Key Contemporary Thinkers Published Peter Burke, The French Hiitorzal Revolution: The Annales School, 1929-89 Christopher Hookway, Qaine: Language, Experience and Reality Chandran Kukathas and Philip Pestit, Raw: (A Theory of Jutice and its Crites Georgia Warnke, Gadamer: Hermeeatcr, Tradition and Resion Douglas Kellner, jean Baudrillard: From Marxism to Pattmadernizm and Beyond Forthcoming Jocelyn Dunphy, Paal Riceerr Simon Evaine, Donald Davidson David Frisby, Walter Beniamix: Am Iniradacton ois Social Theory Andrew Gamble, Hayek and the Market Order Phillip Hansen, Hannah Arendt Adrian Hayes, Talore Parsons andthe Theory of Action Makiko Minow-Pinkey, Krista Michael Moriarty, Reland Barthes Hans-Peter Muller, Cuiture, Pover ad Class: The Social Theory of Pierre Baurdicw William Outhwaite, Habermar ‘Simon Schafer, Kab Geof Stokes, Papper Jonathan Wolff, Negick lan Whitehouse, Rerty The French Historical Revolution The Annales School, 1929-89 Peter Burke Polity Presseen Copyrighe © Peres Burke, 1990 Firs published 1990 by Polity Press 4 association with Bail Blackwell Falioralofce: Polity Press, 65 Bridge Steet, Cambridge CB21UR, UK Marketing and production: Basil Blickwell Led 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX¢ 1JP, UK AIL rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of erccism and review, ao part ofthis publication may be reproduced, stored ia 4 retrieval system, of eansmitted, in any form oF by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording oF othervice, without the prior permission ofthe publisher [Except in the United States of Americ, this book i sold subject ro the condition thai shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, esd, hited out, or otherwise circulated without the publisher's prior consent In aay form of binding or eover other than that in which itis published snd without a similar condition inchuding this condition being imposed ‘on the subsequent purchaser ISBN 0 7456 0263.0 ISBN 07456 0264 9 (pbk) Brisish Library Cotaling in Pabliction Dat ACCP catalogue record fr this book is available fom ‘he British Library. ‘Typeset in 11 on 13 pt Garamond by Graphieraft Typererers Led, Hong Kong Prinved in Grest Britain by Billing and Sons Led,, Worcester Dy Contents ‘Acknowledgements Introduction 1. ‘The Old Historiogeaphical Regime and its Cries 2 The Founders: Lucien Febvee and Marc Bloch i The Barly Years i Strasbourg, iii ‘The Foundation of Ansales iv The Institutionalization of Amnaes 3. The Age of Braudel The Mediterranan i The Later Braudel iii ‘The Rise of Quenttacive History 3 2 8 534 The Third Generation i From the Cellar to the Attic ‘The “Thied Level” of Serial History iii Reactions: Anthropology, Politics, Narrative 5. The Annales in Global Perspective 1 The Reception of Annaler li Striking a Balance Glossary: The Language of Annales Notes Bibliography Index 6 a % 94 108 nm 13 148 Acknowledgements Ik goes without saying that chis study owes a good deal to conversations with members of the Anales group, aotably with ernand Braudel, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladutie, Jacques Le Goff, Miche! Vovelle, Kraysstof Pomian, Roger Chartier, and Jacques Revel, in Paris and also in more exotic locations, from the Ta} Mahal to Emmanuel College T should like to thank my wife, Maria Lica, my publisher, John Thompson, and Roger Chastier, for their comments on an ‘atler drafe of this study. I am also indebted to. Juan Maigu- ashea, who fired my enthusiasm for Annales, some chirty years go, and to dialogues with Alan Baker, Norman Birnbaum, John Bossy, Stuart Clark, Robert Darnton, Clifford Davies, Natalie Davis, Javier Gil Pujol, Carlo Ginzburg, Renajit Guha, Eric Hobsbawm, Gabor Klasiczay, Geoffrey Parker, Gwyn Prins, Carlos Martinez Shaw, Ivo Scher, Henk Westeling, and ‘others who have, ike myself ried to combine their involvement with Annalee with a measare of detachment from itIntroduction ‘A remarkable amount of the most innovative, the most memor- able and the most significant historical writing of the «wentieth ‘century has been produced in is sometimes called, is at least as famous, as French, and as controversial as le somelleexzine! A good deal of this new his toty is the work of a paticulae group associated with the journal founded in 1929, and most conveniently known as Annale:? ‘Outsiders generally call this group the “Annales school’, em- phasizing what they have ia common, while insiders often deny the existence of such a school, emphasizing individual approaches withia the group? ‘At the centee of the group are Lucien Febvre, Marc Bloch, Fernand Braudel, Georges Duby, Jacques Le Goff, and Emmanuel Le Roy Ladutie, Nearer the edge are Eenest Labrousse, Pierte Vilar, Maurice Aguthon and Michel Vovelle, four distinguished historians whose commitment to a Marxist approach to history ~ particularly strong in Vilar’ case ~ places them outside the inner circle, On or beyond the fringe are Rolind Mousnier and Michel Foucault, who make brief appearances in this study hecause of the overlap between their historical interests and those associated with Amar ‘The journal, which is now more than sixty years old, was founded in order to promote a new kind of history, and i ‘continues to encourage innovation. The leading ideas behind ance. La mowele bictire, a it2 wemopvenon Anncles might be summarized briefly as follows. In the first place, the substitution of a problem oriented analytical history for a traditional narrative of events. In the second place, the his- tory of che whole range of human activites in the place of a ‘mainly political history. In che thied place ~ ia order to achieve the first ewo aims a collaboration with other disciplines: with _Reographs, sociology, psychology, economics, linguistics, social anthropology, and so on. As Febvre put it with his character- Historians, be geographers. Be jurists too, and sociologists, and psychologists.* He was always on the alert “to break down compartments’ (share ie cloton) and to fight nartow specialization, ‘esprit de spicialit.S Ina similar way, Braudel wrote his Mediterransae inthe way he did in order to “prove that history can do more than study walled gardens’ ‘The aim of this book is to describe, ro analyse, and to evaluate the achievement of the Anales school. ‘This school is often perceived from outside as a monolithic group with a uniform hisorieal practice, quantitative in method, determinist in its assumptions, and hostile, or at best indifferent, to polities and to ‘events. This stereotype of the mle school ignores divergences between individual members of the group and also developments lover time. It might be better ta speak not of 4 ‘school’, but of the Armaits movement.” This movement may be divided into three phases. In the fist phase, from the 1920s co 1945, it was small, radical and subver- sive, fighting a guerrilla ation against traditional history, plit- ‘al history, and the history of events. After the Second World War, the rebels took over the historical Establishment, This see cond phase of the movement, in which it was most truly a choo!” with distinctive concepts (aotably ‘siractare’ and ‘conjonctare’) and distinctive mechods (notably ¢he ‘serial history” of changes ‘over the long term), was dominated by Fernand Braudel. AA thied phase in the history of the movement opened around the year 1968. It is marked by fragmentation (¢mictomen!), By this time, the influence of the movement ~ especially in France ‘was so great that it had lost much of is former distinctiveness, It ‘was a unified ‘schoo! only inthe eyes of its foreign admirers sad istic use ofthe imperativ mopvenon 3 its domestic cttis, who continued to reproach it for underest mating the importance of politics and of the history of events, In, the last twenty years, some members of the group have turned {from socio-economic to socio-cultural history, while others are rediscovering political history and even narcative "The history of Annaler may hus be interpreted in terms of the succession of three generations. It aso illustrates the common ‘gelical process by which the rebels of coday turn into the Establishment of tomorrow, and are in tuen ecbelled against. All the seme, some major concerns have persisted. Indeed, the journal and the individuals associated with it offer the most sus ‘tained example of fruitful interaction between history and the social sciences to be found in our century. It is for this reason, that I have chosen to write about them. ‘This brief survey of the Annaler movement attempts to cross several cultural boundaries. It attempts 10 explain the French to the English-speaking world, the 1920s 10 a later generation, and the practice of historians to sociologist, anthropologists, ‘geographers, and others. My account is itself presented in the form of a history, and actempts to combine a chronological with a thematic organization ‘The problem with such a combination, here as elsewhere in history, is what has been called ‘the contemporaneity of the ‘non-contemporary’- Braudel, for example, although he was ex- ceptionally open to new ideas, even late in his long life, did aot fundamentally change his way of looking at history or indeed of writing history from the 1930s, when he was planning. his ‘Mediterraman, (0 the 1980s, when he was working. on his book fon France. For this reasoa it has proved necessary t0 take some liberties with chronological order. This book is at once something less and something more than a study in intelectual history. Te does not aspire to be the def- nitive scholarly study of the Annsler movement that 1 hope Someone will write in the twenty-first century. Such a study will have to make use of sources I have not seen (such as the manu- seript drafts of Marc Bloch or the unpublished letters of Febvre and Braudel) Its author will need a specialized knowledge aot4 nemopucrion. ‘only of the history of historical writing, but also of the history of ‘wentieth-century France. ‘What I have tried to write is eather diferent. It is a more per sonal essay. I have sometimes described myself as a “fellow. traveller of Amales~ in other words, an outsider who has (like many other foreign historians) been inspired by the movement. I have followed its fortunes fairly closely in the last thirty years. All the same, Cambridge is sufficiently distant from Paris to make it possible to write a critical history of the Amtales achieve. ‘Although Febvre and Braudel were both formidable academic politicians, litle will be suid in che pages that follow about this aspect of the movement ~ the civalry between the Sorbonne and the Hautes Erudes, for example, or the struggle for power over appointments and curricula? I have also, with some regret resisted the temptation to weite an ethnographic study of the inhabitants of 54 Boulevard Raspail - their ancestors, inermarti ages, factions, patson-client networks, styles of life, mentalities, and $0 0n, Tnstead, 1 shall concentrate on the major books produced by members of the group, and attempt to assess their importance io the history of historical writing. It sounds paradoxical to discuss ‘8 movement thar has been held together by 2 journal in terms fof books rather than articles. However, it is a cluster of monographs that has made the greatest impact (on professionals and che general public alike) over the long term. "The movement has too often been discussed as if it could be equated with three or four people. The achievements of Lucien Febvre, Mare Bloch, Fernand Braudel and others are indeed spectacular. However, as in the case of many intellectual movements, this one is a collective enterprise ro which signif- ‘cant contributions have been made by 4 number of individuals. This point is most obvious in the ease of the third generation, bbut i€ is also teue for the age of Braudel and for that of the founders. Team-work had been a deeam of Lucien Febvre’s, as carly aF 19362! After the was, it became a reality. Collaborative projects on French history have included the history of the social nemoocenon 5. serucrure, the history of agricultural productivity, the history of the eighteenth-century book, the history of education, the his- tory of housing, and a computer-based study of conscripts in the aineteenth century. "This study ends with a discussion of responses to Annals, whether enthusiastic or critical, an account ofits reception in dif. ferent parts of the world and in different disciplines, and an attempt to place it in the history of historical writing. My aim (despite the relative brevity of this book) is to allow the reader ro see the movernent as 2 whole1 The Old Historiographical Regime and its Critics Lucien Febvre and Mare Bloch were the leaders of what might be called the French Historical Revolution. In order to interpret the actions of revolutionaries, however, itis necessary to know something of the old regime which they wish to overturn. To understand as well as to describe this regime, we cannot confine ourselves to the situation in France around 1900, when Febvre and Bloch were students. We need to examine the history of his torical writing over the long term. Since the age of Herodotus and Thucydides, history has been writen in the West in « varity of genres ~ the monastic chron ile, the politcal memoir, the antiquarian treatise, and so on. However, the dominant form has long been the narrative of pol- irical and milicry events, presented a5 the story of the great deeds of great men ~ the captains and the kings. This dominant form was first seriously challenged during the Enlightenment. [At this time, around the midlle of the eighteenth century, a umber of writers and scholars in Scotland, France, Italy Germany, and elsewhere began to concern themselves with what they called the ‘history of society’, history chat would not be confined t0 war and politics, but would include laws and trade, morals, and the ‘manners’ that were the centre of attention in Voltaire’s farmous Eval sar ls moeas ‘These scholars dismissed what John Millar of Glasgow once called ‘that common surface of events which occupies the details COLDHISTOROGRARINCAL REGIME AND ITScRINS 7 of the volgat historian’ in order to concentrate on the history of Srueares such as the feudal system or the British constitution. Some of them were concerned with the reconstruction of past rinades and values, notably with the history of the value system Known as ‘chivalry’, others withthe history of ar, laeratare, and tmasie. By the end of the century, this international group of scholars had produced an extremely importint body of work Some historians, nobly Edwatd Gibbon in his Dcie and Fall of the Romen Empire, integrated this new socio-cultural history {ano a narrative of political events. However, one of the consequences ofthe so cilled *Coperni can Revolution’ in history associated with Leopold von Ranke ‘was to marginalize, or eemarginalize, social and catural history Ranke’s own interests were not limited co poitial history. Ile ‘wrote oa the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation, and he Ad noe eject the history of society, art literature, or sience- All the same, the movement Ranke led and the new historical para digen he formulated undermined the ‘new history’ ofthe eight ceath century. His emphasis on atchive sources made the historias who worked on social and cultural history look mere Btn Renke’s followers were more narrow-minded than the master himself and in an age when historians were aspiring co become Professionals, non-political history was excluded from the new academic discipline? The new professional journals founded in the later ainetenth century, such as the Hlitoribe Zetcrift (founded 1856), the Rerue H:torign (1876) and the Fgh Hix ‘orcel Review (1886), concentrated on the history of political vents (the preface to the fist volume of the English Hire! Revie declared its intent to concentrate on ‘States and politics) ‘The ideals of the new professional historians were articulated in 4 number of treatises on historical method, such a the Invade io ee ius beri (897) by the and Seignebos Dissenting voices could of course be heatd in the nineteenth entry. Michelet and Burckhardt, who produced their OF the Renaissance more ols at the sine moment, in 1855 and -ench historians Langlois8 oupmasrontocnamuca. RsciMe AND SCRIMES 1860 respectively, had much wider views of history than the Rankeans. Burckhardt viewed history as the field of interaction of thtee forces ~ the state religion and culture ~ while Michelet called for what we would now describe as “history from below jn his own words, ‘the history of those who have suffered, worked, declined and died without being able to describe their sufferings’ Again, the masterpiece of the French ancient historian Fustel de Coulanges, The Ancient Cit (1864), concentrated on the his tory of religion, the family and morality eather than on politics or events, Marx too offered an alternative historical paradigm to that of Ranke. According to Mara’s view of history, the funds meatal causes of change were to be found in the tensions within social and economic structures. ‘The economic historians were perhaps the best organized of the dissenters from politcal history. Gustav Schmolle, for ex ample, professor at Serasbourg (or rather Serassburg, because at that time ie was still part of Germany) from 1872, was che leader ‘of an important historical school, A journal of social and econ omic history, the Viertlfabracrift fir Sogial wad Wirtchafts _escbiebe, was founded in, 1893. In Britain, lasic stadies of econ. ‘omic history, such as William Cunningham's Growth of English Trade and J. ¥, ‘Thorold Rogers's Six: Centuries of Work and Wages, go back to 1882 and 1884 respectively. In France, Heat ‘Hauser, Henti Sée and Paul Mantoux were all beginning co write ‘on economic history at the end of the nineteenth century.* By the later nineteenth century, the dominance, or as ‘Schmoller put it, the ‘imperialism’, of political history was fre quently challenged. J. R. Green, for example, opened his Short History of the Eaglch People (1874) with the bold claim to have ‘devoted more space to Chaucer than to Cressy, to Caxton than to the petty strife of Yorkist and Lancastrian, to the Poor Law of Elizabeth than to her viecory at Cadiz, to the Methodist Revival than to the escape of the Young Pretender’ # The founders of the new discipline of sociology expressed similar views. Auguste Comte, for example, made fan of what he called the ‘petty details childishly stadied by the irational curi- oupmstonocnansica REGIME ANDrTscunes 9 and advocated of blind compilers of useless aneedore St he called, in a famous phrase, history without names Ferber Spencer complained that, “The biographies of monarchs (God our children lot litle ese) throw scarcely any ight upon {fe science of society. In similar fashion, Emile Durkheim ionised specific events (ténements particulier) as no mote than ‘eaperfcial manifestation’, the apparent rather than the real his cory of given nation? Tm the yeuts around 1900, criticisms of politcal history were particularly sharp, and soxgestions for its replacement were par ticularly fertile In Geemany, these were the years of the s0- called ‘Lamprecht controversy". Karl Lamprecht, a professor at Leiprig, contrasted political history, which was merely the his tory of individuals, with cultural or ceonomic history, which was the history of the people. He later defined history as “prtmaily 2 socio-paychological scence? Inthe United States, Frederick Jackson Turner's famous study ‘of “the significance of the Frontier in. American history" (1893) made a clear break with the history of political events, while carly in the new century a movement was launched by James Harvey Robinson under the slogin of the ‘New History" According to Robinson, ‘History includes every trace and ves ‘ige of everything that man has done or thoughe since frst he appeared on the earth.’ As for method, “The New History will avail itseif of all those discoveries that are being made about mankind by anthropologists, economists, psychologists and sociologist. Jn France too around the year 1900, the nature of history was the subject ofa lively debate. The naetow-mindedness of the his- torical Establishment should not be exaggerated. The founder of the Rerwe Historique, Gabriel Monod, combined his enthusiasm for German ‘scientife’ history with an admiration for Michelet (whom he knew personally and whose biography he wtote) and ‘as himself admiced by his pupils Hauser and Febvre, Again, Ernest Lavisse, one of the most important historians active in France at this time, was the general editor ofa histor OF France which appeared in ten volumes between 1900 and10 otpiustomocaaruicaL BciME AND reams 1912, His own interests were primarily in political history, from, Frederick the Great to Louis XIV. However, the conception of history revealed by these ten volumes was a broad one. The introductory section was writen by a geographer, and the vol ume on the Renaissance penned by a cultural historian, while Lavisse’s own account of the age of Louis XIV devoted 2 sub stantial amount of space co the ats, and in particular to the pol ties of culture In other words, iis inexact to think of the ‘established professional historians of the period as exclusively concerned with the narsative of political events, All the same, historians were still peroeived by the social scientists in precisely this way. Durkheim's dismissal of events has aleeady been quoted. His follower, the economist Frangois Simiand, went still Further in this dieection in a famous article atacking what he called the ‘idols of the cribe of historians According to Simiand, there were three idols which must be toppled. These was the ‘politcal idol’ ~ ‘the perpetual preoecu- pation with political history, political facts, wars ete., which gives these events an exaggerated imporance’. There was the ‘individual idol ~ in other words, the overemphasis on so-called ‘great men, so that even studies of institutions were presented in the form ‘Pontchactrain and the Parlement of Pats’, and so on. Finally, there was the ‘chronological idol’, tha i “the habit of losing oneself in studies of origins’ All three themes would be dear to Anuales, and we shall return to them. The attack on the idols of the historians’ tribe made particulae reference co one of the sibel chieftains, Lavisse’s protéxé Charles Seignebos, professor at the Sorbonne and €0- author of a well-known introduction to the seudy of history.