Changing Terms of Political Discourse: Women's Movement in India, 1970s-1990s

Author(s): Indu Agnihotri and Vina Mazumdar

Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 30, No. 29 (Jul. 22, 1995), pp. 1869-1878
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
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 Changing Terms of Political Discourse
Women'sMovementin India,1970s-1990s
InduAgnihotri
Vina Mazumdar
The revolutionarychanges whichfollowed the two world wars createdfora and structures that promoted debates
on wonmen's rights. By the beginning of the 1990s however, the international context in which the struggle for the
advance of women's rights was being waged had been transformed.Debates being actively promoted today twist the
verypremises and values on which the movementhad been based. It is against the backgroundof these developments
which have influenced the women's movementin India that one must evaluate the goals and directions of the movement
and locate its strengths and weaknesses.

I which the movement developed in recent question faded from the public arena
Introduction years, these would be (a) the decadal thrtist [GOT 1974; Mazumdar 1978].
provided by the preparationsfor the UN This is not to imply that no struggles
THE 20th centurv promoted the cause of Conference in Mexico, and the initiatives were waged during this period. But, with
gender justice by internationalising coming fortfi from the Non-Aligned the exception of the tempo built up before
struggles for equality by women and other Movement in this context; (b) the history the passage of the Hindu Code Bill, 1956,
oppressed people. Women's struggles of and relationship between earlier these could not form the basis of spurring
againsttheirsubordinationwere intertwined movements for freedom, equality and agitations which could catch the public
in varying degrees with ideologies and democracy,valueswhichweresubsequently imagination, cuttingsectionaldemandsand
movementsbased on the values of freedom, enshrined as basic political tenets in the organisations.
self-determination, equality, democracy Constitution of India, and the constraints In contemporaryIndia the resurgenceof
and justice. Confined earlier by locale or felt towards achievement of these in the women's movement and its contours
limited foci, these now found expression independentIndia, and (c) the influence of have to be seen in the light of: (I) The crisis
through movements against imperialism, ideas coming across through the various of state and government in the 70s going
for national liberation and social streams of the women's liberation into the emergency; (2) the post-emergency
transformation.The defeat of fascism and movements of the west. Thus equality, uipsurgein favour of civil rights; (3) the
the forced retreat of imperialism around democracy anidfreedom were at the same mushroomingof women's organisationsin
the mid-century paved the way for social time, actual, notional andideological goals the early 1980s and the arrivalof women's
advance of which gender relations were a which the women's movement addressed issue on the agenda; (4) the mid-1980s,
key componenltalong with the other broad in all their connotations including specific marked by a fundamentalist advance; and
objectives of human rights and the end of gender perspective and components. the 1990s, when the crisis has deepenedwith
iniquitoussocial orders.The revolutionary regard to state, government and society.
changes which followed the two world II The women's movement in India is one
wars also created fora and structures that The Indian Movement of the manyburgeoningeffortsatreassertion
promoteddebates on women's rights. The of citizen's claims to participateas equals
International Women's Decade was Although in India colonial rule and the in the political and development process.
initiated during this period of hope which freedom struggle markedthe beginning of This places it in a situation of direct
also posited a new InternationalEconomic an awakening among women, differing confrontationwiththeforcesof conservatism
Order.By the end of the decade, however, streams within the anti-imperialist anti- and reaction.The fundamentalistonslaught
this hope was already shaky [Mair 1985]. feudal struggle posited different, even in one country after anotherhave exposed
In the mid- 1990s, the context in which the contentious images of identities for women the vulnerability of women's advance in
international struggle for advance of [SangaliandVaid 1989]. But the nationalist most places. In the third world as well as
women's rights is being waged has been consensus symbolised in the Fundamental erstwhile socialist states, however, the
transformed. Debates being actively Rights Resolution of the Indian National combination of these with the onset/
promotedtoday twist the very premises and Congress, 1931, postulated freedom, acceleration of free market capitalism has
values on which the movement had been justice, dignity and equality for women as both strengthened the powers of the
based. Terms like empowerment, choice, essential for nation-building. The oppressors, as well as created new
reproductivefreedom, spiritual autonomy, Constitution assured these rights. In the instruments for hegemony, by weakening
etc, arebeingappropriatedby forcesinimical post-independence period, however, the balancing mechanismnsand ideologies
to the goals of the women's movement.Can women exploring avenues for socio- thatsought to place limits on theirrapacity.
the movement ensure the continued economic and political mobility came up In India the mid-1980s have seen an
existence of fora to mount pressure for against the limitations of a third world ex- onslaughton even existing rightsof women
intervention in favour of more equitable colonial state. This posed conflicts between through a harking back to 'tradition' and
gender relations - both. at the level of their new rights and the values carefully 'culture' and the positing of images which
internationalrealpolitik.as well as at ground promotedby a longstandingpatriarchal social emphasise women's reproductive role as
level processes'? hierarchy. Social disabilities and gradual the only natural, historical one. The
It is importantto note these international isolation from the politico-ideological fundamentalist/revivalist face of many
developments since they have influenced struggles that were shaping the nation- social movements today is directlyopposed
the movement in India from the start. If buildingprocess led to the fragmentationof to the radicaldemandsandupsurgescoming
we were to spell out the parameterswithin the women's movement and the women's from below.

Economiicand Political Weekly July 22, 1995 1869

 These decades in India have markedthe
end of the age of complacency, apathy and
acceptance of the existing social order.
Undoubtedly. these stem from both
problems of transition as well as the
outcome of the world's largest experiment
in democracy. Shifts in foci and awareness
of problems that impinged on women's
lives, the social construction of gender
relations and the identity of women from
dif'ferentclasses in theirattemptsto resolve
the problems of the national economy and
polity occurred during a period of
dissolving certainties that characterised
local, national or global systems.
This changing character and the
contradictions are reflected within the
governmental structuresand in a shifting
attitudetowardsthe women's movement.A
major question facing all governments in
office has been how to respond to the
movement and its demand to place the
women's question on the political agenda.
The government's response has been
teetering bctween responding to the
conservativeor the radicalforces in dealing
with the women's question.
The women's movement, in turn, has
mounte(d pressures on the state and
government from the opposite end of the
spectrumi} Itself experiencing major
transformaitions,it has grown immensely
despitepressuiresfromdiverse areas.Within
the movement diversities manifested
themselves in many ideological cleavages
and fragmented,regionally uneven growth.
But the issues on which women tirst
articulatedtheir visible opposition covered
a vast terrain- ranging from those which
were gender-specific to those which
impinged on citizen's rights, class
formations, values and the direction of social
transformation.
The main concerns of the movement, as
it emerged,were laidout in the issues opened
up by the report of the Committee on the
Status of Women in India (CSWI) which
drew attention to the wide diversities in
'culturally'prescribedgenderrolesin India's
pluralsociety. The committeeraisedserious
doubts about the 'development' or
'modernisation'modelsthatnotonly ignored
therealdifferencesthatrevolvedroundcaste,
class andethnic history,butexaggeratedthe
influence of religion, culture and 'social
attitudes' on gender role prescriptions.
Questioning the continued 'invisibility of
women' in areas/sectors where they were
largely involved, the CSWI pleaded for a
renewedconcernthat would reflect real life
issues and aspirations of the majority of
women [GOI 1974:3].
This disenchantmentof women with the
post-independence'development' scenario
was not a stance dictated by exogenous
political considerations. Demographic
indicators like the accelerated decline in
1870
the sex-ratio, increasing gender gaps in
life-expectancy, mortality and economic
participation, or the rising migration rate
were disturbing enough. Combined with
this was the utter failure of state policy to
live up to its constitutional mandates in
any field of national development. The
CSWI noted clear linkages between
existing andgrowing social andeconomic
disparities and women's status in
education, the economy, society and the
polity [GOI 1974:234], puttingthe demand
for equality on an akctualhistorical terrain.
