IN00NESIAI\)J0URNALFORISLAgIC STUDIES Voume 8,Number2,2001

THE MAKING OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL TRADITION

!N THE MALAY WORLD
Jajat Burhanudin

HATTARIYYAH TRADITION !N WEST JAVA:

THE CASE OF PAMIJAHAN
Tommy Christomy

NETWORKS OF THE LLAMA IN THE ARAMAYN:

CONNECTIONS IN THE INDIAN OCEAN REGION
Azyumardi Azra

ISSN 0215-0492
EDITORIAL BOAT:
M. Qurnisli Sllihnt (IAIN Jakiirtn)
Taufik Abdullah (LfPf JnRrta)
Nur A. Yudhil Lubis (IAIN S umntrn Utnra)
M.C. Ricklefs (Melbourne LlniversitiJ)
Martin vnn Bruinessen Utrecht University )
John R. Bou›en (Washington University, St. Louis )
M. Atllo Miidzhnr (IAIN YogiJakartR )
M. Kiniuil Husnn (Interns tioniil Islamic University, Kunla Lumpur)

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Azyuniardi Azra

EDITORS
Sniful Mujnni
fnmlluri
Jn/ut Biirhnttiiddiii
fa’nd Jabali

ASSISTANT TO THE EDITORS

Heni Ntiroil i

ENGLISH LANGUAGE ADVISOR

Chloe J. Olliver

ARABIC LANGUAGE ADVISORS

Nursemnd

COVER DESIGNER
S. Prinko

STUDIA ISLAMIKA (ISSN 0215-0492) is n journnl published bij the Center

for the Study of Islnin nnd Society (PPIM), IAIN SiJarif Hidnynttlllnh, Jaknrtn
(STT DAMPEN No. 129/SK/OIT JEN/PPG/STT/1976) nnd sponsored biJ the Deynrtriietit
of Religious Affnirs of the Republic of Indonesin. It specializes in Indonesian Islamic
studies, mid is intended to communicnte original resenrches and current issues on the
sutject. This jottrnnl wnrmlij welcomes contritutions from scholars of related disciplines.
All articles putlislled do not necessariliJ represent the vieu›s of the journal, or other
institutions to which it is nffiliated. They ure soleliJ the uiews of the nuthors. The articles
cotltained in this journal lwve been refereed biJ the Board of Editors.
STUDIA ISLAMIKA hns been accredited by The Ministry of Nationnl Education,
Republic of Indonesia ns an ucndemic journnl.
Networks of the Ularrta in the Hararnayn:
Connections in the Indian Ocean Region

Abstraksi: Dalarri k o nteks transmisi beilmuan Islam, sejak azral,

Harama yri (Madish dvn Madinah) mendudubi poster yang sangat
istirriema dan penting. Hal ini, antara lain, baTena dalam sejarah Islam,
Ha ra rna yn dianggap sebagai tern pat suci yang mem ilibi bebeTapa
k eisti m e zraa n dan k euta rna a n fada’i1). Sela in seba gai te m pat
diturunkann ya Islam, H0TfZ?Tlayn, dengan datang dan pergin ya jarriaah
haji setiap tahun, rrienjadi tempat perterriuan teTbesaT kdum MuslirFi daTl
berbagai penjuru dunia. Tidak heran 'emudian, jika HOTdlTlayn pernah
rrienjadi pusat intelektual Dunia MHSlirri, di rrtana pdT0 llama, sufi, ftlO5O
penyair, pengusaha, dan sejaT0Man muslim bertemu, beTbagi pengetahuan,
saling menukar infiorrriasi, dan rrielakukan berbagai antifitds, ba ik
perdagangan, politik, rFiaupun eagaFFiaan.
Dalam hal keilmuan Islam, aktifltas yang terjadi di Hdrdmayn teTsebut
pada Qilirann ya beTimplikasi atas terciptanya pdTtngan intelektual antara
para ulama yang terlibat di dalamnya, terrriasuk para ulama daTi zrilaydh
Anal Benua India, bhususn ya Asia TenggaTd, di mana Melayu-Indone-
sia beTada di dalamn ya. Menguatn ya saling silang hubungan uldma di
Haramayn ini, antara lain, didukung oleh miinculn ya beb0Tdpa institusi
pendidikan tradisional seperti madrasah ddH Ttbk¡, tempat di mana
seoTang llama mengajarkan dan mentTansmisikan berbagai pengetahuan
Islam kepada inurid -iT!ff Tldnya yang data rig tidak saja dari Sila yah
teTdebat, melainkan juga dari berbagai tempat di belahan dunia.
ATtikel ini meag6adir/zaa satu perribahasan penting tentang proses
teTbentukn ya jaringan keilrriuan dt 0ntf2 T0 paTa ulamd Timur Tengah
tersebut dengan murid-inuTidn ya di zrilayah lain, teTutama yang terjadi
m ulai sek it f2 T Okhi r Obad k e-16 hingga pa ruh 'edua abad be- 17.
Pembahasan artikel ini rrıenjadi begitu penting ketika dikaitkan dengan
dinamika keilmuan Islam di milayah Melayu-Nusantara, yang pada
periode azral banyak merujuk de Haramayn sebagai pusat intelektual Is-
larrı. Kendati penıılisnya mengabui bahzra jaringan keilmuan yang
terbentuk tersebut dipengaruhi juga oleh faktor non-keagarrıaan, seperti
altifıtas ekonorrıi dan politik, namun artikel ini lebih mel fokuskan
pembahasann ya pada faktor beagamaan saja.
Dijelaskan bah zra jaringan keilmuan di antara para mama Timur
Sergei dengan para ulama wilayah lain tersebut terbentub dalam dua
polo hubungan. pertama, hubungan zertikal: guru-murid; dan kedua,
)ffÜR72gfiH horizontal.’ gRFff-gRfR, atau murid-mHrid. BeraHal dari dua
pola huburıgan inilah, semangat peınbaruan, khususn ya di bidang
kegamaan kemudiarı merembes ke beTbagai zrilayah lain, termıasuk de
milayah Arial Benua India, terutama sejab panıh pertama abad 17 hin a
abad 18, betika murid-murid Hararrıayn tersebut bas yat yang kerrıbali
de 'aınpung halamannya’, ‹L:in membentuk jaringan beilmıuan bam
dengan para ulama dan murid-rrıurid setempat. Tidak heran kemudian,
jiba saling silang hubungan keilmuannya menjadi sangat rumit dan
bompleks, tetapi pada saat yang sama yoga menjadi sangat penting.
Dalaru konteks jaringan beilmuarı ini, peranan para ulama Melayu-
Nusanta ra terlihat saugaı signifilan, terutarrıa barena banyat di
antaranya yang datang be Haramayn, deagaa mıembama tradisi-tradisi
keilmuan dari atla yahn ya, bemudian belajar dengan para ulama
terkemuka, bahkan beberapa di antaranya menetap dan menjadi shaikh
di sana. Tradisi-tradisi “bamaan” ini kemudian berinteraksi dengan
tradisi keilmıuan d0Tt Milayah lain dan tradisi Haraınayn sendiri yang
telah mapan. Dengan demikian, mala Hararrıayn menjadi semacam
“panci pelebur’ melting pot), di maria berbagai tradisi keilmuan Islam,
seperti tasazrufdan 6adzs, sarrıa-sama lebur merrıbentuk tradisi bam, yang
menafiıkan batas-batas milayah, perbedaan etnis, serta kecenderungan-
kecenderungan keagamaan dalam hal ınazhab dan afiılı0St harekat.
Selain itu, pembahasan artikel ini yoga rrıenggarisbamahi bahse salah
satu aktor yang menjadi sarana terpenting dalam menghubun$ban para
ulama yang terlibat dalam jaringan keilmuan di Haramayn, khususnya
pada abad de-17 dan 18, adakh adanya peranan brusial isna“d dalam
tradisi hadis dan silsikh dalam tarebat. Hal ini terjadi karena hampir
semııa ulama yang terlibat dalam jaringan keilmuan tersebut memiliki
mata rantai yang mat antarsatu dengan lainnya, bari melalui peri-
mayatan hadis maupun barena masuk dalam silsilah harekat.
Networks of the Utama in the Haramayn:
Connections in the Indian Ocean Region
 he Indian Ocean region plays an important role in networks
of the H/nmn in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. There
were a number of n/nmn from the Indian Ocean region—par-
ticularly, the Yemen, the Indian sub-Continent and Southeast Asia—
who were involved in international networks of the H/nmn.
The involvement of the u/nmn of the Indian Ocean region took at
least two forms. Firstly, through their travelling or migrating to the
Holy Cities of Mec ca and Medina (the Haramayn) . I found that a
great number of ff/nmn and students from the Indian Ocean region
came to and late r settled in the Holy Cities to study and teach. Sec-
ondly, students who le1t that they po ssess ed s ufficient knowledge
returned to their place of origin in the Indian Ocean region, teaching
and forming networks of o/nmn and students in their own area. As a
consequence, through these two methods, there appeared a complex criss-
crossing of networks of H/nmn in the Indian Ocean region and other
areas of the Muslim world.
The emergcnce of networks of the u/nmn in Mecca and Medina,
which included a sub s tantial numb er of non-Middle Eastern schol-
ars, particularly from the Indian Ocean region, was not independent
of other developments in both the Haramavn and Muslim societies
as a wh ole. Their rise can be attributed to several important factors
which were not only religious, but also economic, s ocial and politi-
cal in nature, and which operated both at the regional level in a given
Muslim society and at the level of larger Muslim world.
Contacts and relations between Muslims in the Indian Ocean re-
gion and the Middle East began to gain momentum with the flower-
ing of Muslim kingdoms in South and South east Asia in the late six-
teenth century. The intensification of their participation in the trade
of the Indian Ocean brought them into closer contact not only with
Muslim traders, but also with political authorities in the Middle East.
The increasing presence of Europeans, particularly the Portuguese,
was also an important factor which pushed their relations much fur-
ther into the politico-diplomatic realm. The intensification of these
relations significantly contributed to the growth of the ññyy pilgrims
from the Indian Ocean region to the Haramayn, which in turn spurred
th eir involveme nt in the scho larly netwo Wks.
Th e gr owth of int e r na ti o nal ne two rks o f th e u /n mn in th e
H aramayn, particularly in the sixtee nth and seventeenth centuries,
ther efore, should be viewed not only from a wider perspective but
also through the longer span of historical discourse between Muslim
societies both of the Middle East and the Indian Ocean region.
Early Networks of Ulama
The t radition of learning among the ofarna throughout Islamic
his tory has been clo s ely as sociated with religious and educational
institutions such as mosques, madrasahs, ribkls, and even the houses
of the teachers. This is particularly e vident in the Haramayn, where
the tradition of learning created a vast network of scholars, transcend-
ing ge ograp hical boundaries as well as differences in religious out-
looks. I will discuss how networks of the H/nma developed surround-
ing these ins titutions , and how leading s cholar s in the Haramayn,
through their traditions of learning, created links which connected
them with each other as well as with earlier and later scholars.
There is no doubt that the two great mosques in Mecca and Medina
were the most important loci of s cholars involved in the networks
from the last decades of the fifteenth century onwards. Despite the fact
that the number of madrasahs and ribs1s continually increased after
the the first and second madrasah in Mecca were built in 571 / 1175 and
579 /1183 respectively, the Haram Mosques continued to be the most
important centers for the process of learning. The madTdS f2 S and ribs ts
by no means replaced the two great mosques as far as the process of
learning is concerned. However, they became vital comple- ments to the
scholarly world in the Holy Land.
It is important to note that the madrasahs tended to be organized
in a mo re formal way. They had their o ffially appointed heads of
mndrdsnb, teachers, qSd?s, and other functionaries. Furthermore, they
each had their own curriculum, and even a certain quota of students,
as well as an exact allocation of the time of study according to their
madhhab. This is particularly true for madY0S0 S which consisted of
four divisions o f Sunni legal madhha bs. The Mad rasah al-
Ghiyfithiyyah, for ins tance, had a qu o ta of 20 s tude nts for each
madhhab. The Sh fifi'i and Hanafi students had their clas s es in the
mo rning while the Maliki and Hanbali students had theii s in the
after no o n. ' S i mi la r arrange me nts were a1 s o ap plie d a t the
Sulaymaniyyah rrtadrasahs.’ It is also clear from our sources that these
madrasahs were mainly devoted to teaching basic and intermediate
levels o f various Islamic disciplines. With all the ir fo r mality, the
madrasahs had few opportunities to take their students to higher lev-
els of Islamic learning.
However, such a disadvantage, which resulted from the nature of
the Haramayn madrasahs, was soon overcome by the ribs1s, and more
importantly, by the two great mosques. As a rule, those who aspired
to seck ad anced learning joined the ñn/qnbs in the Haram Mosgoes,
or the rift H, and in many cases, they also studied privately in teach-
ers' h ous es . As can br expected, there was little formality in such
Zn/gets. Personal relationships were formed and became the ties that
connected them to each o ther. Teachers werc well acquainted per-
sonally with each of their students and thus they recognized the spe-
cial necds and talents of each student, and attempted to meet these
needs. The significance of this should not be underestimated: it is
th rough these processes that the teachers issued ijkzah (authority) to
their students or appointed them the ñba/i nb (successor or deputy)
of their tart“qahs.
Al-Ffisi relates many examples of teachers in the Haram Mos que
in Mecca who were authorized to teach p rivately not only advanced
students, but also rulers and traders who intended to pursue special
Islamic disciplines. Among them was 'All b. Ahmad al-Fuwwiyyi (d.
7 81 /1389), who was authorized to teach a ruler of Shirñz, Shfih Shujfi’
b. Muhammad al—Yazdi, about the Hadith of the Prophet. So satisdied
was lie with the may al-Fuwv iyi taugh t him that the ruler granted
200 mzfbqñ/ of gold, a portion of which was spent on building a ribkt.-“’
Similarly, when Bashir al-J umdar al-Nasir, a Mamluk ruler in Egypt,
wished to study › arious Islamic disciplines in Mecca, several Q #i“s
were as signed to teach him. The most important among them was
Qfidi al-Qudñh Muhammad J amfil al-Din al-Zfihirah (d. 817/1414).'
Ano ther scholar, kfuhammad Diya’ al-Din al-Hindi (d. 780/1378) and
his so n, Muhammad b. Diya’ al-Din al-Saghani (d. 825/ 1422), were
also appointed to teach Hanbali fiqh to se eral members of the Egyp-
tian Maml uk ruling dynas t •.
Furthermore, scholars who taught in the Haram Mos ques were
also often asked to answer questions coming from many parts of the
Muslim world. As a rule, they held special majlis (sessions) to discuss
these matters. In many instances, they issued written items, but it
was also not unusual for them to write special books which attempted
to answer the questions in detail. Al-Ffisi again relates the story of
Jamfil al-Din al-Zfihirah, one of his teachers, who received hundreds
of questions from various parts of the Middle East." Such an impor-
tant role played by the scholars in the Haram Mosques vis-a-vis many
believers, becomes a distinctive feature in later periods when the schol-
arly networks increasingly gai ned momentum. I found s everal lead-
ing scholars in seventeenth century Haramayn wrote about and dis-
cussed certain religious issues which arose among Indian and Malay-
Indonesian Muslims. For example, at the end of seventeenth cen-
tury, the Chief Qfidi of Mecca issued a fatwa on the deposition of
Sultanah I€amalat Shah (of the Acehnese Sultanate) stating that, in
his opinion, an Islamic kingdom could not be ruled by a woman.’
One es s ential ques tion worth as king is how scholars who came
from many different places in the Muslim world were able to obtain
teaching positions in the Haramayn madrasahs and at the Haram
Mosque of Mecca and the Prophet Mosque in Medina. In order to be
allowed to teach, a teacher, either in the inadrasah or at the Holy
mosques, was required to have ijkz ah , which established the academic
credentials of the holder. The most important credential was the isnkd,
namely, the chain of authority which indicated the unbroken link of
teacher-student in the transmission of certain books or teachings. As
a rule, the iyñznb was issued by a recognized teacher to his students,
generally after they s tudied with him. However, there were a few
cases which demos trate that the iyñznb might also be issued through
relatively sho rt meetings, and even through written correspondence
with teac hcrs.
The app ointment of scholars to teaching positions at the Holy
Mosques in Mecca and Medina was decided by a religious bureau-
cracy which was responsible not only for administration of the Holy
Mosques, but also for religious life in the Haramayn as a whole. The
highest official in the bureaucracy was the Qfidi (judge), often called
Qfidi al-Qudfih (Chief Qadi), who was in charge of religious laws and
of the leadership of the four Qfidis, each of them representing a Sunni
legal school. It appears that prior to the Ottoman period, the Qadi al-
Qudfih als o held the o Ffic e of Mn fti. N ext came the Shaykh aI-
Haramayn, the two directors of the Haram Mos que in Mecca and
Medina. In each cii there was z Sta ykL al-’Ulamk (chief of scholars)
who oversaw all scholars. '
There is no information as to when such a religious bureaucracy
was instituted, but it is clear that it was already well established from
at teas t the fifteenth century onwards. When the Ottomans rose to
power in the Hijaz, this structure was largely maintained. Although the
holders of most of the top posts needed to be confirmed by the O
ttoman authorities, the Haramayn scholars were relatively free to choose
those who would fill these positions. There was a tendency however, for
those positions to be dominated by s cholars who be- longed to certain
families. This is demonstrated in the careers of many ff/nmn in the
Haramayn. For instance, J amfil al-Din al-Zfihirah, the
Qfidi of Qudfih mentioned above, was succeeded to the position by
his s on Ah mad b. Muh am mad al-Zahirah in the e ally fi fte en th
century." S imilarly, the his torian Al-Ffisi, whose father Ah mad (d.
81 9/ 141 6) happened to be related by marriage to the Chief Qfidi of
Mecca, Muhmmad b. Ahmad b. ‘Abd a1-‘Aziz al-Nuwayri, was ap-
pointed the Mfiliki Qadi of Mecca in 807/ 1405 with a letter of inves-
titure from al-Malik al-N isir Faraj b. Barqu q, a Mamlu k ruler in
Cairo. ' 2 An important scholar in the networks, Muh ammad b. ‘Abd al-
Rasul al-Barzanji, who migrated to the Haramayn in the second half
of the seventeenth century, led scholars of the Barzanji family to
prominence in Mecca. Three members of this family dominated the
office of the Shafi’i Mufti after 1 269/1852." ‘Abd al-Hifiz al-‘Ajami
(or Ujaymi) became a mufti of Mecca after Hasan b. ‘Ali al-‘Ajami, a
prominent scholar in the networks, established the fame of the ‘Ajami
family towards the end of the seventeenth century. ' 4
It was the S haykh al- ’mls mS ’, the Qadi al- Qud fih, S haykh al-
Haramayn and the four Qñofs of the four nsdd65nf›s who collectively
made decisions on the appointment of scholars to teaching positions
in the Haram Mosques. Once or twice a year, they sat together to
examine candidates for future teachers. The candidates, as a rule, were
long time students of the Mosques who were well acquainted with
senior teachers. The examiners, in addition to checking the ijSzn6 of
the candidates, p osed a number of questions concerning vari o us
branches of Islamic discipline to the candidates. If the candidates were
able to answer all questions satisfactorily, they were issued i jkzah , or
permission to teach in the Holy Mosques. The names of these new
teachers were made public, and students were able to begin their stud-
ies with them.
Thefe is nO data of the number of teachers in the Haram Mosques
in the period under discussion. However, an Ottoman report for the
year 1303/1884-5 mentioned that there were 270 teachers in that year.
Snouck H urgron j e considers this number unreliable, “for many of
those men ate named pi ofessots because the Governor [Ottoman]
wished to favor them with a salary from a fund destined for the ad-
vancement of science”." Thus, Snouck Hurgronje believes that the
total number of actual teachers was only somewhere between 50 and
60 teachers.' 7 There is no way we can substantiate this number. How-
ever, I would suggest that the average number of teachers at any given
time during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were between
100 and 200. If this number is added to the number of teachers who
taught only in the mDdFasak s and to the number of visiting teachers,
then the to ta1 number of teachers in the Haramayn was clearly quite
large.