(5 It was pethaps for this reason that Seignebos became the symbol of everything the reformers opposed. In fact, he was not an exclu: sively politial historian, but also wrote on civilization. He was interested in the relation between history and the social sciences, though he did not have the same view of this relation as Simiand br Febvte, who both published sharp criticisms of hie work, Simiand’s Cetique appeared ia new journal, the Revue de Syntise “Historiqee, founded in. 1900 by 2 great intelectual entrepreneu, ee ‘uD STORIOGRAMHICALREGINE ANDTIScRITCS UL tes Bers inorder to encourage historians to collabo with Hat pin, parca pychology and sociology, Inthe et producing wht Berra hora or olen vem other words, wha the Amiens cal psyeho- cre foc back conieably further than the 1950s and Eck errr nus sy of Yow Ma Lather” Dart lll of a Rotor peschology to be achieved by innttiipliar co-operation has gest ppl for wo younger sae wot for Me outa. Tht une were Liven Febee toa Mare Blok2 The Founders: Lucien Febvre and Marc Bloch Init it genet, the Amal movement bdo ede, tot one: Tien Feb npc onthe sinteeth cen sad the meleaibt Nate Bloch, The approaches to hitry wee remartably sini, bu they were ery fern in emperor Feb the elder by igh ens, ws eave, yebomant and ombive witha tendency o cll helps they dt db whar he waned while loch was serene, ni, a lon Sith an almost Eaglih love of quality and uaderane tents" Dept or becuse of thee difernce the te Stl oper very ell dong the wen pens ben the 1 THE BARLY YEARS Lucien Febvre entered the Ecole Normale Supéricure in 1897. At this time, the Ecole was quite separate from the University ‘of Paris. It was a small but intellectually high-powered ol lege, which has been called ‘the French equivalent of Jowetrs Balliol”? It accepted fewer than forty scudems « year, and was organized on the lines of a traditional British public schoo! (the students were all boarders and discipline was strict). The teaching was by seminar not leewre, and the seminars were -rerounpeas Lucie renvae AND MaKe ROH 13 given by Jeing scholars in diferent disciplines, Febvre was Spperently ‘allergic’ co the philosopher Henri Bergson, but he teamed a great deal from four of Bergson’s colleagues.» “The first of these was Paul Vidal de la Blache, a geographer ‘who was interested in collaborating with historians and socio- ogists, and had founded a new journal, the Annales de Giegraphie (AB91) to encourage this approach + The second of these teachers at the Ecole was the philosopher-anthropologist Lucien Lévy- Bruhl, much of whose work was concerned with what he called ‘pre-logical thought’ or "primitive mentary’, a eheme that would surface in Febvze's work ia the 1930s. The thied was the at his- torian Emile Male, one of the ts to conezatrate not on the bis- tory of forms, but onthe history of images - ‘iconography’ a it is generally called today. His famous study of religious art of che ‘thirteenth century was published in 1898, che very year Febure centered the Ecole. Finally, there was the linguist Aacoine Meier, «student of Durkheim's who was particularly interested in the social aspects of language. Febvre’s admiration for Meillet and his interest i the social history of language fs apparent in 2 series of reviews of books by linguists whick he weote between 1906 and 1926 for Henri Berr's Ree de Spee Historique” Febvre also acknowledged debts to earlier historians. He was a lifelong admirer of the work of Michelet. He reeagnized Burekhaede as one of his ‘masters’, together with the art his torian Louis Coursjod. He also confessed to a more surprising influence on his work, that of the Hitter sciait de le rvolation Frain (90-3), bythe Lewin poliian Jean Jars, 0 fich in economic and socal intuitions'* ‘The influence of Jaurés can be seen in Febvre’s doctoral thesis. Febvre chose to study his owa region, Franche-Comté, the area around Besangon, in the later sisteenth century, when it was ruled by Philip Il of Span. ‘The title of the thesis, “Philippe If ex 4a Franche-Comté’, masks the fict that the study itself was an important contribution to social and cultural as well asco polit sal history. Ic was concerned aot only with the Revolt of the Netherlands and the rise of absolutism, but also with the “fierce struggle between two rival classes, the declining nobility, who1M THR POUNDERS LUCIEN FEBVRE AND MARC BLOCH were going into debt, and the rising bourgeoisie of merchants and lawyers, who were buying up their estates, This schema looks Marsist ~ but Febvre differed sharply from Marx in des cribing the struggle berween the rwo groups as ‘no mere econ. ‘omic conflice but a conic of ideas and feelings as well.? His interpretation of this conifer, indeed of history in general, was not unlike chat of Jaurés, who claimed to be ‘at once materialist with Marx and mystical with Michelet’, reconciling social forces with individual passions." Another arresting 2nd influential feature of Febvre’s study was its geographical introduction, outlining the distinctive contours Of the region. The geographical introduetion which was almost ke riguer in the provincial monographs of the Amales school i the 1960s may have been modelled on Braudel’s famous Medi Uerranean, bu did not originate with him. Febvre was sulficiently interested in historical geography to publish (atthe instigation of Henti Bere, the editor of the Rerwe de Syubise Histrign) 2 general study of the topic under the title La tere et Saolation bumaine. This study had been planned before the First World War, but it was incerrapted when the author switched roles from university teacher to captain of a company ‘of machine:gunners. After the wat, Febvee went back to work ‘on this study, withthe help ofa collaborator. It was published in 1922. This wide-ranging essay, which annoyed some professional geographers because it was the work of an outsider, was a devel- ‘opment of the ideas of Febvre’s old teacher Vidal de la Blache. Important for Febvre in 2 rather different way wat the German geographer Ratzel, Febvre was a kind of intellectual oyster, who produced his own ideas most easily when ieritated by the conclusions of a colleague. Ratzel was another pioneet of human ‘geography (Antbropesiographie, as he called it), but unlike Vidal dela Blache he stressed the influence ofthe physical environment ‘on human destiny." In this debate between geographical determinism and human liberty, Febvte warmly supported Vidal and attacked Ratzel, stressing the variery of possible responses to the challenge of a ‘FOUNDERS CUCEN FEBvRE AND wane moc 15 Block's career was not very diferent from Febvre’s. He ton attended the Ecole Normale, where his father Gustave caught fancient history, He too learned from Millet and Lévy-Bruhl However, as the discussion of his later works will argue, he lowed most to the sociologist Emile Durkheim, who began to teach at the Ecole at about the time Bloch arrived. An old Ecole ‘nan himself, Durkheim had learned from his studies with Pustel de Coulanges to take history seriously." In lace life, Bloch acknowledged his profound debt to Durkheim's journal the ‘Annie Sosilegique, which was read with enthusiasm by 2 number ‘of historians of his generation, such as the classicist Louis Gemet tnd the sinologist Marcel Graset. Despite his interest in contemporary politics, Bloch chose specilize in the Middle Ages. Like Febvee, he was interested in historical geography, his specialty being the Hle-de-Prance, on ‘which he published a study in 1913, The seudy of the Ie-de- France shows that, agtin like Febve, Bloch was thinking in a pproblem-oriented way. In a regional study he went so far as to fall into question the very notion of a region, arguing that it depended on the problem with which one was concerned. "Why’, he wrote, “should one expect the jusist who is incerested in feu radying the evolution of propesty jn the countryside ia modern times, and the philologist who is working on popalar dialects, all (O stop at precisely identical, frostiess* Bloch’s commitment to geography was less thaa Febvre’s, While his commitment to sociology was greater, However, both dali, the economist who i16 nRFOUNDERS LDGRN FBR AND MARE BLOC men were thinking in an interdiseiplinary way. Bloch, for ‘example, stressed the need forthe loca! historia to combine the shills of en archacologist, a palacographer, a historian of law and s0 on." The wo men obviously needed ro meet each other. The opportunity was provided by theit appointments to posts at the University of Strasbourg, ML STRASBOURG ‘The Milieu The Strasbourg period of daily meetings between Bloch and Febvte lasted only thieten years, from 1920 to 1933, but i¢ was crucially important for the Annaler movement. Its importance was all the greater because the two men were sur rounded by an extremely lively interdisciplinary group. It is also worth emphasizing the milieu in which this group, came topether. Strasbourg in the years following the First World ‘War was effectively a new university, since the city had just been reclaimed from Germany. The milieu favoured intellectual inno: vation and facilitated the exchange of ideas across disciplinary feontiers.* When Febvre and Bloch met in 1920, soon after their ap- ointments as professor and maitre de conferences respectively, their acqusintance rapidly ripened into friendship. Their offices were adjoining, and the doors were left open.” Theit unending discussions were sometimes shared with colleagues such as the social psychologist Charles Blondel, whose ideas were important for Pebvte, and the sociologist Maurice Halbwachs, whose study of the social framework of memory, published in 1925, made « deep impression on Bloch.2* A number of other members of the Strasbourg faculty shared for came (0 share interests with Febvze and Bloch, Henri Bremond, the author of the monumental Hiiterelitiraire du tn iment eligi en France depuis andes guerre de religion (1916-28), lectured at Strasbourg in 1923, Bremond’s concern with histori cal psgchology was an inspication to Febvre in his own work on THRFOUNDERS LGN FEaYRE AND MARC ROCHE 17 the Reformation. Georges Lefebvre, the historian of the French Revolution, whose concern with the history of mentalities was loge to that of the founders of Aumales, taught at Strasbourg from 1928 till 1937. Ir does not seem fanciful to suggest that the idea of Lefebvee's famous study of ‘the great fear of 1789" owes something 10 an caflier study of rumour by Marc Bloch” Gabriel Le Bras, 2 pioneer in the historical sociology of religion, also taught at Strasbourg. So did the ancient historian André Piganiol, whose study of the Roman games, published in 1923, reveals an interest in anthropology, like 2 study of Block's published a year later ~ The Reyad Touch. ‘The Royal Touch bas a strong claim to be regarded as one of the ‘great historical works of our century. It is concerned with the belief, currenr in England and France from the Middle Ages to the eighteenth century, chat kings had the power to cure scro- fala, a skin disease known as ‘the king's evil, by the power of 5 the royal touch, and with the ritual of touching the sick for this purpose ‘The subject may still sem somewhat marginal, and certainly did co in the 1920: Bloch makes an ironic reference to. an English colleague who commented on ‘this curious by-path of yours’ For Bloch, on the contrary, the royal touch was not @ by-path at all but a main road, indeed ame roie royale in every sense. Ie was a case study that illuminated major problems. The author claimed with some justification that his book was a con tribution 10 the political history of Europe in the true, broad sense of the term ‘political’ (aw was large, ae trai rns di met), because the book was concerned with ideas of kingship. “The royal miracle was above all che expression of a particular concep- tion of supreme political power.” IOBZ3 The Royal Touch Th Rosa! Towch was remarkable in at lease three other cespects, In the fist place, because it was not confined to « conventional historical period like the Middle Ages. Following the advice he would later formulate in general terms in The Hlistoion'r Craft, Bloch chose the period to ft the18 Tp FOUNDERS. LUCIEN PERE AND MARC BLOCH Problem, which meant he had to weite what Braudel, a gener ation later, would cal ‘the history of the long-term’, This long erm perspective led Bloch co some interesting conclusions, notably that the ritual of touching did aot metely survive into the seventeenth eentury, the age of Descartes and Louis XIV, but flourished as never before, at least in the sense that Louis XIV rouched greater aumbers of sufferers than his predecessors. Te was no mere ‘fossil 2# In the second place, the book was a contribution to what Bioch called “religious psychology’. The study was centrally coa. cemed with the history of miracles, aad it concluded with sn ‘explicit discussion of the problem of explaining how people could possibly believe in such ‘collective illusions’. Bloch noted ‘hat some sufferers came back to be touched 4 second time, which suggests that they knew the treatment had not worked, Dur that this had not undermined hei faith, “It was the expec tacion ofthe miracle which created faith in i (Ce gui era la foi an miracle, ce fat Vidie qu'il deceit y avoir am mirace)® In the famous phrase of the philosopher Karl Popper, formulated a few years later, che belief was not ‘falsifiable’ ‘This discussion of the psychology of belief was aot the sort of thing one expected to find in the 1920s in a historical study ‘This was the business of psychologists, sociologists, or anthro ologists. In fact, Bloch did discuss his book with a psycho ‘gist, his Strasbourg colleague Charles Blondel, as well as with Febvre. Bloch was also aware of the work of James Frazer, and fof what The Golder Bengé had co say about sacred kingship, just as he was aware of whit I:veien Lévy-Brubl had to say about ‘pri. mitive mentalts’2 Although Bloch did not make frequent use ‘of that term, his book was a pionees contribution co what we ftow call the history of ‘mentalities. Ie might also. be described 8 an essay in historical sociology, ot historical anthropology, focusing on belief systems and the sncinlogy of knowledge. The phrase Bloch did use more than once to describe his book was ‘collective representations’ (rsprsetatons collective), a phrase closely associated with the sociologist Emile Durkheim, lke the plhrase ‘social facts” (faite rorans}, which can also be found ‘THD FOUNDERS :HCIENFEBVRE ANDMARCBLOGH 19 in Bloch’s pages» Indeed, his whole approach owed a good deal t0 that of Durkheim and his school In one respect at least, it might be czticized with hindsight as somewhat coo Durkheimian, Although Bloch is careful to record doubes sbout the royal touch expressed during the long period covered by his book, he still creates f00 strong an impression of consensus, perhaps because he does not offer any systematic discussion of the kinds of people who believed (or on occasion disbelieved), or of the groups in whose interes it was that other people should believe in the royal touch. He does nor discuss the phenomenon in terms of ideology. OF course, in Block's day the concept ‘ideology tended to be used in a crude, reductionist way. This is n0 longer the case, and its difficult co imagine a historian associated with Anolis, Georges Duby for example, discussing the royal touch today without recourse to this concept ‘A third fearure that makes Bloch’s study important is its con: cern with what the author called ‘comparative history’. A few of the comparisons are made with societies as remote from Europe as Polynesia, though only in passing and with considerable caution (‘ne ‘rancportons pes les Antipodes tont enters & Parit ow 4 Lonire’).% Centeal to the book is the comparison berween France and England, the only countries in Europe where the royal touch was exercised. A comparison, it should be added, that leaves room for contrasts In short, Bloch was already practising in 1924 what he was to preach four yeats later, in an article called “Towards a Compara- tive History of European Societies’. The artile argues the case for what the author called ‘an improved and more general use’ of the comparative method, distinguishing the study of the similarities berween societies from that of their differences, and the study of societies that are neighbours in space and time from that of societies that are remote from one another, but recom ‘mending historians to practise all these approaches.” Febvre on Renaissance and Reformation After completing his old project on historical geography, Febvre, like Bloch,20) ‘Tie FOUNDERS LUCIEN FERRE AND MARCELO shifted his interests to che study of collective attitudes, oF “historical psychology’, as he (like his friead Henri Bert) some imes called it." For the rest of his life he would concentrate his serious research om the history of the Renaissance and the Reformation, particularly in France. He began this phase in his earcer with four lectures on the carly French Renaissance, a biography of Luther, and a polemical article on the origins of che French Reformation, which be described as ‘a badly-pat question’ (aae guestn mal posi). All these contributions focused on social history and collective psychology ‘The lectures on the Renaissance, for example, rejected the tet ditional explanations ofthis movement provided by historians of literature and art (including, his old master Emile Mile), and stressing internal evolution. Instead, Febvre offered a social explanation for this “tevolution’, emphasizing what might be called the “demand” for new ideas, and also, as in the thesis on Franche-Comté, the rise of the bourgeoisie.” Ina similar Way, Febvre's article an the Reformation criticized ceclesiastcal historians for theie treatment of that movement as essentially concerned with institutional ‘abuses’ and their reform, rather chan with “a profound revolution in religious feeling’ (ane rivoluton profonde dv sentiment religcws). The reason for this revo tution, according to Febvre, was, once more, the rise of the bout: visi, who ‘needed . .. a religion which was clear, reasonable, humane and gently fraternal’? The iavocation of the bour eoisie now scems 2 litle too glib, but the attempt 10 link religious to social history remains inspiring. ‘The reader may well be surprised to find Febvre writing his torical biography at this point in his career. However, the author's preface to the study of Luther claimed ehat it would not be a biography, but an attempt to solve a problem, in this case “the problem of the relationship between the individual and the group, between personal initiative and social constrain’ (le siesité sociale), He noted the existence in 1517 of potential followers of Luther, the bourgeoisie yet again, 8 group who ‘were acquiring. *t new sense of social importance’ and wer ill at “run youNDeRS LuceS FEaYRH AND MARC BLOG 21 ‘ease with clerical mediation between God and man. All the same, Pebvre refused to reduce Luther's ideas to an expression of the interests of the bourgeoisie. On the contrary, he argued that these creative ideas were not always appropriate for their social setting, and that they had «o be adapted to the nceds and to the mentality of che bourgeoisie by Luther's followers, aotably by ‘Melanchthon.*! It should be obvious by this tine that certain cenceal themes echo and re-echo in Febvre’s work, and also that there was a cre ative tension between his fascination with individuals and his feoncern with groups, as there was berween his strong, inceres in ‘writing 2 social history of religion and his equally strong. desice not to reduce spiritual attitudes and values t0 mere expressions ‘of changes ia the economy or in society. IL THE FOUNDATION OF ANNALES Shortly after the end of the First World War, Febvre had planaed 20 international review t be devoted to economic his- tory and co be headed by the great Belgian historian, Henei Pisenne, The project encountered difficulties and it was put aside. In 1928, ie was Bloch who took the initiative in reviving the plans for 4 journal (2 French journal this time), and on this ‘occasion the project was successful? Pieenne wes again asked to direct the review but refused, so Febvre and Bloch became joint editors. Asalesdbideireicmomique ef ial 98 i was originally called, fon the model of Vidal de la Blache's AAmlts de gvgraphie, was planned from the first 69 be more than just another historical journal. le made a bid for intellectual leadership in the fields of ‘economic and social history. It was the mouth-piece, or better, the loud speaker brodeasting the editors’ pleas for a new, inter disciplinary approach to history: ‘The firse issue was daved 15 January 1929. This issue caries message from the editors, explaining that they had planned the journal long ago, regretting the barriers between historians and22 TW FOUNDERS LUCIEN FEBVRE AND MARCALOCHE workers i other disciplines, and emphasizing the need for in tellectual exchange ‘The editorial committee included not only historians, ancient and modern, but 2 geographer (Albert Demangeon), a sociologist (Mausice Halbwachs), an economist (Charles Rist), and a political scientist (André Siegfried, a former ppil of Vidal de la Blache) ** Economic historians were prominent io the early issues Pitenne, for example, who wrote & piece on the education of medieval merchants; the Swedish historian Bli Heckscher, author ‘of 4 famous study of mereantilism; and the American Earl Hamilton, best kaowa for his work oa American treasure and the price revolution in Spain, At this point the journal looked more of less like a French equivalent, of rival, of the British Leonomie History Review. However, an announcement in 1930 declared the intention of the journal to establish itself ‘on the almost virgin soil of social history” (swr le terrain si mal direkt de Thictore worish)% It also concerned itself with method in the social sciences, like the Revie de Spabise Historigue ‘The emphasis on economic history suggests that Bloch was the dominant co-editor ia the eaely years. However, without see Jing the whole of theit correspondence, much of it unpublished, §t would be footbardy to tey to guess whether Febvre or Bloch ‘was more important in the creation of ‘Ammsler history’ after 1928, or even how they divided between them the labour of run- sing the journal. What can be said with confidence is that if the two men had not agreed on fundamentals and worked well together, the movement would not have been 2 success. All the same, the historical contributions of the two partners after 1929 need to be considered separately. Bloch on Rural History and Feudalism Bloc the shorter, brutally interrupted by the war. Tn his last decades of academic life he produced some seminal articles and ¢wo import- apt books. The articles include a study of the water-mill, and the cultural and social obstacles 20 its difusion; and reflections on technological change ‘as a problem of collective psychology’. Since Bloch is often seen as an economic historian, it may be {DHE OUNDERS LUCIEN FEBVRE AND MARC LOCH 23 worth drawing attention to his interest in psychology, most obvious in The Royal Touch, but also prominent in the lecture on technological change, a lecture that was delivered to a group of professional psychologists and called for collaboration between the two disciplines. Bloch’s main effort went into two major books. In the fist place, there was his study of French rural history. This book began as a series of lectures in Oslo atthe invitation of the Inst tute for the Comparative Study of Civilizations there” How ever, it was ina sense an extension in space and time of the thesis ‘on the rural population of the Ile-de-France in the Middle Ages, ‘which he had planned before the First World War and laid aside ‘when he joined the army. The book, published in 1931, is little ‘more than 200 pages long, a brief essay on a large subject, though enough (0 reveal the author's gift for synthesis and for getting to the estentials of a problem. This essay was and remains important for a aumber of reasons. Like The Royal Toweh, it was concerned with develop- ments over the long term, from the thirteenth century to the cighteenth, and ie made illuminating comparisons and contrasts berween France and England, Bloch’s conception of ‘rural his- ory’ (hihire agrair), defined a8 “the combined seudy of rural techniques end rural customs’, was an unusually broad one for its time, when historians were more likely to write on narrower themes such as the history of agriculture, ot serfdom, of landed property. Equally unusual was Bloch’s systematic use of 00- literary sources, such as estate maps, and his broad conception of “rural culture’ (ilisaton aprere), a term he chose to stress the fact that the existence of different agrarian systems could not be explained ia terms ofthe physical environment alone. French Raral Hirtory is perhaps most famous for its so-called ‘regressive method’, Bloch stressed the need to ‘tead history backwards (lire Pbistore a rebonrs} on the grounds that we know tmore about the larer periods and that it is only prudent 0 pro feed from the known to the unknown." Bloch deploys this method co good effect, bot he did not claim to have invented it Under the name of the “retvogressive method’, it had already24 me FOUNDERS LUCIEN FEavRE AND MARC BLOCH bbeen employed by F. W. Maicland — a scholar for whom Bloch professed considerable admiration ~ in his classic study Domesday ‘Book ard Beyond (1897); the “beyond! in the tile refers to the petiod before the making of Domesday Book in 1086,5° ‘A few years before Maitland, another study of medieval England end one still closer to Bloch’s interests, Frederick Secbohm’s The English Village Community (1883),-began with a chapter on “The English Open Field System Examined in its Modern Remains’, especially in Hitchin, where Scebohm lived, before working its way back to the Middle Ages. Indeed, the ancient historian Fustel de Coulanges, the teacher of Bloch’s father Gustave, had employed a similar approach in The Ancient City (1864), when studying the history of the Greek and Roman gens or lineage. He admits that all the evidence about this social [group ‘dates from a time when it was no longer anything but & shadow of itself", but argues that this late evidence stil allows us “to catch a glimpse’ of the system in its prime. In other words, Bloch did not invent a new method, What he did was to employ it in a more self-conscious and systematic manner than his predecessors ‘The second study, Fendal Society (1939-40), is the book For which Bloch is most widely known today. It is an ambitious syn- thesis, dealing with some four centuries of European history, from 900 to 1300, and with a wide range of topics, many of which he had discussed elsewhere; servitude and liberty, sucred kingship, the importance of money, and so on. In this sense the ‘book sums up his life's work, Unlike earlier studies of the feudal system, ie is not confined to the relation between lind rent the Social hierarchy, warfare and the state, Tt desls with feudal society as a whole: with what we might now call ‘the culture of feudalism It also deals, once more, with historical psychology, with what the author called ‘modes Of feeling and thought’ faonr de sentir de peser). This is the most original part of the book, « dis cussion that deals among other topics with the medieval sense of time, or rather, medieval ‘indifference to time’, oF at any rate the lack of interest in accurate measurement. Bloch also devores @ chapter to ‘collective memory’, a topic thar had long fascinated “THe FOUNDERS LICIESFEBVKE ANDMANCHLOCH 25 him as it had fascinated his friend, the Durkheimian sociologist Maurice Halbwachs (above, p. 22) Feade! Socity is indeed Bloch's most Durkheimian book. He continues to use the language of canscione cllesve, mimoire colle tis, riprizentations eolecises.