It also formed a startingpoint for women's
studies.'
In this paperwe have confined ourselves
to the movement's responses to violence,
fundamentalism and the debate on
economic role and processes. We have
focused on these not only because of
limitations of space, but because we see
a close link between the marginalisation
of women as economic beings (a trend
which is now on the rise despite the
movement's interventionsin the lastdecade
and a half) and the rising trendof violence
targeting women. In India today the most
moderntechniques of propagandaare used
to project women as consumers and
reproductivebeings ratherthan producers;
and, above all as members of one or other
particular community which seeks to
establish its political identity by right of
birth, religion or culture. Fundamentalism
provides an ideological framework while
globalisationandglorificationof the market
provides the operative instrument to
demolish women's claims to equality,
freedom and dignity as individuals. This
awesome combination poses a challenge
which is forcing women's organisations
into rethinking, soul-searching and
questioning of their roles and identitics in
the reshaping of the struggle.
This, however, does not mean that the
movementhasnotintervenedin othercritical
sectors that affect the overall processes of
national transformation, e g, education,
science, technology, researchand develop-
ment, managementof naturalresourcesand
food security. We have here focused on
three main aspects which are critical
determinants in the struggle for gender
equality.
The focus on these themes reflects both
the views of the authorsas well as that of
activists in the movement. The method
followed is one of fairly widespread
consultation with activists through
workshopsorganisedin differentregions to
get a feedback on what activists considered
to be the majorissues looking back on the
lasttwo decades.2Thepaperdoesnotattempt
to write a history of the movement. It only
focuses on the issues, trendsand challenges
as these have emerged while locating
women in the overall context of the
Economic and Political Weekly
complexity of India's social and political
entity of a democracy-in-making,as well as
a democracy endangered.
III
Violence: Case of Expanding Arenas
From its earliest phase in the late 1970s,
the contemporary women's movement
perceived growing violence as a major
issue, bringing 'visibility' to the movement
itself. This identification violence has also
been interpretedin many ways, by analysts
of the movement. Primarily of course, it
hasbeen seen as a 'rallyingcry' or a 'rallying
point'.
Violence, however,is perpetratedthrough
thegiven institutionsof thestate,community,
the family and society at large. It draws
sustenancefromprevailingideologies which
seek to propagate status quoism through
advocacyof 'falling-in-line',be itin response
to transgression of social norms or laws,
which are defended in the name of age-old
customs and tradition, religious or caste
identities,or even political dissidence. Such
status quoists perceived the movement's
adoption of violence as a threat to basic
social institutionslike thefamily,community
and constructionof gender roles developed
by the elites and projected as universal to
"Indian"culture- at all levels. Over the
decades, however, there has been a change
in this perception.
RAPE
It was the widespread, national level
campaign, in the course of 1979-80, on the
Mathuracase which broughtwomen's issues
ontothepublicagenda.The SupremeCourt's
acquittalof two policemen involved in the
rapeof a minortribalgirl broughtto the fore
several crucial aspects of women's
oppression,viz, the roles of class and caste
in oppression of women, and the issue of
accountability of public servants and the
judiciary in achieving the constitutional
guarantees.Th6se were pointedly raisedby
fourlaw teachersin theirprotestto the chief
justice.
Must illiterate,labouring,politicallymute
Mathuras of Indiabecontinuallycondemned
to their pre-Constitutional
India fate?...I
Though the agitation sparked off by the
Mathuracase led to significant changes in
the Evidence Act, the Criminal Procedure
Code and the IndianPenal Code, including
the introductionof a category of custodial
rape, the changes introduced were not
sufficient. The concept of power rape was
resistedandhas only recentlybeen admitted
through an amendment in the Civil Rights
Act. Significant loopholes nevertheless
remain, both with regardto the law and its
implementation.
July 22, 1995
 While the movement's understandingof on the issue of domestic violence. The more,andalso achieved more.The question
the issue has widened, su- ess has been successive campaigns brought into focus that may be raised is, was it and is it
limiteddue to bothlacunaein the conceptual the trauma women undergo within the possible to fight dowry in a social context
definition as well as monitoring of confines of the ever-enduring family, where both caste and consumerism are
procedures.The definition of rapedoes not glamorised by policy-makers and elite penetratingdeeper? Matrimonialcolumns
extend to maritalrape and anomalies exist groups in general, as "thebasic foundation of leading dailies now proudly classify
between the Child MarriageRestraintAct of Indian society". advertisements along caste lines, and
andtherapelaw in thatconsentis notrequired By 1982 organisations in Delhi and consumerism has spread its tentacles far
for intercoursein marriagebefore the age elsewhere built up formidableevidence of and wide in Indian society. The DVCM's
of 18. Also, whereas the characterof the dowry-relatedmurdersbeing passed off as demand of comprehensive legislation
victim is not supposedto be a consideration 'suicide' or accidents [Kishwarand Vanita including changes in the whole gamut of
in determining rape, clauses in earlier 1984;Kumar1992].Inseveralcases activists inheritance/succession/property laws has
legislationto the contraryeffect continue to had themselves recorded the dying gone unheeded, promptingeven feminists/
be used and even the Supreme Court has declarationof victims and urged the courts erstwhile feminists to "rethink" dowry
violated the principle of custodial rape on to treatthisas evidence.Newspaperhcadlines [Kishwar 1988a; 1988b]. Dowry, far from
this count. There is also the element of screamingly remindedreadersthat 'dowry being a 'deep-rooted'Indiantradition,is the
'provocation'or, as the SupremeCourt put deaths' were on the increase. But the fastest way to make quick money in India
it recently while reducing the sentence in government, the police and other official while also claiming social sanction and
one case, inabilityto resisttemptationso thatagenciesalongwithsocietyatlargeslumbered legitimacy [Srinivas 1983]. In fact despite
rape became a 'crime of passion'. Apart in insensitivity and the convenient middle the most visible solidarity shown on the
from all this there is the inability and class ploy was used to dismiss tortureof a issue in the media, concerned women
unwillingness of the state machineryto act young bride as an 'internalfamily matter'. parliamentariansand activists, the issue has
in a manneras to collect evidence in order It was a consistent, widespread mass todaybeen relegatedto the backgroundfrom
to prove rape. As has been highlighted in campaignbothindividuallyby organisations thepubliceye in theface of more 'immediate'
the case of rape of nuns in Gujraula,UP, and jointly under the aegis of the Dahej and 'pressing' problems, which are not
the law leaves sufficient loopholes for VirodhiChetnaManch(DVCM) thatfinally altogether separate from the social agenda
agencies such as the concerned police and mountedpressureon the governmentto act, inherentin the anti-dowrycampaign.In fact
medical personnel to not act, with perfect if only out of politicalexpediency.The Law with the given state of a son-preferencein
impunity. Of late, the movement is Commissionundertooka suo motustudyon Indianmindsamniocentesisandsex-selection
emphasisinlgthe rising trend in child rape, improving the law to combat this social also draw their rationale from the dowry
and demanding new legislation to combat menace more effectively. The parliament menace.
the trend. appointeda joint committeeof both houses
of parliamentto review the working of the AND SFX SELEC-rION
AMNIOCEN1ESIS
ANTI-DOWRY AGITATION Dowry ProhibitionAct. Though members
were drawn from all political parties, it In 1974 the department of human
Ot'all the agitations focused on violence includedseveralleadersof nationalwomen's cytogenetics, All India Instituteof Medical
the one that most touched the public organisations and led to one of the rare Sciences (AIIMS), New Delhi, started a
imagination, the media and the widest occasions of "all the women speaking with samplesurvey with the aid of amniocentesis
sections outside the pale of organisations, one voice" [Government of India 1981; to detect foetal abnormalities.By 1975, the
was thatwhich protestedagainstdowry and Palriwala 1985].4 AIIMS knew that the tests were being
dowry-relatedviolence. It is the anti-dowry Whatcame into focus in the course of the followed by abortion of female toetuses.
