alake who
conspired with the Colonial authorities spent three
years in exile in Oshogbo.
Many of the positive social and ethical traits
which are often associated with the Igbo are
historically documented as being characteristic of the
Egba as well. Robert Campbell who along with Martin
Robison Delaney signed a pact with Egba leaders for
the right of resettlement of African-Americans to
441
After God is Dibia
“Egbaland” states that the Egba are the most
industrious people on the face of the earth. (Burton
1863:101)
James Africanus Beale Horton concerning the
Egba(Akus) “It must be admitted without question
that there are no people on the coast who are so hard
working and so long suffering in proportion to what
they expect in return.” He also went on to say that the
Egba as a race are amongst the most industrious,
persevering and hard working people on the coast of
Africa. (Horton 1969:149)
In terms of education the Egba like the Igbo are
deserving of great acclaim. The first Black-African to
receive a Nobel Prize in Literature was an Egba man
named Wole Soyinka who like the Igbo actively
opposed the Nigerian Government during the Biafran
War. Soyinka was detained by agents of the state
between 1967 and 1969. In this regard Booker T.
Washington whose middle name, Tanifeani, attests to
Egba origins should be noted as the founder of the
famous Tuskegee Institute.
In Brazil an organized Ibo revolt led to the
establishment of the Independent “Ibo Republic” of
Palmares which lasted 45 years. Being consistent with
“Igbo resistance” Palmares ended in a massive suicide
of Ibo warriors who preferred death to capture. The
city Ibotirama testifies to a strong Ibo presence in the
region, however as in the case of Haiti, Afro-Brazilian
culture and religious practices are more readily
442
After God is Dibia
associated with that of the “Yoruba”(Egba) including
the worship of Legba.
Olukwumu is spoken in Brazil and interestingly
enough in a few Western Ibo communities such as
Anioma, Idumu-ogu, Ubulubu, Ugbodu, Ugboba and
Okwumuzu. In fact communities bearing the name
Olukwumu(Olukumi) still exist amongst the Western
Ibo. Although this dialect cannot be found in the
Yoruba heartland it remains in reference as a “lost
dialect of the Yoruba Language”. All of the above
clearly indicates that many of the captives in Brazil
including those who successfully revolted in the
establishment of Palmares were of western Ibo origins
and like the Egba are being mistakenly classified as
Yoruba. In Brazil the Western Ibo were accompanied
by a massive importing of Ebos from Angola and Ibos
from Mozambique, the latter further accounting for
the dominant and preferable Ibo usage amongst the
Brazilian captives.
In Cuba the Olukwumu were referred to as the
Olukumi, Lukumi or Akumi. The Egba have
traditionally resisted identification with the term
Yoruba preferring to be called Egbas or Akus. Slaves
in Cuba known as the Lukumi or Akumi meaning of
the Egba people were well known for suicide
resistance which often found them handing from the
branches of the Guasima trees. This being very
similar to the “Igbo” resisters of Haiti who were
likewise remembered for suicide resistance as
443
After God is Dibia
understood in the Haitian saying, Ebos pend cor a yo,
meaning the Ebos hang themselves. The relationship
between the names Olukwumu and Olukumi with that
of Akumi(Aku or Egba) further solidifies the common
origins which link the Western Ibo and the Egba
peoples.
The Egba who like the Igbo were originally
known as forest dwellers are acknowledged to have
been at one time living east of their present day
location. The process which led to the vanquished
links of brotherhood between the Igbo and the Egba
can be characterized by the often strained relations
that currently exist between some of the eastern and
western Igbo communities of today.
Biafran Nigerian World Message Board-JAN. 6th
2004 Efulefu of Western Kind.
“… lately some misguided Igbo people of
Anioma/Ibusa (in short Western Igbo stock), have
been making anti-Igbo noises. I read that a group of
419 purporting to represent Anioma and all Western
Igbo issued a statement disavowing their Igboness… If
you are from Western Igboland and you no longer
wish to consider yourself Igbo you have only one
option. Pack your damned bags and leave otherwise
we are coming!!!”
History not only records the common origins of
the Egba and the Igbo but their common destiny as
they are identified as two groups most devastated by
the slave trade which is expressed in the following;
444
After God is Dibia
“The Egba have suffered more than any other
nation in West Africa from the depredation of the
slave trade.” (Horton 1969:146)
“It is stated that a dispersion of the Egba in
the 1 quarter of the 17th century scattered the exiled
st
Egba to Sierra Leone, United States, Gambia