® Incidental observations such as the following echo the master: ‘in every literature, a society con templates its own image’s* The book is essentially concerned ‘with one of the central themes of Durkheim's work, social cobesion. This particular form of cohesion or of ‘ties of de dence’ (ies de dependance) is explained in what is essentially 2 functionalist manner as an adapration to the ‘needs’ of a particu lac social miliew, more precisely a8 4 response to three waves of invasion those ofthe Vikings, the Muslims and the Magyars, Durkheim's concern with comparison, with typology and with social evolution left its mark om a section atthe end of the book, enticed “feudalism 3s a typical form of social organization’ Ue fiedaliti comme type seal), is which Bloch argues that feudal {sm was not a unique even bbut rather a recurrent phase of social evolution, With his usual caution he noted the need for more systematic analysis, but he went on to cite Japan as an example of 4 society which spontancously produced a system essentially similar to that of the medieval West. He pointed out significant differences between the two societies, notably the European vassals right to defy his lord, All the same, this concern for recurrent trends and for comparisons with remote societies makes Bloch’s work very much more sociological than that of fother French historians of his generation. It was indeed 100 sociological for Lucien Febvre, who chided Bloch for fling to discuss individuals in mote detail IV THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ANNALES In the 19305 the group was dispersed, Febvre left Strasbourg in 1933 t0 go to a chait atthe prestigious College de France, while Bloch left in 1936 co succeed Hauser in the chair of economic history a the Sorbonne. Given the importance of Paris26 THR FOUNDERS-LUCIEN FEAVHE AND MARC BLO Jn French intellectual life, these moves to the centre were signs lof the success of the Aunales movement So was Febvre's appointment as president of the committee organizing the Encyclopédie france, an ambitious interdist plinary venture which begaa publication in 1935. One of the ‘most remarkable volumes of this encyclopaedia was the one cited by Febvre’s old teacher, Ancoine Meillet, and dealing with ‘what might be called ‘conceptual apparatus’ or ‘meneal equip. ‘ment’ ~ in the original French, owillage mental. It might be said that this volume laid the base for the rise of the history of ‘mentalities. Ie should be added, however, that at much the same time, Febvre's former colleague at Strasbourg, Georges Lefeb- vre, published an article - which was to become famous - on the study of revolutionary crowds and their collective mentali ties, Irritated by the dismissal of the ierationality of crowds by the conservative psychologist Gustave Lebon, Lefebvre tried 10 ‘establish the logic of thei actions. Annales gradually became the focus of a historical school. It was in the 1930s and 1940s that Febve wrote most of his at tacks on narrow empiricists and specialist, and his manifestos sand programmes for the ‘new kind of history” associated with Anales ~ pleading for collaborative research, for problem: oriented history (Pbitoire probleme), for the bistory of sensibility, and s0 00,5 Febvre was always inclined to divide the world into those who were with him and those who were against him, and history inco ‘theis" Kind and “ours'5" However, he was surely right co recognize the existence by 1939 of a group of supporters, ‘a faithful nucleus of young men’, who followed what they call “the spirit of Amale’ (Peiprit der Amnale).% He was probably ‘thinking in the frst instance of Fernand Braudel, whom he had come to know in 1937, but there were others too, Pierre Goubert studied with Marc Bloch at this time, and although he ‘came to specialize on the seventeenth century he remained faith- fal co Block's style of rural history. Some of the pupils of Bloch and Febvre at Strasbourg were now passing oa their message in schools and universities. Ie Lyons, Maurice Agulhon studied history with one pupil of Block's, and Georges Duby with “THEFOUNDERS LUGENFEBVRE ANONARCELOGH 27 another. Duby has described Bloch, whom he never met, as his ‘These developments were halted for a time by the Second, World Wer. Bloch's reaction, although he was fifty-three in 1939, was to ejoin the army. After the defeat of France he returned brief to academic life, bur then joined the Resistance, in which he played an active part until his capeure by the Germans. He was shot in 1944, Despite his ‘extramural acti- vities’, Bloch found the time to write two short books in the war years. The fist, Sérange Defeat, was an eyewitness account of the French collapse in 1940, and also an attempt to understand it from the point of view ofa historian. Even more remarkable, perhaps, was Bloch's ability to ‘compote his calm reflections on the purpose and method of his: tory at a time when he was increasingly isolated and anxious about the future prospects of his family, his friends and country. This essay on “the historian’s era” (miter Pbictorin), left unfinished at the author's death, is a lucid, moderate, and judicious introduction to the subject ~ still one of the best we have — rather than the manifesto for the new history Febvee ‘would surely have writen in his place. The only iconoclastic feature was a section attacking what Bloch called, inthe style of Simiand, ‘the idol of origins’, and arguing that every historical phenomenon has to be explained in terms oF its own time, not an earlier one! Febvre's Rabelais Meanwhile, Febvre was editing the journal, first in their joint names and later in his own.‘ Too old to fight, he sat out most ofthe war i his country cottage, writing «series of books and articles about the French Renaissance and Refor ‘mation. Several of these studies deal with individuals, such as Marguerite de Navarte and Frangois Rabelais, but they are not biographies in the strict sense. Faithful 10 his precepts, Febvre Organized his studies around problems. How, for example, could Marguerice, 4 learned and pious princess, write a collection of stories, The Heptemeron, some of which are extremely bawdy? ‘Was Rabelais an unbeliever or was he not? ‘The Problem of Unbvlef i the Sixteente Centsry: The Religion28 we rousDeRs ese renvas as MARC BLOCH of Rabeles — to give the study its fall ttle ~ is one of the most seminal works of history published this century. Together with Bloch’s Riyal Toach and Lefebvre's article on crowds, it inspired the history of collective mentalities with which so many French historians were to become concerned from the 1960s onwards. Like so many of Febvre's studies, it began with his eeaction against the views of another historian, Febvre was ieritated into concerning himself with Rabelais by coming across the sugges tion, in Abel Lefrane’s edition of Pancagrael, that Rabelais was an unbeliever who wrote in order to undermine Christianity Febvre was convinced that this interpretation was not only mis. ‘taken so far as Rabelais was concerned, but anachronistic 25 well, attributing thoughts to the author of Pardegral which were not thinkable in the sixteenth century; thus he set out to refute it, The Problem of Unbelef bas a rather unusual structure, a kind of inverted pyramid, Ie begins in en extremely precise, philolo geal way. According to Lefranc, the atheism of Rabelais was Eenounced by 2 number of his contemporaries, so Febvre ‘examined these contemporaries, for the most part minor neo- Latin poets of the 1534, to show that the term ‘atheist’ did not have its modern, previse meaning, It was « smeaz-word, “used ia whatever sense one wanted to give it Widening out from this discussion of a single word, Febvre discussed the apparently blasphemous jokes that Rabelais made 19 Pantagrae! ane Gargonina jokes that Lefeune had stressed in his argument for the author's ‘rationale’. Febvre pointed ovt that these jokes belonged to a medieval tradition ofthe parody of the sacred in which medieval clevies had often indulged; they were not evidence of sationalism. According to Febvre, Rabelais was 2 Christin of an Brasmian kind: a critic of many of the outward forms of the late medieval Church, but & believer in interior religion. Av this poine one might have expected the book to come to an cad, since the religious credentials of Rabelais had been verified and Lefranc’s arguments refuted. What Febvre actually did was t© wider his investigation stll further. Leaving Rabelais behind, he went on to discuss what he called the impossibility of atheism in the sixteenth century. Mare Bloch had attempted to "ie FOUNDERS, LUCIEN FEBVRE AND ACARC BLOG 29 oo. eee eee cain Peg whence fed to ake place, I sinlar ee ace a eee oe a cea ean ag oa See a ee cer es eee aie ants eee aces tees Kha nba reer eee pee cee tong mck Leyte a sole’ td Feasteet abut and ‘oneset®, “ual, “regularity, and sea doar thes he take tale how cod Sea neous aye ong ere ning nde i exten chyna aoe erry Para ae prem peeeere wos puettogy. Tis his pao ee ok hat 5 eee ea mete aed fw leptngs Fee ay ee ieee Sega eee, ee eee eee eee tay teal tne Mund deel ne oer Secon Sere eae acne eee rane Nara Feber en sl fuer speed ih a 0 Sacer waa a oat Sern snes bxey Sean a ng ae es Hoel Belew he teal cary no any Hox! Ben Site The) wee ht spp nega Romance Resor roteber hee wool oe ignifeant bene from the world-view of che period. ‘No one then had a sense of eee ese aera re cao pemly axed enter for whe wr ipo for endecte neo was ot ne of mg words As 4 result of this lack of criteria, what we call ‘seience” was literally Uothinkable inthe sixteenth century. ‘Let us guard against Projecting this modes conception of science onto the leatning 9f our ancestors. The conceptual apparutus of the period was30 THE FOUNDERS LUC Fava AND MARC BLOCH too ‘primitive’. Thus a precise and technical analysis of the ‘meaning of the term “atheist” in a handful of writers has led to 4 bold characterization of the world-view of an entire age After nearly fifty years, Febvre’s book now seems somewhat dated. Later historians have noted evidence that he missed, suggesting that Rabelais had considerable sympathy for some of Luther's ideas. Oxbers have questioned Febvre’s assumption of the unthinkabiliy of atheism in the sixteenth century, drawing fon interrogations by the Inguisition in Spain and Italy and pointing to individuals who seem at least to have denied Provi dence or to have professed a form of materialism.® The theory of the underdevelopment of the visual ~ taken up twenty years later by the Canadian media theorist Marthall MeLuhaa ~ is not very plausible. Whether or not there was a Hotel Bellevue in sixteenth-century France, here was certainly a Belvedere in Renaissance Floreace, while Alberti and others argued that the eye was pre-eminent over the ear. ‘Most serious of al s the criticism that Febvte assumed rather too easily a homogeneity of thought and fecling among the ‘twenty million French people of the period, writing confidently about ‘the men of the sixteenth century’ (le bommes du XVIe site) as i€ there were no sigaificant difereaces between the as sumptions of men and women, rich and poor, and s0 on. Yer Febze's book remains exemplary, for the questions it asks and the methods by which it pursues them rather than for the answers it gives. It is an outstanding example of problem- oriented history. Like Bloch's Reye! Touch, ie has exercised con- siderable influence on historical writing in France and elsewhere Lronically enough, it does not seem to have had much effect on Fernand Braudel, ro whom the book was dedicated, ‘in hope’. However, the history of mentalities, as practised from the 1960s onwards by Georges Duby, Robert Mandrou, Jacques Le Golf aad many others, owes a good deal to the example of Febyre as well a5 to that of Bloch Febvre in Power After the war, Febvre was given his oppor: tunity at last. He was invited to help reorganize ome of the lead ‘TwerounDeRs cece reavae AND MARE LOCH 3] ing insiutions in the French system of higher education, the Bole Pratique des Havtes Etudes, founded in 1884, He’ was fected a member of the Institue, He also became Prench det fgare at UNESCO, involved with the organization of a malt Blume ‘Sciensite and Culearal History of Mankind’. Given al these activities, Febwre had litle time to write at length and the ects of his later Years never came t0 fruition (like the volume Bo "Western Thought and Belic from 1400 to 180}, or were Faished by others. The history ofthe printed book and is elects fon Western culture io the age of the Renaissance and Refor mation was largely the work of Febvre’s collaborator, Henri Jean Mari, although published under their joint names The essay on historical psychology, Inradaton to Modern Frame, was writen on the basis of Febvre’s notes by his pupil Rober Manéros, and published unde the latter's name. However, Febvre's greatest achievement inthe post-war years was to setup the organization within which ‘his’ kindof history could develop, the Sich Section, founded in 1947, ofthe Ecole Pratque des Hautes Etudes. Febvee became president of the Sinth Section, concezned with the social seienees, and dizeetor of the Centre des Recherches Historiques, which was 2 section ‘within the section. He placed his disciples and friend in key positions in the organization. Braudel, whom he created a8 a son, helped him administer the Cente des Recherches Historigues as well as Amel. Charles Morazt, «historian of the ainetcenth century, joined him in the smal "Ditecting Committe’ of the journal: Robert Mandrou, another of Febvse's ‘sons’, became its organising secretary in 1955, just before Febvte’s death “Anns bad begun as the journal of » heretieal sect. ‘Ie is necessary 10 be a heretic’ Febvre declared in his inaugural lec ture, Oporte! bars ees? Mfor the war, however, the journal tured into the offical organ of an orthodox Church Unde Febvre’s leadership the intellectual revolutionaties were able to take over the French historical Establishment. The inberitor of his power would be Feraand Braudel3 The Age of Braudel |THE MEDITERRANEAN In 1929, when Ansclr was founded, Fernand Braudel way twenty-seven years old, He had studied history at the Sorbonne, he was teaching in a school in Algeria, and he was working on his thesis. This thesis had beguo as 4 faily conventional ~ if ambitious - piece of diplomatic history. It was originally planned 48 study of Philip 1 and che Mediterranean; in other words, a9 analysis of the king's foreign policy During its long period of gestation, the thesis became much broader in scope. It was and is normal for French academic historians to teuch in schools while they write up their theses Lucien Febvre, for example, caught briefly in Besangon. Braudel spent the ten years 1923-32 reaching in Algeria, and the experi ‘ence seems to have widened his horizons, At all events, his frst important article, published in this period, deale with the Spaniards ia North Africa in the sixteenth century. This study, which is actually che size of a small book, deserves 10 be rescued from an undeserved neglect, It was at fonce a critique of his predecessors in the field for their ove cemphasis on bartes and great men, a discussion of the “daly life? of the Spanish garrisons, and a demonstration of the close (if Jnverse) relation between African and European history. When war broke out in Europe, the African campaigns were halted, and vice versa! Much of the fundamental research for the thesis was done in the early 1930s in Simancas, where the Spanish state papers are ri aceormmauet 33 ea in the archives ofthe leading ces of the Christian ener coe ieteae Pas VeuieT MSc —©—h—E—rti‘“—O*™—O_O__risS 10 then permits) wit an Ameren ene eamers? “hi teach wah neraped yt pel techn the i a ——rtsts—sesOOOOSs rr—is—SOOC—CCC—CS. Meath Beau mae the scquinuace of hace Febvte a LLr—~—sOO_O—O— Se hin, ihe sll eee perostng. at “Pip Tan a Lr—rt——OSO—sN ps ‘The Making of The Mediterranean I was, ironically enough, the Second World War that gave Braudel the oppor- tunity to write his thesis. He speat most of che war years in a prisoner-of-war camp near Lilbeck. His prodigious memory compensated to some extent for his lack of access to libraries, and he drafted The Mediterranean in longhand i exercise books which he posted to Febvze, to reclaim after the war Only a historian who has examined the manuscripts can say what rela tion they bear to the thesis that Braudel defended to 1947 and published in 1949 (dedicated to Febvre ‘with the affeeion of a soa’). My concern here is with the printed text. ‘The Mediterrancanis x massive book, even by the standards of the traditional French doctoral chess. In its original edition, it already contained some 600,000 words, making it six times the length of an ordinary book. It is divided into three parts, each ‘of which ~ as the preface points out ~ exemplifies « diferent approsch ro the past. In the fit plice, there is the ‘almost timeless’ history of the relationship between ‘man’ and the ‘eovironment, then the gradually changing history of economic, social and politcal structures, and finally the fast-moving history ‘of events. It may be useful to discuss ehese three pasts in reverse order, The third pars, which is the most traditional, probably corresponds to Braudel’s original idea of a thesis on Philip II's foreign policy, Braudel offers his readers a highly professional1M minace or ensues piece of politcal and military history. He provides brief but lncisive character-sketches of the leading characters on the his torieal stage, from the ‘narrow-minded and politically short sighted’ Duke of Alba ee faux grand bam’, to his master, Philip u ‘solitary and secretive’, cautious, hard-working, a man ‘who ‘saw his task as an unending succession of small deals’, but lacked a vision of the larger whole. The battle of Lepanto, the siege and relief of Malta, and the peace negotiations of the late 1570s are all described at considerable length However, this nareative of events is further removed from ta- ditional ‘drum and trumpet’ history than it may appear ac frst sight. Time after time, the author goes out of his way to em phasize the insignificance of events and the limitations on the freedom of action of individuals. In 1565, for example, Don Garcia de Toledo, the Spanish naval commander in the Medi terranean, was slow to relieve Malta from its siege by the Turks. ‘Historians have blamed Don Garcia for his delay’, writes riudel, ‘but have they always extmined thoroughly the conditions under which he had to operate?" Again, he insist that Philip II's well-known and oft-condemned slowness to teact to events is not to be explained entirely in terms of his tempera slow, ‘ment, but has to be viewed ia relation to Spain's financial exhaustion, and co the problems of communication over such a vast empire.* In similar fashion, Braudel refuses to explain in personal terms the success of Don Juan ~ Don John of Austria ~ at Lepanto. Don Juan was merely ‘the instrument of destiny” in che sense that hie victory depended on factors of which he was not even aware. In any case, according to Braudel, Lepanto was only 2 naval victory, which ‘could or destroy Turkey's r008s, which went deep into the continental interior.# It was only an event. Again, Don Juan's capture of Tunis is described as ‘another vie tory which led nowhere Braudel is concerned to place individuals and events in con text, in their milieu, but he makes them intelligible atthe price ‘of revealing their Fundamental unimportance. The history of events, he suggests, although “the richest in human interest, is acacroromaupeL 35 iso the most superficial. ‘I remember a night near Babia when T ‘eas enveloped in 2 firework display of phosphorescent fireflies; their pale lights glowed, weat out, shone again, all without piercing the night with any truc illumination. So it is with Prenes; beyond their glow, darkness prevails.” In another poetic mage, Braudel described events as ‘sucface disturbances, crests fof foam that the tides of history carry on theie strong backs’. "We ‘must lesen to distrust thern."" To understand the past it is ‘necessary to dive beneath the waves ‘The siller waters chat run deepes are the subject of the second ‘of The Mediterranean, entitled ‘Collective Destinies and Gen eral Trend’s (Destine collectifs of momements ensemble), and con cemed with the history of structures ~ economie systems, states, societies, civilizations and che changing forms of war. This history moves at 2 slower pace chan that of events. It moves in generations or even centuries, so that contemporacies ate scareely awate of it. All he same, they are eartied along with the current, In one of his most famous piecet of analysis, Braudel examines Philip II's empire asa ‘colossal enterprise of land and sea transport’ which was ‘exhausted by its own size’, neceseatily so in an age when ‘the Mediterranean crossing from North t0 South could be expected to take one or two weeks’, while the crossing from East to West took ‘two or three months".!! One is ‘eminded of Gibbon's verdict on the Roman Empire as crushed by its own weight, and of his remarks on geography and ‘communications in the Gist chapter of the Dele and Fal Yer the sixtenth century seems to have been an environment that favoured large staves, tates like the opposing Spanish and Turkish empites which dominated the Mediterranean. "The ‘course of history’, according to Braudel, ‘is by turas favourable and unfavourable to vast political hegemonies’, and the period of ‘economic growth during the Sfteenth and sixteenth ceatueies ‘reated 4 situation consistently favourable to the large and very large staze.2| Like their politica structures, the social structures of the €w0 Breat empires ~ opposed to each other in so many 0 resemble exch other more and more. The mata social trends in36 TueAcnon mat Anatolia and the Balkans in the sixteenth and seventeenth ‘centuries parallel the trends in Spain and [aly (much of which was under Spanish rule at this time). The basie trend in both ateas, according to Braudel, was one of economic and social polarization. The nobility prospered and migrated to the towns, while the poor grew poorer and were increasingly driven to pitacy and handitry. As for the middle cass, they disappeared or “defected’ to the nobility, a process described by Braudel as the “tceason’ or the ‘bankruptes" of the bourgeoisie (raison, ait dee bourgeire Braudel extends this comparison between the Cheistian and Muslim Mediterraneans from society to ‘civilization’, a8 he calls it, im a chapter that concentrates on cultural frontiers and the sadual diffusion of ideas, objects, or customs across these barriers. Avoiding any facile diffusionism, he also discusses the resistance £0 these innovations, with special reference to the Spanish ‘refusal’ of Procestantise, the rejection of Christianity ‘om the part of the Moors of Granada, and the Jews' resistance ro all other civilizaions.!¢ We have still nor reached the boom. Beneath the social trends there lies yet another history, a history whose passage is Almost imperceptible ... 2 history in which all change is slow, « history of constant repetition, ever-recusring cycles’ The true bedrock of the study is this history ‘of man in his relationship to the environment’, x kind of historical geography, or, as Braudel prefers co call it, ‘geo-history". Geo-history isthe subject of Pare One of The Mediterranean, which devotes some 300 pages to ‘mountains and plains, coastlines and islands, climate, land-routes, and sea-routes This part of the book doubsless owes its existence to Braudel’s love affair with the repion, revealed in his very first sentence, beginning ‘I have loved the Mediterranean with passion, no doubr because Iam a northerner’ (Braudel came from Loraine) All the stme, it has its place in the plan. The aim isto show that all ehese geographical features have theit history, or either, that they ate part of history, and that neither the bistory of events nor the general tends ean be understood without them. The section mountains for example, discusses the cultute and society of ae ountain regions; the cultural conservatism of the moun the mothe socal and colt buviers between mouneainees Ba pisinsmen, and the aced for many ofthe young highlanders, migate and to become mercenary soldiers. ‘Toraing to the sea itself, Braudel contrasts the westera Mediteraean, which was under Spanish domination in this period, with the eastern Mediterranean, which was subject tothe Fare, “Politics merely followed the ovtline of an underlying ing fuless, were physically, economically and eulrally diferent an each other." Yet the Mediterranean region temains 2 SR. moe of «unity acordng 1 Braudel than Europe, thanks tothe climate and to the wines and olives which flourish init, as well as tothe sea itself ‘This remarkable volume caused an immediate sensation in the French historical world, Ite reputation has spread ip increasing ripples to other disciplines and other parts of the globe (below, pp. 99, There can be no doubt of its originality. Al the same, 2 the author acknowledged in his bibliographical essay, his book does have a place ina tradition, of more exatly in several Aiferenteadtions. Ta the frst place, of course, the thar was twenty years old when the book was published. “What 1 love tothe Annales, to thei teaching and inspiration, constitutes the greatest of my debs The fst pat of the book, on the role ofthe environment, is heavily indebted to the French geographi «al school, fom Vidal de la Blache himself, whose pages on the Medierrancan Braudel ‘rad and reread’, to the regional mono: raph inspired by the master Lucien Febvre is also present in this pare of The Mediterranean, aot only a the author of an essay 0 historical geography, but because his thesis on Philip IT and Franche-Comté had begun with a geographical introduction of » sar knd though onsale j ‘An equally palpable presence in The Medierramar, iconically enough i the men Pete love 0 tack, the German mpher Friedrich Ratel, whose ideas on geo-poliics seem 10 reality. These two Mediterraneans, commanded by ws dition of Annaler, « journal38 THEAGEOF AUD Ihave helped Braudel formulate his ideas on a number of themes, From empires to islands. Sociologists and anthropologises are less visible, but che chapter on Mediterranean civilization shows signs of the author's debt to the ideas of Marcel Maus.