agitation which emerged as a rallying cry. campaign was a clear link between dowry While the AIIMS tests were stopped by
The 'atrocitiesagainst women' headline, and the urge to accumulateconsumeritems 1979, reports came in from Amritsar in
attracted attention in the post-emergency as well as mobilise resourcesto be used as Punjabwheremedicalentrepreneursopenly
scenarioof 'excesses', and the 'Brides Are 'investment'or 'capital'to startpettybusiness advertised their services referring to
Not for Burning' slogan focused media or enterprise [Karat and Agnihotri 1993]. daughtersas a 'liability' to the family and
attention both in India and abroad on These facts were so stark that for the high a 'threat' to the nation's population
women's lives. The question has often been court to assert that the giving of gifts was problem. Expectant parentswere exhorted
posed, whether it perpetuatedthe 'women customary was sure to invite the wrath of to avail of the services of clinics to rid
as victim' syndrome? But for those who women's organisations. The irony of the themselves of the daughters to come. At
becamecrusadersin the tight againstdowry high courtassertionseemed greaterin view a meeting convened in New Delhi in July
the movementtransmitteda pulsatingsense of the fact that in 21 years since the Dowry 1982 a three-pointposition was arrivedat
of energy which over time got transformed ProhibitionAct of 1961,only one conviction wherin: (a) government was requested to
into a brand'of activism which asserted had taken place. restrictuse of amniocentesisto only teaching
women's agencyin social change. Itwas this However, as anyone in the movement and researchestablishments;(b) the Indian
public assertion of what had till then been would today testify, even as increasing MedicalCouncilwas requestedto takesevere
seen as a privateagenda,which shook older 'cases' of harassment and torture are action against members indulging in
organisations from a seemingly unending registered with the numerous complaint unethical practices; and (c) women's
slumber. cells as well as legal aid centres,the menace organisationswereto remainvigilantagainst
One of the amendments in the Criminal of dowry has increased mainfold. Did the the spread of the practice for commercial
Law, Section 498-A, passed in the wake focus shift from fighting dowry to only purposes [Mazumdar 1994].
of the agitation, encompassed for the first highlightingdowrydeaths,asks an activist? While government did issue some
time a definition of cruelty which included Why could we not end dowry, ask others? circulars to this effect, not such action
not just physical but mental cruelty as Thereareno simple answers.While analysts followed. In the meantime the sex deter-
well. One of the most commonly used have critiqued the movement for an mination business had came to stay, with
clauses in cases filed by women, the emphasis on legal remedies, the fact is that clinics spreading even to small towns and
invoking of the clause has in eff'ectfocused the movement addressed itself to much informationon this count reachingfamilies

Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995 1871

which were otherwise unaware of tech- increasing leave provisions for abortions. Claiming sanction and power to wield
nological advances. Today the business These concerns were articulatedforcefully authorityon the basis of various brandsof
flourishes more rampantlyin North India, before a recentexpertcommittee appointed identities, there is in contemporary India
wherein some placeswhich earlierpractised by governmentof Indiato drafta new national a powerful ganging-up of conservative and
femaleinfanticide,femalefoeticidehascome populationpolicy.6The committee's report, reactionary forces which aggressively
in. From the south. alarming reports have while upholding gender equity as crucial, impose moral prescripts. Where other
come in of' the prevalence of female in- and declaring its position as pro-poor,pro- processes fail, genderequalityandwomen's
tfanticideamong the Kallarsin Tamil Nadu. women and pro-nature, recommends rights to freedom is opposed through
Ironically, this was not a tradition of the disincentives and other measuresthat have intimidation, humiliation and violence in
community. Approval and connivance for united many women's organisations in complete violation of normsof civil society.
thepracticearebeinggrantedby anemerging protestandone womanmemberdissociating What is important is that even as the
newprosperouscommunityleadershipwhich herself from the recommendations".'It has movement for women's rights has
includes educated professionals as well as also stirred up a public debate. strengthened, there is the opposite
politicians. phenomenonof increasingsocial acceptance
In 1985, The Forum Against Sex- POLITICAL
VIOLENCE of violence andits use for politicalpurposes.
Determination and Sex-Pre-Selection Thisviolenceis limitedneithertothepersonal
(FASDSP) was formed in Bombay. The Ina highlychargedpoliticalenvironment, spherenor to the frameworkof m an-woman
Forumaddresseditself to theentirespectrum violence against women too is viewed relationships [Karat and Agnihotri 1993].
of new reproductivetechnologies. It sought through coloured lenses. Whereas the It is notable that response from social
wideralliances,undertooksurveys,andtiled movement has attempted to contextualise scientistson the themeof violence in general
a public interest litigation. A private the woman victim on the basis of prevalent and specific to women has not been very
member's bill introduced in the state social inequalities, the prevalent divisions illuminating. There have been few studies
assembly, forced the government to move in society take the edge out of the of the patternsof violencelvr even causal
into action. The bill, finally adoptedby the condemnationof the crime per se. Thus in analysis [Das 1990; Datar 1993]. While the
Maharashtra governmentin 1988hadseveral every incident of violence against women, movement itself identified violence against
lacunaeas does thecentralgovernment'sbill the attemptis made to underplaythe crime women in many ways and has expandedits
passed in July 1994. A question that has itself by focusing on the identity/positionof horizon in terms of definition of violence
arisen from these long campaigns and the the perpetratoras well as the victim in order also, correspondingperspectivesin termsof
debateis, whataboutthewomenwho practise to mobilise supporton the basis of defined analysis of the phenomenon are singularly
femalefoeticide or infanticide?The new law parametersof polarisation in the specific lacking. Within the movement of course
treats them as guilty and punishable. But context. These can be caste, community, differing perspectives continue to persist.
does a woman in India have the right to regional or even politico-ideological. Thus While there is a shift away from the earlier
choose or decide? rapeandotheratrocitiesinflictedon women emphasison domestic violence alone, there
aqd others in Nagaland, Manipur,Assam, is a simultaneoustrendof subsumingother
POPULATION POLICY Tripura,Punjab or Kashmirby the armed arenas of conflict - communal conflicts,
or par-militaryforces can be condoned by fundamentalism,even economic conflicts
A strange link has united sex-selection the administrationas well as government within 'violence against women'?
followed by temale foeticide and female under cover of action taken to put down Conceptually,this gives primacyto a gender
infanticide. Both cite national population subversive activities. A more perverse perspective,but it oversimplifiesconflict in
concerns as the instigation for these anti- definitionof pro-nationalactivityin complete other spheres and other levels of societal
women acts. The government of India's violationof constitutionalguarantees,human existence, by reducing them to a one-
currenteffortsto formulatea new population rights as well as women's rights wQuldbe dimensional affair. Such conceptualisation
controlpolicy in consultationwith or at the difficult to find. It is-this 'teachinga lesson' also ignores differences in perception of
behest of its international benefactors, to curb dissidence (whatever its shape or these variedconflicts amongdiverse groups
include a series of measures foisted on form) which is disturbing.Given the trend of women.