Personage and Linhages in the Networks

There is little doubt that some of the scholars mentioned abovc,
in one way or ano ther, had connections with each o ther. What is
important is that se› eral leading scholars of that period had linkagcs
to the core of scholarly ne twor ks in the seventeenth century. We
have noted that Al-Ffisî for instance, was a student and good friend of
I b n Ha jar al- ‘As q ala n î and Shih fib al- D in al -Ram lî, two great
rrttthaddith s who lived in Egypt. Similarly, al-Nahrawalî, a leading
scholar in the sixtee nth centur y Har amayn, had extensive connec- tions
not only with earlier scholars such as Ibn Ha jar al-‘As qalfini, but
also with those of the seventeenth centura such as I brfihim al- Ikurâni.
Almo s t all s ch olar s otto cons ti tu te the core of the seven- teenth century
networks of n/nma traced their hadith isnâd and iaTt“qah SilSildh tO these
SChOlafS.
The s ch olarly networ ks in the seventeenth century had cosmo-
politan origins. Thcre were at least two nou-Hijazi scholars who ap-
pear to have largely contributed to the growth of the netwo rks in
this century. The first was Indian by birth and Persian (Isfahan) by
origin, nam cd Sayyid Sibghat Allfih b. Ruh Allâh J amfil al-Barwaji
(some spell it al-Baruji or modern Barauch in Gujarat), and the sec-
ond was an Egyp tian named Ahmad b. ‘Ali b. ‘Ab d al-Quddus al-
Shinn fiwi al-Mișrî al-Madani. Their relations hip represents a good
example of how sc holarl) interactions resulted both in exch anges of
knowledge and in the transmission of the “littlc” traditions of Islam
from the Indian Ocean region to the Haramayn.
Sayyid Șib ghat Allfih (d. in Medina in 1015/ 1606) was undoubt-
edly a typical wandering scholar who ended up being a “grand immi-
grant” in the Haramayn. Hailing from a Persian immigrant family in
India, one of his famous Indian teachers was Wajlh al-Din al-Gujarati
(d. 997/1589), a leading Shattariyyah master, otto lived in Ahmadabad.
For several years ¢ibghat Allâh, under the pationage of the local ruler,
taught the Shațtfiriyyah do ctrines in the town of his birth. In 999/
1591 he traveled to Mecca in order to make the haj] pilgrimage. After
r etur ning to India, he traveled to various places before staying in
Ahmadnagar for one year. Later, he moved to Bijapur, a s trong Sun
center in India, where he won the favor of Sultan Ibrfihim ‘fidil Shfih,
wh o then made a special arrangement for him to travel back to the
Haramayn in the royal ship during the hkj] season of 1005/ 1596.'
After performing the pilgrimage, Sibghat Allfile decided to settle
in hledina, where he built a house and a ribs I from the nn@ and gifts
he recei› ed from the Sultans of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur, and from Ot-
toman officials in Medina. Sibghat Allfih was generally known as a
leading Shattariyyah Shaykh. He was regarded as being responsible
for introducing the fa shh iT- i Khamsah o I the famous Shattfiriyyah
S h ayk h, Muh amm ad G ha u th al- H in di (d. 970/ 1 563), and o ther
Shattfiriyyah treatises to Hatamayn scholars. However, he also initi-
ate d dis cip Ie s into the Chis h tiyyah, Suh r fiwardiyyah, Madariyyah,
I€halwatiyyah, Hamadaniyyah, N aqs hb andi}•ya h, and Fir dau s i) yah
orders. This is not surprising since his teacher, Wa]ih at-Din, had also
been initiated into all eigh t orders.' In Medina, ¢ibghat Allfih was
active in teaching at the Nabawi Mosque. He also wrote several works
on Su fism, theology, and a commentary on the Baydawi Qur’anic
exegesis."
The diversity of Sibghat Allfih’s most prominent disciples clearly
re flects the cos mo politan nature of the sch olarly discourse in the
Hatamayn. Among his disciples were Ahmad al-Shinfiwi, Ahmad al-
Qus hfis hi, Say)•id Amjad Mira a, Sayyid As’ad al-Balkhi, Ab u Bakr b.
Ahmad at-N asfi at-Misri, Ibn ‘Abd Allfih b. Walt al-Hadrami, Mu-
hammad b. ‘U mar al-Hadrami, Ibrahim al-Hindi, Muhy al-Din al-
Misti, at-hlulfi Shaykh b. Ilj fis al-I€urdi, hlulfi Nizfim al-Din al-Sindi,
‘Abd al-Azim at-Makki, and Habib Allfih al-Hindi" His bn/qabs were
also attended by some students and pilgrims from the Sultanate of
Aceh who in turn provided information about Islam in the archi-
pelago." It is worth m entioning that Sibghat Allfih was also a friend
of Fadl r\llah al-Burhfinpuri al-Hindi (d. 102 9/ 1620)," whose wo rk
entitled al-Tocfs I al-MuTS0lah ill R Eh al-Nabi^° had provoked intense
discussion at the time, including in the Indian Ocean region.
At least two prominent scholars were responsible 1or the spread
of Sibghat Allfih's teachings in the Haramayn, these being Ahmad al-
Shinnfiwi and Ah mad al- Qus hfis hi. Born in 975/ 15 67 from a noted
scholarly family in Egypt, Ahmad b. ‘Ali b. ‘Abd al-Quddus Abu al-
Mawfihib al-Shinnawi acquired his early education in his own land."
His grandfather, Muhammad al-Shinnfiwi, a prominent Sufi shaykh,
was a master of the famous Egyptian Sufi ‘Abd al-Wahh fib al-Sha’rfini.
The latter, in turn, initiate d Ah mad al-S hinnawi’s bathe r, ‘AU al-
S hinn fiwi, into the Ahmadiyyah tariqah. 2 ‘ Even though Ah mad al-
Shinnfiwi was exposed extensively to Su fism from an early age, he
had an interest in studying hadith. Among his teachers in hadith were
two leading Egyptian moñnddifbs: the Shfifi'i mu f/ Shams at-Din al-
Ramli (d. 1004/ 15 ) 27 and Muhammad b. Abi al-Hasan al-Bakri, who
was als o kno wn as a s u fi. 2 Ah m ad al-Shinn fiwi travel e d to th e
Haramayn and took up residence in Medina, where he died in 1028/

There can be no doubt that Ahmad al-Shinnfiwi attained fame in

the City of the Prophet. He established a friendship and studied with
Sibghat Allfih, who initiated him into the Shattariyyah order. His
erudition in the Shattariyyah and other orders led him to earn the
title of the al-Bahir al- lart'qah (“the dazzling light of the sufi order”).
With his expertise in hadith and Sufis m, he attracted numerous s tu-
dents to his kallqahs. Among his leading students were Say id Salim
b. Ahmad S h aykh fini, Ah ma d al -Qu sh fi s hi, and S ayyi d al-J alfil
Muhammad al- Ghurabi.
Ahmad al-Shinnfiwi’s scholarly connectio as through h adith stud-
ies and mzzqn6 were extensive. For instance, he had isnkds with ear-
lier scholars and su fts such as Muhammad Zahirah al-Makki, Qutb al-
Din al-Nahrawali, Ibn hajar al-‘Asqa1ani, al-Suyuti, and Ibn al-‘Arabi."
He wrote several works dealing with theology and Sufism; al-Baghdadi
and Brockelmann list 16 and 5 of them respectivel) ."' One of his
works was Tajalli yah al-Basé’ir Hkshi yat ’all Kitkb al-Jamkhir li al-
Ghauth al-Hindi“, a commentary on the Kitkb ‹s/-/nnSbir al-Khamsah
of Muhammad Ghauth al-Hindi.