* Among historians, Braudel probably owes most to the great Belgian medievalist Henei Penne, whose famous Muhammad and Charlemagne argued that the rise of Chatlemagae, the end of the classical tradition and the making of the Middle Ages, could not be understood without going outside che history of Europe, oF Christendom, and seudying the Muslim Middle East, Pirenne’s vision of two hostile empires confronting one another across the Mediterranean, some 800 years before Svleiman the Magnificent ‘and Philip 11, mast also have been an inspiration for Braudel. Cariously enough, although this was Pirenne’s last book, the idea for it came to him in a prison camp during the First World War, while Braudel worked on his in a prison camp in the Sec- ‘ond World Wae2? Evaluations of The Mediterranean Braudel complained in his second edition that he had been much praised and litle criticized, There have been criticiems, however, some of them cogent, from the United States and elsewhere.2 Ac the level of derail, 2 qumber of Braudel’s arguments have beee challenged by later researchers. The thesis about the “bankeuptey of the bourgeoisie’, for example, does not satisfy historians of the Low Countries, where merchants continued to flourish. Again, Braudel’s thesis about the relative insignificance of the battle of Lepanco has been qualified, iF not exactly rejected, by recent work. Another lacuna ia The Mediterranean has ateracted less atten tion, but it requires emphasis here. Despite is aspirations towards what he liked to eall a “total history", Braude! has rematkably little to say about attitudes, values, or mentaits collectives, even in the chapter devoted to “Civilizations. In this respect he differs greatly from Febvre, despite his praise for The Problem of Unbulif 28 cee cROFmRAUDRL 39 For example, Braudel has vieuslly no comment to make about honour, shame and masculinity, although (as a aumber of anthropologists have shown) this syscem of values was (and indeed still is) of great importance in the Mediterranean world, Christin and Muslim alike.2 Although religious belies, Cath tlic and Muslim, obviously mattered in the Mediterranean world in the age of Philip Il, Braudel does not discuss them at ans length. Despite his interest in cultural frontiers, he has curiously lite to say about the relation between Christiznity and Islam in his period. This lack of concern contrasts with the interest in the interpenetration of Christianity and Islam shown by some earlier historians of Spain and Eastern Europe, who pointed out the ex- istence of Muslim shrines which were frequented by Christ jan, or of Muslim mothers who baptized their children as 2 safe- guard against leprosy oF werewolves.” ‘Other criticisms of The Mediterroneen are still more radical. Ae American reviewer complained that Braudel had ‘mistaken & poetic response to the past for an historical problem’, so that his book lacked focus, and that the organization of che book cut events off from the geographical and social fctors that explain them: These criticisms ate worth discussing in more detail ‘The suggestion that the book fails to concera itself with & problem would be ironic indeed if well founded, since Febvre and Bloch had laid such emphasis on problem-oticated history and Braudel himself wrote elsewhere that “The region is not the framework of reseatch. The framework of research is the prob Jem.” Could he really have neglected his own advice? I pur the ‘question to Braudel in an interview with him in 1977, and there was no hesitation in his answer. "My great probiem, the only problem I had to resolve, was to show that time moves at diferent speeds." However, lage parts ofthis massive study are ‘not concerned with this problem, at least not directly ‘The criticism of the book's three-part organization was anvici- Pated ~ but not answered ~ by Braudel in his prefuce. ‘If 1 am Citicized for the method in which the book has been assembled, Tope the component putts will be found workmanlike." A way40 Tue sceoepRavoRL of meeting the criticism might have been to begin with the his: cory of events (as I have just done i my summary of the book), and show thar it i unintelligible without the history of steve tres, which is in turn unincellgible without the history of the environment. However, to begin with what he regarded as the “superficial” history of events would have been intolerable for Braudel. In the cizcumstances in which he drafted his scody, in captivity, it wos psyehologially necessary for him to look be yond the shore teem. Another radical criticism of The Mediterranea concerns Braudel’s determi 1m, the exact opposite of the voluntarism ‘of Lucien Febvre, “Briudel’s Mediterranean’, wrote one British reviewer, ‘is 2 world unresponsive to human control.” It is probably revealing that Braudel uses the metaphor of a prison mote than once in his writings, describing man as ‘prisoner’ rot only of his physical environment, but also of his mental framework (ler cadres mentows aussi sont prisons de langue dari) >> Unlike Febvre, Braudel did not see structures as enabling as well as constraining. ‘When T think of the individual ‘once wrote, I am always inclined to see him imprisoned withia a destiny [eyformé dan st deta) io. which he himself has litle hand." It is only fair to add, however, that Braudel’s determinism was not simplistic — he insisted ‘on the need for pluralistic explanations ~ and also that his reviewers generally rejected this determinist view of history without offering precise or construe tive erticisms. The debate over the limits of freedom and det rinism is one that is likely to last as long as history is written. In this debate, wharever philosophers may say, i is extremely dif cult for historians to go beyond a simple assertion of theit ow position Some critics have gone still further in their criticisms of Braudel and spoken of ‘a history without humans’. To see that this accusation is exaggerated, it is only necessary to turn to the perceptive portrayals of individual character in Part Thee. Yet it would surely be fair to say that the price of Braudel's Olympian view of human affairs over vast spaces and long periods is a tendency 19 diminish human being, fo eat them as human se cealing phrase fom the dscusion ofthe sxceth- ee conurotive ism of Pant One of Th Mditranon —.LDU™mrt—~—~—~—srs—SsSssSeaS istry mot oly immobile, he lls show ein motion Berit ns admiration for Maxie Sore French geogra tno wes aeady concerned inthe ety 140s with what Bites ctuman ecology, the process of interaction betwee Misatiad and the environmen; Brae fille o show vx what igre be ele the "nating of the Medieranemnndspe’ rn obvious th damage done vo the eavitonnt ver tbe feng enn by ening down the recover TEs ine to turn the more postive fetes of ook shat even is rcs general describe at a histor aaserpiese. The tain poin to emphasize is that Bede hat done more to change tor rons of bh spac ad ime haa ay ote historia ht camry Thr Medieraman makes it cede conscious ofthe impor ance of apace in history few if any books bad done before Bede achieved thi ft by making the sa vel the hero of fo ep ater hana plitilwnt achat he Spanish Empire Ue aloe an inividal such 8 Philip I~ and abo hy hn peste reminders of the importance of ditnce, of communictions Mont eftcively ofa Bravdel helps hi readers tee the Nedicnnean a4 whol by moving uti i The sn vst coosgh i te to drown mest horns, bt Brae! ke he teed teed i ones he Ate ad he Sabra I we —ULUrrr—CsOSN ofen be dtl to esp the history ofthe sex” Thi section on the “Grener Medteancan a he cal, 4 damatie tramp of Braudel concepon of abl sory, of wha at been cled his vat appa for exending the bounds of hit undetaing’ on she ps Mel desea aed te fn rand cn” (mo are mon bind ir grand) ™ Uae Philp tl the man obese wih deta, aude! always hada vision ofthe whole42 mE AGEOF MALE Even more sgifcne for historian i aude’ orginal eat Iment of tine, is attempt “co divide histo tine ato eo trophic tine, soc ine and invideal me’, and vo ste he fmporsnce of wha has become known (one the publetion of Fis most famous mice), slau dete Braudel’ long ttm sma be short by geologi’ standards, bu his emphasis on “geo fp ne! I parce as pened te es of may "The dination between the short term and the long tem Bad of coute been common enough in he historians vss, in ordinary langage, before 1949. Indeed, sedis of patcular copies over several centuries were not uncommon ia economic timtory, parla i pice hiswory. An vows example, wel Keown o Brtel, i Eat J. Hamlton's meriter Trane nd tb Pris Rea 1501-150 (193. As Braudel was ako sete historians of ran crate had sometimes investigated long. term change incre notably Aby Warburg tnd followers Inthe ales ofthe srvval and usiormaton of the ele teaton™ However, remains Braue’ personal achievement co have combine the sly of fe lng Lt with that of the Complex ineraction between the envifonment, the economy, society, poli etre and evens, Te isthe comiiounee tht all “races are subject to change (however slow) that i, aconding to Braudel, the his ‘ovens special contribution to the sot sence. Heb Title Patience with Foner, wheter they sepa Felons or tiscpines He aways wanted to see things whe, © mega the economic, the soc he polsel, and the clr ato ‘tou history. A historian fkbfal to dhe teaching of Laces Febvee and Marcel Mase wil alvays wan ose the whole, the sealin othe oc? Fe historian will wan co imitate Th Maitre and si fever ae capable of doing 1. I sll toe ts of thi sty, 45 af Tosoy's War and Pre (which ie resembles aot only ‘se bt so inn sate of pce ands ese of he ig of uman action, thet as permaneaty enlarged the posh fesofthe genrein which tive, ee ieacrormsstmm, 43 Hl THE LATER BRAUDEL ‘benudel in Power For some thirty years, from Lucien Febvre's death in 1956 ro his own death in 1985, Braudel was not only the leading French historian but also the most poweeful one. He became professor at the College de France in 1949, the year his thesis was published, and joined Febvre as director ofthe Centre ddes Recherches Historiques atthe Ecole des Hautes Etudes. From this phase of joint direction date three imponane series ‘of publications by the Sixth Section (of which the Centre formed pat), all of chem launched in 1951-2, The first series was en- fited “Ports ~ Routes ~ Trafies' the second, ‘Afhaires ct Gens <@’Affires’, and the third, Monnaie ~ Prix - Conjoneture’. Given this strong, emphasis on economic history, it is reasonable (0 assume thatthe initiative was aot Febvre's, but Braudel’s.° "After Febvie's death in 1956, Braudel succeeded him 2s fective director of Amal. The rations beeween Febvee's (wo sons, Braudel and Mandrow, became less and less fraternal, and Mandvou resigned from bis postion a8 organizing secreary of the journal in 1962. A major change ~ not w say ‘purge’ ~ was carried ove in 1969, apparently in reaction to the crisis of May 1968. Events seemed to be taking their revenge on the historian ‘who had spurned them. Ar all events, Braudel decided to bring in younger historians, such as Jacques Le Gof, Emmanuel le Roy Ladurie, and Mare Ferro ia order to renew Amal, faire peau neue as Braidel pur it** Braudel also succeeded Pebvee as president of the Sixth See tion of the Ecole. In 1963 he founded another organization devoted to interdscipinary researc, the Maison des Sciences de Homme. In his day che Section, the Centre and the Maison all moved into aew quarters on 34 Boulevard Raspail, where the Proximity of sociologists and anthropologists of the calibre of Claude Lévi-Strauss and Piesee Bourdiea, available for conver ‘ation over coffee and for joint seminass, kept and continues 10 keep the Annales historians in touch with new developments sod ‘ew ides in neighboring disciplines.44 mie actor maton ‘A man of digaified and commanding presence, Braudel re ‘mained extremely influential even ater his retirement in 1972. Av for his years in office his contral aver funds for research, publ cation and appointments gave him considerable power, which he used to promote the ideal of 2 ‘common market’ of the social sciences, with history as the dominant partaer® The scholar ships awarded (0 young historians from other countries, such as Poland, to study in Patis helped to spread the French style of history abroad. Braudel also made sure that historians working on the early modern period, 1500-1800, were given at least their fair share of resources. If his empire was not as vast as Philip IIs, it ad a considerably more decisive ruler. Braudel’s influence over generations of research students must also be taken into account. Pierre Chaunu, far example, describes hhow Braudel’s lectures on the history of Latin America, deliv ered soon afier his return to Prance after the war, gave him such tn intellectual ‘shock’ that they determined his historical career. ‘From the first ten minutes T was conquered, subjugated. Chaunu is not the only historian to owe to Braudel a concern with the early modern Mediterranean world, as well as with pat Wiewlar problems. For example, the author of a study of a family of sixteeoth-centuey Spanish merchants owed his subject to Braudel’s suggestion, while monographs on Rome and Valladolid were inspired by his approach *? Many other historiens have recorded what they owed to Braudel's advice and encouragement in the days in which they Were writing their theses, The outstanding figure in the thied generation of Anales, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladutie, who wrote his thesis on the peasants of Mediterranean France, did so under Braudel’s direction. Knowa for a time as ‘the Dauphin’, Le Roy Ladurie was to succeed Braudel at the College de France as Braudel had succeeded Febvre The History of Material Culture During these years of activity as an organizer, 1949-72, Braudel was also working on second ambitious study. After the long. years of research and writing nveded t0 produce the massive doctoral thesis which muesceorenavn, 45 to be necessary for 4 sucessful academic eateer, many wei Soca opt fracompunive ase itd probe rerung but ures or textbooks, Not so Braudel. Not long after Me publication of The Medterraman, Lucien Febere bad invited BERS collaborate on another grand project, The ides was that the ewe men should write a two-volume history of Europe from {a0 to 1800, Febvre taking ‘thought and Beli? as his share, Mile Braudel would concern hinslf with che history of material Hie Febvre’s pat bad aot been writen when he died in 1956, Brsudel produced his in thre volumes berween 1967 and 1979, finder te le Caton matreleepitaoe® Braue’ three volumes ate more or les concerned withthe economists categories of consumption, distribution, and pro Glction, in that order, but he preecred to characterize them in Siifecae way. His introduction to the fist volume describes Economic history a8 a three-storey house, On the ground floor the meaphor is not far from Marc's ‘baz’ — is materia Sitio Ct metril), ded a epene actions fmpirial processes, old methods and solutions handed down foe tine immemorial On the mile lvl, thet economic life (ce icnomig),“calclated, aculted, emerging #8 a system of rules and almost natural necesties™ At the top —n0t 0 Sa¥ “tuperstructure’~ there the ‘eapitalist mechanism, most soph indented of all> “There ae obvious paralels between the tripartite structures oF he Meiterraan and of Ciication ond Capital (the eilogy fs called). In each case he first pare dese wth an almost immo Bile history, the second pare with slowly changing, nstiatonal structures, and the third pare with more rapid change ~ with {vents in one book, and with tends inthe other “The fist volume deals withthe Bottom level Concerned asi in with an ceonomic “old regime’ lasting some 40 years, this book, now known in English as The Sracare of Ese Lif exemplifies Braudel’ long standing interest inthe long term. I also illustrates his global approach. Oxgially planned a a sud Of Europe, the bonk has litle £0 say about Africa and 2 good deal about Asin and. America, One of ie cena arzoments46 rweacnormaunes concerns the impossily of explaining major changes in other than global terms. Following the German economist snd demo sapher Est’ Wagemann, Braudel noted tht. population movements in Chinn and Todi followed simlae pate to those of Europe: expansion in the sitceth ceaury Sabi in the sevenreenth cetory, aod renewed expansion i the eight centh A world-wide phenomenon obviously needs an expla baton onthe une scale While his stent were studying population tends atthe level ofthe province, or on ocean thet of he lag, Brno, Chrno atemping me he we Whie ey were analysing sabsisence eres in Earope, be was eompriy the advantages and dandvanagesof wheat and oer gra ith those of ie inthe Far East tnd male im Ameria, ting for example, thatthe ied bcos high populations and seit foci dicipie 1 the regons wher Gey prospered while maine, a cop that demands ite efor left the Tans Tee’ (tha isthe word) to labour on “the plant Mayan ot Arte Preamid’ othe cyclopean walls of Cureo" ‘The ef of thee appaen dvagarons isto define Europe by conse tothe rex of the worl, as a continent of genx, rlasvey wellequipped with furnte region whose densi Of population made transport problems les acute thin he where but one where our wat clavely expensive a sims lus (0 the employment of insnimate soure with the Industeial Revolution, In subject-matter, as in geography, Braudel bursts through the barriers of conventional economic history. He sweeps away the traditional categories of ‘agriculture’, ‘trade’ and ‘industry’, and looks instead at ‘everyday lie’, at people and things, ‘everything ‘mankind makes or uses’ food, clothes, housing, tools, money, ‘owns, and so on. Two basie concepts underlie this first volume ‘The St ikea of everydhy lif’ the second is tha of material In the introduction to the second edition, Braudel declared ‘hat the aim of his book was nothing less thas the historiczation ‘of everyday life (introduction de la se quotidieane dans la domaine de s of energy associated ‘muracrorsnauat 47 ‘histire). le was not, of course, the fits person to attempt this. Le ciniisaton quotiene was the title of one volume of Lucien Rebvte's Exgelopédie franzaise, a volume to which Bloch con- tributed an essay on the history of food. A series of histories of Uhily life in different places and times was published by Hachette from 1938 onwards, beginning with a study of the French Renaissance by Abel Lefranc (the man whose view of Rabelsis so irstated Lucien Febvre). Parlier stil, an imporcant study of daily life in Denmark and Norway in the sixteenth century was made by the great Danish historian T. F. Troele-Lund, with separate ‘volumes devoted to food, clothes, and housing.® All the same, Braudel’s work is important for its synthesis berween what might be called the “litle history’ of daily life, which can easily ‘become purely descriptive, anecdotal, or antiquarian, with the history ofthe great economic and social trends of the time, Braudels concept of civilisation matériel also deserves closer analysis. The idea of a realm of routine (Zisilisaton), as opposed to. realm of creativity (Kaltr), was deat to Oswald Spengler, 2 historian with whom Braudel has more in common thao is gen cenally admiteed.© Bravdel does not concern himself with mental routines, with what Febvre called owllage mental. As we have seen (p. 39), Braudel has never shown great interest in the his- tory of mentalities, and in any case he was supposed 10 leave thought and belief to his partner. On the other hand, he had ‘much to say about other forms of habit [As in his Mediterantan, Braudel’s approach to civilization in this book is essentially that of a geographer, or geo-historian, interested in cultuce-areas (ater cltreles), between which ex changes of goods take place ~ oF fal to take place. One of his most fascinating examples is that of the chale, which arrived in ‘Qhina, probably ftom Europe, io the second of third century ‘AD, and was in widespread use by the thirteenth century. This soquisition required new kinds of furniture (such as high tables), and new postures ~ in short, a sew way of life. The Japanese, on the other hand, resisted the chair, ust as the Moors of Granads, Aiseussed in The Mediterranean, eesisted Csistianity 5° If anything important is lacking in this brilliant study of48 mipactorenavonL ‘materi culture’, as it has become customary to call it in English, it is surely che realm of symbols.%* The American sociol gist Thorstein Veblen devoted an important part of his Tévary of the Leiwre Clas (1899) toa discussion of status symbols, Some historians have moved in the same direction; Lawrence Stone, for example, in a book published two yeuts before Braude!'s, discussed the houses and the funerals of the English aristo racy from this point of view.” Mote recently, historians and anthropologists alike have been devoting considerable attention to the meanings of material culeure.