women after the initial attempts at of growing criminalisation of politics in
vasectomy during the emergency period India, this form of violence can be crucial IV
met with stiff resistance. The notable in keeping women away from public life.' Fundamentalism and
features of this policy are that (a) it is In fact this also reflects a cynical societal Communalism
premised on the assumption of the responseto transgressionby womenof given
populationbombtheory;(b) women feature normsof social behaviour,which in turnare The wave of fundamentalistxenophobic
as the maintargetssince they arethe agency defined along lines of caste and status. upsurgessweepingacrosstheworldthreatens
of reproduction; (c) the contraceptives This applies to the increasing social the internationalwomen's movement as a
include steroids and hormonal injectables acceptance of violence against women. In whole. InIndiathecomplex social structures,
with long-term effects on the health of the recentyearstherehasbeena spateof incidents evonomic constraints and political
user; (d) no provision/consideration for of stripping, rape and other forms of opportunismhave providedample breeding
monitoring of impact.5 humiliation inflicted on dalits as well as groundforthegrowthof revivalistideologies
Women'sorganisationshavebeenfighting other women in different parts of the and identity politics. These have adopted
for several years against the entry of these country in recent years. This is in addition aggressive postures, showing scant regard
hazardous contraceptives which "exploit to earlier instance of lynching of women forthe IndianConstitutionorthefundamental
women's desperate need for 'safe' on suspicion of being 'witches'. Manyhave rights it guarantees.All religious, ethnic or
contraception",and proposalsfor coercive, seen in these the reflection of new political culturalfundamentalistsarebasicallyhostile
'fascist' punitivemeasuressuch as changes configurations and conflicts arising out of to genderequalitywhatevertherhetoricthey
in the Pcople s Representation Act to the aspirations of upwardly mobile profess.
disqualilythosewithii wirethantwo children, backward castes. This comes along with As early as 1983, 'a deal' was reportedly
and in the MaternityU. 'lcfjiteAct to restrict reassertion uf authority by traditional struckbetweenthe governmentof Indiaand
the benefits up to tfih children, while communityandreligion-basedstructures. theagitationfor
theAkaliDal,spearheading

1872 Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995

a Sikh state, to withdraw tlhe agitaltionIif' Petitionschaillengingthe new laiwas anti- and secularism as more positive. e:thicul
govcrnmeintof India accepted a separatc coinstitutionalarestill pendinghearingin the valties, and to discuss links with other
personal law for Sikhs, Ilhc hill dralftedhy Supreme Court. Meanwhilc, orgalnisations progressive organisations.'
the Dal would hlavedeprived Sikh women reportthatmanymoreMuslimwomen comc Activists express concern al the rupture
of their rights to a share in their tihers' to discuss their problemsand participatein with the essence of progressivemovements
property(providletd tindcrHinduSLIccession other campaigns ror womcn's rights."' of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The
Act 1956); of' right of' divorce except In September 1987 in Deoralai,a village growth of a metropolitan culture and
through the dispensation ol the religious in Rajasthan,Roop Kanwar,a young bride continueduse of Englishas theliingu,cafraw;ca
heads (against the provisioii of the Hindu burntto death sitting atop the funeral pyre of officialdom ollen makes the non-English
MairriageAct), andIwould have legitimisecd of herdeadhusband,while severalthouisands speaking feel alieniatedfrom the emerging
polygamy through thc customii of' cladar of people watchedandcven chantedslogans elite culturalethos.ThisdisjuLncti#e situation
andaz6,i,claimed as a 'Sikh custom'. Protests glorifying sati. Though a few in the media was capitalised by communal parties who
from national womcn's organisations and came out with strongstatementsagainstthe stepped in to fill the void.'4
others, backed by several Sikh wotmen. event, many played it up as irit was a return Of late there are many activists who have
including five villagc mahila mandals, to pristineglory, likening Roop Kanwarto cstablisheddialoguewithreformmovemcnts
apparently compelled GOI to change its a devi (goddess), who presented a sharp and women's groups coming up within the
mind and no bill was introduced. contrast to the urban elite, westernised religious framework. It is argued that this
1985 howevcr marked a shift in Indian feminist women who had disowned their is necessary since religion seems to be the
politics. Pro-liberalisationstatemcntg and traditionalvalues. Sati thereforewas sought only outletsanctionedby society foradvance
measuresby thegovernmenton theeconomic to be projectedas a sortof ethnicre-assertion of women's latent talents. There is also an
tront began to be combined with of indigenous womanhood." ongoing debateregardingretrievingreligion
compromiscsandeven advancinigthe cause The stategovernnientremainedparalysed, from fundamentalistsand highlighting the
of fundamentalists.P'eoplc'sdisenchantment despitemassiveprotestsby women's groups, progressiveaspectsof socio-religiousreform
with the nature and pace of India's and a courtorderto stop the celebrationsof movements. Others argue that such
developiicnt was soughit to be offset by the event. But protests from all over the instrumentaluse of religion, at this critical
successive governmllentsby playing the country forced the governmentof India to juncture of its politicalisation would not
'communalcard' with eacihcommunity to intervene,belatedly,witha quiteuinnecessary only be self def'eatinig,butmighteveniprove
win their suplport. and ineffcctive law againstboth the act and hazardous,since it mayleadto theassumption
May 1986 witnessed a total surrenderby the glorification of sati. A strange feature that rel'orm too can come only throughi
the govcrnmentto Islamic fundamentalism. of this law is to make the victim, if she preordained idioms in denial of secular
The MuslimWomen's (Protectionof Rights cscaped death. culpable for attempted space. Activists fromminor-itycommunities
on Divorce) Act 1986, deprived divorced suicide.'5 argue forcet'ullythat they can advanceonly
Muslim women of their right to seek Women's organisations, some sciolars if the majoritydoes so. Respectingpeople's
maintenalnce under section 125 of the andlegalexpertsarguedthatsatiwas murder, faitlis is one thing. But excessive
CriminalProce(lureCode, a secularlaw open that its worship in Rajasthanand elsewhere preoccupationwith religious'analysiswithin
to all communiities [Enginieer, 19871. was being encouragedby the rich Marwari the movement would endanger the fragile
The act came in the wake of a year-long businesscommunityandthe landedRajputs. solidarity that has been achieved.'5
debate on the Supreme Court judgment in They also prophesied that glorification of The movement has soiught to counter
the Shah Bano case. While upholding a such heinous crimes would encourage communal propaganda amongst women.
Muslinm woman's rightto this legal remedy violence as well as the positing ol a family Organisationshave interveniedaccordinigto
notavailableto themunderIslamic personal and community bound identity for women. their capacities in riot situationsto provide
law, the courtobservedthatit was higihtime relicf'aswell as to starita processol'dialogue
AYODIIYA: PRELUDE ANDAFTERMATH between womeii of dit'ferentcommunities.
for governmentto think ol a uniform civil
code. In the months thal followed. Muslim InDecember 1992whenaggrcssiveHindu Apart from several local initiatives by the
f'undamenltalistsorganised tlhemcselves for a fundamnenitalistsdemnolished a 500-year old myriadwomecn'sorganisationls.at least two
show-downiwith gover-niment, accusing it of tnosque in Ayodhya. claiming that it was a ralliesof'severalthousandwomeneach were
interferencewith Muslim Personal Law. It mandir(temple)whliichmarkedthebirthplace held in Ayodlya. 1989. andLucknow, 1992.
is no coincidenice that the campaign of Lord Rama. the government's paralysis Nevertiheless, as had been witnessed on
proceededalongside protestsagainst the:re- was fully exposed, indicating the depth of previouLioccasions, when a clash took place
opening of the gates of' the Babri masjid the criisisof state and government. It also betweeii women and fundamentalism,the
which Hindu fundamentalistsclaimed was deepened cynicism about the state's inaction of thc goverinmenton the plea of
the birth place of Lord Rama. Women's legitimacy. Thedemolitionalso sparked)off neutrality was a stance which itself
organisationscampaignedaniddrew support riots in sevcral parts of the country. constituted an active intervention.
from large numbers of Muslim women The overtly political manipulatiotis of 'I'hefundanmcnialist/communalist organi-
especially from the poorer sections, funcIamentalistsalso tound other victims. sations, aware of the ferment in women's
intellectuals anid reform groups trom the Several scholar s were threatened or minds,aretoday makinga bidlto cliannelise/
comnmunity against the bill. The Bharatiya harassedlor not adheringto fundamentalist harness the nascent consciousness about
JanataParty however, suddenly espoused versions while writing cultural. rcligious women'srightsfortheirownpurpose.Taking
the demand for the uniform civil code. or even literary histories with a gender advantageof women's deep attachmentto
Muslimfundamncjitalists responidedwith the tocus. There have becn several such religion they are today f'loating new
hysteriaof 'Islamin Danger'. Despite sharp indications of growing intoleranice.These organisations and f'ronts such as the
diflerences within the ruling party and the were notconfined to any single community. Hindu Mahila Sammelan and the Durga
resignationof a Muslim minister(who had Repeatedly. during discussions on the Vahini. wherein women's role as mothers,
opposedthe hill), the bill was enacted with moveimient.activists expressed the view piogenitors and defenders of the faith, etc,
the help of a three-line-wlhipissued by the that countering comnmunalpolitics is the airehighlighted along with their role in the
Congress to its members [Hasan 1989: greatest challenge before the movement. family. Fundamentalistsof all hues have
Palriwvala and Agnihotri 19931. Manyexpressedtheneedto define religion movcd in this dlirection.