Fernando Po, Hausa, Borneo, Central Africa, The
Fezzan, Egypt and even Istanbul.” (Horton 1969:146)
“Igboland was one of the areas most affected
by the slave trade. Igbos were exported as slaves
throughout the whole period of the trade.” (Isichei
1973:45)
The Four African Societies of Modern Cuba
represent the various elements which comprise the
Igbo ancestry of African-Americans.
1. LUKUMI(EGBA) – The Lukumi Society whose

name derives from Akumi meaning those of the
Akus who are the Igbo descended Egba and their
brethren the Ketu. They are often mistakenly
referred to as Yoruba, an estimated 275,000 were
brought to Cuba.
2. ARARA(EBO) – The Arara Society pertains to the
Igbo descended Mina tribes who were designated
to work the Gold Mines of Ghana and of whom
were sold to the Americas from Sao George which
became known as El-Mina (THE MINES). El-
Mina was the center of the gold trade and the
focus of the greater slave trade. The main Mina
445
After God is Dibia
tribes of Ghana were the Igbo descended Ewe and
Ga, while in Dahomey they were called (Fon
(Fongbe) or Abo as in Abomey. The origins of
the Mina tribes is maintained in the name of the
Igbo-Mina tribe of The Kwara State in
Yorubaland. Most Mina tribes were known as
Ebo and approximately 200,000 arrived in Cuba.
3. The Egbo Society(EGBO) – The Egbo Society
consists of the descendants of the coastal “Igbo
Nation” of Egbo-Shari. The present day Efik and
Ibibio are amongst the most prominent tribes to
be historically associated with the Egbo Society,
however during the time of the slave trade the
largest and most powerful tribe within the Egbo
nation were those known as the Kwa and thus the
Egbo Society was also known as
AbaKwa(Abacua). The majority of the Kwa were
sold to the Americas during the Slave Trade.
Slave traders often referred to the Egbo as
Calabaris or Kwa Ibo. A division of the Egbo
Society is called Ekpri Akata. Many present day
Yorubas and Africans in general now derogatorily
refer to African-Americans as Akata(Akuta).
Since there was such a large number of
Akata(Egbo) sold during the slave trade the term
Akata became synonymously associated with
those being enslaved. Approximately 240,000
Egbo were brought to Cuba.

446
After God is Dibia
4. BAKONGO(IBO/EBO) – The Congo Society is
made up of the descendants of Ibo captives who
arrived in the Americas from Angola(Ebo),
Mozambique and the Congo and Gabon. Ibo
captives were shipped to the Americas
throughout the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries. Their
practices are often reflective of that of the slave-
trading tribes of whom they encountered such as
the Imbangala, MaKua and Lemba.