The Expansion of Networks

How the sch olarly networks in the Haramayn developed further
can be seen in the experience of Ahmad at-Qushfishi. His career demon-
strates how the web of scholars was becoming wider and more pregnant
with intellectual exchanges. Undoubtedly, he was the most influential
among the disciples of Sibghat Allfih and Ahmad al-Shinnfiwi. In the
colophon of one of al-Qushfishi’s works, nJ-3im/ n/-Majfi, 3' we are told
about the career of this great scholar. The most complete biography of at—
Qushashi, however, was provided by MuStaffi b. Fath Allfih al—Hamawi al-
Makki (d. 1124/1712), a leading mtihaddith and historian in Mecca. Al-
Hamawi himself was also a student of Ibrfihim a1-I€urfini, the most
prominent and influential disciple of al- Qushfishi." In his yet unpub-
lished three-volume biographical dictionary entitled Fast’id al-Irtihkl
i] al-Safar fi AkhbkT Ahl n/-Qcs n/-/-fir// Ashar,3’ al-Hamawi de-
votes a long account (no fewer than 13 folios-26 pages) to the biography
of al-Qushfishi, which is based mostly on the recollection of al-I€urfini.3‘
Al-I€urfini himself includes biographical notes of his great shaykh to-
ward the end of his work al-Umam /i /qSz a/-Himnm.” Al-Hamawi’s
accounts were later condensed by al-Muhibbi in his Khulkmt al-Athar fI
A’ykn ml-Qcs al-@di“ Ashar.“
Safi al-Din Ahmad b. Muhammad Yunus al-Qushfishi al-Dajñni al-
Madani was born in Medina in 991/1838 of a Palestinian family whose
genealogy traced his ancestry back to Tamim al-D firi, a prominent
Medinan companion of the P rophet. His grandfather, Yunu s al-
Q us h fishi, a s u fi, decided to take his family back to Medina from
Dijana, a village near Jerusalem. In the City of the Prophet, Shaykh
Yunus, who had also been known as ‘Abd al-Nabi, earned his living
by s elling qushksh , second hand goods, from which Ah mad got his
first laqab. Our sources suggest that he took this lonely position in
order to retain his anonymity as a great suff ”
Ahmad al-Qushfishi acquired his rudimentary religious knowledge
according to the Mfiliki school of law from his father and Muhammad
b. ‘Isfi al-Tilmisfini, a renowned ‘alim in Medina. In 101 I /1 602, his
father took him on a trip to Yemen where he studied with most of
the o/nmn with whom his father had studied, such as al-Amin b. Siddiqi
al-Marwahi, S ayyid Muhammad Gh arb, Ahmad al-Sathih al-Zailafi,
Sayyid ‘Ali al-Qab’i, and ‘Ali b. Mutayr. They stayed in Yemen for
some years befot e returning to Mecca where he made the acquain-
tance of man y of Mecca’s leading scholars such as Sayyid Abi al-
Ghayth S ha)r and Sultan at-Majzub. Although he spent the rest of his
life in Medina, al- Qus h fishi frequently visited Mecca, particularly
during the pilgrimage seasons.'8 It was in Medina that he established
his scholarly career. As al-Hamawi tells us, he associated himself with
the city's leading u/n mn, exchanging knowle dge and info rmation.
Among them were Ahmad b. al-Fad1 b. ‘Abd al-Nafi’, Wali ‘Umar b.
al-Qutb Badr al-Din al-‘Adali, Shihab al-Din a1-Ma1ka‘i, Sayyid As’ad
al-B alkhi and, o f particular imp ortance, Ah mad al-S hinn awi. Al-
Shinnfiwi taught him not only hadt“th, ftqh , Salim and other sciences
related to Islamic law and theology, but also initiated him into and
appointed him his Shalt“ ah of the Shattfiriyyah tariqah. The relation-
ship between these two scholars went beyond the scholarly realm;
al- Qu s h fis hi married al-Shinnfiwi’s daughter.
 Despite their very close relationship, al- Qush âs hi differed from al-
Shinnfiwi in that he maintained his adherence to the h(filiki school of
law. O ni) a fte r al-S hinn âwi's death did he adop t the Shfifi'î rrtadhhak ,
the legal scho ol his father-in law adhered to. In long ac- counts of al-
Qushfishi’s change of madbbnfi, al-Hamawi reports that al-Qushfishi adopted
the Shfifi‘î madhhab after he received guidance from the P ro phet Mu h
am mad himself through his reading of the whole Qur’an in one single
night. Al-Qushfishi also gives several other valid reasons to change one’s
rnadhhab.”’ It is evident that Ahmad al- QusL fishi was a scholar of
extraordinary erudition and humility. This is confırmed, for instance, by
Ayyûb al-Dimashqi al- I€halwati (994- 1071 / 1fi 86-1661), a great Suni
who was a teacher of the Indonesian al- Maqas sarı. Ayyûb al-Dimashqi
points out that he had never met a scholar as learned as al- Qushâshi.4'
Al-Qushfishî was also a prolific writer. The number of his works is
listed as 16 by al-Baghdadı,*' 19 b› Brockelma nn," and more than 50
by other sources.°" These works deal with tasawwuf, hadith, fiqh, usûl
fıqh, and tafsir. To date, onlj al-Simt al-Ma]ı“d has been published.
Alth ough al - Qus h fis hi is gene rally known as a sh aykh of the
Shattâriyyah tariqah, he was actually affiliated with almost a doz en
other sufi orders. It mus t be admitted, however, that he was particu-
larly instrumental in the trans mis sion of the Sh attâriyyah tar îqah.
through his students, to many different parts of the Muslim world.
According to al-Hamawi, his principal disciples were no fewer than
100. They came from many regions of the world,“ and they cons ti-
tuted crucial links among scholars in the networks.° 5 The most well-
known among his disciples were Ibr fihîm al-I€urfini (1023-1101 /1 614-
1690) , ‘Abd Allfih b. Shaykh al-‘Aydâr‘s (1027-1073/1618-1662 a
teacher of Bfi Shaybân who was a teacher of the Arab-Malay Nûr al-
Din al-Rfiniri;" Hasan b. ‘Ali al-‘Ajami (1049-1113/1639-1701)"; al-
‘Allamâh al-Walt Barakat al-Tûnisi; ‘Abd al-I€hfi1iq al-Hindi al-Lahuri
(d. I 059/ 1649)"; ‘Abd al-Rahman [al-Mahjûb] al-Maghribi (I 023-1085/
1614-1674);" ‘Isa b. Muhammad al-hIaghribi al-J a'fari al-Makki (1020-
1080/ 1611-1669)"; Mihnan b. ‘Awd Bfi Mazru’; ‘Abd Allfih Bâ Faqih,
Sayyid ‘:\li al-Shaybanî al-Zâbidi (d. 1072/ 1 662) and a number of
other leading Yeme ni s ch olars, especially those of the ‘Alawi and
J a’mân families' ' including Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Rasûl al-Barzanji al-
I€urdi (1040-1103/ 1630-1692)," and the Indonesian ‘Abd al-Ra’û1 al-
SinkÎlî and Muhammad YÛs uf al-Maqas s âri. Al- Qush fishı died in
Medina in 1071 / 1661.
 The s ch olaity networks gained strong impetus when Ibr fihim al-
I€ur fini, the mos t celebrated student of Ahmad al-Qushfishi, es tab-
lished his career in Medina after traveling in quest of Islamic sciences
in various places in the Middle East. The fact that al-I(urfini occupied
a position of extrao rdinar}• importance in the furth er development
of the sclaolarlJ netwo rms is shorn not only by the large number of
students he had and his vast connections, but more impo rtantl b›'
his numerous works. He was the common starting point for the lines
of linkage of many scholars in the seventeenth and eighteenth centu-
ries. Being a scholar of intellectual distinction, al-I€urfini made a sub-
s tantial contiibution to the further growth of the intellectual cur-
rents deve lop cd by al-Shinniwi and al- Q ushfis hi.
By all accounts, Ibrfihim al-I€urfini was a great scholar. Al-hlurfidi
calls him “a mountain among mountains of ‘th and a sea among seas
o1 ‘ir ñu (spiritu at knowledge) ”."’ A prominent nineteenth century
scholar, Abi Tayyib Muh amm ad Shams al-Haq al-‘Azimabadi (bo rn
1273/1857), a noted Indian mv hadditll, has singled out a1-I(urJn1 as
the reformer (Sri u jaddid) oY the eleventh century A.H. / seventeenth
centu r C.E." Dis cussing ex ten si› ely the h adith whict s tates that
“God sends to this community (ummnb) at the ‘head' TO’s ) oY each
centur) one wh o regenerates its religion for it,” al-‘Azimabadi pro- vides
a list of Muslim scholars who have been considered as the mu]addids of
Islamic beliefs and practices at the end of each hundred
) ears after the Hi j rah. It is important to note that for the ninth cen-
tur) A.H / fifteenth century C.E. mu jaddid , al-‘Azimabadi s tates a
preferencc for J alfil al-Din al-Suyuti (d.911 /1505) over Zakariyyfi al-
Ansfiri (d. 926/ 1520) , who had been chosen by other scholars.’5 De-
spite this difference in preferences, the two great mtilladdiths were
recognized b the leading exponents of the networks as their intel-
lectual and spiritual precursors.
As for the mujaddid of the tenth century A.H. / sixteenth century
C.E., at-‘Azimabadi follows al-Muhibbi’s lead 5" in choosing Shams at-
Din al-Ramli, the great Egyptian muhaddith, who was a teacher o F
Ahmad al-Shinnfiwi. In the twelfth century A.H / eigh teenth century
C.E., according to al-‘Azimabadi, there were two mu jaddid s: the first
was the great lexicograp her, theologian and his to rian Mur tad fi al-
Zfibidi (d. 1205 / 1791), a Hadrami migrant in India; and the second
was the Wes t African m It haddi th wh o settle d in Medina, Salih b.
M u ha mm ad al- Fullfi ni (d. 1218/ 1803-4). Thes e two scholars were
among the most prominent personages in the international networks
or u/amn in the eighteenth century.
Why is al-I€utânî chosen as the mujaddid oI the eleventh century
of the Islamic calendar? According to al-I€attâni, al- I€urânî was a
Shaykh al-Islàm and a teacher of the scholarly world who was a “proof
of Sufism” (hujjat al-sùfi yyah) and a reviver of the Sunni sufistic tradi-
tion. Furthermore, tte was one of the scholars most responsible in
Islamic history for spreading the science of hadîth studies, hadîth nar-
ration and its isnâds in the Muslim world. 5 ’ Al-Zarkalî credits him
with being a leading mujtahid amo ng the Shâfi'i uqahâ and
Muhaddiths. 5 ‘
Burhân al-Dîn Ibrâhim b. Hasan b. S hihâb al-Dîn al-I€uràni al-
S hàhraz un al-Shâhrani al-I€urdi, later also al-Madani, was born in
S hâh rin, a village in the mountainous region of I€urdistan close to
the border of Persia. Our sources provide no account of his back-
ground. He initially studied Arabic, À‹s/ânz (theology), man tiq Jogic),
philosophy and, curiously enough, also handasah ( engineering ) in
his own region (qu /r). Thus in his early studies he had already ex-
plored various sophisticated subjects, but tte seems to have had a spe-
cial interest in languages. He pursued rather detailed studies of Ara-
bic such as mn 'äaz and ba yen, and at the same time studied Persian
and Turkish. He later concentrated on usÛ1 al-flqh, fiqh, hadîth, and
tasa uf, mainly under the guidance of al-Mulâ Muhammad Sharif al-
I(urinî al-Siddîqi (d. 1 078/1667).'0
After the death of his father, Ibrihîm al-I(urâni left for Mecca to
perform the ñnyy pilgrimage. His younger brother, who traveled with
him, became gravely ill, which caused him to go to Baghdad instead
of going to Mecca. He remained there for a yeah and a half and took
this opportunity to advance his knowledge of Arabic and Persian as
well as to observe more closely the practice of the Qàdiriyyah iari“qah.
Al-I€urânî met ’Abd al-Qâdir al-Jaylânî in one of his dreams. He was
going westward, and al-I€urâni followed him to Damascus, where he
lived for the next four years. During this period, he became increas-
ingly interested in sufis tic doctrines, particularly in that of Ib ri al-
’Arabi (562- 6 3 8/ 11 6 5 -1 240). His main teacher in S u fis m was
Muh ammad b. Muhammad al- ‘Âmiri al-Ghizî. However, as he told al-
Hamawi, it was al-Qushâshî, whom he met later in Medina, who was
largely responsible for instilling in him and understanding of the intricate
mystico-philosophical doctrine of Ibn al- ‘Arabi."
Despite his growing fascination with Sufis m, al-I€uràni did no t
put aside his genuine interest in hadith. For this reason, he traveled
to Egyp t in 1 061 / 1650, where he s tu di ed h adi th with its great
muhaddiths such as Muhammad ‘Alfi’ al-Din Shams al-Din al-Bfibili al-
Qfihiri al-Azhari (1000-1077/ 1592-1666)," 2 Ahmad Shihfib al-Din al-
I€hafiji al-Hanafi al-Masri (d. 1069/1659)," and Shaykh Sultan b. Ahmad
b. Salfimah b. Isma'il al-Mazzfihi al-Qñhiri al-Azhari (987-1075/ 1577-
1644).“ As al-I€uran1 tells us in his al-Umam li Iqkz al-Himam , these
scholars issued him iyñznbs to teach hadith, after he had studied not only
the standasd books on the subject such as the Kutub al- Sittah (six
canonical books of the Tradition of the Prophet), but also a great
number of lesser known h adith books with them. They con- nected him
with many leading Eg}•p tran zsuñds including Shams at- Din al-Ramli
and Zakariyyfi al-Ansari."’ It is important to note that al-I€ur ini was also
linked with the Egyptian isnkds by way of al- Qushfis hi, who received
them from al-Shinn fiwi, who in turn ob- tained them from his teacher,
Shams al-Din al-Ramli. In addition to hadith, he studied tafsir (until 1087
/1 677) with the Azhfir Imfim, Our al-Din ‘Ali al-Shabramalisi and ‘Abd
al-Rahmfin Shihadha al-Yamani.‘"
In 1062/1651 al-I€urfini returned to Mecca and then proceeded to
Medina where he attended the ñn/gdps of at-Qushfis hi, and ‘Abd al-
I€arim b. Abi Bakr al-I€urani, among others. He was also appointed
by al-Qushashi as his khali“fah in the Shattariyyah order. Despite this, a1-
I€utfini was better known as a shaykh of the Naqshbandiyyah or- der.
Later, he taught in the Nabawi Mosque at the site where Sibghat Allfih, al-
Shinnawi and Ahmad al-Balkhi had taught. Al-I€urfini de- voted his
ba/qnbs to teaching various Islamic sciences.‘7
Because of his intellectual distinction and personality, he attracted
scholars and students from distant parts of the Muslim world to at-
tend his ñn/qnbs or rna jlis to study and learn from him. As a friend
and a teacher, he was extraordinarily humble. He loved to intermingle
with his students. Furthermore, instead of simply swamping them
with all the necessary sciences, he preferred to discuss them. As al-
Hamawi puts it, to be present in his ma]lis was like being in “one of
the gardens of paradise” (raw dah air riyS# ml- ‹suuob)."
Our sources do not tell us the exact number of al-Kurfini’s stu-
dents. However, a1-I€attfini points out that practically all seekers of
’zh during his time in the Haramayn were his students. Therefore,
his netwo rks were enorm ously extensive. ” The most well-known
among his disciples were Ibn ‘Abd al-Ras ul al-Barzanji, Ahmad al-
Nakhli (1044-1130/1 639-1701)", Muhammad ‘Abd al-Hfidi al-Sindi
or Abu al-Hasan al-Sindî al-I€abîr (d. 1138/ 1726)" ‘Abd Allfih b. Sa’d
Allâh al-Lahurî (d. in Medina in 1083/1673)," ‘Abd Allfih al-Bâsi (1048-
1134/ 1638-1722)," Abû Tâhir b. Ibrfihim al-I€urfini (1081-1145/1670-
1732) ," ‘Ali aI -S h ayb âni al - Z fi b idî (d. 1 072 / 1 6 6 2) ," I s h âq b.
Muhammad b. Ja’mfin al-Yamani (d. 1096/ 1685),7" al-Sinirli, and al-
Maqas s firi.
Al-I€urfini wrote numerous works which added to his intellectual
importance in the networks. He is said to have written at least one
hundred works: "’ al-Baghdfidî provides 49 titles,” while Brockelmann
lists 42 of them.’" Most of his works deal with hadith, fiqh, tawhıd
(and kalfim), tafsir and tasa uf. In addition, he wrote a number of
works which were intended to be his reply or explanation of certain
problems either directly posed to him or contained in particular works of
other scholars. Although many of his works are available in manu- script
form, so far only two have been published."'
So far our discus sion has centered on the networks in Medina.
This does not mean that th ose of Mecca were not important. Before
discussing the networks in Mecca, it should be remembered that even
though all the great scholars mentioned earlier had settled and taught
in Medina, they regularlş visited hlecca. During these visits they made
contact with other scholars and taught s tudents as well. We should
not underes timate the signifi cance of such contacts in the sch olarl›
ne too rks: they wc re no t only an imp or tant means of exchanging
information on › arious issues, but more importantly, of linking schol-
ars. And for students from th e Indian O cean region like al-Sinirli
and al-Maqas sârî, contacts with a number of great u/‹zma in the net-
works significantly contributed to their learning.
A great scholar of enormous impo rtance in con neetini scholars
bo th in Mecca and Medina with Egyp tian h adi th sch olar s hip was
Muhammad b. ‘Alfi’ al-Din al-Bfibili al-Qahiri al-Azharı (d. 1077/ 1666).
He was a disciple of Shams al-Din al-Ramli, Abu Bakr al-Shinnâwi,
and a number of other Reading Egyp tian scholars."' Both al-Ramli
and al-B fibili have been mentioned as teachers of al-Shinnfiwi and al-
I(urâni respectively. Muhammad b. ‘Alfi’ al-Din al-Bfibili al-Qfihiri al-
Azharı was acclaimed as a superior isnâd and as one of the mos t reliable
memoriz ers of the hadiths (ol-bâ z). He was even compared to the bâ
z Ibn Hajar al-‘As qalfinî. Murtadfi al-Zâbidi, another bâ z o F hadîth