Economic anidPolitical Weekly Jtilu 22. 1995 1873

 Awareness of the global nature of this
threatonly increasesthe need to understand
the basis or reasons for the spread of
lundatmentalistorcommunalideologies, and
their persistenthold on many women. The
connectionsbetweenistate, governmentand
communialforces within the country are
apparent.But what arethe global forces that
lie hidden behind this phenomenon? The
Indianexperiencecertaiinlydoes not support
the interpretationof such movements as a
revoltagainstthespreadof materialistvalues.
Evidence is quite contraryto this thesis. On
the other hand, the anti-women face to the
new trend of communalism indicates a
rupture with past cultuLralvalues cutting
across religions.
Given the patriarchalideology of famnily
andcommunityhonour,duringriotswomen
were invariablythe primiarytargetsof attack
by the other group and were subjected to
rapeandhumiliationin orderto devalue and
demoralise membCrs of the 'other'
comilnunity. However, activists feel that
women's role as instigatorsof violence also
requires careful analysis which can only
emerge from developing greater insights
into the ways in which caste, community
and gender intersect. This clhallenges an
essentialist conistructionot the teminine
idcltity.'I At the saime time, instances
aboundof women playing a compassionate
role in protecting membiersof the other
community. olten incurringpersonal risk.
Such acts were also in contravenitionwith
the expressly stated intenitof ideolo(gues
and the wishes ot their own ftamily or
community groups.
These acts of compassion, however, need
to be understood against the ideological
rhetoricol communalism because many of
the woImlelnsubscribed to it. The cmergent
paradoxwas women sympatlhisinig with the
victimhood of the minoritygroups anldyet
mouthina particularly rabid ideological
positions. Post-emergency India has seen
many com1munalriots but the nature of
violence witnessedin the last roundafterthe
mosquedemolition episode was markedby
the specitic targetingof women for sexual
attacks and perversitiesintlicted primarily
on wotmienfrom the minority community.
A joint delegationl of niationalwomen's
organisationswhichivisited threeof the riot-
atffectedcities in February1992 found some
other signiflicant features [YWCA 1993].
(a) The women who were the most aflected
in the riots were the ones whose needs were
the 'least attendedto' and relief itself had
become a cause for 'f urther exploitation,
corruption,poisonous propaganda";
(b) Over the years "sonme amount of
comMLUnalrelocationiof popullations'had
takenplace as an outcome of urbanhousing
scheenes, which had contri buted to alienation
and growth of suspicion along with lack of
communic:ationbetween gTroups;
1874
(c) In none of the areas had women been
included in the peace committees set up to
restore normalcy; and
(d) No thought had been given to the
psychological rehabilitationof traumatised
children, who witnessed acts of violence
against their families.
The delegation also came up with some
questions about women's organisations in
the context of Ahmedabad,for,
even the most committed work among
vulnerablesectionsof womenis notcapable
of enablingsuch women to liberatethem-
selvesfrom thepressuresof divisiveidentity
politics, without a conscious directionto
confrontthis type of politics which is so
inimicaltowomen'srightsandthemovement
for equality [YWCA 1993:23-241.
V a major input a memorandumauthoredby
Women as Economic Beings
If violencc was the rallying issue for
women's organiisations,the inarginalisation
and impoverishment of the majority of
women within the transformingeconomy
became the entry point tor academics into
the movement.The CSWI's initial analysis
was basednmore on inferences, the cries of
thousandsof poorwomen acrossthecounitry
voiced before the committee, and
demographicevidence of a secular trendof
decline in women's value in the economy
and society as a whole. The complexities of
the relationslhipbetween macro-economic
changes and women's status issues - at
different levels of society - had been
neglected by social analysts till then. The
committee appealed to the social science
community to study this relationshipon a
continuous basis [GOI 19741.
Coincidinigwith the increasing intensity
of critiques of the dominant model of
econonmicgrowth emanating from various
partsot the thirdworld, womeni'sstudies in
India began and grew rapidly in its initial
stages to study this interaction.7 The
Women's Studies Programmeof the Indian
Council of Social Science Research helped
to startoff a researchprocess heavily biasedl
in favour of 'invisible' women. i e, poor
working women in rural and urban areas.
This focus not only fecdnew informationto
the movementbut transformedmany of the
academics into active participantsin the
women's movement, where they exerted it
definite influence in the choice of priorities
and lines of advocacy for dialogues with
policy-makers. The focus on economic
themes by the Indian Association ot
Women'sStudiesin its NationalConferences
facilitatedtheinteractionbetweenacademics
and activists.
A thirdfactorwas the emergenceof some
large organisations of poor women in the
informalsector."The dynamismin struggle
demonstratedby thesegroupsbecamea major
Economic and Political Weekly
focus in the search for alternativestrategies
of'development- with organisedgrotipsof
womenfromthegrassrootsas primaryagents
of change.
A new national government in 1977
opened up various development policies
for review.'9 The combined pressure of a
group of women members of parliament
from different political parties, some
concerned bureaucratsand a leading social
scientist (the late Raj Krishna)in the new
PlanningCommissionled to theconstitution
of several working groups, to search for
alternative strategies to arrest the
marginalisationof the majorityof women -
especially the poorer- through prevalent
developmentpolicies.Theseworkinggroups,
which included both women's studies
researchersand some activists, received as
the ICSSR's Advisory Committee on
Women's Studies. The memorandum
highlighted the problems of inicreasing
devaluationof women in the economy and
society, andrecommendedspecialstrategies
for employment, health and education.2"
These documents,along with the CSWI's
report and some of its miajor
recommnendations were to form the initial
thrustof demandsby a networkof national
women's organisations that came into
existenice, informally in 1980. The
memorandumlhdianiWomenin theEiglhties:
DeveoIopne/nilmi)eralives, one of the first
joint statements hy women's organisations
stated that:
...unlessexplicitprovisionfortheimperative
developmentalneeds of women is madein
the Sixth Five-YearPlan,the conditionsof
women will continue to decline notwith-
standingconstitutionalpledges ot equality
andjustice and the parliamnentary mlandate
forremovalof dispatritiesaiiddiscrimination
[All IndiaWomen's Conference 19801.
It reconmmencded that the family/household
approaclhin programmethrustsbe replaced
by "explicit mention of' women as a target
group",since the 'invisibility' of women to
planners and administratorswas rooted in
the "tendencyto view women only through
the screen of families and households and
not as individuals in their own right".This
reinforced the perspectives of women's
economic role as "marginal and
supplemental" [All India Women's
Conference 19801. The demands included
a special component approach with
earmarkedresourcesand separatemonitoring
atrrangemenitsin each of the sectorall
programmethrusts;inclusion of child care
centres within the Minimum Needs
Programme;andthedemandforjoint'pattas'
(land titles) for women and men already
voiced by poor peasanitwomen.'