447
After God is Dibia
Bibliography
Bibliography
1. Afigbo, A.E. Professor of History University of

Nsukka. The Age of Innocence (The Igbo and
Their Neighbors in Pre-Colonial Times). 1981,
Ahiojuku Lecture.
2. Baike, William Balfour. Narrative of an
Exploring Voyage Up the Rivers Kwora and
Binue Commonly Known as the Niger and
Tsadde. Frank Cass Ltd, London 1966.
3. Beckwith, Carol and Angela Fisher. The
African Roots of Voodoo (National
Geographics), August 2005 Issue, National
Geographics Society, Washington, DC
4. Blassingame, John W. The Slave Community:
Plantation Life in the Antebellum South.
Oxford University Press, New York 1979.
5. BriefHistory fMozambique.
www.dana.ucc.nau.edu/nms/history.html
6. Burton, Richard Francis, Sir. Abeokuta the
Cameroon Mountains, An Exploration by
Richard F. Burton. Tinsley Brothers, London
1863.
7. Chambers, Douglas B. Murder at Montpelier:
Igbo Africans in Virginia. University Press of
Mississippi, Jackson 2005.
8. Courlander, Harold. A Treasury of African-
American Folklore. Crown Publishers, New
York 1966.
448
After God is Dibia
9. Fisher, Mel. The Last Slave Ships (Afro-Cuban
Identities).
www.melfisher.org/lastslaveships/cuba.html
10. Gates, Jr., Henry Louis (Ed). The Classic
Slave Narratives. New American Library, New
York 1987.
11. “God and One Are Always a Majority”. Mary
Slessor: From Factory Girl to White Queen.
Glimpses Issue #128. Christian History
Institute, Worcester, PA 2003.
12. Gonzales-Wippler, Migrene. Santeria The
Religion: A Legacy of Faith Rites and Magic
Harmony. New York 1994.
13. Goodwine, Marquetta (Ed). The Legacy of
Ibo Landing Gullah Roots of African-American
Culture. Clarity Press, Atlanta, GA 1998.
14. Greenberg, Kenneth (Ed). Nat Turner, A
Slave Rebellion in History and Memory.
Oxford University Press, New York 2003.
15. Herskovits, Melville J. The Myth of the
Negro Past. Beacon Press, Boston 1958.
16. Horton, James Africanus Beale. West
African Countries and Peoples. Edinburgh
University Press, Edinburgh 1969 (1868).
17. Iliffe, John. Africa, The History of a
Continent. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge 1995.
18. Isichei, Elizabeth. A History of the Igbo
People. Macmillan Publishers, 1976.
449
After God is Dibia
19. Ibid. The Ibo People and the Europeans-The
Genesis of a Relationship. Faber and Faber
Publishers, London, 1973.
20. Lucas, Olumide. The Religion of the Yoruba.
C.M.S. Workshop, Lagos 1948.
21. Matibag, Eugenio. Afro-Cuba Religious
Experience. Cultural Reflections in Narrative.
University Press of Florida-Gainesville, 1966.
22. McMillan, Hugh (Frank Shapiro). Zion in
Zambia. I.D. Tauris Pub. 1998.
23. Middleton, John. The Lugbara of Uganda.
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York 1965.
24. Morgan, Philip P. Slave Counterpoint: Black
Culture in the 18th Century Chesapeake and
Low Country. University of North Carolina
Press, Chapel Hill 1998.
25. Mozambique WWF Expedition in
Conservation.
www.secureworldwidelife.org/expeditions
26. Nwabueze, Ben O., Professor. The Igbos in
the Context of Modern Government and
Politics in Nigeria (A Call for Self Examination
and Correction). Ahiojuku Lecture 1985.
27. Nwangu, Chido. Are We Igbos or “Ibos”?
www.usafricaonline.com/chido
28. Obenge, Theophile. Readings in Pre-
Colonial Africa. Karnak House Publications
1995.