s, maintains that there were no other great hâsize except al- Bfibıli after the
death of the bâ z and historian al-Sakhawı in 902/ 1497. As a testimony
to al-Bfibili’s eminent position in hadith studies,
al-Zfibidi wrote two words entitled al-MW Tdbbi“ al-Kk.m il fl man rank
’an al-Bkbilt“ and al-EdpT Al-Bkbili“ fi Tarjamat al-BkbilI.“-
Hailed as a major muhaddith in the seventeenth centur) , at-Bfibili
traveled to various cities in Arabia and thus he had extensive net-
works of colleagues and disciples." Later, he mostly lived in his home
town of Bfibil, and held a teaching post in the Salahiyyah Madrasah
until la is death. However, he regularly visited the Haramayn where
he es tablished contact with prominent scholars as well as taught. The
most well-known among his students in Mecca were Ahmad at-Nakhli
and Hasan al-‘Ajami, and in Medina al-I€urfini. Al-Sinkili tells us that
he also came into contact with this eminent scholar. Al-Bfibili was a
very dedicated teacher who preferred to meet students in person rather
than bv way of writing. Although he a ctuallj discouraged writing,
he wrote a work entitled al-Jihad ma Fa dk’ilih.“
Another great scholar who played a remarkable role in connect-
ing the scholatly networks in Mecca, this time with the Indian tradi-
tion of Suns m, was Tfij al-Din b. Zakariyyfi 6. Sultan al- 'Uthm fini al-
N aq s hba ndi al-Hindi (d. in Mecca in 1052/ 1642) . He hailed from
Samb hal, India and migrated to Mecca when he was unable to secure
the position of highest ranking master in the Indian Naqshbandiyyah
order after the death of Muhammad Bfiqi bi Allfih (971-1012/15 63-
5,
In Mecca, TJj al-Dln at-Hind1 succeeded in initiating a number of
prominent Haramayn scholars into the N aqs hbandiyyah tariqah: the
most prominent were Ahmad b. I brfihim b. ‘Clan (d. 1033/ 1624), a
noted Aleccan sufi and muhaddith , and Ahmad aI-Nakhli. These two
disciples largely helped the Naqshbandiy ah become more commend-
able to the Arab s. Thanks to Ibn ‘Alfin’s prestige and influence in the
H aramayn, Tfij al-Din a1-Hindi’s translation of Persian Naqshban-
diyyah texts into Arabic won a much wider audience.‘" As for al-
Nakhli, who was also known as a muhaddith , such a connection helped
not only to b ring about the N aqs hbandiyyah reorientation, but also
to link the community of hadith sch olars to the sufis. He had also
sils ilah s of the N aqs h bandiyyah and Shattñriyyah from Sayyid Mir
I€alal b. If ahmud al-Balkkhi, co rinecting him to Sib ghat Allfih."
Scholars from the Maghrih region also played a substantial role in
the netwo rks. Like the Egyptian s cholars mentione d earlier, the)
were responsible for introducing the North African tradition of hadith
studies to the Haramayn, and thus for strengthening the intellectual
trend of returning to a more shari‘ah-oriented Islam. There were two
prominent Magh ri b1 s cholar s wh o se names have been me nti one d
earlier in passing: ‘Isfi b. Muhammad al-Maghribi al-Ja’fari al-Tha’alibi
al-Maghribi (1020-80/ 1611- 69) and Muhammad b. S ula) mfin al-
Raddfini al-Maghribi al-Makki (1037-94/ 1626-83). By settling down
in Mecca, they not only brought the North African tradition of hadith
s ch olarship to the Haramayn, but also helped create more linkages
among sch olars from many regions of the Muslim world.
‘Isfi al-Maghribi, and later also al-Makki, traced his ances tors to
J a’far b. Abi Tfilib, a cousin of the Prophet Muhammad. He spent
most of his early years studying with local u/nmn in his home town
in the al-]aziri region.“ Of all the branches of Islamic science, he was
particularly interested in fiqh and h adith . For tlii s reason, he firs t
traveled to Algier s where he studied h adith and other Islamic reli-
gious sciences, mostly with its Mufti Sa'id b. lbrfihim Qaddurah. Af-
ter continuing his studies in Tunis and other places in this region, he
undertook a pilgrimage to Mecca in 1062/1652. After the pilgrimage,
he extended his sojourn for one year at the Dawudijyah ribä t, where
he taught hadith and fiqh. Again he went traveling, this time to Cairo
where he attended bn/qnbs of great E6yp tian o/nmn s uch as QJd1
Ah m ad al-S hih Vb al- I€ha ffij i, Sultan al-Maz z fih1, and N ur ‘Ali al-
Shabramali st, all of whom were also teachers of al-Uur fini.
Having gained from them iysznb to teach and to relate h adith, ‘Isa al-
Maghrib1 returned to Mecca. In the Holy City, he exchanged knowl- edge
and studied with prominent Haramayn scholars such as Tab al- Din b.
Ya’qub al-Mfiliki al-Makki (d. 1066/ 1 656)," Zsyn al-‘Ä bidin al-Tabari
(1002-78/1594-1667)," ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Zamzami (997-1072/ 1589-
1662)," and ‘Ali al-Jamal al-Makki (1002-72/1594-1661)."' All of the se s
cho lar s also auth o rize d him to te ach and to relate hadiths through
their isnäds which mostl}• began with ‘z\lfi’ al-Din al-Bfibili.
The signi ficance. of ‘Is ta al-Maghribi in the scholarly communities
in the Haramayn can not be overestimated. He was acclaimed as one
of the most prominent Mfiliki legal scholars in his time. In the Holy
Cities he was known by the honorary title “Imfirn al-Harama) u”. He
taught at the Holy Mosques in Mecca ariel Medina. He attracted many
Haramayn students to his halqahs. Al-l urfini, Hasan al-‘Ajami, and
Ah mad al-N akhli were among his best-known students. Al-Sinkili
also established contacts with al-Maghribi while he was studying in
Mecca. Al-Maghribi taught in Medina for a certain period every year,
and he enjoyed a warm friendship with al-Qushfishi in Medina.’"
All biographers of al-Maghribi are in accord that he was of great
imp o rtan ce in conne c tie g the tr aditi on of h adith s tu dies in the
Maghrib region and Egypt with that of the Haramayn, and further
to thc Indian Ocean region. The scope of his narration (rizrñyn/r) was
enorm ously cvi de; as al-I€attfini puts it, “nobody was more learned
than he in these matters during his time”. Because of his extensive
travels, Murtadfi al-Zabidi 8elieve s that al-Maghribi was a “mus nad al-
dunyfi” (h adith narrator of the world)." Thes e claims find their support
in one of al-Maghribi’s own works entitled KDnz al-Risk yat al-Majmu’ fi
DurOF Df-ID Z W f2 OM Qit al-Md5W ’. This work con-
sists of two volumes and, as its title indicates, is indeed concerned
with the hadith narration. Al-Maghrib1 not only lists his hadith teach-
ers in his book, but more importantly, draws a picture of their com-
plex connections with one another. In addition, he provides the titles
of the books which were produced by scholars involved in these hadith
networks.” The Kanz al-Rizrk yat , therefore, is an important work
which sheds more light on the role of hadith narration in the growth
of th e s cholarly networks.
In ter m s o f his edu ca tio nal ba ckg to und, our next scholar ,
M uh ammad b. Sulaym fin al-Raddani al-Maghribi, was no t so ver y
different from ‘Isfi al-Maghribi. I-Iowever, in contras t to ‘I s fi, who
preferred to lead a quiet life, Sulaymfin was an outspoken sch olar; he
had a strong tendency to exercise his religious influence in the politi-
cal realm. As al-Sibfi‘i points out, he was the only scholar in Mecca
who dared to speak out against the abuse of power among the ruling
Sharifian family, with their continuous struggles amongst themselves.
He also attempted to bring about radical changes in the religious life
of the Holy City. His close relations with the Ottoman ruling elite
gave him additional weight in launching his reforms in Mecca.’"
After studying in his home region, Sulaymfin traveled to al-Jazair
and Egypt where he learned from leading uHmn such as Shaykh al-Islfim
Sa’id b. Ibrfihim Qaddiirah, Ahmad al-IWaffiji, al-Bfibili and al-Mazzfihi.
These same men, as mentioned earlier, were also the teachers of al-I€urfini
and ‘Isa al-Maghribi. In 1079/1668 Sulaymfin traveled to the Haramayn
where he remained for two years. After long travels to Istanbul and
other cities in Turkey, Syria, Palestine and Lebanon, he finally returned
to Mecca. There he built a ñ/7Sf which was known as the Ibn Sulaymfin
ribs j. However, he did not confine his activities to just scholarly and
religious matters; he was also occupied with public affairs, which led to
open conflicts with the Sharifs of Mecca."’ As a result, he was expelled
from Mecca and died in Damascus.
 In addition to his activism, Sulaymfin was known as a distinguished
mu hadditk who had strong linkages with supeDior isnkds in hadith
narration. Among his wo rks, two were devoted to hadith studies:
Jam’ al-Famk’id fi al-Hadith and Silat al-Khala bi Massif al-Sala . In
both works, the author described, among other things, his connec-
tions with a number of earlier prominent mu haddiths such as Ibn
Hajar, as well as the hadith boo is he studied."‘ The biographical ac-
counts of SulaymJn do not explicitly mention the names of his stu
dents in the Haramayn. However, acc ording to al-Muhibb1 (106 I -
1111 /1 651-99), the author of Khulksat al-Athar, who was himself a
s tude nt of Sulajm fin, the latter h ad num er ou s s t u d e nts in the
Haram avn in clu ding al-N akhli and Hasan al-‘A jami. “" And, as al-
I€attfini shozs us, Sulaym fin had vast connections b way of hadith
studies with his contemporaries and later scholars in the networks. '""
So far we have seen that many leading scholars in the seventeenth
ce ntu ry networks were “grand immigrants”, incl u ding th ose from
the Indian Ocean region. This does not mean, however, that native
scholars from the Haramaj n did not play an important role in this
cosmopolitan scholarly community. Th ere were a number of native
s cholar s of Mecca and Me dina wh o to ok part a ctively in the net-
works in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
One of the leading scholars of Meccan origin was Tfij al-Din b.
Ahmad, better known as Ibn Ya’qub. He was born in Mecca, and
died there in 1066/1656. He studied primarily in Mecca with its lead-
ing scholars such as ‘Abd al-Qfidir at-Tabari, ‘Abd al-Muluk al-‘Asami
and I€hali al-Mfiliki, who issued zJñznb for him to teach in the Haram
Mos que. Ibn Ya’qub had close relationship s with scholars who were
involved in the networks, particularly with ‘I s fi al-Maghribi. Simi-
larly, his connections through hadith s tudies were extensive. I€nown
as an expert on the shari’ah, kalfim and tasa uf, I bn Ya'qub was
later appointed to the office of the Qfidi at-Qudñh of Mecca. In addi-
tion to this position, he taught in several madTdSDhs in Mecca. He was
a prolific writer on various topics from Arabic to Su fism. One of his
works was devoted to answering religious questions from Malay-In-
do nest an Muslims. '"
Another important scholar of Meccan origin was Zayn al-‘ bidin at-
Tabari (1002-78/ 1594-1667), a leading scholar of the Tabari famil) in
Mecca. This family traced their ancestors to ‘Ali b. Abi Talib. Zayn at-‘k
bidin’s principal teacher was his own father, ‘Abd al-Qfidir b. Muhammad b.
Yahya at-Tabari (976-1033/ 1568-1624). It is clear that
Zayn al-‘fbi din was also involved in s ch olarly discourse with other
prominent scholars in the Haramayn. By virtue of the scholarly repu-
tation of his 1amilj•, he was able not only to gain a great deal of ben-
efit from many pto mine nt s ch olar s in the H ar amayn, but also to
as sert his own role and that of the Tabart family in the networks.
Being a m ff hDddith of distinction in Plecc a, Zayn al-‘Â bidin was a
teacher of thc next generation of scholars including Hasan al-‘Ajami,
Ah mad al-Nakhli, ‘Abd Allfih al-Bas ri, and Abu Țfihir al-I€u rfinî.'" 2
It is wo rth noting that Zayn al- bidîn's fath er, ‘Abd al- Q fidir (976-
1033/ 1fi 68-1624) was also a major scholar: he was a mu haddith whose
isuăds included great traditionists like Shams al-Din al-Ramlî, Zakariyyfi al-
Anșfirî and J alfil al-Din al-Su) iițî. He also inherited the Meccan s ch olarly
tradition from the Zâhirah famil) , mentioned ear- lier. Thus, ‘Abd al-
Qfidir was a scholar of special importance in con- necting the scholarly
networks of an earlier period with those under discussion here. ‘Abd al- Q
fidir was also an historian of Mecca; sev- eral of his numerous works
were devoted to explorîng the history of Mecca. '"’
Another son of ‘Abd al-Qfidir, ‘Ali (d. 1070/1660), was also a notecl
scholar, especially in /r. With expertise in this field, he was often asked
to give religious opinions /atmn) on various matters. Like his brother
Zayn al-‘Âbidîn, in addition to studying with his father, he gained a
great deal of benefit fro m scholars in the Haramayn. If Zayn al-‘Âbidin
inherited his father’s expertise in hadith, ‘Ali took over his father’s tal-
ent as an historian. Thus, ‘Ali wrote s evefal works on the history of
hlecca and its notables. "‘ ‘Ali was also one of al-Simtit’s teachers.
I t is o bviou s that the Țabarî family played a significant role in
sch olar1 dis course in the H ar amayn. A1-Sibâ”i points out that the
three Țabari scholars above revived the reputation of the Țabari fam-
ily as an old scholarly family in Mecca. Sau idah Mubarakah, a daugh-
ter of ‘Ab d al- Qâdir, nas also a no ted scholar."' The Țabari family
continued to maintain its eminence in subsequent periods. One such well-
known later Țabari scholar was Muhammad b. al-Muhib al-Țabari (1100-
73/1689-1760), a dqzb and an historian. "
Th e lis t o f s chol ar s wh o we re inv olve d in th e ne tw o r ks in
the s cc ond half of the s eve nte ent h ce nt ury is a very lo ng one.
For th e purp o se of our dis cus sio n, it s u ffices to s ay that all the
s ch olar s di s c u s s ed ab ove p la ye d ma j o r r ole s in the n etwo r k s
duriny the p eri od.
Scholars at the Turn of the Eighteenth Century
Most scholars of Ibràhim al-I(uràni's generation died in the second
half of the seventeenth century. But the chains of the networks contin-
ued with their students who, in turn, became crucial links with scholars
into the eighteenth century. Thèse students were generally at the peak
of their scholarly careers at the turn of the seventeenth century or in the
early decades of the eighteenth century. We will now deal briefly with
some of the most prominent among thèse scholars.
There is no doubt that Hasan b. ‘Ali b. Muhammad b. ‘Umar al-
‘Ajamî (some spell his name al- ‘Ujaymi al-Makki) was one of thèse
prominent scholars at the turn of the seventeenth century. He was
also known as “AbÛ al-Asràr” (“Father of Spiritual Mysteries”). Born
in Mecca, Hasan hailed from a noted scholarly family in Egypt. His
great grandfather, Muharrimad b. ‘Abd al-Ma)id al-‘Ajamî (d. 822/
1419), was a well-known scholar in Cairo. Hasan studied with virtu-
ally ever leading scholar in the Hararnayn. In addition to al-Qushàshî
and al-I€urànî, he studied with other prominent scholars such as ‘Alfi’ al-
Dîn al-Bàbilî, ‘Abd al-Qfidir and Zayn al- Âbidin al-Tabarî, ‘Isà al-
Maghribî, ‘Ali al-Shabramalisî, Sa’îd al-Lahùrî, ‘Abd al-Rahmin al-
I€hâss, and I brahim b. ‘Abd Allih J a’màn. The last two were also
teachers of al-S inkîli. Hasan al- ‘Ajamî clearly possessed a thorough
knowledge of various branches of Islamic discipline. Fle was renowned
as an outstanding /nqzb, mtihaddith , sufi and historian. In hadlth stud-
ies, al-I€attâni regards him as one of the few scholars in his time blessed
by God to be a “lighthouse of the hadith”. He died in Taif in 1113/ 1701-
2."'
Hasan al-‘Ajamî played an important role in connecting the schol-
arly networks in the seventeenth century with those of the eighteenth
century, particularly by way of h adith studies and lari“qah silsilahs.
He was a meeting point of various traditions of hadîth studies: Syria,
Egypt, the Maghrib, the Hijaz, Yemen and the Indian sub-continent.
It is not surprising, as al-I€attànî points out, that students in the
Haramayn did not feel satis fred in their hadîth studies until they met
and received hadiths from him. They flocked to his budgets in prox-
imity to the Gate of al-V'ada’ and the Gate of Umm Hani ’ at the
Haram Mosque in Mecca."' As a result, al-‘Ajami’s isnâds and narra-
tions of hadîths were very extensive. "’
To demonstrate the importance of the connections in the lari“qahs,
Hasan wrote a special work entitled R isklat al-’Ajami“fi al- Turuq, which
deals with the silsilahs oL 40 Nrtqels which existed in the Muslim world
up until his time.' "' In this work, in addition to discussing special dis-
tinctions of the teachings of each tarlqahs, the author provides the si/szñ6s
to shaykhs of the HÙqnùi, and the benefits of affiliating with them. This
is one of the main reasons why al-‘Ajami was also known as “Abû al-
Asrâr”. By virtue of his works, namely the R isàlat dl- A ]dITll° dl- TH7
together with the Ihdâ ml-Lori vie Akhbâr a- T ’i , Hasan established