Not surprisinglysome of the demandsled
to a 'sharp exchange' with regard to the
"philosophy of the family-household
July 22, 1995
approach".Theofficial representativescame
in for attack since the women maintained
that "the planners' defence of the family
seemed to be motivatedby statusquoism" 22
Despitethegovernment'sreluctance- this
dialogue, backed by several womein MPs
fromoppositionpartieswho were members/
leaders of a network of national women's
organisationresulted in the appearanceof
a chapteroniWomen and Development in
the Sixth Five-Year Plan for the first time
in the planninghistoryof India(Sixth Five-
Year Plan 1980-85, Chapter 27).
Acknowledginig the government's own
tailureto achieve gender equality, the Plan
stated explicitly that without economic
independence, equal access to education,
skill-training,andfamily planningservices,
the constitutional guarantee of equality
would remaina myth (Sixth Five-Year Plan
1980-85, Chaptei'27). Hencef'orthall anti-
povertyprogrammesweredirectedto include
women as targets. In cases of assets
distributed by government (productive/
homestead land, technology, etc)-
governmnentpromised to "endeavour to
provide joint titles to husband and wife",
plus give priority to 'female hcaded
houselholds'(Sixth Five-YearPlan 1980-85,
Chapter27).
Womeni have comiiprised a crucial
componenitol those strugglingfor land and
forest rights, aigainstthe havoc wrouIghtby
conistructionof' large dams and ecological
disasters,strugglesl'orfishingrightsin coastal
waters, f'or recognition as workers in
governmentalnetworksot health and child
care services, as urbaniunorganisedlabour,
migrant labour and rural workers [Sarkar
1995 forthcomingl. In all these they have
fought for basic rights as workers,for equal
wages and better working conditions.
Microstudies have highlighted the role
womenplay in all these sectors. But a f'uller
historyof these numerousand multifarious
struggles is still awaited.
The women's movemenithas consistently
demandedimplementationof genuine land
reform. Nevertheless defenders of the
'family' accused women's organisationsot'
arresting'distributivejustice'by deemanding
women's right to a share of productive
resources. A study of land ceiling laws
enactedbydifferentstatesbroughtoutclearly
that many of the ceiling laws, were
discriminatoryand thus unconstitutional.
Stateprocedure/rulesforredistributionwere
even more so. In one case, where a group
of peasantwomenchallengedtheirexclusion
fromgetting title to redistributedland in the
RajasthanCanalArea in the RajasthanHigh
Court."t
The closing year of the Women's Decade
marked aIhigh tide. A new government,
headed by Rajiv Gandhi, announced in
January 1985 that women would receive
greaterprioritythanbef'ore.24
The same year
government of India hosted the second
NAM Conferenceon Womenand Develop-
ment, and the official delegation included
several leaders of the national women's
organisations. Not content with this, the
Delhi-based network of organisationsheld
its own review a week before the NAM
Conferenceand separatelydistributedtheir
report to all delegations [GOI 1985].
But the tide receded fast, for reasons
discussed earlier.The widening divergence
between the perspectiveof the government
of Indiaand movement-basedinitiativeson
genderroles,issues andparticipationbecame
clcar with the release of two documents in
1988.
Shranmshakti, the Report of the National
Commissionon Self EmployedWomenand
Women in the InformalSector, to an extent
representedthe voice of a substantialsection
of the women's movementand of women's
studies' scholars,who wereinductedinto its
various task forces. Activists helped in
organising public hearings with women
workersin theinformalsector- in bothurban
andruralareas[Governmentof India 1988].
Therewereshadesof divergenceordifference
in emphasis in the approachto the problem
of women in the informal sector. A large
section of women activists went along with
government in its active promotion and
special emphasis on the role of women in
the self-employed and home-basedsectors,
while others differed with this approach.
The latterfelt thatthis reinforcedthe process
of marginalisation and was a retreat on
government'searliercommitment to bringing
women into the 'productive' sphere. The
dilemmawas a genuineone. No one disputed
that the limited opportunitiesfor economic
earnings should be expanded and work
conditions in this sector be improved. The
pointat issue was whethertakingcognisance
of the fa;ctthat at stake was the survival of
enlire householdsone should settle for little
'hits andlcrumbs'. As one economist put it,
"thewomen's movementshouldhavefought
harder for gender equality in the labour
market/force".25
The NationalPerspectivePlanlforWomen
(NPP) up to the year 2000 was, on the other
hand, preparedby a team of consultantstor
the Department of Women and Child
Development with no interaction with
activists. The draft,placed for endorsement
before a NationalCommitteeheadedby the
prime ministerfaced opposition from some
memberswho foundtheabsenceof women's
organisations'representativesinexplicable.
The organisations in turn demanded a
national debate before the document was
adopted.26 The same demandwas echoed by
a nationalseminarofwomenNGOsconvened
by the CentralSocial Welfare Board.Since
the government seemed in no mood to do
this, the organisationstook uponthemselves
to proceedin the matterby holding a debate
in Delhi which was then followed by several
state-level discussions.
In their criti(ue of the NPP, women's
organisationspointed out thatthe proposed
plan's recommendation to bring women
"into the mainstream of development"
ignored "the reality of women's
marginalisation being the result of such
'mainstream'development".Earlier,NAM's
New Delhi Documenthadalso admittedthat
marginalisationhadbeen "intensifiedby the
currentprocesses of economic change and
may continue in future" [GOI 1985].
ThecritiquefoundthattheNPP'sapproach
omittedthe earlierthrustfor convergenceot
economic and social services with
organisation for collective strength and
participation, and demonstrated a trend
towards centralisaion, disregarding the
ongoing debates on the need for
decentralisationand democratisationof the
planningprocess. The proposedreservation
of 30 per cent seats for women in elective
bodies, to be filled by co-option or
nominationin the initial stage, revealed the
government's interest in subverting the
representativeprocess. Anotherreal danger
came from the 'preferentialemphasis' to be
given to the unorganisedsector.
Rejecting all these anti-democratic
proposals,women'sorganisationsdemanded
(a) theconstitutionof statutory,autonomous
women's commissions at the centre and in
the stateswith a broad-based,representative
composition; (b) inclusion of child-care as
a priority within minimum needs from the
next plan onwards; (c) ratification of the
International Convention on Elimination
of Discrimination Against Women; and
(d) due recognition of national
organisations of women at all levels of the
planninganddecision-making processes.27
The movement has adopted a multi-
pronged strategy on this issue. While the
specific skills of women's studies' scholars
have been directedat evolving a critiqueof
themacro-levelpoliciesof government,grass
rootslevel initiativesto develop alternatives
have been stepped up. One of the biggest
mobilisations of women in Delhi from all
over the country, in September 1989, was
of over 20,000 women demandingthe right
to work.21
Women's organisations have mush-
roomed - sometimes combining issues at
the workplace and family environment,
sometimes as sub-committees within
existing tradeunions or joint fronts. Many
groups at the grass roots level have directly
entered or sponsored income-generation
activity, with SEWA heading the list as the
most well known combination of the two.
Even though women's participation in
trade union activity anid involvement at
the level of decision-making still remains
abysmally low, over the last two decades
at least the problem has been highlighted

Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995 1875

anld the class and gender bias marked out
t'or criticismli.
The critique of' macrio-policiesbasically
a(lopts tlhrecethrUsts: (a) that they would
enhance rather than rediuce inequalities
ainong the people in genierail;(b) that this
wouldlmake the conditioniof the majority
of women alreadystrugglinigtor survival in
the intorinal sector still more vulnerable;
andl(c) they would contributeto the social
tiurhulencean(dviolenicc,of wfiich women
andchildreinarethe majorvictims. Critiques
have also concdemiined violence stemming
fromthepromotionof consumeristlitestyles
through the mass media as such lifestyles
trap women into the stereotype of being
objectsandsubjectsof consumerism[Bhasin
anidAgarwal 1984]. It is importantto note
that the tew importantconcessions wrested
from the government in the poverty
alleviation througheconomic development
programmesprovidedsome space for urban
poorandruralwomento use theopportunities
made available to organise and articulate
theirdemands.However,the macro-policies
remaining untouched and unchanged,
continuedthe processes of marginalisation.