# A historical antheopologist or anthropological historian might want to supplement Braudel’s fascinating account of ‘carnivor ous Europe’, for example, with a discussion of the symbolism of such ‘noble’ foods as venison and pheasant, which were asso: ciated with the aristocratic pastime of hunting and played an. important part in the riruals of gift exchange. Similar points might be made about che uses of clothes for what the sociologist Erving Goffman has called the “presentation of self in everyday life’, and also about che symbolism of houses, their fagades and thei interior arrangements.” Braudel on Capitalism The Whelt of Commerce opens with an evocation of the bustle and confusion of the noisy, animated, polyglot, multicoloured world of the traditional market, and continues with descriptions of fairs, pelars and great merchants Many of these merchants were as exotic as the goods they bought and sold, for international trade was often in the hands of outsiders ~ Protestants in France, Jews in Central Europe, ‘Old Believers in Russia, Copts in Egypt, Parses i India, Armen: ians in Turkey, Portuguese in Spanish America, and so on. lere as elsewhere, Braudel kept a fine balance between the abseract and the concrete, the general and the particular. He in terrupted his panorama from time 10 time to focus on case studies, including so agricultural ‘factors’, as he calls it, in the cighteenth-century Veneto, and also the Amsterdam Bourse, that “confusion of confusions’, as a seventeenth-century participant described it, already inhabited by bulls and bears, Braudel aways - rizacroreasunes 49 hed ao eye for the vivid detail. During the fair of Mediva del Campo in Castile, s0 he tells us, Mass used to be celebrated on the balcony of the cathedral so that ‘buyers and sellers could fo Tow the service without having to stop business. "These colourful descriptions are complemented by a fascinat ing analysis in which Braudel displayed to the full his remarkable spit for appropriating ideas from other disciplines and making them his own, Ia The Whels of Commerce he deew on the ‘cen: tralplace theory” of the German geographer Walter Chrisaller to discuss the distribution of markets in China. He drew on the sociology of Georges Gurvitch to anslyse whae he calls ‘the pluralism of societies, the contradictions in their social structures. He drew on the theories of Simon Kuznets, an econ: fomist ‘convinced of the explanatory value of the loag term in terize pre-industrial societies by the lack of fixed, durable capi tal® He drew most ofall from that remaskable polymath Kat! Polanyi, who was studying economic anthropology in the 1940, but argued against him that the market economy coexisted with the non-market economy in the exrly modern a development after my own heart’, to charsc- ‘world, ther than emerging suddenly in what Polanyi called the ‘great transformation” ofthe nineteenth century. Tn this sccouat of the mechanisms of distribution and ex change, Braudel charactersialy offered explanations that were a once structural and mulilteral. Discussing the role of religious minoriies like the Huguenots and the Parsees in international trade, he conchided that “itis surly the social machinery itself which ceverves to outsiders such anpleasane but socially estenil tasks ... if they bad not existed, it would have bbeen necessary co invent them’ He had no time for explana: tions in terms of individuals. On the other hand, Braudel remained opposed to explanations in terms of a single factor ‘Capitalism cannot have emerged ftom a single confined source’ he remarked, sweeping away Marx and Weber with a single fick of the wrist “Economics played a part, politics played a Par, society played a part, and cultuce and civilization plaved 2 Part. So too did history, which often decides in the Ist analysis30 runaceorenacpeL ‘who will win a teal of strength." This is a characteristic pass- age of Braudel, combining open-mindedness with a lack of ana Iytical rigour, and giving weight to factors that receive little serious discustion elsewhere in the book. It is also a reminder that he found it necessary to preserve a certain intellectual distance from Marx and even mote from Marzism, to avoid being teapped inside an intellectual frame: work he regarded as too tigid. ‘Marx's genius, the secret of his Jong sway,” wrote Braudel, ‘lies in the fact that he was the fist to consteuet true social models, on the basis of a historical Jonge dari, "These models have been frozen in all their sim plicity by being given che status of laws." "The Perspective of the World shifted attention from structure 0 process ~ the process of the rise of capitalism. In chis final volume, in which it was necessary to be conclusive, Braudel underplayed his usval eclectic approuch. Instead, he drew heavily fon the ideas of one maa, Immanvel Wallerstin, Wallerstein is almost as difficult wo classify as Polanyi. Trained as 2 socio- logist, he did research in Africa. Convinced that he could nor understand Africa without analysing capitaliem, he tured to ‘economics, Discovering that he could not understand capitalism without going back to its origins, he decided to become an econ: ‘omic historian. His unfinished history of the ‘wosld economy siace 1500 is ia its turn indebted to Braudel (co whom the second volume is dedicated) #* However, Wallerstein’s analysis of the history of capitalism also draws on the work of development economists such a¢ [André Gunder Prank, notably on their concepts of economic ‘cores’ and ‘peripheries’ and their argument that the develop. ‘meat of the West and the underdevelopment of the rest of the world are opposite sides of the same coin. Wallerstein discusses What he calls the “international division of labour’ and the suc- cessive hegemonies of the Dutch, the British, and of the United States, He stands in a Marxist tradition, and ic was something of a surprise for many readers to see the old Braudel, who had always kept his distance from Mars, finally accepting something like a Marsist framework. The Perspective ofthe Worlds also comcerned with the sequence of preponderant powers, but it begins, a2 one might have pected Braudel fo beg, withthe Mediterranean. According orhim, it was fiftenth-cenrury Venice that fst achieved fegemony over # world economy. Venice was followed by TRarwerp and Antwerp by Genoa, whose bankers convrolled the conomc destinies of Europe (and, through Span, of America) {Be Ine sixteenth and ently seventeenth centuries, ‘the age of the Genoese’. Fourth in sequence comes the Dutch Rep, or, trove extly, \mstctdam, which Braudel sees asthe last ofthe economically dominant cities. Finally, with a characteristically skilful owist, he turns the problem inside out and discusses the failure of other parts of the world (including France and India) to achieve a similar dominant position, ending his story with Britain and the Industrial Revolution. 1k is not dit ‘volumes, particularly when the author moved away from the Meditertancan world which he knew and loved best. Such inaccuracies were virtually inevitable in a work of such breath- taking scope. A more sesious criticism, analogous to the one of ‘The Mediterranean offered above, is that Braudel remained, in one Of his favourite metaphors, a ‘prisones* of his original division of labour with Febvre (iF not of his own oaillge mental). He continued to the end to be ‘allergie’, as he put it, co Max Weber, and to have little to say about capitalist values ~ industry, thrif, discipline, enterprise, and so on. Yet the contrast between what right be called ‘pro-enterprise cultures’, such as the Dutch Republic and Japan, and ‘anti enterprize cultures’, such a5 Spain and China, is's steking one, and these diferences in values are surely relevant to these countries’ economic histories. le to find inaccuracies or lacunae in these This unwillingness to allow autonomy fo cltace, vo ideas, is dearly ilstated in one of Braudel’ late essays. Discussing the Problem of the rejection ofthe Reformation in France (ashe had ‘nce discussed the rejection of the Reformation in Spain), he offered a crudely reductionist geographical explanation. He con- fined himsei to noting thatthe Rhine and the Danube were che Gontiers of Catholicism as they bad been the fontess of the Roman Empire, without taking the teouble to analyse the pos ible relation berween these frontiers and the evens and ideas of52. niipacror mau, Reformation." Yer the positive features oF Braudel’s trilogy far ourweigh their defects. Together, the three volumes make a magnificent synthesis of the economic history of early modera Europe - in a wide sense of the term ‘economic’ ~ and they place this history in 8 comparative context. They confirmed the author's right the world heavyweight title. One can only be grateful for this demonstration that is still possible in the late twentieth century to resist the pressures towards specialization. One can only admire the tenacity with which Braudel cartied out two large scale projects over a period of moze than Fifty yeats What is more, he had aos finished. In his old age, Leopold, voa Ranke turned to world history. For once more modest in his ambitions, Braudel embarked in his late seventies on a total his tory of his own nation. Only the geographical, demographic and economic sections were in existence when the author died in 1985, but they have been published wnder the ttle The Identity of France ‘his last book was in a sense predictable ~ it is not difficult to Imagine what 2 Braudeliag study of France might be like. It drew, like his catlier books, on the work of his favourite geographers, from Vidal de la Blache to Maximilien Sorte Although Braudel took che opportunity to reply to the criticism that he was an extreme dererminist, and had some gaod words 10 say for ‘possibilism’ in the manner of Febvze and Vidal de la Blache, he dd not in face budge from bis position, and reiterated. his belief that we ate “crushed? by “the enormous weight of dis tant origins’. AI the same, the frst volume of this study is another impressive demonstration of Braudel's capacity to incor porste space into history, to discuss distance and regional diver sity on the one hand, communications and national cohesion on the other, and of course ¢o fer his reflections on the changing frontiers of France over the very long term, from 843 to 1761.08 ‘One last theme io Braudel’s work deserves discussion here: stat istics. Braudel gave a warm welcome to the quantitative methods ‘employed by his colleagues and pupils. He made use of statistics ris acroranaunes 58 ‘on occasion, particularly in the second, enlarged edition of his Mediterranean, published in 1966, However, it would aot be ‘unfair to say thae figures formed part of the decoration of his his totical edifice, rather than pate ofits structures In a sense he resisted quantitative methods just as he resisted most forms of cakural history, dismissing Burckhaed’s famous Ciiligation of ‘the Remvzcane in Ualy a5 “up ithe ait (aériemne, sxpendse).™ He twas thus something of 2 stranger to two major developments ‘within Amncler history in his time: quantitative history and the history of mentalities, It is time to curn to these developments. HL THE RISE OF QUANTITATIVE HISTORY Despite his achievements and his charismatic leadership, the development of the Anmaler movement in Braudel’s day cannot bbe explained solely in terms of his ideas, interests, and infuence ‘The ‘collective destinies and general trends’ of the movement also deserve examination. Of these trends, the most important, from 1950 or thereabouts t0 the 1970s or even later, was surely the rise of quantitative history. This ‘quantitative revolution’, as it has been called, was frst visible in the economic Feld, especially the history of prices, From the economic sphere it spread (© social history, especially the history of population Finally inthe third generation, discussed in the next chapter, the new trend penetrated cultural history ~ the history of religion and the history of mentalities. ‘The Importance of Ernest Labrousse For economic histor jans to concern themselves with statistics was nothing, new. A considerable amount of research on the history of prices had been carried out in the nineteenth century.” The early 1930s witnessed an explosion of interest in the subject, doubtless com rected with such phenomena of the day as German hyper-infa: tion and the Great Crash of 1929. Two important studies of Prices appeared in French in the years 1932-3. The fist, which Lucien Febvre described as a book historians needed at their bedside, was called Retarcee om the General Movement of Prices.” We54 mupaceorsnauneL was the work of the economist Frangois Simiand, the man who had published 2 resounding attack on traditional history thicty years eatlier (above, p. 10). The Resareéer discussed the alter nation in history of periods of expansion, which Simiand called “A-phases’, and periods of contraction or ‘B-phases'™ The second important study, modestly entitled Sketch of the Movement of Price and Revenats in 18th-Centary Frame, was the work of a young historian, Ernest Labrousse.™ Labrousse, who was ewo years older than Braudel, was extremely influential on historical writing in France for more than fifty years. Given his influence on younger historians of the group, many of whose theses he directed, Labrousse might be said co have been absol ately central 10 Annales. In another sense, Labrowsse might be located on the margin of the group. He taught at the Sorbonne, hhe was concerned with the French Revolution (the event par ‘estellwe), and, more important still, he was a Marxist.” As we have seen, neither Pebvee nor Bloch took great interest in the ideas of Karl Marx. Despite his socialism and is admiration for Jaurés, Febvre was too much of a vohuntatist eo fod Marx illuminating. As For Bloch, despite his enthusiasm for economic history, he was separated from Marx by his Dusk: hheimian approach.” Braudel, as we have seen, owed mote Marx, bur oaly ia his latee work. Tt was with Labrousse that Marxism began to penetrate the Anles group. So did statistical methods, for Labrousse was inspired by the economists Albert Aftalion and Frangois Simiand to undertake 4 rigorously quantitative study of the economy of cighteenth-century France, published in two parts, the Sketed (1933), dealing with price movements from 1701 to 1817, and ‘The Crisis (1944), dealing with the end of the old regime, These books, which are packed with tables and graphs, are concemed both with long-term trends (b mourement de longue dari) and with short-term cycles, ‘yclical crises’ and ‘intereycles’. Labrousse, who showed great ingenuity in finding ways to measure econ. ‘omic trends, made use of the concepts, methods and thearies of economists such as Juglar and Kondratie’, concerned respect: ively with short and long economic cycles, and his own teacher ‘nie sceor aur 58 Albert Aftalion, who had written on economic crises. Labrousse argued that in eighteenth-century France a bad harvest would have a ‘knock-on’ effect, leading to a decline in rurel revenues and 50.8 decline i the still largely rural market for industry. He fso argued for the importance of the economic crisis of the late 1780s a8 a precondition for the French Revalution.™ His ‘two monographs were pioneering studies of what the Amnale historians would later call coyonture (ace Glossary). They have ‘been criticized on occasion for forcing the data to fit the model, bur they have been extremely influential In his famous essay on ‘History and the Social Sciences’ (1958), which centred on the concept of longue dure, Braudel called ‘Labrousse’s Cras ‘the greatest work of history 0 have appeared i France in the course of the lst twenty-five years!” Similarly, Piesre Chaunu declared that ‘The whole movement towards quantitative history in France derives from two books which were the breviaries of my generation, the Séeich and The Crisi,, books that he considered more influential than The Medi terraneam tse ‘These books were extremely technical, and Labrousse pub: lished relatively lite thereafter. He was a historian’s histor jan. He was not a narrow specialist, however. His interests extended well beyond the economic history of the eighteenth century, to the revolutions of 1789 and 1848 and 10 the social history of the European bourgeoisie from 1700 to 1850." He fonce declared that ‘there can be a0 study of society without a stady of mentalities’ Labrousse devoted « good deal of time to the supervision of graduate students, and he deserves 10 be remembered as the “grey eminence’ of Amnals, playing Father Joseph, the self facing. but indispensable collaborator, to Braudel’s Cardinal Richelieu, There are grounds for suspecting Labrousse’s influ: fence on the second edition of Braudel’s Mediterranean, published in 1966, which placed more emphasis on quantitative history 48 well as including tables and graphs which the first edition lacked It was also to include more tables and graphs than before that Anil began to appear in enlarged format in 1969.56 munaGKormRAUDEL It is impossible to discuss in detail all the works ofthe 1950s and 1960s which bear the juint impress of Braudel and Labrousse, bbue equally impossible to leave out Chaunu’s Serie and the Atlantic (1955-60), pethaps the longest historical thesis ever ‘written.® Chaune’s study, written with the help of his wife Huguette, tried ro imitate if not to surpass Braudel by taking as his region the Atlantic Ocean, He concentrated on what can be rmeasused, the tonnage of goods transported beeween Spain and the New World from 1504 to 1650, widening out from this base to discuss more general Ructuations in the volume of trade, and finally the major economic trends of the period, notably the shift from expansion in the sixteenth century (an A-phase, as Simiand ‘would say) to contraction inthe seventeenth (a B-phase). "This massive study, which launched that famous pai of terms Lractare and conjnvtare, was at once an application to transatlantic trade of a method and a model developed by Labrousse for cightecath-century France, and a challenge to Braudel, studying aan ocean, at least from an economic point of view, and taking a truly global view of his subject. The long section on the histor ‘al geography of Spanish America is also outstanding. Chauau is second only to Braudel in his awareness of the importance of space and of communication in history.® istorical Demography and Demographic History The history of population was the second great conquest of the quan- ticative approach, after the history of prices. The rise of demo- ‘graphic history took place in the 1950s, and it owes as much to contemporary awareness of « world population explosion as the price history of the 1930s owes to the Great Crash. The develop: ‘ment of this field, in France at least, was the joint work of demographers and historians. Louis Henry, for example, who worked at the Institut National ¢'Etudes Demographiques (INED), turned in the 1940s from the stdy of population in the [present to the study of the past, and developed the method of family reconstitution’, linking the records of births, marriages, and deaths and investigating a region and a peviod through case studies of families in Geneva, Normandy and elsewhere. The journal of the INED, Pepalaton, which began publication ia 1946, has always cartied contributions by historians. “The first volume, for example, included a seminal article by the historian Jean Meuvret. This developed the sotion of ‘sub- sistence crisis, arguing that in France in che age of Louis XIV, these crises were regular events, A rise in grain prices would soon be followed by a rise in the death rate and a deop in the birth rate, Next came a gradual recovery, and then the next crisis” The ideas of chis article underlie a number of later regional studies, rom Goubert on the Beauvaisis onwards, Like Labrousse, Meuvret was a historian of much greater importance for the Annaler movement in the 1940s and 1950s than his rela tively meagee published work might suggest. His monument is the work of his pupil Historical demography was soon linked officially to social history. In 1960, the Sixth Section founded a new historical seties, ‘Demogeaphy and Societies’, which published a number ‘of important monogeaphs on regional history “The Importance of Regional and Setial History One of the first publications in the series ‘Demography and Societies” was Pierre Gouber’s thesis on Beowair and the Bewwaiss. Like Chaunu, Goubert divided his study into ewo pars, entitled ‘Structure’ and ‘Conjoncture’. The second parts concerned with long-term and shor-cem fuctuations in pices, production and population over a ‘long’ seventecath century running fom 1600 0 1730. It is a regional illustration of Simiand’s B-phase Gouber's juxtaposition of price and population movements ‘hows the human consequences of economic change The importance of the frst paris that It integrates historical demography into the social history ofa tegion. Goubert made 2 careful study of population teends in a number of villages in the Benuvaii, such as Auneuil and Breteuil. He arrived at conclusions similar to Meuvze's about the persistence oF an ‘old demographic rime’, marked by subsistence exses every tie Jets or o,f the mide of che eighteenth ceatary, and be noted how the villages adjusted to haed dimes by mareyng late, thus ving the wives fewer child-bearing years However, Gouber did mote than demonstrate dhe relevance58 nie aceor avon to the Beauvaisis of what were becoming the orthodox inter Pretations of economic recession and demographic criss in the seventeenth century. He placed considerable emphasis on what he called ‘social demography’, on the fact that the chances of sur vival, for example, differed from one social group to another. He called his study a contribution to “social history’, a history eon ‘cerned with everyone, nor just the rich and the powerful, a point reiterated in a later work of Goubert’s, Louis XIV’ and Twenty Milion Frenchmen (1966). ‘The most interesting pars of the book, 0 my mind at least, are the chapters on urban and rural society, on the world of tex tile production in Beavvais, for example, or on the peasants rich, middling, and poor. This careful study of social differen tiation and social hierarchies, which Goubert later developed in san essay on the peasantry in the seventeesth century in the whole of France, is an invaluable corrective to any simple view of old regime society." Rich as it is, Goubert’s social analysis stops short of total history. The problem of ‘bourgeois mentality’ receives a brief discussion but, as the author admits 2t the start, religion and polities are left out, In similar fashion, most of the Annaler style regional monographs of the 1960s and 1970s, « remarkable col lective achievement, were virtually restricted to economic and social history, together with geographical introductions on the Braudel model Goubert dedicated his thesis to Labrousse, whose role behind, the scenes is revealed by the acknowledgements prefixed to some of the most distinguished regional studies of the second and third generations of Annaler, from Pierre Vilar’s Catalonia to Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie’s Languedoc and Miche! Vovelle's Provence (discussed below). These studies, which are not s0 much copies from « model as individual variations on a group theme were the most impressive achievement of the Annales school in the 1960s. In this respect, they resemble the regional ‘monographs of the French geographical school ~ Demangeon’s Peardy, Sion’s Normandy and so on - fifty years earlier.™ They also matk the re-establishment of Annaler in the provinces, in sminacorenavort 59 universities such as Caen and Rennes, Lyon and Toulouse ‘Genezally speaking, the regional studies combined Braudelian ruc, Labroussin cinjoncture, and the new bistorieal demo- ahs Pye rural society of ealy modern Prance was studied at pro- vincal level in Burgundy, in Provence, ia Languedoc, in the Tle-de-France, in Savoy, in Loreaine. There was aso a clustet of monographs on early modern cites, not only in France (Amiens, Tryon, Caen, Roven, Bordeavs) but esewhere in the Medier tanean world (Rome, Valladolid, Venice)*® These local studies, trban and ruta, have considerable family resemblances. ‘They tend to be divided into two pacts, strutare and cnoncare, and to rely heavily on sources that provide fairly homogeneous dara of a kind that can be arranged in long time-series such as price tends ot death rates. Heace the name “secial history (bisteire sere) often given to this approach.” Looking at these theses, one can see the point of Le Roy Ladurie's remark that “the quantitative revolution has completely transformed the craft ‘ofthe historian in Prance:* Most of these local studies were directed by Braudel ot Labrousse, and most of them del with the early modera period “There ate exceptions to both rules, however. The medievalit Georges Duby wrote one of the fist of these regional mono- gniphs, concentrating on property, the social stuctare and the aristocratic family on the azea around Macon io the eleventh and taelfh centuries, Duby's work was supervised by a former col- league of Bloct’s, Charles Perrin, and inspited by historical ‘ography: The nineteenth-century Limousin has also been studied in the Amsler manner, in a volume beginning with the geography of the region, going on to describe ‘economic, social and mental structures’, and concluding with as analysis of poli ‘al aides and an account of change over time.* Even in the case of early modern sues, it would be mislead- ing to present the -Amals school ot circle ast was completely sealed off from other historians*” The most obvious ourider to mention is Roland Mousnier, who has been as infucasial a diector of research on the early modem period a Braudel6 uEAGeormRAUDRL ‘and Labrousse. Mousnier published his articles in the Reme Hivorign, not in Annales. He was professor at the Sorbonne, not the Hautes Etudes. He was persona non grata co Braudel. If the “Annales cece is a club, Mousniet is certainly aot a member. All the same, his intellectual interests overlap with theirs to a considerable degree. No French historian since Bloch has taken the comparative approach to history so seriously, whether the ‘comparisons are neighbourly or remote, Mousnier has contrasted the political development of France and England, for example, and he has studied seventeenth-century peasant revolts not only in France, but as far afield as Russia and even China. Like the Arseles group, Mousnier has made considerable use of sacial theory, from Max Weber to Talcott Parsons (he has lite time for Marais) Although his political views were wel to the right, Mousnier was able to collaborate on a study of the eighteenth century with Labrousse, whose heart was always on the left. They did not gece oa methods of research, let alone conclusions, but the (wo men shared a strong interest in the analyse ofthe socal structure of the ald regime, is ‘orders’ and ‘clases’, atopic on which they organized rival conferences.” Mousnier directed a considerable number of theses in social history, on topies ranging from the eightceath-century French soldier to a computer-based quaatitative analysis of changes in the social structure of a small French rown over nearly three centuries‘! In the early 1960s, he launched a programme of col lective research into peasant sings of the sixteenth and seven teenth centuries, partly to refute the Marxist interpretation of French peasant revolts put forward by the Soviet historian Boris Porshnev, whose work ~ published in Russian in the 1940s — was translated into French by Mousnier's rivals at the Sixth Sec- tion." The works of Mousoier and his pupils generally paid ‘more attention to polities and less to economics than the regional studies supervised by Braudel and Labrouste and they took legal criteria more seriously and economic criteria less seriously in their analyses of the social structure. However, some of these ‘rim aceoreRALDEL 6 studies are scarcely distinguishable from those of the so-called ‘Annales schoo. Le Roy Ladusi in Languedoc There ws one major excep Tere ihe heney emphasis economic and socal scart a —h—™rté“OO™—™—SOSOSC_hsS Fal ele. Eownanuel Le Roy Lads doctoral thes om Po Pon of Langa (1966 embarked the athon pt pon the adventure of toa history” over 8 ptiod of more than 20 years Te Roy Latur is by common consent te mos rin of Beaode!s pup, resembling him in » numberof rexpects imaginaive powes, wide-ranging cosy,» ulidepinary pprtch 4 conceto with the log dri and's eran ab Roce towards Marais. Like Braudel, he «nomberer (4 Norma) in love wth the south His Pant of Lams bit ta the same sca as T Mediramon being one ight expen, wth an account of the peogaphy of Languedoc, + ‘gpealy Mediterranean countryside of oe and cub of gi, Thesand olives of oin-oks tnd chesnut es Te Roy Ladurie shares with Bsnuel ag nese nn in he phil environmen, an interest that hat fed im to produce + a LUrt~—~—OOCOCOCi=SCUN Ioog term." Americin scents have wed the evidence of te Sings (otably cove ofthe giant sequoia ofthe fr we, wbich tonelins lve for 1.300 Jeu) to esablish lng-tean rds in ibeclinare. A varow rng menos ear of drought,» wide ring 2 year of abundant anal Le Roy Ladue had the happy idea ot jetapning thei concasons wth those chained frm sneer Saami of serial tory waco weno the dt of he a ees Year «le haves old ne. He coneled thatthe ancient Winey of Gemany, Fance and Swazelnd echo, fof bat 1a harmony, te evidence of the thowand-yearcld fore of Alaska and Arizona’.