himself as a historian in his own right.
Hasan al-‘A) jimi’› most well-known disciples were, among others,
Mohammad Hfiyyala al-Sindi (d. 11 63/ 1653); Abù Tàhir b. Ibràhîm al-
I€uràni (1081 -1145/1670-1732); Taj al-Dm al-Qal‘î, Qâdi of Mecca; al-
Maqassàri and the historian Fath Allâh a-Hamawî. Hasan al-‘Ajami b
uilt the reputation of the ‘Ajamis as a noted scholarly family in Mecca.
Among the most prominent members of the ‘Ajami family in
later periods were the Mufti of Mecca ‘Abd al-Hâfiz al-‘Ajamî as well
as Muhammad b. Husayn al-‘Ajamî and Abû al-Fath al-‘Ajam t2
The next scholar worth mentioning was Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-
Ras ù1 al-Barzanjî. Tracing his ancestry to ‘Ali b. Abi Tâlib, he was
b orn in S hfihrazuri, I€urdis tan. He acqui red his early education in
his own region and later he traveled to Iraq, Syria, the Haramayn
and Egypt. Hi s te ac hers in th e H aramayn include d al- Mulâ
Mohammad Sharif al-I€urànî, Ibrahim al-I€urânî, Ishaq b. Ja’min al-
Zâbidi, ‘Isâ al-Maghribi and several other scholars. While he was in
Egypt, al-Barzanjî studied with, among others, ‘Alà’ al-Din al-Bfibilî,
Nûr al-Dîn al-Shabramalisî and Sultan al-Ma2zàhî."'
After s tudying in Egypt, al-Barzanji returned to the Haramayn
and later settled in Medina, where tte died. He was a noted muhaddith ,
aqzt and sha ykh of the Qâdiriyyah order. He devoted his life to teach-
ing and writing. He was a prolific writer, indeed. Al-Baghdâdî lis ts fifty-
two of his works, two of which were devoted to refuting Ahmad
Sirhindi’s claim as the “Renewer of the Second Millennium of Is-
lam. ” Al-Barzanjî’s connections in the networks were enormous. '" Al-
Barzanji was the earlies t scholar of the Barzanji family to settle down
and become famous in the Haramayn. One of the most promi- nent
scholars of the Barzanji family in Medina after ‘Abd al-RasÛ1 al- Bar2anjî
was Ja’far b. Hasan b. ‘Abd al-Karim al-Barzanjî (1103-80/ 1 690-1 7
66), the Shâfi’i Mufti in Medina and author of the ’Iqd al- Jamâhir, a
famous text felating about the birthday of the Prophet. '"
Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ahmad ‘Ali al-Nakhli al-Makkî was also
evidently one of the most prominent scholars in the networks after
the generation of al-I(urâni. He was born and studied mostly in Mecca
and became known as a mtihaddith sufi.'" In his work entitled Bug at
al- Tklibln /z Baykn al-Mashkyibh al-Muhaqqiqi“n al-Mu’tamidt'n, al-Nakhlî
provides the complete list of his teachers, his isnâds in various branches
of Islamic discipline, and his silsilah in a number o I iari“qahs.
It is of particular importance that in the Bughyat al- Tklibin, al-
Nakhli also gives an account of the learning at the Haram Mosque of
Mecca. For instance, he tells us that he attended lectures held in the
/tn/q sus in proximity to the Gate of Peace (Bâb al -Salam ) . Lectures
were given by his teachers every day after the Subh (dawn), ’Aer (af-
ternoon) , Maghrib (sunset) and ’Ishâ (night) prayers. It was in the
halqahs that he received some of his iyăzo/7s in the exterior sciences
such as shârî’ah or fiqh, and was initiated into several Hrzqnbs: the
S h ad hiliyya h, Nawiwiyya h, Q i diriyya h, Naqs h b andiyyah,
Shattiriyyah and Nhalwatiyyah. And it was also in the Haram Mosque
that he did most of his practice of the dhikr of these lariqahs.'' 7
Like al-‘Ajamî and al-Barzanji, al-Nakhli studied with most of the
leading Haramayn scholars of his time. The lis t of his masters in-
cludes al-Bâbilî, al-Qushâshî, al-I€urânî, Tâj al-Din al-Hindî, ‘Isa al-
Maghribl, Muhammad ‘Alî b. ‘Alân al- iddiqi, Zayn al-’ Âbidîn abari,
‘Abd a1-‘Azîz al-Zamzamî and ‘Alî al-Jamâ1 al-Makki. Al-Nakhlî also
had numerous teachers from Egypt, the Maghribî region, Syria and
Iraq. Thus, as Murtadâ al-Zâbidi correctly puts it, al-N akhlî linked
numerous scholars by way of his hadîth studies.'' ' Likewise, his stu-
dents carne from various parts of the Muslim world and carried the
networks even further."
Another important scholar who belonged to the group discussed
under this heading was ‘Abd Allfih b. Salîm b. Muhammad b. Salîm
b. ‘Isâ al-Basri al-Makki. He was born and died in Mecca. As one can
see in a1-Ba rî’s own work, Kitâb al-Imdăd bi Ma’ri ah ’Ului al-Isnăd,
his education was tho rough ; he s tudie d many sciences including
h adîth, tafsir, fiqh, the his tory of the Prophet (sirah) , Arabic, and
ta awwuf. In the Kitâb al-Imdăd, he devotes long pages to providing
the titles of hadîth books he studied along with the isnâds to each of
them. He then goes ori to mention books in other fields. As fo r
tasawwuf, he studied books written by such scholars as al-Ghazalî, al-
Qushayrî, Ibn ‘Atâ’ Allâh, and Ibn ‘Arabî. ' 2'
Though al-Basrî was an expert in various branches of Islamic sci-
ence, he was mainly known as a great tun haddith ; he was called an
Ami“r al-Mu’minIn fi al-HadItk (‘Commander of the Believers in the
Hadîth’) . Al- Sibâ’ î points out that al-Basrî was one of the greatest
h adith teac hers in th e H aram Mo s que in the early eigh te en th
cent ury.'2' Through the Kităb al-Imdăd, he contributed significantly
to hadith studies by providing the names of scholars who were in-
cluded among the superior isna'ds. But like other scholars in the net-
works, al-Ba ri was an eminent sufi. He was a master of several Hrzqabs
such as the Naqs h bandiyyah, S hâdhiliyyah and N awâwiyyah. Fur-
therm ore, he established the reputation of the Ba ri family in the
scholarly discourses in the Haramayn. ' 22
Al-Ba rî playe d an important role in connecting the earlier gen-
eration of seventeenth century sc h olar s wi th later networks. This
can be seen in the composition of his teachers and disciples. Besides al-
I€urin1, his principal teachers also included familiar names such as al-Bâbili,
‘Isâ al- al-Maghribî, Sulaymân al-Maghribî, and ‘Alî al- abarî. Among his
disciples were ‘Ala’ al-Dîn b. ‘Abd al-Bâqî al-Miz jâ)î al- Zâbidî of
Yemen, Abii âhir al-I€urini, Muhammad Hayyah al-Sindî of the
Indian Sub-continent, and Muh ammad b. ‘Abd al-Wahhfib of the
Wahabi movement, all of whom were leading exponents of the networks
in the eightee nth century.' 2’
The last scholar to be dealt with here is Abu Tâhir b. Ibrâhîm al-
I(urinî (1 081 -11 45/ 167 0-1733). Abu âhir was horn and died in
Medina. It appears that he studied mostly in the Haramayn. His prin-
cipal teachers were his father, I brăhim, Sulaymân al-Maghribî, Hasan
al- ‘A jamî, Ibn ‘Ab d al-Rasiil al-Barzanjî, ‘Ab d Allâh al-Ba ri, and
Ahmad al-Nakhlî. We have rio detailed info rmation on his studies
with them, but there is rio dou b t that his religious learning was
thoro ugh. 24
Abii âhir was primarily known as a muhaddith but he was also a
faqi“h and a sufi. He was the heir to much of his father’s expertise in
hadîth studies. As a faqt“h , he occupied the post of Shâfi'i Mufti of
Medina for some time. He was a prolific writer as well. According to
a1-I€attâni, he wrote about a hundred treatises, the most important
among them being Kariz al-’Amal fi Sunan al-A gail and Shuruh al-
Fusâs al-Sha ykh al-Akbar. This last work was apparently intended to
explicate the doctrine of Ibn ‘Arabi. It also reflects Abu âhir’s learn-
ing ix the realm of philo sophical Sufis m. Abu ihir had wide con-
nections in the networks both by way of hadith isnâds and tari“qah
si/si/râs. Among his best-known students were Muhammad Hayyah
al-Sindi, Shfih Walî Allâh (both from the Indian sub-continent), and
S ulaymân al- I(urdi. ' 2 ’
The Networks: Basic Characteristics
After discussing a number of the most important mld ID ln› olved
in the networks, it is useful to make some generalizations about the
basic characteristics of the networks. The scholarly networks became
increasingly extensive in the seventeenth century. It is clear that there
had been some connections between earlier sch olar s and the ones
who were involved in seventeenth century scholarly networks. How-
ever, networks which developed during the seventeenth centurv ap-
pear to have been much more complicated; the crisscro ssing of link-
ages b; way both of hadith studies and firzqnb affiliations was enor-
mousl) complex. Despite the his toriograp hical problems one finds
in sources p roviding informatio n on these scholars and their net-
works, their connections with one another can even be traced down
to our time. And there is no doubt that students and sch olars from
the Indian Ocean region were involved and played a significant role
of the networks of the u/nma.
The cris s cro ssing of scholars who were involved in the networks
produced intertwined, international intellectual communities. Rela-
tions among them generally existed in conjunction with the quest for
le ar nin g th r ough r eligi ou s e du cati onal in s ti tu ti ons su ch as th e
mosques, madrasahs and rikkis. The very basic linkages among them,
therefore, were “academic” in their nature. As a rule, their connec-
tions with each other took the form of teacher-student (or “vertical”)
rel ation s hip s. This academic linkage also in cl u de d other forms:
teacher- teacher, which may also be ter med “horizontal links”; and
student-student relations, all of which could also cris scross each other.
Such forms of linkages were not strictly or formally organized in any
ki nd of hierarchical structure. The relatively high mobility of both
teachers and students allowed the growth of vast networks of schol-
ars transcending geographical boundaries, ethnic origins and religious
leanings.
Even though the relationships among scholars probably seem quite
fo rmal, especially from the point of view of the modern academic
world, their common interest in regenerating the um mdb (Muslim
“nation”) stimulated cooperation which in turn resulted in closer inter-
personal relationships. These close personal relationships were
maintained in various ways after scholars or students in the networks
returned to their own countries or traveled elsewhere following their
sojourn in the Haramayn. The need to establish stro nger ties with
scholars in the centers was increasingly felt when the returning teach-
ers and students frequently faced problems in their homelands an cl
thus needed the guidance of their former teachers and colleagues in
the Haram ayn. All this helps explain the continuing sch olarly con-
nections in the networks.
Furthermore, as we have seen, two important vehicles that made
the linkagcs of the networks relatively solid were the hadith zsnfids
and tari“qah silsilah. Voll has poin ted out that both played crucial
roles in linking scholars involved in the networks centered in the
Haram a\ n in the eigh teenth century ."‘ fly own research fo r the same
peri od supports this conclusion.
The same was true for the seventeenth century scholarly networks.
In this period, scholars of the networks brought together Egyp tian
and North African traditions of hadith studies, thus connecting them
with tho s e of the H aram a) n, which had been known in the ear ly
period of Islam as the strongest center of h adith scholars hip. The
sch olars in the networks played a c rucial role in reviving the posi-
tion of Nfecca and Medina as centers of hadith scholarship.
As for the mr/qab Si/si/sts, traditionally the) had been an impor-
tant means of creating clos e linkages between scholars. Disciples of
the Soft way, by definition, must succumb to their master’s will. This
created a ver strong bond between those who followed the nriqobs.
Voll emphasizes that this type of relationship “provided a more per-
sonal tie and a common set of affiliations that helped to give the
informal Pro upings of scholars a greater sense of cohesion”. ' 2’
The increasing importance of the esoteric way (haq“i qah ) in the
H aramayn, introduced for instance by scholars of the Indian Ocean
regio n, resulte d in the linking together of s cho lars who had been
mainly as sociate d with the exoteric way (shfiri‘ah) in an even more
personal may. The involvement of the Indian Ocean region scholars
in the nctworks certainly helped widen the reach of the networks.
N o t lea s t imp o rta ntly, th e exp a ride d the te a lm of in due nce of
la rights, in particular the Sh attfiri yah and Naqs h bandiyyah orders,
previousl) mostly asso ci ated with the Indian s ub -continent version
of Su his m which had been almos t unknown in the Haramayn in ear-
lier periods. However, it mus t be kept in mind that by entering the
realm of Mec ca and Medina chich now, o rice again, had become
important centers of hadith s cholars hip, these /‹zrzqnbs underwent a
sort of reorientation. In short, they became more “shari‘ah-oriented
fDTl@d/ S ’. ’
One should also be awate that despite their close relations, there
was a great deal of diversity among scholars involved in the networks.
They were different from each other not only in terms of their places
of origin, but also in mndébnbs and iaTt“qah affiliations. \Y hile a cer-
tain teacher might be a Hanafi in terms of his adherence to Islamic
legal doctrine, his student might be a Shafi'i. While a teacher might
be a Sh attfiri) ya h s ufi, his student might fo How the path of the
Naqshbandi)'yah. Despite all these differences, however, they shared
a general tendency toward Islamic re formism.
 Endnotes:
1. Al-Ffisi, Shi é ' al-Gh rum, I, 329.
2. See, al-Nalarawali, Kitkb al-A’Um , in Wustenfeld, Die Chroniken, III, 353-4.
3. Al-F“as‹, al-’Iqd al-Thémin, VI, 130. for information on the Shuja' ribs j, see, Al-
list, Shift’ al-Gharam, I, 333.
4. Al-last, al-’Iqd al-Thémin, II, 53-b.
5. Ibid, II, 293; III, t68-9.
6. Ibid, II, 56.
7. See, R.H. D jajadiningrat, Kesultanan Aceh.’ Suatu Pemba asan tentang Sejarah
Kesultanan Aceh bwdasarkan Bahan bahan yang terdapat dalam Karya Melayu,
trans. Teu ku Hamid, Banda Aceh: Depat temen Pendidikan dan Keb udayaan, 1982-
3, 60. Cf. D. Crecellius & E.A. Beardow, “A Reputed Satakata of the ] annal al-Lai1
Dynasty”, fMBRAS, 52, II (1979), 54.
8. For a discussion of iyszab, see, Tritton, Materials on Muslim Education, 40-46;
]onatlaan Ber key, The Transm ission o Knowledge in Medieval Cairo.’ A Social
History o Islamic £duca riot, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992, esp. 31-
3, 176-8.
9. See, the case of Salih al-Pulfini and his teacher, Ibn Sinnah, in Azra “The Trans-
mission of Islamic Reformism to Indonesia: Middle Fastern and Malay-Indone-
sian o/ornn in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, PhD diss, Columbia
University, chapter 4:2.
10. S ee, ‘Abd al-Rah m fin S dli h ‘Abd All ah, Tkri“k h a1- Ta’lim / NoIé<£ a/-
Muk arramah, Jeddah: Dfir al-Shuruq, 1403/ 1982, 41; Gibb & Bowen, Islam ic
Society , esp. 98-100. Cf S. Hurgronje, Media, 173-86; W. Ochsenwald, Religion,
Society and the State in Arabia.- The Hijaz under Ottoman Control, Columbus:
Ohio State University Ptess, 1984, 50-4.
11. Al-Ffisi, nJ-’Iqd al-Thkmin, III, 139-42.
12. Ibid, I, 335-63.
13. A biography of ‘Abd al-Rasu1 al-Bar zanji below. Cf. Ochsenwald, fi e/igion and
Society , 52.
14. A biography of Hasan at-‘Ajami will be given below.. for further role of sch ol- ars of
the ‘A jami family in the religion s offices in Mecca, see, al- Sibfi’ i, Téri“kh Makkah
, II, 469-70.
l5. ’Abd Allfih, Téri“kh al-Ta’lim, 41-2; Abdullatif Abdullah Dohaish, History o Edu-
cation in the Hi jaz up to 1925 , Cairo: Dfir al-Niki al-Arabi, 1398/1978, 189-90.
Cf. Snouck Hurgonje, Media, 174-5.
16. Snouck H urgronje, Media, 183; Dohaish, History o Education, 180.
17. Snouck Hurgron Je, Media, 183.
18. for Sibghat Allfih’s biography and wo r ks, see Muham mad Amin al-Mulaib bi (1061-
11 t1/ I 651-99), Khulkmt al-Athar fi A’ykn ml-Qarn al-Hédi“ ’Ashar, 4 vols., Cairo,
1248/1867-8, repr. Beirut: Dfir Sadir, n.d., II, 243-4; ‘Abd al-Hay' b. Fakhr al-Din al-
Hasani (d. 1923), Nuzhat al-Khan s tir f! Buhjat al-MaSkiTl i ma al-Nauiézir, 7 vols,
Hayderabad: Da'irat al-Ma’firif a1-‘Uthmfiniyyah, 1931-59, V, 175-7; Siddiq
b. Hasan at-Qannuj1 (d. 1307 / 1889), Ab j d al-’Ulñm, 3 vols, Beirut: Dfir al-Kutub al-
‘I1miyyah, n.d., III, 225; Ismfi’il Bashfi at-Baghdfid1, Hadiyyat at-’ Yifin.’ A StTik ml-
Mıı’allifIn Athar al-Musannifin, 2 vols., Istanbul: Milli Egitim Basimevi, 1951, I,
425; lkhayr al-Din al-Earkali (al-Gerekli), al-A’lâm: Qâm as Tarâjı“m, 12 vols, Beiıut:
n.p., 1389/ 1969, III, 287. Cf. S.A.A. Rizvi, A History o Sufîsm in Indir, 2
 vols., New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1983, II, 329-30.
19. Rizvi, A HtStory of Su STD? , II, 130.
20. for a list of his works, see, al-Baghdfidi, Hadiyyat al-’Arifln, I, 425.
21. Al-Muhibbi, Khulksat al-Athan, II, 234-4; aI-Hasani, Nuzbn£ al-Khamk iir, V, 1b5-