The issue facing the movement today is
about the relevance of these debates and
eftorts.Theearliercritiqueof macro-policies
was froma standpoinitof introducinga pro-
women approach within the given
parameters, using the constitutional
guarantees as the basic reference point.
Today.Indianwomen feel thatthe structural
adjustmentprogrammesand the packageof
economic 'reforms'threatennot only earlier
gains, but also the stated national goals by
successive governments. While the
movement was critiquingthe development
model, SAP has now removed the few
regulatory/compensatory aspects of India's
mixed economy, leaving 'global market
forces' the sole players in the field. The
processes, especially to those with
inconvenient historical memories, bear
significant resemblance to what happened
to the Indianeconomy, andto women's role
in the economy in particular.during the
colonial period [Krishnaraj1988; Patnaik
1993;Krishnainurty1989;Ghoshet al 1994;
Mitra 1979].
This realisationhas imiadeunity amongst
difteriing organisations easier to achieve
today. In a joint statement women' s
organisations asserted: "We say no to Dunkel,
no to GArr, we oppose the unrestricted
entry ot TNC's into the Indian economy".
They argued that
discussions on the impact of the new
economic policies usually focus on the
iml)acton the organised sector, since womcn
make up only a small percentage here it is
assuined that the impact is minimal. We
need to unitedly and forcefully correct the
picture. In our multidimensional roles, as
workers, as peasants. as producers. as
1876
citizens. as mothers,wives, daulghters. as tailures. At a genierallevel it is estimated
women. the economic policies hit us the that two-thirds of the neo-literate learners
hardest".2' as well as two-tlirds ol' the volunteers are
The overall impact of SAP has to he womenl [Governinent of India 199441.Thle
uinderstoodin the contextof the overbearing impactot the literacy movementcame to he
realitythatalready94 percent of the women highlightedlin the context of the anlti-arrack
workers are partof the informalsector and movement in Andhra Pradesh. However,
that they constitute half the labour torce in another remarkablcachievement in recent
the unorganisedsector.)"What is the future years has been the process set in motion by
lying aheadforwomenin aneconomy which the implementation of the 73rd and 74th
itself shall be struggling to find a space constitutionalbodies which providc for 33
within the model of 'sustainable per cent representationtor women in local
development' underthe aegis of a carefully bodies in rural and urban areas.
orchestrated Structural Adjustment Whereas observers rightly see in this a
Programme? qualitatively new dimension that has been
added to the women's movement through
CONCLUSION thisdevelopment,the depthandcomplexities
of these linkages are yet to he understood.
The contemporarywomen's movementin In ruralIndia, as also in the cities, it is the
India spans a large canvas. There are small new foundarticulationandconfidencewhich
groups as well as large national level is coming into conflict with the consolidated
organisations.' Whilesomearerecenthaving combineof conservativesocial forceswhich
been formedonly over the last two decades, drawstrengthfromthe regressivestepstaken
othersgo back to over 50 or even 100 years. by government as well as political
Some organisationsfocus on single issues representativesof reactionaryforces. It is
while the mass organisationscover a vast the latterwhich aretodaypreparingto mount
range. The organisationalstructureas well an onslaught through the political process
as activities undertakendiffer. to check women's halting steps to advance
The movement has been fraught with and strengthen democracy in India.
tensions, rifts and differences, reflecting Movementpolitics, as it has developed in
differingnotionsof whatarewomen's issues India,tends to show-up elements which arc
or how the movement should proceed to unclassifiable, Ideological ditferenices
focus on these. Incomparisonwith the early exist - but within a conitiniuum- and tend to
years of the decade, today it is much easier get blurredwhen strategic choices have to
to come together. With an experience of be made between priorities.But the debates
working together for over a decade and a continue and the questions persist. Is the
half women's groups in the country are movement's decentralised structure and
fairly well awareof the issues they agree on multiple arenas of interaction a point of
and where they differ. However, neitherthe strength or weakness or both? Is the
agreement nor should the differences be movement's 'excessive preoccupation'with
seen as static or in a frozen time frame. the state's development policies and
Whereasideological differencesremainand legislation 'welfarist' in its objective rather
perspectives differ, the overall thrustis in than 'feminist' or 'radical"? Does the
favour of unity in action.)2 extension of the issue of violenlce against
The same attitudeis reflectedin the issues women from the domestic to the social and
being takenup. In the 1970s the movement politicalspheresindicatea backslidingor an
took off as partof anoverallbuildup against advance?Or does it successfully combatthe
the authoritarian regime symbolised, dichotomy posed between 'economic
ironically, by a woman prime minister. It welfarism' and 'body politics'? Should the
then got fragmented and even perhaps women's movement get involved with
insulated.For a while even overtly political issues related to environment, population,
statementswere resisted. Today it is much child rights, globalisation/marketisation,
easier to come togethereven on a platform internationaldebt burden,all of which arise
to denouncetheeconomic andotherpolicies from its widening base at the grass roots
of the government.The 1990s representa level or should it retainits autonomywlile
troughin the political graph,where the need restricting its focus?
to join hands and build alliances with other Clearly, as it has developed, the focus
forces is even greater. could not be confined to the issue of
The women's movementhas undoubtedly interpersonal relationships. The limits to
grown. Itsoutreachis farbeyondthe figures creating an essentialist, biological entity as
of enrolled membership of organisations. well as identity of 'woman' have become
These havenow to takenoteof the increasing only too obvious. While the ideological
articulationof confidence by women at the outreachof 'feminine' identity politics has
grass roots level. Nothing illustrates this widened,this spreadhasalso demolishedthe
better than the response to the literacy fossilised image sought to be created.From
campaigns in several states where earlier differentstartingpoints, organisationshave
attemptsto reachwomen had been abysmal moved towards a more holistic vision. As
Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995
the proto-fascist undertones of political
events/processesbecome cleareralong with
the state's surrederto them, the need to join
handsis felt ever moredeeply, lest we come
out with a cri de coeur -"we have the
movement but they (the other?) have the
women". While the movement is aware of
these challenges the strength of its grass
roots supportbase provides a ray of hope
thatcounter-actionsand counter-ideologies
are not impossible.
Notes
[This paper, commissioned for a volume of
studies on the women's movement in different
countries, was written on the basis of a process
of wide-ranging inter-action in four regional
consultations to incorporate activists' own
perceptions of current challenges. It was not
included in the volume since the authorsrefused
to comply with large-scale revisions in the text;
deleting certain sections by the editor/
publishers/the agency funding the study. The
deletions included the introduction and
conclusion, the section on population policy as
well as large parts of the discussion on
communalisin/fundainentalism,on the grounds
of their not being "specific to the women's
movement in India". Instead new paragraphs/
pages were incorporated which contradicted
the views of the authors. The political context
in which women's struggle was being waged
in India was edited out altogether. Reports of
the consultations which provided the evidence
for our analysis shall be published shortly.
There is a wide difference in the age of the
two authorsof this paper.However, both happen
to be students of history. What initially brought
us together was the contemporary women's
moveinent's effort in Indiato bring out ajournal
in English. Vina Mazumdar was the first
publisher of Manushi and, Indu, a member of
its editorial collective. Our link with the
movementcould be put very logistically - there
is perhapsnot a single joint statement/docuinent
of the women's movemiientwhich may have
emanated from Delhi to which both or either
of us, individually or as part of sponsoring
women's organisations - the Centre for
Women's Development Studies anld the All
India Democratic Women's Association, have
not been signatories. Ourdoubts, dilemmas and
convictions in some way reflect the continuum
of consciousiness passed over from one
generation of Indian women to another.]