% The parallel to Braudel’s comparison of Populttion movement in Futope and Ai obvious enough62 mie scsoe mate: (On the other hand, Le Roy (as itis convenient to call him) has found it necessary co keep his intellectual distance from Braudel, just as Braudel di from Marx. He abandoned the now traditional organization of regional monographs into sections fon ‘utracares” and “onjontare’. Instead he divided his book, ‘which runs from 1500 to 1700, into three periods, three phases of ‘what he calls 2 great agrarian cycle’, an enotmous movement of ebb and flow, vise and fall The fist is an A-phase, 4 period of economic expansion fuelled by a dramatic rise ia the population of the region, recovering at last from the ravages of plague i the latet Middle Ages. As 2 contemporary put it, the people of sixteenth-century Languedoc were breeding ‘like mice in a barn’. Marginal land ‘was taken back into cultivation, and the land was also exploited more intensively. The average peasant holding became smaller and smaller (because there were mote children to divide the land among), and the rural wage labourers became poorer and poorer (because the growth of population crested a buyers’ market For labour). The group that profited from change was that of the landowners who managed their estates themselves Population continued to expand, at a slower rate, tll 1650 or even 1680 (some time after it had stopped rising in Goubert’s Beauvaisis), and landowners to profit. Indeed, Le Roy calls the period 1600-80 that of the ‘rent offensive’. At this point, how- ‘ever, what Simiand would calla ‘B-phase’ of depression occurred and the whole enormous movement went into reverse, The fun- ‘damental reason for this reversal was the decline in the pro ductivity of agriculture. The impoverished cultivators were unable to invest in ther land, and in any case there was a limit eo ‘what could be squeezed out of this rocky Mediterranean soil There was not enough food to go round, and so there was a sub: sistence criss. Many people died, some emigrated, and (asin the Beuuvaisis) couples tended to marry later than before. “Ie looks very much as if population was adjusting painfully to the con- ditions of 2 contracting economy." On the other hand, the dectine in population intensifed the economie depression, which ‘mucAcvonsniuoet 63 cached its bottom in the easy eighteenth century, at the close of the reign of Louis XIV. He concluded that “The Malthusian ‘curse had fallen on Languedoc in the sisteenth and seventeenth Centuries’, in the sense that the growth of population wiped out ‘every increase in prosperity just as Malthus said ie would. ‘What I have described above is 2 distinguished piece of geo- graphical, economic and social history in the manner which was, im the 1960s, typical of the regional studies associated with ‘Annales. \t made considerable use of quantitative methods, co Study not only Auctuations in prices and in the rates of birth, ‘marriage and death, but also trends in the distribution of prop- ceny, in agricultural productivity, and soon. In important sespects, however, The Peasants of Languedoc broke with tradition. As we have seen, Le Roy adopted 2 chronological form of organization rather than 2 division into ‘structure’ and “conjoncture’. Within each chronological section, he discussed cultural developments such as the rise of Protes tantism and literacy, and he also described the reactions of the ordinary people of his region to the economic trends they ex- perienced in their everyday lives. In order to write this ‘history from below’, he drew heavily on the evidence of revolts For example, in the course of a discussion of the polacization of rural society in the later sixteenth century into prosperous landowners and poor wage-workers, Le Roy introduced a mini-narrative of a single episode of social conflict, in che small town of Romans. During the Carnival of 1580, craftsmen and peasants took advantage of the masquerades to proclaim that ‘the fich of their town had grown wealthy at the expense of the poor’, and that before long ‘Christian flesh will be selling at six: Pence the pound’. ‘Again, im his section on the economic depression of the early cighteenth cenury, Le Roy told the story of the guerrilla war conducted by the Camisirds, the Protestant highlanders of the Gevennes, against the king who had recently outlawed theit religion. He noted that the leaders of the revolt, who included young girls, were frequently seized with ts of shaking, in whichthey had visions of heaven and hell and prophesied events 10 come. Le Roy suggested that the seizures were hysterical, and he went on to relate the phenomenon to the general soyontare of the period ~ the depression led to impoverishment, later mac age, sexual fustration, hysteria, and finally to convulsions. Le Roy's thesis was generally well received.!™ Indeed, it made his reputation, Over the yests, however, some substantial ct ticisms have emerged. His account of the prophets of the Cevennes, for example, has been ctticized For treating them as, pathological cases, rather than reading their spirit possession 48 an authentic form of body language" His economic analy sis, according t0 one critic, ‘does noe make sense’ because it “confuses rent with profit" More fundamentally sil, Le Roy's “demographic model” of change in Languedoc has been attacked by Marxists on the ‘grounds that iis (oo simply Malchusian, and thas“ ie the struc ture of class relations, of class power, which will determine the ‘manner and degree to which particular demographic and com- mercial changes will afect long-run treads in the distribution of income and economic growth, and not vice verse’. To this Le Roy has replied that his model is not simple but complex, “neo-Malthusian’, and that it incorporates the class structure." We are left with ewo rival models of social change: a demo. graphic model which incorporates class, and a class model which incorporates demography. As in the case of the debave over free dom and determinism around Braudel’s Maditerracan, there seems no way of deciding the question empirically. Whether one accepts the author's explanatory model or not, The Peasents of Languedoc compels admiration for its successful ‘aad unusual combination of meticulous, quantitative economic and social history with brilliantly impressionistic politicl, reli gious and psychohistory. Looking back a this study more than wenty yeats aftr its publication, itis now clear that Le Roy was ‘one of the fist to see the limitations of the Braudelian paradigm, and to work out how it should be modified. These modifications, largely the work of the thitd generation of Amler, are the sub- ject ofthe next chapter — 4 The Third Generation ‘The tise of a thied generation became more and more obvious in the yeurs after 1968: in 1969, when young men like And: Burguiére and Jacques Revel became involved in the manage- ment of moe in 1972, when Braudel retited from the Presi dency of the Sisth Section (which went to Jacques Le Goff), and in 1975, when the old Sisth Section disappeared and Le Goff became the president of the reorganized Ecole des Havtes nudes en Sciences Sociales (where he was succeeded in 1977 by Frangois Fure). ‘More important than the administrative changes, however, are the intellectual shifts of the last ¢wenty years. The problem is thar the intellectual portrait of the third generation is more dilf- cule to paint than that of che frst and second. No one now domi nates the group as Febvze and Braudel once did. Indeed, some commentators have spoken of intelectual fragmentation. ‘At the very least, one has to admie that polycentrism prevails. Some members of the group have been taking, Lucien Febvre's programme even farther, extending the frontiers of history to in- corporate childhood, dreams, the body, and even smells:? Ochers have been undermining the programme, by returning to political history and the history of events. Some continue to practise ‘quantitative history, others have reacted against it. ‘The thied generation is the fist (0 include women, notably Christiane Klapisch, who works on the history of the family #966 Tue RD GeseRarION ‘Tuscany in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance; Arlette Patge, who studies the social world of the street in eighteen Paris; Mona Ozouf, the author of a well-known study of festivals during the French Revolution; and Michéle Perrot, who has written on labour history and the history of women. Parlier Annales historians have sometimes been criticized by feminists for leaving women out of history, or more exactly (since they kad obviously mentioned women from time to time, from Mar guerite de Navarre to the so-called witches), for missing oppor tunities to incorporate women more fully into history In the third generation, however, this criticism is becoming less and less valid. Indeed, Georges Duby and Michile Perrot are in volved in organizing a mult-volume history of women, This generation is also much more open than its predecessors (0 ideas from outside France. Many of its members have spent 4 year or more in the United States ~ in Princeton, Ithaca, Madison, or San Diego. Unlike Braudel, they speak as well as read English. In their different ways, they have ttied to make & synthesis between the Annales tradition and American intellectual trends ~ psychohistory, the new economic history, the history of popular culture, symbolic anthropology, and so on. New approaches are still being explored by historians who ident ify with the Amaler movement, as this chapter will ry t0 show. All the same, the centre of gravity in historical waiting is no longer Paris, as it surely was between the 19305 and the 1960s, imilar innovations are taking place mote of less simultaneously in different parts of the globe. Women’s history, for example, has been developing not only in France but also in the United States, Britain, the Netheslands, Scandinavia, West Germany, and Italy ‘The general history of women planned by Georges Duby and Michéle Perrot is written not for a French publisher, but for Laterza. There is more than one centre of innovation ~ or 20 centre a al In the pages that follow, I shall concentrate om three major themes: the rediscovery of the history of mentalities; the attempt to employ quantitative methods in cultural history; and finally, ‘nue THRO GENERATION. 67 the reaction aguinst such methods, whether i takes the form of a historical anthropology, a return to polities, or a revival of nar rative, The price of this decision is unfortunately to exclude 1 good deal of interesting work, notably the contribution to ‘women’s history currently made by Farge, Klapisch, Perrot and ‘others. However, concentration is the only way t0 prevent this chapter becoming as fragmented 25 the Antales school is sid to be. 1 FROM THE CELLAR TO THE ATTIC In the Braudel generation, as we have seen, the history of mentalities and other forms of cultural history were not enttely neglected, but they were relegated co the margins of che Annaler enterprise In the course ofthe 1960s and 1970s, however, an im- portant sift of inerese took place. The intellectual itinerary of| ‘more than one /Amle historian has led from the economic base to the cultual superstructure’, "rom the ellar co the attie.> Why should this have happened? The shift of interest was in part, Tam sure, a reaction against Braudel Ie also formed a part of much more widespread reaction against determinism of any ind. Te was actually a mao of Braudel’s generation who drew public vention to the history of mentalities in a rematkable, almost seasitional, book he published in 1960. Philippe Aries was aa amateur historian, ‘an bitrion de dimanche’ a8 he called him self, who worked stan institute for tropical fevits and devored his leisure to historical research. Trained as ahistorical demogea- Pher, Aris came to reject the quantitative approach (as he rejected other aspects of the modern industrial-buresueratic world. His inerests shited towards the relationship berween ature and cultue, o the ways in which a given culture views and categorizes natural phenomena such as childhood and death. Ta his study of families and schools during the old regime, Ariés argued that the ides of childhood, or more exactly the68 THEMIRD GENERATION sense of childhood (le sentiment de Fenfont), dd not exist in the Middle Ages. The age-group we call ‘children’ were regarded more or less like animals uatl the age of seven, and mote or less like miniature adults thereafter. Childhood, according, to Ariés, was discovered in France in the seventeenth centuty or there abouts. It was ar this time, for instance, that chiklren began to be isiven special cloches, lke the “robe’ for small boys, Letters and laries of the period document increasing interest in children’s ‘behaviour on the part of adults, who sometimes astempted to re produce childish speech. Aris also drew on ieonogeaphical evi- dence such as the increasing numbers of portraits of children to make the case chat awareness of childhood as a phase in human evelopment goes back 10 the early modern period ~ but ao further Centere of Cbildbood, a5 the book is known in English, is open to criticism, and it has indeed been criticized by many scholars, fairly and unfairly, Specialists in the Middle Ages have produced evidence agtinst its sweeping generalizations about that period. Other historians have criticized Ariés for discussing, European developments on the bass of evidence virtually limited to France alone, and for filing to distinguish sufficiently between che atitudes of men and women, elites and ordinary people.” All the same, it was the achievement of Philippe Ariés to put childhood fon the historical map, to inspite hundreds of studies of the history of childhood in diferent regions and periods, and to «draw the attention of psychologists and paediatricians to the new history. Ariés spent the last years of his life working on atticudes se death, focusing once more on « phenomenon of nature as refr2c ted through culture, Western culture, and responding to a famous plea of Lucien Febvte’s (in 1941), “We have no history of Seath. His large book, The Hear of Our Death, ofered an count of developments over the very long term, a thousand years or 50, distinguishing a sequence of five attitudes from the “tame eath’ (lo mort apprvoiti) of the earlier Middle Apes, a view defined as “3 compound of indifference, resignation, familiarity and lack of privacy’, to what he calls the “invisible death’ (le mort ‘THETHNDOENERANON 69 mer) of out own colt, in which, inverting the practices of Br Viecorans, we teat dou as uboo whie ducing sx Ip. The Fw of One Desh bas very uch the se ets Sei etcts as the sume sutor's Cor of Chin The i fhe same boldness and originality, ce same se ofa wide range tf evidence (including Heraure and at but not sti), and the same unwillingness to chart regional or social "The work of Philippe Ariés was a challenge to historical demogeaphers in particular, 2 challenge to which some of them responded by paying increasing attention to the role of values and mentalities in “demographic behaviour’ ~ in other words, by studying the history of the family, the history of sexuality, and, as Febvre had hoped, the history of love. The central figure in these developments is Jean-Louis Flandrin, whose studies of fold-tegime France have addressed such questions as the nature ‘of parental authority, attitudes ro small children, the influence of the Church's teachings on sexuality, and the emotional life of the 1 Studies in this area ia particular have done a good deal to bridge the gap berween a history of mentalities based on literary sources (Pebure's Rabelais, for example) and 2 social his- tory without a place for atinudes and values. Within the -tnealer group, some historians had always been concerned primarily with culture: Alphonse Dupront, for ex- ample. Duproat, another historian of Braudel’s generation, has fever been widely kaowa, but his influence on younger French historians has been considerable.” Prom this point of view, he might indeed be considered the Labrousse of cultural history His docroral thesis, which atcracted favourable atteation from Braudel for its concer with unconscious attitudes, studied the idea of a ‘erusade’ a8 an instance of sacalization, a holy war to ‘obtain possession of holy places.!? More recently he has focused his atention on pilgrimage, viewed as a quest for the sacred and tan example of ‘collective sensibility” 10 sites of cosmic power such as Lourdes or Rocamadour, His interest in sacred space has inspired some of his pupils to investigate changes in the layout Of churches and the symbolic meaning of these changes. He combines his interest in grand themes such as the sacred with70 mus riuno cenenaTios precision in the inventory or cartography or (Sty) miraculous images. Throughout his career, Duprost has worked for rappro- chements berween the history of religion and psychology, soci= cology, and anthropology. ‘The leading figure in historical psychology # la Fabre was the late Robert Mandrou.'® Soon after Febvre's death, Mandrou Found among his papers a file of notes for an unwritten book which would have continued the stady of Rabelais by consider ing the rise of the modesn French mentality, Mandrou decided to pursue his master’s enterprise and published his Intradacton to Modern France, subtitled “Aa Essay in historical psychology, 1500-1640", and including chapters oa health, emotions, and mentalities Soon afier the publication of this book came the breach between Mandrow and Braudel. Whatever personal tea sons lay behind it this breach took place in the course of a de bbate about the future of the Annalee movement, In this debate, Braudel supported innovation, while Mandrou defended the heritage of Febvre, what he called ‘the original style’ (Anmales preseitre mani), in which historical psychology ot the history of ‘mentalities played an important part, Mandrou pursued this approach with a book on popular cul- ture in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. He continued in the same direction with a study of Magistrater and Sorcerers in 17thcentery France (subtitled “Aa analysis of historical psy chology’). Both subjects, popular culture and witcheraft, rap- idly atezcted increasing historical interest at this time. Jean Delumeau, who had begun as aa economic and social historian, shifted his interests from the production of alum in the papal states to problems in the history of culture. His first move was in the direction of the history of the Reformation and of the s0- called ‘dechristianization’ of Europe. Mote recently, Delumeau tas turned to historical psychology in Febvre's sense ofthe term, and written an ambitious history of fear and guile in the West, distinguishing ‘the fears ofthe majority’ (the sea, ghosts, plague, and hunger) from the fears of ‘the ruling culture’ (Satan, Jews, women ~and especially witches).!" Paychohistory Delumeau, incidentally, made cautious use of ‘rmeriuaD cesexaTion 71 the ideas of paychoanalysts such as Wilhelm Reich and Erik Fromm. He had been preceded in this direction by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladue, whose Peaunts of Langues (1966), discussed in the previous chapter, included works by Freud in his bibliographr, Eandwiched becween a study of grain prices in Toulouse and an analysis of early modern class steucture. Le Roy described the tatnival of Romans as a psychodrama, ‘giving immediate access to the creations of the unconscious’, such as Fantasies of cana balism, and he interpreted the prophetic convulsions of the Camisards in terms of hysteria. As he was the first to admit, “Cavalier and Mazel (the leaders of the to stretch out on the couch of some hypothetical historian psychoanalyst. One can only note certain obvious traits that are generally encountered in similar cases of hysteria.” In a similar manner, Le Roy looked at previously neglected aspect of witchcraft trials, the accusation that witches had made theie vie: tim impotent by tying a knot during the marriage ceremony, a ritual chat he interpreted persuasively as symbolic castration,” Other members of the Annas group were moving ina similar direction, notably Alain Beszngon, 2 specialist on nineteenth ‘entury Russia, who wrote a long essay in Anules on the possibilities of what he called ‘psycho-analytic history". Besangon tied to put these possibilities into practice in a study of fathers and sons. The study focused on two tsar, Ivan the Terrible and Peter the Great, the first of whom killed his sor while the second had his son put to death?" Lucien Febvre had taken his ideas about psychology from Blondel and Wallon. Besangon, Le Roy Ladurie and Delumeau took cheirs mainly from Freud and the Feeudians or neo: Freudians. Psychohistory American style, oriented cowards the study of individuals, had at last encountered French prycologe historique, oriented towards the study of groups, although the ‘wo trends sil stopped short of synthesis lt) cannot be invited Ideologies and the Social Imagination However, the main Uuend was im a rather different direction. Two of the most distinguished recruits to the history of mentalities in che ely 1960s were the medievaists Jacques Le Goff and Georges Duby.72 Tema cesensnos Le Goff, for example, published a famous article in 1960 on “Merchant’s Time and Church Time in the Middle Ages’ In his study of the problem of unbelief in che siteeath century, Lucien Febvre had discussed what he called the ‘Goating’ of ‘imprecise’ sense of time of a period when people often did not know their exact age and measured their day not by clocks but by the sun? Le Goff refined Febvee’s generalizations, themselves somewhat Imprecise, and discussed the conflict hetween the assumptions of the clesgy and those of the merchants His mose substantial contribution to the history of mentalities, however, of to that of ‘the medieval imagination’ (Pimaginaire médical), as be now calls it, was made twenty years later with The Birth of Purgatory, a history of changing tepresentations of the afterlife. Le Goff argued thatthe rise ofthe idea of purgatory formed part of ‘the transformation of feudal Christianity", that there were connections berween intellectual change and Socia) change. At the sime time he insisted on the ‘mediation’ of ‘mental structures, ‘habits of thought’, of “intellectual ap. paratus’; in other words, mentalities, noting the rise in the twelfth and thirceenth centuries of new attitudes to time, space, and number, including what he called ‘the book-keeping of the afterlife." As for Georges Duby, he had made his reputation as ao economic and social historian of medieval Erance, His thesis, published in 1953, dealt with society in the Macon region. Ie was followed by « substantial work of synthesis on the rural economy Of the medieval West. These studies are very much in the t2 dition of Mare Bloch's Feadal Society and French Raral History. the 1960s, as his interests gradually shifted towards mentalities, Duby collaborated with Robert Mandros on a cultural history of France More recently, Duby has moved beyond Bloch