22. See, T. Iskandar, De Hikajat Atjeh, ‘s-Gravenhage: N.V. de Nedeilandsche Boek-

en Steendiukkeiij, 1959, 167-8; D jajadiningrat, Kesultanan Aceh , 47.
23. For al-Burhfinpûiî's complete biography, see, Mustafâ Fath Allah al-Hamawî (d. 1123/
1711), JsnS’id al-Irtihâl sa Natâ’i j al-Safar fi A khbâr Ahl ml-Quan al-Hâdi“ Sud r ,
3 VOIS., Cairo, MS. Dâr al-I€utub al-Misiîyyah, Târîkh 1093, I, fols. 16G-
8; al-Muhibbî, Khulâmt al-A that, IV, 110-11; al-Hasani, Nuzhat al-Kham tir, V,
352-3; al-Baghdâdî, Hadi pat al-’Arifin, II, 271
24. See, A.H. Johns, The Si f AddresSed to the Spirit o the Prophet, Canbeira, The
Australian N anti onal U niversit) , 1965. for its commentaries, see, al-Baghdâd1,
Hadi yyat al-’A rifin, II, 271; Brockelmann, GAL, S. II, 617. In addition to Ibrâhim al-
I€urânî, ‘Abd al-GIE fin& al-Nabu1ùs1 wrote another commentary on it entitled
Nuhaba t df- ÖS’d dÉ.
25. for al-Shinnfiw1’s biography and works, see al-Muhib bi, Khu lâla t al-A tha r, I, 243-
6; al-Qannùjî, Ab jad al-’Ulûm , III, 165; al-Zarkall, al-A’lâm , I, 174-5.
26. On Mn hammad al-Shinnâwi's anñ Ahmad al-Shinnàwî’s’s relationship with al-
Sha’rdni, see ùI. W'inter, Society and Religion in early Ottoman Egypt. Studies in
the Writings o ’Abd al-Wahhâb ml-Sha’râni“, New Brunsivick: Transaction Books,
1982 30, 51, 57, 95, 98, 99, 126, 129, 138-40. Cf. Al-I€attànî, Fahras, I, 319, 1052.
27. for a biograph} of Shams al-Din al-Ramlî, who played a signifi cant role in the
networks as eve will see in due course, see, ‘Abd al-Walahfib al-Sha’rànî (899-973/
1493-1565), ml- Tabaqat ml-JugbrS, ed. ‘Abd al-Qâdir Ahmad ’Ata, Cairo: klaktabala
al- Qàhira h, 1390/ 1970, 121- 3; al-Muhib bi, Kbu lâ pat a1-A tha r, I I I, 342-7; al-
Baghdâdî, Hadi yyat al-’Arifîn , II, 261; al-Zarkalî, al-A’lâm, VI, 235; Brockelmann,
GAL, II, 418.
28. for further information on Abù Hasan al-Ba kri, see al-Sha'iâni, al- Tabaqat al- Sughrâ,
78-80. It is curious that according to al-Sha’rfini, al-Bakrî died in 950/ 1543 (?). If
tia is is true, Ahmad al-Shinn fiwi was unlikely to have met him. Or perhaps another
Muhammad b. ‘Alî Abû al-Hasan al-Bakri al-Masrî died in 1087/ 1676, who seems to
be younger than al-Shin nâwî. In any case, the Bâkri cas a noted muhaddith of a sufi
family in Egypt. See, al-Muhibbî, Khulâsa t al-A thar, III, 465-8.
29. For Ahmad al-Shinnàwî’s connections in the networks, see al-Kattfin1, Eahras, I,
296, 319; II, 734, 865, 957, 958, 1022, 1051.
30. Al-Baghdfidî, Hadiyyat al-’Ârifin, I, 154-5; Brockelmann, GAL, II, 514; S. II, 534.
See also a description of his work entitled Bug ai a/-///Sq ml-SnJñsi/ un al-
Khirâq, in al-Kattânî, FahrdS, I, 254.
31. Its complete title is al-Sim al-Majt“d fi Sha’ri al-Bay’ah sa al-Dhibr sa Talqt“nih sa
Salâsil Ahl al-Tamhi“d, Hayderabad: Dâ’irat al-Ma’àrif al-Nizàmiy) ah, 1527/ 1909 .
A short description of the al-Sim t is also given in al-Kattânî, Fahras, II, 1061.
32. for al-Hamawi’s biography, see Muhammad Khalil al-Murfi d1, Sille al-Du xa x fi
A’yân ml-Quan ml-HSaî ’Ashar, 4 vols., Beirut: Dâr Ibn al-Hazm, 1408/ 1988, IV,
178; ‘Abd al-Rahmân al-Jabartî (l 169-1239/1754-1822), Târi“kh ’A jà’ib al-Athar fi
Tard jim sa al-Akhbâr, 3 vols., Beirut: Dfir al-Ji1, n.d., I, 125. The last work is
 available in several editions, in a different number of volumes. On the impor-
tance of the ’A jé’ib al-Athar for the history of Arabla, see Aluhammad ñiahmud al-
Sarwaji, 'I€itfib ’Aja'ib at-Athar fi al-Tar a jim wa al-Akhbfir li al-Shaykh ‘Abd al-
Rahmfin al-J ab arti ka-masdar li Ahdath at-J azirat al-‘Arabiyyah fi at-Qarn al-
Thfilitli ‘Ashar a1-Hijr1 (al-Tfisi’ ‘Ashar al-Milfidi) ”, in Ma¡édir Téri“kh al-Jazi“rat
ml-’Arabi yyah , Riyad: Matbu’it Jami'ah at-Riyfid, 1279/ 1979, II, 279-301. It should
be noted, hoxvever, that at-J ab arti also provides accounts of prominent sett olars
in the 17th and lsth centuries.
MSS Dar al-Nutub al-Mistiyyah, Cairo, Tarikh 1093.
34. Al-Hamawi, Famk’id al-Irti hI l , I, fols. 320-33.
Ibrfihim al-Ikur fini, al-Umam li Iqkz al-Hima in , MS D*r at-Ikutub al-Misriyah,
Muami ‘ Tal’at 933. for pr a c ti cal reas on, we ci te its pu blish ed e dltion in
Hayderabad, 1328 / 1910. Ahmad at-Qushfis1ii's biographical note is provided be-