I A recent study, making note of Towards
Equalityas a reference point, points out that
as a "founding text" it is perhaps a good
measureof "the contrastbetween the Indian
movementandthe movementin the US, which
often cited Betty Friedan's The Femininie
Mystique as the book that set the women's
movement in that countrygoing". See Tharu
and Lalitha, K (eds), 1994, Wonien Writinug
itnIndia, Vol 11,OUP, p 101.
2 The first such consultation was held in
Boinbay where activists from Maharashtra
and Gujarat participated. At a simnilar
exercise in Calcutta, groups and
organisations from West Bengal, Bihar and
Orissacame together. The thirdconsultation
Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995
in Delhi broughttogether activists from the
northernand centralregion and the southern
region activists met in Hyderabad in
November. Reports of these consultations
shall be published within the year.
3 'OpenLettertotheChiefJusficeof India,1979',
SupremeCourtJoumral,1979, 4, pp 19-22.
4 The comment on the committee achieving
solidaritydespiteparty-baseddifferenceswas
made by Susheela Gopalan,MP, and general
secretay of AIDWA.
5 'Perspectivesfrom the Women's Movement:
Healthand Population'in Some Issues in the
Struggle for Women's Equality, 1994
(henceforth,Some Issues); a joint document
published by the Delhi Network of Six
National Women's Organisations,pp 10- 17.
6 Joitit Memorandum to Swanminathant
Coinmittee by 12 Women's Organisations,
November 12, 1993 (unpublished).
7 Open Letterto SwaminathanCommittee. Cf
IndianiExpreess,July9, 1994,andThePioneer,
July 11, 1994.
8 Cf Resolution adopted in meeting to plan
JointActionagainstCriminalisationof Politics
and Sexual Abuse of Women, Delhi, October
22, 1994 (unpublished).
9 A common custom among peasant
communities, ainmedat preventing partition
of property by making a widow marry her
brother-in-law.
10 Information received in conversation with
AIDWA activists in Delhi: also Razia from
Patel, The Timevs of India, Research
Fellowship, Study of Muslims in India
(unpublished).
I I .anasatta, editorial, September 18, 1987,
also see Nandy, Ashis 'Human Factor' in
The Illustrated Weekly, January 17, 1988,
pp 20-23.
12 For debateon 'voluntary'sati see Vaid, S and
Sangari,K, 'Institutions,Beliefs, Ideologies:
Widow Immolation in Contemporary
Rajasthan',Economic and Political Weekly,
Vol XXVI, No 17, April 27, WS 2-18. Also
see 'From the Burning Embers'. A film on
sati by Mediastorm.Also see. Mani, Lata in
Sangari and Vaid, 1989, op cit.
13 All the consultations emphasised this issue.
14 These points einerged from a discussion on
Fundamentalism and Violence during the
Consultation in Bombay, January 1994.
organisedjointly by the Centrefor Women's
Developmnent Studies (CWDS) and the
MaharashtraAbhyas Vidyapeeth to review
the last two decades of the Movement
(henceforth Bombay Consultation). Cf
Wooten's Movement.Towardsa Critical Self
Appralisal Report o*n Consultation, 1994
(forthcoming), CWDS.
15 Plenary session, V National Conference on
Women'sStudies(NCWS),Jadavpur,January
1991. The theme of the conference was
'Religion, Culture and Politics'.
16 Bombay Consultation, op/ cit.
17 It was the first priority area in the Indian
Cotuncil of Social Science Research's
sponsored programmeof women's studies.
See CriticcalIssues on the Status of Women,
1977, ICSSR.
18 SEWA Ahmedabad,the Working Women's
Forum, Madras, the Annapurna Mahila
Mandal, Bombay, etc.
19 The general election of 1977 removed the
government led by Indira Gandhi, for the
excesses of herruleduringthe emergencyand
a non-Congress government came to power
at the centre for the first time.
20 CriticalIssues on the Statusof Women,op cit.
21 The demandfor Jointpattas was earliermade
by peasantwomen in two officially sponsored
meetings in West Bengal: State Conjerence
on Womenand Developtment,Calcutta, 1979
andOrientationC6ampforSeasonallyMigrant
WomenLabourers,Jhilimili, Bankura,1980.
It is ironical that the demand which brought
on the movement the charge of 'trying to
breakup the family', was ardentlyadvocated
by three representativesof the Government
of India in 1992 at a conference on Peasant
Women and Environmeent of' India,
Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan. See Report
of' the Lahore Conference 1992, Aurat
Foundationand Unifem; also MazumdarV,
EmbracitngtheEarth:AnAgendaforPartner-
ship witihPeasant Woment;1994, UN FAO.
22 Vina Mazumdar to Lotika Sarkar, M-6/80,
September 12, 1980, CWDS files, and
Vina Mazumdar to Ashok Mitra, M-6/80,
October 1, 1980, CWDS files.
23 ChairteronEmployment,March8, 1983.Also,
Appeal to NAM Summit, New Delhi, 1983,
reportedin all nationaldailies on March 11,
the day before the summitended. For NAM's
decisions on women - see ThieNon-Aligned
Movement and the Iiternational Women's
Decade: A Summary oJ Deciisions, CWDS
1983. Also Tomsic, Vida - 4th J P Naik
Memorial Lecture, CWDS. 1986.
24 President's Address to the newly elected (in
December 1984) parliamiientat its opening
session, January 1985.
25 Nirmala Banerjee, See Report of Calcutta
Con.sultation,CWDS.jorthcominng,1995.
26 Joint Press Statementby National Womsen's
Organisations, July 6, 1988, Also Nationcal
Perspective Plan: A Perspective from the
Wonmen'sMoventent, Report of a Nationial
Debate by Women's Organistitions.s1988,
New Delhi, CWDS (mimeo).
27 Naitionail Debate, 1988, op cit.
28 The memoranduinsubmittedto the president
asserted that "the struggle for economic
independenceis of primeimportanceif women
are to achieve equality and lead a life of
dignity". At this rally as on other occasions
activists pointed to the paradox of govern-
ment continuing to view women as
supplementaryearnerseven thoughall records
show thatover 30 per cent of ruralhousholds
are headed by women. Cf Womei 's Equaility,
July-December 1989.
29 'Why We Need to Struggle against the New
Economic Policies'? in SomneIssues, op cit.
p 3.
30 'Organising Women in the Unorganised
Sector, Some Issues': Workshop organised
by NationalLabourlnstitute(NLI),New Delhi,
1994.
31 Some of these may even have a membership
going up to a few million: AIDWA -'3.
million. NFIW, I million, YWCA 15S,000.
1877
32 This point came across from the round of Hasan,Zoya( 1989): 'Minority IdentityMuslim Women:Shiftsin OccupationalParticipation,
consultationsheldby theCWDS with activists Women Bill Campaign and the Political Abhinav, Delhi.
across the country. A greater readiness and process', Econiomic and Political Weekly, Palriwala,R( 1985):'WomenAreNotforBurning:
felt need to act togetheris also reportedfrom Vol XXIV, No 1, January 7, pp 44-50. The Anti-Dowry Movement in Delhi', paper
state level Consultations of Women NGOs ICSSR (1978): ICSSR Prograntmme of Women's presentedat Symposium99, Anthropological
preparing for the World Conference on Studies: A Policy Statement, ICSSR. Perspectives on Collective Actions, An
Women, Beijing, 1995. Karat, B and I Agnihotri (1993): Violence Assessment of the Decade, Mijas, Spain.
atgainist Women, Vol 6, Proceedings of Palriwala, R and I Agnihotri (1993): Tradition
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1878 Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995