and the Annales premitre maniie. laspired ia pate by neo-Marsian social theory, he has become concerned with the history of ideologies, cultural reproduction, and the social imagination (Pimaginare), which he attempts to combine with the history of mentalities ‘Duby’s most important book, The Three Orders, runs parallel io Tinian ceNenarion 73 many respects 10 Le Goll’s Pargatory. It investigates what the sith calls ‘the relations between the materiat and che mental in the course of socal change’ by means ofa case study, that of the tolleeive representation of society 2s divided into theee groups priests, knights and peasants; in other words, those who pray, hose who Fight, and those who work (or plough ~ the Latin ‘yetb laborare is conveniently ambiguous). Duby is well aware that, as the great classical scholar Georges Dumézil has pointed our, this view of society as composed of ‘dee groups exercising three basic Functions goes back a long ‘way into Indo-European tradition, and can be found from tncicat India to Gaul in the time of Caesar. Duby argues, as imedievalists had done before, that this image of three orders performed the function of legitimating the exploitation of the peasants by their lords by suggesting tha ll three groups served. society in their diferent ways. ‘He does not stop thete, however, What intereses him is the reason for the reactivation of this conception of the tripartite so ciety, from Wessex to Poland, from the ninth century onwards, and he devotes a long discussion to the social and political con- text of this revival, particularly in Rrance, where the image te emerged in the ealy eleventh century. Duby suggests that the reactivation of the image corresponded to anew need, Ata time of political crisis, in eleventh-century France, for example, it was a ‘weapon’ in the hands of monarchs, who claimed to concentrate the three basic Functions in their ‘own person. Latent in the ‘mentality’ ofthe time, this intellectual system was made manifest as ideology for political ends. Ideol: ogy, remarks Duby, is not a passive reflection of society, but a plan for acting upon i> ‘Duby’s conception of ideology is nor far from that of the phil- ‘osopher Louis Althusser, who once defined it as the imaginary [or imagined] celation of individuals ro their eal conditions of existence’ (le rapport imaginare des indus lars conditions rielles ‘esiztense) In sila fashion to Duby, a specialist on the eight- ceeath century, Michel Vovelle has made a serious actempe to fuse the history of mentelits clletiver, in the style of Febvre and74 nucmuno ceeeanion Lefebvre, with the Marxian history of ideologies. Ics scarcely sorprising to find important contributions to che history of mentalities being made by medievalists such as Duby and Le Goff. The remoteness from us of the Middle Ages, their “otherness, poses a problem that an approach of this type helps to resolve. On the other hand, the kinds of source surviving from the Middle Ages make the period somewhat less amenable to another ofthe new approaches to culture, eval history I THE THIRD LEVEL? OF SERIAL HISTORY ‘The history of mentalities was not pushed to the periphery of Amales ins second generation simply because Braudel was not interested in it, There were at lease two more important teasons for its marginalization at this time. In the first place, a good ‘many French historians believed — of at any rate assumed ~ that ‘economic and social history was more important, or more funda mental, than other aspects of the past. In the second place, the new quaatitative approaches discussed ins she previous chapter could not get « purchase on mentalities a easily as they could on the economic and social structure, The fist of these approaches to cultural history is the quant tative or serial approach, along the lines suggested by Pierre Chavau ia a well-known manifesto for what he ealled (Following a remark by Exest Labrousse) ‘the quantitative at the thitd level Lucien Febvre’s article “Amiens: From the Renaisstnce {0 the Counter-Reformation’, published in Annaler in 1941, showed the value of studying a series of documents (in his case inventories post mortem) over the loag term, in order to chart changes in attitudes and even in artistic taste.®” However, Febvre did not offer his readers precise statistics. The statistical approach was developed to study the history of religious practice, the his- ‘ory of the book, and the history of literacy. Te spread to other domains of cultural history somewhat later, ‘The idea of a history of Freach celigious practice, or a retro spective sociology of French Catholicism bused on statistics for ‘rue rwan cesenenon 75 astendance 2t communion, vocations to the priesthood, ete, goes back to Gabriel Le Bras, who published an article on the subject as eatly 25 1931.9 Le Bras, a Catholic priest and one of Febvre’s nd Block's colleagues at Strasbourg, hud broad interests in theology, history, law, and sociology. He founded a school of church historians and sociologists of religion who were par- ticularly concerned with what they called the problem of “de Christianization’ in France from the late eighteenth century ‘onwards, and investigated this problem by means of quancieative methods ‘Le Bras and his followers did not form part of the Annales group ~ they were gencrally priests, and they had their own net work of centres and journals such as the Retwe de [histoire de Tiglve de France. However, the work of Le Bras (which was ‘warmly welcomed by his former colleague Lucien Febvre) and. hhis followers was clearly inspired by the males! As an ‘example of this substantial body of work, one might take a thesis ‘on the diocese of La Rochelle in the seventeenth and eighteenth ‘centuries. It is organized in much the same way as one of the re gional stadies associated with Amealer, beginning with the geo- {graphy of the diocese, on the frontier between the plain and the ‘ecage, moving on to discuss the religious situation, and ending with events and trends from 1688 to 1724. The use of quanctat- ive methods also recalls the regional monogeaphs by the disciples ‘of Braude} and Labrousse.® Jn curn, the work of the Le Bras circle (like that of Ares) lnspized the work of some Amis historians as they climbed from the cellar ro the attic. Recent regional stadies (dealing with Anjou, Provence, Avigaon, and Brittany) have focused more sharply on cultute thaa their predecessors, and in particular on attitudes to death, As Le Goff puri in the preface to one of these studies, ‘deat isin fathion’ (la mort et la mode) ‘The most origina of these studies is Vovelle’s. A Marest bis ‘otian of the French Revolution, ‘formed in the school of Exnest Labrousse’ as he puts it, Michel Vovelle became interested in the Probie of ‘dechristiaaizacion’. He thought of trving to measure this process by means of the study of attitades to death and the16 namnesp ceneearion beyond as revealed by wills The result, written up in his doc ‘oral thesis, was a study of Provence on the basis ofa systematic analysis of some 30,000 eestaments. Where eatler historians had justaposed quantitative evidence about mortality with mote lit ‘rary evidence about attitudes to death, Vorelle astempted to measure changes in thought and feeling. He paid attention, for example, to references to the protection of patron saints; the ‘numbers of masses thatthe testator wanted to be said forthe re [pose of his or her soul; the arrangements for funerals, aad even the weight of the candles used during the ceremony Vovelle identifed 2 major shift from what he called the “baroque pomp’ of seventeenth-century funerals to the modesty of their cighteenth-century counterparts. His main assumption ‘was chat the language of wills reflected ‘the system of collective representations’, and his main conclusion was the identification fof & trend towards secularization, suggesting that the “de Christianization’ of the years ofthe French Revalation was spon: taneous rather than imposed from above, and that it formed part of a larger trend, Particularly noteworthy is the way in which Vovelle charted the spread of new attitudes from the nobility so the artisans and peasants, and from large towns such as Aix, Marseilles, and Toulon, through small towns such a8 Barce- lonette to the villages. His arguments were illustrated by abun dant maps, graphs, and tables. Barogae Piety and Decristianization, as Vovelle’s study is called, caused something of an incellectual sensation, thanks in particu lar to its virtuoso use of statistics, controlled by an acute sense of the difficulties of interpreting them. It was this book that inspired Pierre Chaunu to organize a collective investigation of, attitudes to death in Paris i che early modern period, using simi lar methods.3* Whae Ariés was doing singlehanded on the history Of death, in his deliberarely impressionistic way, was thas com- plemented by the collective and quantitative researches of the professionals * ‘This appropriation of the afterlife by lay historians armed with computers remains the most remarkable example of serial history at the third level. However, other historians of culture have also made effective use of quantitative methods, notably for ‘ru nuRDGENeRaion 77 the history ofliteracy ane the history of the book “The study of literacy is another domain of cultural history which lends itself to collective research and to statistical analysis Indeed, a French headmaster had carried out research in this area in the 1870s, using signatures to marriage registers as his source, and noting the great variations between the figures for different départements, as well as the rise of literacy from the late seven- teenth century onwards, In the 1950s, two historians reanalysed his data and presented in cartographic form the dramatic contrast Between (wo Frances, separated by 2 line from St Malo co Geneva. North-east of this line, literacy was relatively high, south-west ofthe line it was low "The most important project in this domain, begun in the early 1970s, was carried out at the Ecole des Hautes Erudes and was directed by Frangois Furet (a pupil of Emest Labrousse who had previously worked on the quantitative analysis of social structures) and Jacques Ozouf. The project dealt with changing levels of literacy in Prance from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries.” The researchers drew oa a wider range of sources than before, fom the census to the army's statisties on con- stipes, and so they were able to argue rather than assume the relationship between the ability to sign one’s name end the ability to read and write. They confirmed the traditional distin. ton between the two Frances, but refined the analysis by coo: sidering variations within départements. Among other interest ing conclusions, they noted that in the cighteenth century, liter: acy spread faster among womea than it did among men. Research on literacy was accompanied by research on what the reach call the history of the book’, research that focuses not on ‘reat works but on trends in book production and on the read: ing habits of different social groups.” For example, Robert Mandrou's study of popular culture, alteady mentioned, was concerned with chap-books, the so-cilled “Blue Library’ (le Biblothigue Ble, given this name because the books had covers made of the blue paper used for packing sugar)” These books, Which cost only one or two sous, were distributed by pedlars (Colpert:) sod they were produced in the main by afew families Of printers at Troyes in north-eastern France, where the literacy78 merino cEveaTION ‘ace was highest. Mandrow examined a sample of some 450 titles, noting the importance of pious reading (120 works), almanacs, and even romances of chivalry. He concluded that this was es. sentially an ‘escapist literature’, that ie was read mainly by peasants, and thar i revealed a ‘conformist’ mentality (the last two conclusions have been rejected by other scholars working in this ila, Ar much the same time as Mandrou, the Sisth Section launched a project for collective research on the social history of the book in eightecath-century France: However, the key figure ia book history is another of Febvre's collaborators, Henri-Jean Martin of the Bibliotheque Nationale, Martin worked with Febyre on a general survey of the invention and spread of printing, The Coming of tbe Book (1958). He went on to ‘write 2 rigorously quantitative study of the book trade and the reading, public in seventeenth-century France, This analysed not conly trends in book production, but also the chinging tastes of different groups of the reading public, notably the magistrates of the Parlement of Paris, 5 revealed by the proportions of books on diferent subjects to be found in theie private libraries! Mar- tin has since directed a massive collective work on the history of the book in France-!? (One of the leading collaborators in these collective enterprises, Danie! Roche, organized a reseatch team of his own in the {-1970s to study the everyday life of ordinary people in eight- rh-eentury Paris. In the book that emerged from this collec tive research, The People of Paris (1981), a substantial chapter was devored to popular reading, concluding that reading and writing played an important part in the lives of some groups within the lower classes, servants ia particular.® The most striking feature of The People of Paris, however, was its location of this analysis of reading within the framework of a general study of the material culture of ordinary Parisians. This is a study in serial history based essentially on inventories post mortem, full of details about the clothes and furniture of the deceased, details. char Roche interprets with great skill to build up a picture of every ay life. More recently still, he has written a social history of ‘we nRDeNERATIOS 79 clothing in carly modern Prance, once again combining. his interests in historical anthropology, characteristic of the third generation, ith the more rigorous methods of his old master, Emnest Labrousse Il REACTIONS: ANTHROPOLOGY POLITICS, NARRATIVE, "The quantitative approach to history in general, and the quanti tative approach to cultural bistory in particular, can obviously be criticized as reductionist. Generally speaking, what can be measured is not what matters. Quant signatures to marriage registers, books in private libraries, Faster communicants, references to the court of heaven, and so on, The iable indicators of literacy, piety, or whatever the historian wants co investigate Some historians have argued the case for the reliability of their figares; others assumed it. Some have made use of other types of evidence to make their statistics meaningful, others have not Some have remembered that they ase dealing with real people, fothers appear to have forgotten it. Any evaluation of the move- ative historians eaa count probletn remains whether these statistics are re ment must diseriminate between the modest and the extreme claims made for the method and also beeween the manners in ‘hich it has been employed, crudely or with finesse By the later 1970s, the dangers ofthis kind of history had be come apparent, Indeed, there was something of an undiscrim- Jnating backlash against the quantitative approach, At much the same time there was a mote geacral reaction against much of what Anmoler stood for , in particular against the dominance of both social and structural history. Looking atthe positive side of these reactions, we may distinguish chree trends: an anthropo logical rasa, a return to polities, and a revival of narrative. ‘The Anthropological Turn The anthropological turn might be described with more exaetitude as a tuen towards cultural or ‘symbolic’ anthropology. After all, Bloch and Febvre had read their Frazer and theie Lévy-Brahl, and made use of this reading80. HR niMD GeseRaTIOs jn their work on medieval and sixteenth-century mentalities, Braudel was familiar with the work of Marcel Mauss, which underlies his discussion of cultural frontiers and exchanges, In the 1960s, Duby had drawn on the work of Mauss and Malinowski on the function of gifts in order ca understand the economic history of the eatly Middle Ages. All earlier historians seem to have wi ted from their neigh bovr discipline was the opportunity to raid it from time to time in search of new concepts. Some historians of the 1970s and 1980s, however, harbour eather moze serious intentions, They ‘may even think in terms of marriage, in other words of *hs torical anthropology” or ‘anthropological history’ (dbnobistie) What attracts these historians is above all the new ‘symbolic anthropology’. ‘The names that recur in their footnotes include Erving Goffman and Vietor Turner (both of whom stress the dramaturpical clements in everyday life), Pierre Bourdieu, and Michel De Certeau. Bourdieu, who has shifted from athropo- logical studies of Algeria to the sociology of contemporary France, has been influential in many ways, His ideas on the soci ‘ology of education (one of his main areas of interest), especially the idea of education 25 a means of ‘social reproduction’, have informed recent studies on the social history of schools and Universities.” His notion of ‘symbolic capital” underlies some recent work on the history of conspicuous consumption. His- totians of mentalities, popular culture and everyday life have all leamed from Bourdieu’s ‘theory of practice’, His replacement of the idea of social ‘rules’ (which he considers too rigid and determinist) by more flexible concepts such as “strategy” and ‘habitus’ has affected the practice of French historians so pervas- ively that it would be misleading co reduce it to specific examples (uch as the matrimonial strategies of nobles in the Middle Ages). Another pervasive influence is the late Miche! De Certeau, De Certeau was a Jesuit who specialized in the history of religion. However, it was impossible 10 tie him down to any one die cipline. He was, among other things, a psychoanalyst, and his discussion of seventeenth-century cates of diabolical possession {HE THRD.GENERATION 1 was original and important.” Even more influential were his contributions in thtee other felds. Together with two historians from the Annales group, De Certeau wrote a pioneering study of the politics of language, focusing on an enquiry into patois con ducted during the French Revolution and reflecting the regime's desire for uniformity and centralization.” He also organized a collective study of contemporary French daily life in which he rejected the myth of the passive consumer and stressed what he called ‘consumption as production’; in other words, the creativity of ordinary people in adapting mass produced artefacts (from furniture to television dramas) to their personal needs.$t “Most imporsant of all, pechaps, were is essays on the writing of history, concentrating on the process that he described as the construction of ‘the other’ (the Indians of Brazil, for example), often asthe inverse of the writer's image of himself 2 ‘The ideas of Goffman, Turner, Bourdieu, De Certenu and ‘others have been adopted, adapted, and utilized for the construc tion of a more anthropological history. Jacques Le Goff, for ‘example, has been working for some twenty years on what might bee described as the culeural anthropology of the Middle Ages, ranging from the structural analysis of medieval legends to the study of symbolic gestures in social life, notably the stual of vassalage.® Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie has moved in the same direction in a scries of studies, of which the most famous by far his Mona * Monuaillov is a village in the Aritge in south-west France, a region in which the Cathar heresy had considerable appeal at the Deginning of the fourteenth century. The heretics were pursued, interrogated and punished by the local bishop, Jacques Fournier. ‘The register of the interrogations has survived, and it was Published in 1965. It was doabsless Le Roy's interest in social anthropology that allowed him to see the value of this source, ‘not just forthe study of the Cathars but for French rural history. He noticed that owenty-five individuals, about a quarter of the suspects named in the register, came fom 4 single village. His inspiration was to treat the repister a5 the record of a set of interviews with these twenty-five people (about 10 per cent of82 TuriunDaasesanons the population of the village). All he had t0 do, Le Roy tells us, ‘was to rearrange the information given by the suspects to the inguisiors in the form of a community study of the kind anthropologists have so often written. He divided it into two parts. The first deals with the material culeure of Montallow, the houses, for example, built of stone without mortar, allowing neighbours to observe and to listen t0 one another through the chinks, The second part of the book is concerned with the ‘mencaities of the villagers ~ their sense of time and space, child ‘hood and death, sexualicy, God, and nature. Like Braudel, Le Roy’ describes and analyses Mediterranean culture and society, but no one could say that he has left the people out of his book. It has attracted a huge readership, and it remains in the memory essentially because the author has the aft to bring individuals back to life, from the gente, freedom- loving Pierre Maury, ‘the good shepherd’, ro the local noble- ‘woman, the sexy Béatrice des Planissoles, and her seduces, the aggressive and self-confident priest, Pierre Clergue. ‘Moviailiw is also an ambitious study of social and cultural his tory. Its originality does aot lie i the questions it addresses, hich, as we have seen, are the questions that have been asked by two generations of French historians, including Febvre (on unbelief), Braudel (on the house), Ariés (on childhood), Flandein (on sexuality), and so on. Le Roy was one of the first t0 se inquisition registers for the reconstruction of everyday life and acitudes, but he was not alone in this. The novelty of bis ap. proach lies in his attempt to write a historical community study Jn the anthropologieal sense ~ not 4 history of a particular vil lage, but a portrait of the village, told in the words of the inhabicants themselves, and a portait of a larger society, which the villagers represent. Monailow is an early example of what has come to be called ‘microhistory’.# The author has studied the world in a grain of sand, of, in his own metaphor, the ocean through a deop of liquid, cis on this very point that some of the most serious criticisms fof the book have concentrated ®” Monailiow has been faulted {apart from inaccuracies of detsil) for ao insufficiently critical use fof its main source, which Le Ros once described as “the THE TURD GENERATION BS ‘unmediated testimony of the peasants about themselves’ (le iignage san intermédisie, que porte le paysan sur Iuirmem).* I is of course nothing of the kind. The villagers gave their evi dence in Occitan and it was taken down in Latin, They were not spontaneously talking about themselves, but replying to ques tions under threst of rorrure, Historians cannot aford to forget these intermediaries beeween themselves and the men and ‘women they study. ‘The second main ctiticism of the book — and of the in- creasingly popular mictobistorical approach that it has helped to inspire ~ raises the question of typieality. No community is an island, not eves 4 mountain village such as Montaillou. Its ‘connections with the outside world, as far away as Catalonia, ‘emerge clearly in the book itself. The question remains: Wh larger unit does the village represent? Of what oceae is it 2 deop? Is it supposed 10 be typical of the Ariége, the south of France, the Mediterranean world, or the Middle Ages? Despite his pre vious experience with statistics and samples, the author fais to discuss this crucial problem of method. Could this be Beeause he ‘wrote Monaillw in reaction against the aridties of quantitative history? ‘As io the ease ofthe stone houses ofthe village itself its easy to pick holes in Montcillon. It deserves to be remembered above all for its suthor’s power of bringing the past to life, and also for putting the documents to the question, reading them between the lines, and making them reveal what the villagers did not even know they knew. Ie isa brilliant sor de force of the historical im- agination, and a revelation of che possibilities of an antheopo- logical history. More paradoxical is the contribution to such a history made by Roger Chartier, who is best known for his work on the history ‘of the book in association with Martin, Roche and others dis ‘cussed in the preceding section. It may well seem odd to describe 4 specialist in the history of literacy as a historical anthropol- logist, and I-am far from sure that Chartier would accept this label. All the same, the theust of his work isin the same direc- tion as recent work in cultural anthropology.Tu TiMD GENERATION ‘The importance of Chartice’s essays is that they both ex cemplify and discuss a shift in approach, as he puts it himself, “from the social history of culture ¢o the cultural history of so: ciety". That is, the essays suggest that what easier historians in side and outside the Ammales wadition generally assumed £0 be objective structures need to be viewed as culturally “constituted” ‘or "constructed. Society self isa collective representation. ‘The studies of mentalities by Philippe Ariés implied that child hood and death were cultural constructs, but in the work of Roger Chartier this point becomes explicit. He chooses to study rot so much peasants of vagabonds as upper-class views of peasants or vagabonds, images of "the other’ Ualike Furet and Ozouf (above), be does not discuss the objective diferences be tween France north-east and south-west ofthe line from St Malo to Geneva. He concentrates on the idea of the ‘two Frances’, its history, and the effets of this stereotype on government pol ‘cies! In taking his distance from so-called ‘objective’ factors, Chartier is in step with current anthropology, with recent work fon ‘ehe imaginary” (discussed above), and also with the late Mickel Foucault, Despite Foucaul's critique of the idea of ‘influence, it is dif cult not to use the term to describe the effects of his books on French historians of the Annales group. Ie was thanks to him that they discovered the history of the body and the links between that history and the history of power. Also important in the intellectual development of many of the third generation was Fouezult’s ertique of historians for what he called theie ‘meagre idea of the rel’; in other words, theie reduction ofthe real tothe domain of the social, leaving out thought. The recent cum towards the ‘cultural history of society’, well exemplified by (Charter, owes much to Foucault's work CChartiee's studies of the history of the book follow similar lines and show his increasing dissatisfaction with the history of mentalities and with seria history atthe third level.