450
After God is Dibia
29. Odili, Ogechi. Igbo Efulefo of the Western
Kind. January 6, 2004.
www.messageboard.biafranigeriaworld.com
30. Onwuejeogwu, MA. Evolutionary Trends in
the History of Development of the Igbo
Civilzation in the Cultural Theatre of Igboland
in Southern Nigeria. Ahiojuku Lecture 1987.
31. Onyebuchi, Amene, Esq. Onitsha, A Child of
Egypt. The Eternal Lands of the Living Gods,
Pt. 1. www.onitshaado.net
32. Smith, Robert. The Kingdoms of the Yoruba.
University of Wisconsin Press, Madison 1992.
33. Talbot, Percy Amaury. In the Shadows of the
Bush. W. Heinemann, London 1912. Negro
University Press, New York 1969.
34. Time Atlas of the World 9th Edition. Times
Books Publications 1994.
35. Utsey, Shawn Ovie, PhD, Associate
Professor, Department of Psychology, Virginia
Commonwealth University. A Gullah Raised
45 Minutes From Ibo Landing (Igbo origins
confirmed through D.N.A. testing) Igbo
Studies Association. isa@truman.edu
36. Walvin, James. Making the Black Atlantic
Britain and the African Diaspora. Sutton Pub.
1997.
37. Williams, William H. Slavery and Freedom
in Delaware 1639-1865. SR Books 1997.

451
After God is Dibia
38. Woods, Rachel Malcolm. Cheering the
Ancestors Home: African Ideograms in
African-American Cemeteries. Folk Art
Messenger, Vol. 17, No. 1, Spring/Summer
2004 Folk Art Society of America, Richmond
Virginia.

452
After God is Dibia
Rediscovering Our
Lost Igbo Brethren
by Chukwurah Emeagwali
at Igbo Cultural Day celebration
at Calgary, Canada on August 23, 2003.
Ozi nkwado Ndi Igbo nke Ma'zi Chukwurah
Emeagwali
degara Ndi Igbo bi na obodo Calgary, Canada n'oge
emume afo ncheta Igbo.
Ndi b'anyi ndeewo nu O!

I felt honored when Ma'zi Kene Ufondu invited me to
say a few words to you.
As part of your celebration, I urge you to reflect and
remember the contributions of tens of millions of
Diasporan Igbos (ndi bi n'Igbo Uzo, nwanne di na
mba) that left Ala Igbo a few centuries ago.
On Igbo Day, I remember Ma'zi Jubo Jubogha alias
"Ja Ja," the 12-year-old slave-boy that became King of
Opobo (Eze n'Opobu Igbo). Ma'zi Jubogha was
summarily tried in a British court and found guilty of
"treaty breaking." For "blocking the highways of
trade," Ma'zi Jubogha was permanently exiled to
Barbados and St. Vincent, West Indies. He is now
immortalized in Barbadian folklore and song.
On Igbo Day, I salute Ma'zi Olaudah Equiano, another
12-year-old slave-boy, for proudly writing: "I am
453
After God is Dibia
Eboe" (Abu m Igbo). I thank Ma'zi Equiano for
providing us the earliest written account of the culture
and customs of Ndi Igbo. I thank Ma'zi Equiano for
chronicling the horrific injustices of slavery.
The following chant mourned the loss of young
Olaudah:
Who are we looking for, who are we looking for?
It's Equiano we're looking for.
Has he gone to the stream? Let him come back.
Has he gone to the farm? Let him return.
It's Equiano we're looking for.
Ma'zi Equiano is an ichie, nna-mmuo (revered
ancestor, great spirit). Scholars immortalized this
nwa'afo Igbo (true son of the soil) with the title:
"father of black literature."
On Igbo Day, I invoke the spirits of the ten heroic
"Eboe" men, women, and children of Georgia's Sea
Islands who jumped off a slave ship and drowned
themselves to escape slavery. Sea Islands folklore
recalls how ten defiant and courageous "Eboe" slaves,
shackled at their ankles and necks, with tears in their
eyes, chanted in unison, the eerie refrain:
"The water brought us; the water will take us away."
The act of courage and fierce resistance of the "Eboes"
to the condition of bondage is immortalized in the
folklore and song of the Gullah people of coastal
Georgia.