36. Cf. al-Muhibbi, Khulé fat al-Athar, I, 343-6.

37. Al- Qush fis hi, al-Sim I al-Maji"d, I b1; al-H amaxvi, Famé’id al-Irtihél, I, fo1. 323; al-
Nattani, Fahras , II, 970-1; at-Far kali, al-A’ lkm , I, 225. The same account is also
found in Shih Wall Allfih at-Dihl ñwi (I 114-76/ 1702- 62), AU US dl- rt tn , De1h‹:
1315/ 1597, 179-80.
3S. Al-Qush Ssh1, al-Sim al—Ma ji“d, 181-2; al-H amawi, Famk’id al-Irtihkl, I, fo1. 231;
a1-51uhibbi, Khulkm t al-A thar, I, 344.
39. Al-QushJshi, al-Stm I al-Maji“d, 152; al-Hamawi, la mk’id ml-/rtibñ/, I, fol. 324. On
further reasons of the clv ange of his madhhab , see at-Hamawi, Fast’id ml-Irtihkl,
I, fols. 324-6, 327.
40. Al-Hamaxvi, Famé’id al-Irtihkl , 1, fol. 321; al-Mulaibbi, Khulksut al-Athar, I, 344-
5. Fo r Ayyu b b. Ah mad b. Ay) u b al- Oh alwati al-Han a fi's biograp hy, see al-
Hamaxvi, Famk’id al-Irtihél, I I, fols. b7 -8; at-Muhib bi, Khulksat al-Athar, I, 425-
33..
41. Al-Baghdfidi, Hadi yyat al-’Ari in , I, 161.
42. Broe kelmann, GAL, II, 514-5; S. II, 535; Cf. ‘Abd at-Salim Hfishim Hfifiz, n/-
Madt“nat al-MunammaWah iTk r“i k h, Cairo: Dfir al-Turfith, 1381 / 1972, 149.
43. A.H. Johns, “al-Nushashi, Sa fi al-Din AYmad b. Muhammad b. Yunus, at-N(adani al-
Dadjani”, EI2, V, 525.
44. Al-Hamawi, Fast’id al-Irtihkl, I, fo1. 321.
45. For Ahmad al- Qushishi’s connections and role in the networks, see al- Kattfini,
Fahras, I, 166, 205, 254, 319, 347; 415, 449, 480, 502, 505. II, 552, 558, 583; 587;
620, 734, 811, 914, 927, 957, 958, 1022, 1027, 1053, 1082. 232
46. to ‘Abd All th b. Shaykh al-‘Aydarus’ biography, see al-Muhibbi, Khulésat al-
Athar, III, 51; at-Hasani, Nuzhat al-Khamk hr, V, 53-4. On Bfi Sha)'ban, at-Mulaibbi,
Khulksut al-Athat, III, 214-5; al-Hasani, Nuzhat al-Khamk tir, V, 288-9. The role of
the ‘Aydar u s sch olars and their connections with Middle fiastern and Malay-
Indonesian sc holail) networks is discussed in greater detail in Azra, “The Trans-
mis sion ”, Chapter 5:3.
47. All at-‘A}ami’s complete biogi ap hy is given below.
48. He later became a leading shaykh of the Chish tiyyah order in Lahore. See, Rizvi,
A HkStO 0 H ISUI , II, 267.
49. ’Abd al-Rah mfin al-Mah jub was a good example of the sc holars who were suc-
cessful in harmonizing hadith and Su fism. He was reported to have numerous
miracles (ñorfimnb) in the Haramayn. for his biography, see, al-Muhibbi, Khulé fat
 al-Ather, II, 346-8; at-Qannuji, Ab jad al-’Ulum , III, 166.
50. We will examine ‘Isfi at-Maghribi's biography below.
51. Several leading s cholars of these families were also teachers of al-Sin kili and al-
Maqassfiri. Their role in the networks is discussed in Azra, “Transmission” Chap-
ter 5:2.
52. The complete biography of al-Bar zan ji will be provided below.
53. Al-Muradi, Silk al-Dyrar, I, 6.
54. Abu Tayyib Muh am mad Sla ams at-Haq at-‘Azimabadi, ’Ann al-Ma hbñb: Sharh
Syrian Abi“ Démud, 14 vols., Medina: Maktabat al-Salafiyyah, 1389/1969, IV, 395.
Cf. another four-volume repr. ed. pu bl. in Delhi 1323/1905, Beirut: Dar al-Kitfib al-
‘A rabi, n.d., IV, lb 1. I am most grateful to Prof. J.O. Voll, who brought to my
attention an article by Hunwick which mentions these m yjaddids. See, ]. O. Hun
vick, “Salih at-Fullani (1752/ 3-1803): The Career and Teachings of a West African
‘Alim in Medina”, in A.H. Green (ed.), /n Quest of an Islamic Human- iSiTi.’
ArabiC and Islamic StudieS in Memory of Mohamed al-Nora ihi, Cairo: The American
Unive isity Press, 1984, 139- 53.
Not an account of preference for Zakariyyi al-Ansfiri, see for instance, al-Muhibbi,
Khulkmt al-Athar, III, 346. for a biography of Jalfil al-Din al-Su) uti, see al-S1ia'rani,
ml- T baqat al-Sughrk, 17-36; E.M. Sattain, Jn/ñ/ al-Di"n al-Su yu ii, 2 vols., Cam-
bridge: Camb ti dge University Press, 1975. For Zakariyyfi at-Ansari’s biogr a-
phy, see al-S1ia’rfin1, a/- Tnfi‹sqnt uJ-\ug(y@, 37-45. The ‹s/- Tabaqat al-Sughré, is pub-
lished in 2 vols., Cairo: Ma ktab ah wa Matb a’ah flu h am mad ‘AU S abih wa
Awladuh, (1965?), II, Ill-3.
56. See, al-Muhibbi, Khulkmt al-Athar, III, 242.
57. Al-Kattfini, Fahras , I, 494.
58. Al-far kali, at-A’l ‹sm , I, 28.
59. Al-H amawi devotes a long account to IbrShim a1-Kurini’s biography. See his
Fau›k’id al-Irtihkl, I, fols. 21-32. A1-Kurfini's biography is also given in the colo-
phon of his own work, al-Umam , 131-3; al-Mur fi di, Silk al -Doror, I, 5-6; al-
l abartl, ’A jé’ib al-Athar, I, 117; al-Shawkfini, al-Badr al- Tilt”, I, 11; al-Qannuji,
Abjad • l-’Ulum , III, 167; Hafiz, al-Madi“nat al-Muna arah fi al-T kri“k h, i $ 0; A.H.
Johns, “AI-I€urfini, Ibrfihim b. al-Shfihiazur1 al-Hasan Sh fihranl, al-Madam (1023-
1101/ i US-90”, EI2, V, 432-3; al-Kattfini, Tahras , I, 166-8, 493-4; at-Zar kali, n/-
A’lkm , I, 28.
60 Al-Mulfi Muh ammad Sharif at-Nurfini appears to have been a teacher of numer-
ous scholars in the H aramayn, including Ibrfihim al-Kurfini. See his biography
in ml- Nurani, al-Umam , 128-9; al-H amaivi, Famk’id al-Irtihkl, I, fols. 93-3; al-
Muhibbi, Khulé fat al-A thar, IV, 280-1. for z list oI his works which includes a
commentar) on the Baidawi Tafsir (Anoir al-Tanzt“), see, al-Baghdadi, Hadiget al-
’Arifin, II, 291.
61. Al-Hamawi, Fam‹s’id al-Irtihé l , II, fo1. 22; Cf. Al-Murfidi, Silk al-Durar, I, 5.
6 2. AI-Bfibili’s biography will be given shortly.
63. Mainly known as an adt"b (man of letters) and a QTY, at-Khafaji was an important
chain in the networks. He lived mainly in Cairo, though he regularly traveled to
the Haramayn and other centers for Islamic learning in the Middle East. He was a
disciple of the muhaddith Shams al-Din al-Ramli, who in turn connected him,
among others, to Zakaiiyyfi al-Andfiri. See al-Muhibbi, Khulkset al-Athar, I, 331-43.
for a hst of his works, see, at-Baghdfidi, Hadiyyat al- A rifln, I, 160-1.
64. Al-Mazz fihi was professor of fiqh at the A zhar after studying with alm ost 30
sch olars. He was also learned in hadith. He wiote a commentary on the Minhâj
o Zakari â al-Ansâri“. Among his prominent students were ‘Alâ’ al-Din al-Bfibili
and Nur al-Dîn al-Shabramalisi. See al-Muhibbi, Kbulasatt al-Athar, II, 210-1; al-
Baghdâdi, Hadi yyat al-’Ârifin, I, 394.
6 5. Al-Kurânî, al-Umam, 3-13; al-Hamawi, Famâ’id al-Irtihâl, I, foi. 23.
66. Al-Nurani, Masâlik al-Abr‹sr ila Hadi“th al-Nabi‘ al-Mubhtâr, MS . D’ar al-Nutub al-
Misrîyyal , hadîth 22b3, J\Microfilm 14904.
67. Al-Hamawî, la mâ’id ml-Irtihâl, I, fo1. 25.
58 Ibid, I, fols. 24-5; al-QannÛjî, /7jod rr/-‘Afun, III, 167.
69. Al-Kattânî, FahrÖS. I. 494. for IbràhÎm al-Ikurfinî’s connections in the networks,
see, Ibid, I, 92, 96, 115, 116, 118, 14b, 166, 167, 66, 169, 170, 171, 183, 194, 203,
208, 218, 225, 226, 242, 252, 255, 301, 312, 316, 319, 326, 343, 415, 423, 427, 447,
451, 480, 493-4, 495, 496, 502, 505, 508, 512, 534; II, 555, 557, 559, 586, 588, 595,
634, 671, 679, 683, 714, 727, 734, 735, 738, 760, 767, 770, 771, 808, 878, 914, 941,
942, 948, 951-954, 957-958, 971, 1005, 1027, 1061-1062, 1075-1076, 1094, 1103,
1115—1116, 1157-1158.
The complete account of al-N akhlî will be given beloiv.
71. Nul al-Dîn Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Hàdî al-Sindi, better known as Abû sl-Hasan al-
Sindî al-Ifiabîr, was a mu haddith. He was also a s tudent of al-Bfibili and al- Barzan
j1. One of his well- kno vu s tude n ts was Muh am mm ad Hayyali ml-Sin d î, an
important figure of in the sch olarly networks in the 18th century. for his life and
works, see al-Murâdî, Silo al-Durar, III, 66; al-Jabarti, ’A jâ’ib al-Athar, I, 135; al-
Baghdâdi, Hadi yyat ml-’Ari in, II, 318. One of his work was a commentary on the
Kutub al-Sittah. See al-lkattàni, Eahras, I, 148. Abù al-Hasan al-Sindi (al-Kabîrj
should not be confused with Abù Hasan al-Sindi al-Saghîr (or Muhammad Sadîq al-
Sindî, 1125-87/1713-73), a disciple of Mohammad Hayyah al-Sindi and a teacher of
Salih al-Fullfini. See, al-kattfinî, bahrOS I, 148-9.
7-°. ’Abd Allih b. Sa’ù1 Allâh al-Lahùri, a muhaddith, was known to be very active in
introducing to th e H aramayn olame the teachings of such Indian se holars as
Mulâ ‘Abd al- Ha kim al-Siyalkuti and ‘Abd al-Haq s I -Mr haddi th al-D ihlfiwl.
Among his students in the Hatamayn were Abû Jâhir b. Ibiàhîm al-Kurani and
Shâh Walt Allâh. See, \Valî Allfih, A H ÂS dl-’Â rifin, 190-2. for al-Lâhurî's con-
sections in the networks, see, al-Kattani, Fahras, I, 166, 168, 495, 496; II, 948,
949, 951, 953, 957, 958, 960.
’Abd Allfih b. Salim al-Basri’s complete biography will be given shortly.
7 4. Abu Tfihir's biography is provided below.
The mu haddith ‘Ali al-E abidi appears to be one of the earliest Zfibid sch olars
who were involved in the nenvoiks in this period. The Zfibidi scholars of Yemen
increasingly played an important role in the subsequent periods. His teachers
also included at-Qushash1, al-Bar zan ji and at-N akhll. See, al-Muhibbi, Khul‹sin t al-
Athar, III, 192-3.
76. Ishfiq b. Ja'min at-Yamani, a leading scholar of the )a’man family, was the Qfidi
of Zfibid. In the Haramayn, he also studied with ‘Isfi al-Maghiibi and al-Barzanji.
See al-Muhibbi, Khulk sst al-Athar, I, 394-6; al-Baghdfidi, Hadi pa t al-’ A rif!n , I,
202. Among his student in the networks was al-Sin kili.
77. Al-Hama vi, Famé’id ml-Irtihkl, I, fo1. Silk al-Durar, 1, 6.
Al-Baghdfidi, Hadi yyat al-’A rif!n, I, 35-6.
 Brockelmann, GAL, II, 505-6; S. II, 520.
80. They are: al-Umam, cited earlier, and Alfred Guillaume, “Al-Lum’at al-Saniya fi
Tahqiq al-Ilqa’ fi-I-Umniya by Ibrfihim al-Kurfini”, BSOA S, xX (I 957), 291-303.
81. for al-Bfibi1i’s’s detailed biography, see al-Hamawi, la mé’id a1-Irti hél, I, fols. 201-
4; at-Muhibbi, Khulkmt al-Athar, IV, 39-42; al-Qannuji, Ab jad al-’Ulñtn , III, 1G6. for
his works; at-Baghdad1, Hadiyyat al-’Arifin, II, 290; al-Kattfini, fnbrni, I, 2J 0-12;
al-Zarkali, al-A’lkni, VII, 152.
82. AI-Katt4ni, Fahras, I, 210.
83. for a1-Babi1i’s connections in the networks, see al-Kattfini, Ibid, I, 194; 213, 217,
219, 233, 252, 255, 327, 328, 339, 345, 405, 411, 425, 452, 457, 480, 502, 505, 521,
533, 536, 538; II, 558, 562, 583, 587, 589, 590, 592, 605, 620, 739, 784, 807, 851,
890, 916, 918, 935, 941, 942, 964, 987, 1094, 1127, 1132, 1134, 1151.
84. Al-Muhibbi, Khulé fat al-Athar, 41; al-Earkali, n/ A’lkm , I, 152.
85. for Tfij al-Din nl-Hindi’s life and works, see al-Muhibb1, Khulédat al-A thar, I, 464-
70; al-Baghdfidi, Hadiyyat al-’Arifin, I, 244. Cf. Rizvi, A Histo ny of Sufism, II, 336-8;
Trimingham, The Suft OrderS , 93-4
86. for more information on Ahmad b. ‘Alfin, see Azra, “Transmission”, Chapter
5:1 note 39. for an account of the prominence of the 'Alfin family in Mecca, see al-
Siba’i, Tarikh Mabkah , II, 468.
87. On at-Nakh1i’s becoming a disciple of Tfij al-Dln al-Hindi, see Watt Allih, A rifts al-
’A riftu , 188. Cf. al-Nakhli, Bughyat al- Tklibi“n li Ba yen al-Mashk yibh al- Ma
haqqiqi‘n al-Mm’tamidt“n,Hayderabad: Dfi’irat al-Ma’arif al-Nizfimiyyah, 1328 /
1910, 73-6, 80.
88. tot detailed accounts of ‘Is a al-Maghtibi’s career and works, see al-Mu hfbbi,
Khulésat al-Athar, III, 240-2; al-Qannüji, ABjad al-’Ulum , III, 166-7; al-Zarkali,
al-A’lém, V, 294-5; al-Kattini, Fahras, I, 500-3; II, 589-90, 806-9; Brockelmann,
GAL, S. II, 691, 939.
81. Taj al-Dm ib u Ya’qub’s cateet will follow shottly.
90. Zayn al-‘Äbidins’s biogtaphy is given below.
91. ’Abd al-'Aziz al- Zann zami was a leading scholat of the Zarnzami family, the
guatdian of the Zamzam well. He was a grandson of the mff bnddit6 Ibn Hajar
through the maternal family line. As a renowned scholar, he wro te a number of works.
See al-Muhibbi, Khitl‹sdat al-Athar, II, 426-7; Brockelmann, GAL, II, 379. On the
role of the Zamzamis in Islamic learning in Mecca, see al-Sibfi"1, FäÜ#b Nab/zab, II,
470. Cf. Al-Baghdadi, Hadiyyat al-’Äriftu, I, 584, 737.
92. ’Ali b. Abs Bakr al-J amal al-Makk1, also known as al-J ambt al-Masri, was born in
Mecca. After studying with various teachers, he taught at the Haram Mosque.
Among his students were Hasan al-‘Ajami, Ahmad al-Nakhli, and ‘Abd Allfih b.
Salim al-B asri. He wrote numerous works dealing with various toqpics. See al-
Muhibbi, Khtilk dat al-Athar, III, 128-30; al-Baghdfidi, Hadiyyat al-’A rifin, I, 759-
80. for his connections in the networks, see al-Kattfini, Eahras, I, 194, 252, 502,
II, 583, 81 t.
93. Al-Muhibbi, Khulk fat al-Athar, III, 242; al-Qannuj1, Abjad at-’Ulumi, III, 166.
94. Al-Uattfini, fairrf3, II, 806-7.
95. For a quite lengthy description of the contents of the Kanz al-Rink yat, see al-
lfiattfini, Eahras, I, 500-3.
96. for S ulaymfin al-Mag1iribi’s complete biography, see aI-Muhibbi, Khulésat al-
A thar, IV, 204-8; Dahlfin, Khulk sat al-Kalém , 87-104; a1-Sibfi'i, Tkri"kh Makk ah,
II, 378-83; at-Kattfini, Fahras, I, 95, 425-9; al-Zarkali, al-A’ lérti , VII, 22.
 97. Al-Muhibbi, Khulk set al-Athar, IV, 204-6; Dahlan, Khul‹s sat al-Kalam, 103-4; al-
Sibfi'1, Tarikh Matlab , II, 380.
98. for a description of the contents of these works, see al-Kattfirii, Fahras, I, 96 , 426-7.
99. See, al-Muhibbi, Khulé fat al-Athar, IV, 207. Cf. Al-Murfidi, Silk al-Durar, IV, 82.
100. for detailed accounts of Sulaymfin al-Maghiibi’s connections in the networks,
see al-Uattfin1, £ahras, I, 90, 95, 97, 98, 101, 116, 131, 156, 160, 194, 209, 211,
237, 252, 298, 301, 302, 309, 326, 339, 343, 351, 378, 386, 401, 425-429, 474, 475,
496, 505, 518, II, 567, 576, 582, 583, 595, 711, 716, 736, 784, 805, 808, 811, 838,
903, 941, 942, 973, 988, 1028, 1093, 1134.
10t . for Ibn Ya'qub’s detailed biography and works, see al-Muhibbi, Khulk fat al-
A thar, I, 457-64; al-B aghdâdi, Hadi yyat al-’Arifin , I, 245; Brockelrriann, GAL,
Il, 379. For his further connections in the networks, see al-Kattñni, fabrns, I,
198, 501; II, 576, 587, 865.
102. dayn al-'Abidin at-Tabari’s complete biography is given in at-Muhibbi, Kkulkm I al-
Athar, II, 195-6. For his connections in the networks, see al-Kattfirii, EahTdS I,
119, 166, 169, 183, 194, 196, 209, 252, 296, 327, 415, 502; II, 583, 587, 685, 811,
992, 1022.
Foi ‘Abd al-Qâdir al-Jabarî’s biogtaphy and works, see al-Muhibbî, Kkul pat al-
Atbar, II, 457-64; al-Baghdadî, H4di ef al-’Ari ri, I, 600; al-Zaikall, al-A’lâm, IV,
168-9; Brockelmnnn, GAL, S II, 509. For his further scholaily connections, see al-
Ñattfini, Fahras, I, 209, 518; II, 685, 781, 935.
1 04. For biogtaphy and works of ‘Ali al-Tabari, see al-Muhibbî, Khulâ pat al-Athor,
III, 161-6; al-Baghdidî, Hodi yyat al-’Arifin, I, 759; al-Zarkalî, al-A’ làm , V, 115.
Por his sch olarly connections, see al-Kattfinî, Fahras, I, 194, 415; II, 587, 811, 941-
4, 1000.
î 05. No r fur then accounts of the role of the Tab ari family in Islamic learning in
Mecca, see al-Sibà'1, TârÎêb Makk ah, II, 466.
106. For al-Muhibbî al-Tabari, see al-Zarkali, al-A’lâin, VII, 189.
107. for more detail on al- 'Ajamî, see al-Jabartî, ’A jâ’ib al-Athar, I, 123; al-Qannuji,
Ab jad al-’Ulum, III, 167-8. His mode complete bÎography is pfoVlded by the
editor of his work, Ihdâ al-Latâ’i min A khbâr al-Tâ’i , ed. Yahyâ Mahmùd
Junayd Sa’ati, Tâif: Dar Thaqif, 1400/ 1980, 9-24; al-Kattâni, Fahras, II, 810-3.
lot lists of his works, see al-Baghdidi, Hadiyyat al-’A rifîn, I, 294; and Ihdà’ al-
Latâ’i , 17-23; al-Zaikalî, nl-A’Ôm, II, 223; al-KattànîY, f‹tfirns, I, 209, 4479, 504-
5; II, 810-J3.
108. Al-Kattânî, FahYdS. II. 810-11; al-Earkalî, al-A’lim, II, 223.
109. loi al-‘Ajamî’s further connections in hsdîth studies, see al-Kattânî, Fahras, I,
209; II, 81 t -13; III, 66.
110. A short description of the contents of the R isâlat al- jamt“ fi al- Turuq iS given
in al-Kattinî, Tahras, II, 447- 9. this work is not listed either in al-Baghdadi,
Hadiyyat al-’À rifin, I, 284, nor in al-Zarkalî, al-A’ l‹trn, I I, 223.
1î î. for a biography of Tfij al-Din, who was also known as Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-
Muhsin a1-Qfil’i, see al-Ifiattani, I, 978; al-Qanmuji, A bjod aJ-’Ulum, III, 168-9.
112. For an account of the scholarly role of ‘Ajami family in Mecca, see a1-Siba’i,
Shaikh Mabbah, I I, 469-70; al-KattfiniY, Fahras, 813.
115. for a1-Bar2anji’s biogtaphy and work, see the colophon of his own work,
Kitéb dl-fShé.’ah /i ISh rat al-SP’ah, ed. Muhammad Badr al-Din a1-Na’sfini, Cairo:
Matba’at al-Sa’adah, l3 25 /1907; al-Mutfidi, Silk al-DuraT , IV, 65-6; al-Baghdñdi,
Hadi y yat al-’Arifin, II, 303-4; al-Zarkali, al-A’lkm, VII, 75.

Studia Islamika, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2001

 114. Al-Barzanji’s connections in the networks is provided in al-Kattfini, Fahras , I,
98, 145, 301, 302, 314, 427, 447, 451, 495; II, 767, 828, 840, 1095.
115. further information on Ja’far a1¿B arzan ji is given in al-Murfidi, $i/# al-Du rar,
II, 9; at-Baghdfidi, Hadiyyat al-’Arifin, I, 255; al-Zaikali, ml-A’/ñrn, II, 117. Not
a history of the Barzanji family, see C.J. Edmonds, Kucds, Turks, 0Hd Arabs
London: Oxford University Press, 1957, esp. 68-79.
for a1-Nak1i1i’s complete biography, see his Bughya I al- Télihln li Ba ykn al-
Masha yikh al-Muhaqqiqi“n al-Mu’tam id“t ri , Hayderab ad: Dfi'iiat al-Ma'firif al-
Nizfimiyyah, 1328 / 1910; at-Mur adi, Silk al-Du rar, I, 171-2; at-Qannuji, Abjad al-
’Ulum, III, 177; at-Kattani, Madras, I, 251-3; a1-Zatka1i,q n/-A ’finn, I , 230. Among
his works was n/-To si“r al-A Lmadi yyah fi Ba yen al-A yat al-Shar’iHyatt. See at-
Baghdidi, Nodi at al-’Arifin, I, 1 67.
17. AI-N akhli, Begl:ryat al- Télibt“n, 5-9, 65-80.
18. Al-Kattfini, Fahras I, 252.
19. for al-Nakh1i’s connections in h adith studies, see Ibid, I, 9 8, 101, i 18, 1 68,
199, 211, 213, 224, 234, 251-3, 256, 302, 339, 411, 447, 487, 495, 497, 502, 511,
518, 533; II, 559, 589, 590, 607, 608, 609, 702, 734, 751, 792, 805, 809, 829, 865,
919, 942, 976, 985, 1007, 1076, 1133, 1135, 1147, 1156.
120. for ‘Abd All fih b. Salim al-B asri’s biography and works, see his Kits b a1-
Imdkd bi Ma’ri fah ’Uluinin al-Isnid , Hayde r abad: Dfi'i rat al- Ma’fi ri f al-
N izfimiyyali, 1 28 / 1910; al-J abarti, ’A jé’ib al-A tha r, I, 132-3; al-B aghdfidi,
Hadi yyat al-’Arifin, I, 480; al-Q annuji, A bjad al-’UIF m, III, 177; al-Z atkali,
al-A’ lém , IV, 219-20; Brockelmann, GAL, S. II, 521; al-Nattfini, Fahras, I, 95-

121 Al-Siba'i, Tkr!kh Makka h, JI, 469.

122 Ibid.
128 for al-Basri’s connections with his contemporaries and earlier sch olars, see
his Kitkb al-Imdkd. ro i his connections with later scholars, see al-Kattfirii,
Fahras, I, esp. 95-6, 193-9; III, 113.
i24. For Abu Tfihit’s biography and works, see at-Murfidi, Silk al-Du rar, IV, 27; al-
Baghdfidi, Hadi yyat al-’Arifin, II, 321; al-Qannuj1, Ab jad al-’UIF m , III, 168; al-
Uattfini, Fahras I, 494-6; at-Zar kali, al-A’/Btu, 6, 195.
125. Doc Abu Tfihir’s connections in the netu orks, see at-Kattini, Eahras, I, 98,
101, 110, 119, 166, 167, 178, 195, 219, 253, 289, 356, 423, 427, 483, 505, 511,
514; II, 559, 605, 735, 743, 760, 770, 811, 812, 829, 850, 903, 951, 976, 986,
1048, 1070, 1076, 1111.
1 26. J.O. Voll, “Hadith Scholars and ñr/qobs: An Ulama Group in the 18th Cen-
tury Haramayn and their Impact in the Islamic World”, JAAS, XV, 3-4 (I 980), 246-
73; “Mull ammad Hayyfi al-Sindi and Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab: An
Analysis of an Intellectual Group in Eighteenth Century Madina”, BSOAS, 38
(1975), 32-9.
127. Voll, “Hadith Scholars”, 267.