454
After God is Dibia
May the spirits of those "Lost Igbos" walk beside you,
whisper to you, and guide you in your quest for
knowledge and wisdom.
Ma'zi Equiano described himself as a "stranger in a
strange land." As strangers in Canada, I commend you
for providing an opportunity for Umu Igbo to know
their brothers and sisters. Ndi b'anyi si na njiko ka,
mmadu ka e ji aba.
Igbo Kwenu!
Comment: Chukwurah Filip
Emeagwali

After God Is Dibia PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

After God Is Dibia PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

After God is Dibia

Ozi Nkwado Ndi Igbo nke Ma'zi Chukwurah Filip

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali info@emeagwali.com Page 2 of 454

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali info@emeagwali.com Page 3 of 454

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali info@emeagwali.com Page 4 of 454

I am soaked with songs... literature prize.

- a pilgrim of delicious peace.

yet your offspring

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali info@emeagwali.com Page 5 of 454

beyond Bill Gates and microchips,

mystery’s powdered face

- by Obu Udeozo. Comment: “A man with a message, a

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali info@emeagwali.com Page 6 of 454

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali info@emeagwali.com Page 7 of 454

THE 2001 AHỊAJỌKỤ LECTURE

ASỤSỤ N’AGBỤRỤ NDỊ IGBO

LANGUAGE IN IGBO CIVILIZATION

Prof. Emmanuel Nwanolue Emenanjo

B.A. (Hons.) English, Ibadan; Post-graduate Diploma

M.A. (Linguistics) Ibadan; Ph.D (Linguistics) Ibadan

Igbo mma mma nụ

Nkịta nyara àkpà Nsị àgwụ n'ọhịa

Ọhịa ogwū mara ọkụkọ A naghị epio yà epiọ

Òke bàa na mkpọ Àzụ gwụ na mkpọ

Dinta buru egbé Anụ àgwụ n'ọhịa

Isi akwu daa n’àlà Nwaànyị arịa ya elu

Agụ bàa n'ọhịa Mgbada achịri ume n'aka

Mmiri riri nwa awọ À naghị egwū ya ègwù

Ahịajọkụ agbaala afo iri abụo na abụo. Ọ mụtala umu

Each lecturer is to choose his or her Language of

Ụmụnne m na ụmụnna m, unu anụla ya nụ. Ọ bu ihe a

Ladies and Gentlemen, the point I have tried to make

Ndị nwe m, we all have our own different proverbs

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali info@emeagwali.com Page 14 of 454

Gwa m gwa m gwa m, ...

Gwanụ m.(ihe) ...

Ị mara, Ị marala, Ị marala ...

Onye nà ọ gaghị eri?

Ụgwọ onye ọ bụ la aghaghị ikwụ

Ihe nyirị dike?

Ihe a gụrụ aha,

O di ka aha a gụrụ ya?

Ozuru ụwa nille?

E zuru ezu gaa

E zughị ezu laa?

Maazị Chiifu, Dọkịta Frederick Chiedozie Ọgbalụ has

Amaala, mma mma nụ Ekeleenụ

Mma mma nụ Ekeleenụ

Okwu m chighaa! Back to my language of discourse. It

MBÈ àgaba Ajambène

MBÈ àgaba Ajambène

MBÈ gaa gaa Ajambène

Inu m, na akụkọ m na okwu m enupụụnọọ faa faa

Agadaaga ala a di, site n'ala ndị Nsụka n'Ugwu ruo na

E mee elu mee ala, mbo tọrọ eze. Ma ọ masịrị ndị di

N'ezie ọ bụrụ na ọ bụ ndị mba ndị ọzọ nwere Ugwuele

Ihe kara mere n'ekobe

Ihe ndị ọkpụ mere n'akụkọ

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali info@emeagwali.com Page 22 of 454

Ị nụbela maka Thurstan S na Maịk Angulu

Ka Maịk Angulu Ọnwụejeọgwụ na Lawal nọsịrị na-

Mana ndị Igbo, ha bụ yahoo! Lee ihe J.C. Obienyem