® His essays fon the Bibliothéque Bleue, for example, undermine the inteepee- tation offered by Robert Mandrow (and discussed above), by sue gesting that these chap-books were not read exclusively by che peasants, or indeed by ordinary people, Before 1660, a least, che ‘THE TED GENERATION 85 ‘customers were generally Parisians. ‘A more genetal point on which Chartier insist is that itis im. possible to establish exclusive relationships between specific cul: tural forms and particular social groupe’. This of course makes the serial history of culture 2 good deal mote dificult, if not completely impossible. Chartier has therefore shifted his atten- tion, following Pierre Bourdieu and Michel De Certea, to cul tural ‘practices’ shated by various groups. In his own analysis of chap-books and other texts, the central, term is ‘appropriation’. The popular must not, he suggests, be identified with a particular corpus of texts, objects, beliefs or whatever. It resides in ‘a way of using culeural products’, such as printed matter or festivals. Chastier's essays aze therefore largely ‘concerned with rewriting, with the transformations undergone by particular texts, as they were adapted to the needs of the pub: lic, o more exactly of successive publi. 'A similar concern for appropriation and transformation un- derlies one of the most impressive French historical enterprises ‘of recent yeats, the collective work on The Places of Memory edited by Pierre Nora, who combines che roles of publisher and historian.s6 These volumes, which discuss themes such as the tricotour, the ‘Marsellase’, the Pantheon, and the image of the past to be found in encyelopaedias and schoo! textbooks, ‘mark a return «0 the ideas of Maurice Halbwachs on the social framework of memory, ideas that had inspired Mare Bloch butt hhad been rather neglected by later historias. In their concern For the uses of the past for the present, they exemplify an anthropo: logical approach: a reflexive anthropology in this case, since the authors ae 4 group of French historians writing about Prench history, Oryanized around the themes of ‘the Revolution’ and “the Nation’, these volumes also reveal a return to politics. ‘The Return to Politics!” Perhaps the most notorious charge fguinst the so-called Annaler school has been their supposed neglect of politics, « charge t0 which the journal seems £0 com fess by carrying on its masthead the slogan ‘éeonomes soiies ‘vilication? with a0 mention of states. There is indeed some sub- stance jn the criticism, but i s necessary to make it moze precise86 THE THIRD GENERATION: Febvre and Braudel may have concenteated their efforts on aca demic polities, but 2 number of the leading historians of the _Broup were involved in the politics of postwar France, often as ‘members ~ at least for a time of the Communist Party. The teminiscences of one of them give a vivid picture of the party imcetings, the denunciations, expulsions, and resignations of the years following 1956.5 ‘The charge of neglecting politics was of course directed against the historical work of the group, but here too nuances are needed. It would be difficult, for instance, to substain the argument in the case of Mare Bloch. His Royal Touch was intended as a contribution to the history of ideas of kingship. His Peadel Sevety begins with an account of the Viking, Muslim and Hungarian invasions of Western Europe, and includes a long section on Feudalism asa form of government. In the case of Lucien Febvre, the charge has more substance. Although he had diseussed the Revolt of the Netherlands at con. siderable length in his thesis on Philip II and Franche-Comté, Febvze later denounced political history with his customary vio) fence, and turned to religion and mentalities, Ia the cise of Braudel, it should be noted that the structural section of The Mediterranean includes chapters on empires and the organization ‘of war. I is the history of politcal and military events that he dlismisses as the most superficial kind of history ‘The regional studies of eaely modern France that bear the im prine of Annaler have generally confined themselves to economic and social history. Gouber’s Beawsais is an obvious example. Yet ‘90 one can label Goubert an unpolitial historian. He went on to Write 4 book oa Louis XIV and a study of the old regime of “hich the second volume is concerned with power.” Pethaps the region is not the appropriate framework for a study of old- ‘regime polities. Such an assumption may well have deterred the authors of some regional studies from including a section on politics. However, the work of Mousnier’s pupils on popular 1 volt, cogether with some recent American studhes of politics at = regional level, suggest that che assumption was mistaken and that a splendid opportunity for ‘total history" was lost.” The ob- THE TITRDGENERATION 87 vious exception to there, at we have sen, Le Roy Ladue, Who did disuse revolts in Languedoc (no the aminisaon St the province), and who has since produced some exp pelt saien™ "The edicvalias in the Annee group ar far from dsiting politeal ito, even if thoy devote more attction to other tapi Georges Duby who began av an coonomi an sol hs torn and shied fo the history of menalies, has writen a tmonogeph on « mee! ft, Bowvines (eo be dscted be Tow), is acount ofthe genesis or reactivation ofthe idea ofthe thee ete places hen napa comet the rns ofthe Freach and oer monarchies, Jacques Le Gof considers tha resis no longer te “bckboe” of hisory inthe sense that tanner mile 9 auronomy’® However, he shares Blocks imerest in sacred Kingshipand he now a work on a tudy of tmeeal rls Tes scarcely surprising, however, to ind that most tention ww poles hus been paid by the historians inthe vel group to concem themselves with what the French eit ‘contetpor ty history in ober words, withthe eto shat began in 78, Fangs Fare and Michel Vovell, whe bave devoted och of thir ime to the French Revolution (despite their ther istori inet) cannot be accused of oepeting poles, Nor an Marc Fest, historian ofthe Rian Revoluuon andthe Fiat Word War However, he oustanding 6gue in tis doa la suey Maurice Agulon, ‘Agulhon is the athor of The Repbli i te Villy a stads of the politcal behaviour of ondnary people in he Var Cn Proven fom 1789 to f851:> Ths study employs a broadly Marist framework, tat of the. growth of polical cons urns. The pens 1815-48 are deseibed asthe years Of pre Darton, in which conics over encroachments on combon Fgh (orb over forest timber), together with the “widening of ears horizon fllowing te pred of Ucerey, encouraged the prowth of plea conoutnes inthe mgion. The bre Yeae ofthe Seve Repub 1848S ate presented a he ea Of evlation' in which the ondary people ofthe Var voted frfe murtiuDorsesanos, the first time and voted for the Left Although it deals more with the countryside than with towns, it is tempting to describe Agulhon’s study as concezned with ‘the making of the Provencal working class. ‘The parallel with Edward Thompson can be extended. Both historians were “open’, empiricist, eclectic Marxises.”5 Both were concerned with forms of ‘sociability’. Thompson discussed friendly societies and their ‘rituals of mutuality’ Agulhon, thanks to whom the word Locibilite is now exerent coinage in France, had studied masonic lodges and Catholic confraternities from this point of view, and went on to study the bourgeois ‘circle’ and the café. Both historians took culture seriously. ‘Thompson desesibed the tra ition of popular radicalism; Agulhon described chasivaris and carnivals, such as the ‘seditiogs carnival” of Vidauban in 1850, mild enough if compared to the Carnival of Romans in 1580, but significant as an illustration of the opposed bur complementary processes of ‘archaismn’ and modernity, the ‘folklorization’ of politics and the politicization of folklore.” ‘There is a similarly fruieful incerpenetration of political and cultural history in Agulhon’s more recent work, His Marianne ints Battle analyses French republican imagery and symbolism from 1789 to 1880, focusing on representations of Marianne, the personification of the Republic, and emphasizing the changing ‘meaning of her image ~ in popular culture as well a i elite cul ture — berween the Revolution and the Commune. His essay ia ‘The Places of Memory follows similar lines, and presents the nine: tccnth-century town hall (la maiie) as an embodiment of repub- ‘can values, a text that che historian needs to learn to read.” To sum up. Febvre and Braudel may not have ignored politi- ‘al history, but they did not make it their highest priority. The retusn © politics in the third generation is & reaction against Braudel, and also against other forms of determinism (notably Marist ‘economism’). Ie is associated with a rediscovery of the lmporance of agency as opposed to structure, It is also asso ciated with a sense of the importance of what the Americans call ‘political culture’, of ideas and mentalities. Thanks to Foucault it has also been extended ia the dizeetion of ‘mieropolitcs’ the struggle for power in the family, in schools in factories, and ‘rue-Tunpenenanios 89 so on As a result of these changes, politial history is in the course of renewal! ‘The Revival of Narrative The return to political history is linked to the reaction against deverminism which also inspired the anthropological turn, as we have seen. The conceen with hu: ‘man freedom (together with the interest in microhistory) also underlies the recent revival of historical biography, inside and outside the Amer. Georges Duby has published a Biography of ‘a medieval Englishman, William the Marshal, while Jacques Le Goff is at work on the life ofa king of France, St Louis. The re vival is not a simple retuen to the past, Historical biography is practised for dllferent reasons and it eakes diferent forms. Tt can bea means to understand the mentality of a yroup. One of the forms it takes is the life of a more or less ordinary person, like the bourgeois of Aix-en-Provence, Joseph Sec, on whose “ere sistible rise’ Michel Vovelle has written, or the Paris craftsman, Jean-Louis Ménétra, studied by Daniel Roche." ‘The return to politics is also associated with 2 revival of interest in the nateatve of events. Events are not always politcal think of the Great Crish of 1929, the great plague of 1348, or indeed of the publication of War and Peace. All the same, discussions of political history, che history of events, and histori cal narrative are closely intertwined. Parallel co the so-called “zerurn to politics’, there has recently been a revival of narrative” among historians in France and elsewhere. The phease is that of the British historian Laweence Stone, who aseribes the trend (0 “a widespread disillusionment with ‘che economic determinist ‘model of historical explanation’ employed by Marxist and Annales historians alike, and especially with its eelegation of cul- ture to the superstructure of ‘third level’) Theee can be little ddoubr that Stone has perceived = sigeificant trend, but once aguin nuances are ie order ‘The contempevous dismissal of ‘the history of events’ (histoire ‘ainementelle) by Durkheim, Sisiand and Lacombe was discussed in the overture to this hook. Febvte’s stress on problem-oriented history suggests that he shared this view, despite the place given to the events of the Revolt of the Netherlands in his doctoral90 mu uno cenesaTion thesis. Mare Bloch, so far as I know, never denounced the his tory of events, but aever wrote that kind of history either. AAs for Braudel, he both denounced it and wrote it. More ‘exactly, as we have seen, be declared the history of events to be the surface of history, He did not say that this surlace was luninteresting ~ on the contrary, he described it as ‘the most ex. citing of all. Its interest for him, however, was in what it might reveal about the ‘deeper realities’, the currents below the surface. For Braudel, events were simply mirzors reflecting the history of structures. Ip his magisterial study of cime and nates- tive, the philosopher Paul Ricoeur has argued that all works of history are narratives, even Braudel’s Mediterranean, His demon- stration of similarities beeween conventional and structural histories (in theie temporality, their causality, and £0 on) is dii- cult to rebut, All the same, ¢0 call The Mediterancen a narrative history is surely co employ the term ‘narrative? in such a broad sense that it loses its usefulness. ‘Most of the regional monographs of the 1960 and 1970s went further than Braudel in this direction in the sense that they in cluded no narrative at all. The exception was Le Roy Ladurie’s Peasants of Langue, ia wich, as we have seen, structural analy sis alternated with accounts of events, notably protests: the Carnival of Romans in. 1580, the rising in the Vivarais in 1670, the revolt ofthe Camisards in 1702. Le Roy's treatment of events as reactions of responses to steuctural change was not far from Braudel’s view of events a8 ‘mirrors or as litmus papers revealing underlying structures, A similar point might be made about a hook which Georges Duby published in 1973, 2 book that might well have shocked Febvre, since it dealt not only with an event but with a battle, che batle of Bouvines on 27 July 1214, The book was indeed written for @ rather old-fashioned series, entitled ‘days which made France’ writs qui ont fit la France) and aimed atthe general public. lt the same, Duby did nor return to old-fashioned history, He used contemporary accounts of the battle to illuminate medieval atvitudes to war, and he discussed later views of Bouvines 25 6 ‘myth’ revealing more about ehe narrators than the event they re THIRDGENERATION 91 srl Pathe obvious question that these studies do not ruise is rhe tome events test might non mis strates, ther Than simpy eee. them. What abou the events of 1789, 5, sor The sociologist le Darkhcim, ro whom the eres °F barre ‘ateneinle owe 50 tach, was prepared (0 dismiss een 1769251 symptom rather than 4 cate of soci change! Shere are, however, signs of shit away from this extreme Dathcinian or Baudelun postion, For ample, « occlogia fudy of an area in westeta France, the department of the Saute, has argue the need totale she evens of 1789 aad thei Sermath into count in any attempe to expan the pola Teitades of the repion (divided imo a Lewing cast and Righewing wes) fay Lado tas den arevon to the iplcions of this wody in an essay digesing what fe variously cll the (Chto) His use of sath divergent metaphors 0 fest hat he had not mate up hk mind about the mporance evens, and his aie went frther than a ener recom. tmendation to the historian to rect on the reason Between tvents and siucures® Some years late, however, Le Roy fetuned tothe Carnival of Romane and made fete subject of book, He analysed the event ae 4 social drama’ which made tani the confit lent in that smal tov and the county Side around it In oer Words symptom rather than esse Of eos the © rote diel to dsmis a mere reflections of socal seucates the events of 178, say, oF the Great War of 1914-18, or the Revolution of 1917 al topic on which Amal hiorans have criven) 9 Ina recent sry, Pango Foret goes #0 far 36 £0 rival of Romans was not 4 great event. It is suggest not only that the events of the Revolution broke the old structures and gave France her political ‘patrimony’, but even thac a few months of 1789 were decisive"? ‘One more feature of the third generation of Annales deserves ‘our atzention, It is in theie time that their kind of history has be ‘come popular in France, Brtudel’s Medierrancan and the works92. runTiMEDGENERATIOS lf Bloch and Febvre did not sell many copies when they were frse published. Only in 1985, when sales reached 8,500 copies, could The Mediterranon be described as 4 bese-seller. Momailon, fon the other hand, went 0 the top of the non-fiction bestseller Iist in France, its sales boosted when Mitteand admitted on tele vision chat he had been reading it, while the village iselé was almost buried under the mass of tourist. Maptalloy was 2 book written at the right place and the right time, carried along by the waves of ecology aad regionalism, but its success is only the most spectacular example of the interest snow shown by the French public in the ‘new history". When, Braudel’s tcilogy, Ciilzation and Capitairm, was published in different scale from his earlier books. Some members of the Annales group appear regularly in television and radio. propeammes and even produce them, notably Georges Duby and Jacques Le Goff (Others, such as Pierze Chaunu, Roger Chartier, Mona Ozouf and Michéle Perrot, write on a regular basis for newspapers and journals, including Le Figere, Le Monde, L’ Expres and Le Nowe! Obrertaeer. Ic 3s dificult (0 thiok of any other country of any ‘other petiod in whieh so many professional historians were so firmly established in the media of communicstio ‘The writings of the mole historians wsed to be large volumes appearing in small editions from Armand Colin (the faithful publishers of the journal) or from the Hautes Eeudes themselves. Nowadays they ace more likely to be slim volumes appearing in larger print runs from leading commercial pub: lishers, often ina series edited by other Annales historians In the 1960s, Aviés and Mandrou edited a series on ‘Civilizations and Mentalities’ for Plon. Agulhon now edits a historical series for Aubier Montaigne, while Duby has edited more than one for Seuil (including multi-volume histories of rural France, urban France, and private life). An example of still closer collabor tion between historians and publishers is offered by Pierre Nora, who reaches at the Hautes Enudes as well as working for Galli macd. It was Nora who founded the well-known series Bibli- Ueque des Histeirs, which includes a number of studies by his 1979, it received arention in the media on an altogs “THe TiMRDGENERATION 93 colleagues. Tam not suggesting that the media have crested the wave of interest io this kind of history, though they may well have encouraged it. The producers and publishers mast have thoughe there was a demand for history i general, and in particular for socio-cultural history, Annaler style. This demand is nor confined to France. Ie is time to examine the reception that the Annales histotians have had outside theie own country and discipline,5 The Annales in Global Perspective 1 THE RECEPTION OF ANNALES Tei time to examine the ctor ofthe ants movement beyond the fromiers not only the frontiers of France but thos o the Giscipline of history well The story to be tld britiy hee will not be a simple account of the spreading of the gospel abroad Infact, Aes bas had a somewhat hole reception a tome pcs My am is athe eo describe the varity of eponses tothe new hts, ao only pate and cm but nempes co pu the rele tool 10 wotk in ferent acs, acempts tha mma on ocavon revel weakness inthe original conervions* Giten the ground to be covered, this deserption wl neviably be sles and impresionsic Anmates Abroad Before the Second Wosk! Wat, the Amal ateady bad les and sympathies abroad fom lens Penne in Belgium co RH. Tawney n Bian’ Alte same, wt ole inthe age of Brae! tha he journal sd the movement bere widely known in Europe? The Meitrramon nately appealed to ceaers in tha prt of the worl the Haan wanton of Brandes book appeared ike the Spanish eanslaon) in 1953. Two Talians, Regpero Romano and Alberto Tenen were among Beaucels closest colors, Some leading Taian historians of he 1950s were Ti ANNALerHvGtOMAL PERSPECTIVE 95 friends of Lucien Febvre and sympathetic to the Amales move: meat. They ranged from Armando Sapori, historian of medieval Italian merchants, 10. Delio Cantimori, who shared Febvre's interest in sixteenth-century heretics. The massive Histiry of Italy, launched by the publisher Giulio Binaudi in 1972, focused! on developments over the long term, paid homage to Bloch in the title of the fitst volume, and included a long essay by Braudel. In Poland, despite the official dominance of Marxism (or iaybe because of i), historians have long shown considerable centhusiasm for Annaler. There was 2 tradition of interest in economic and social history in pre-war Polish universities. Jan Rutkowski wrote for Amnales in the 1930s and founded a similar journal of his own, substantial number of Polish historians have studied in Paris ~ Bronislaw Geremek, for example, a distinguished medievalise well known in the profession for his studies of the urban poor, and scill more widely known as the ‘counsellor of Lech Walesa. The Poles have shown considerable interest in the history of mentalities. Tbe Mediterranean has been translated into Polish, and it has inspired a Polish study of the Baltic, published by the Centre de Recherches Historiques in their series ‘Cahiers des Annales’ Still more interest was evoked by Braudel’ famous essay on ‘history and social sciences’ It effects can be seen in one of the most remarkable works of history 10 have been published in post-war Poland, the Economic Theory ofthe Feudal Spree (1962), by Witold Kul, historian whom Braudel once paid the compli ment of describing him as ‘much more intelligent than am’? Kula made an economic analysis of the Polish latifundia of the seventeenth aod eighteenth centuries. He pointed out that the economic behaviour of the Polish landowners was the opposite of that predicted by classical economics. When the price of rye, theit major produet, went up, they produced less, and when the price went down, they produced more. The explanation of the paradox has to be sought, says Kula (contrary to Braudel but in tune with other Anneier historians) in the realm of culture, oF ‘mentality, These aristoceats were not interested in profie but i maintaining their style of life in the manner to which they bad96 Tab ANNALETI GLORAL ReRSrECR become accustomed. The vaviations in production were attempts to maintain a steady income. It would have been interesting to ‘observe the reactions of Karl Marx to cheseideas.* In Germany, on the other hand, political history remained dominant in the 1950s and 1960s. Given the importance of new Gezmae approaches to history in the age of Schmoller, Weber and Lamprecht, discussed in the ‘overture’ to this study, this dominance may seem strange. However, after the traumatic experiences of 1914-18 and of 1933-45, it was hard to deny the importance of ether polities or events, and the major histori cal controversies did indeed concentrate on Hitler and the German roe in two world wars. It was only after the post-war generation had come to maturity in the 1970s that interest shifted, towards the ‘history of the everyday” (ltagigesciche), the history of popular culture, and the history of mentalities.” Britsin 100, at least im the 1940s and 1950s, made a good ‘example of what Braudel used to call the ‘refusal to borrow’. Mare Bloch was regarded as an able economic historian of the Middle Ages rather than asa representative of a new style of his tory, while Febvre was scarcely known at all (among gengrap. hers rather than historians). When Beavdel's Mediterranean wis fist published, it was not discussed in the English Historical Re- ie or the Economie History Review. Before the 1970s, translations ‘of books by the Anrals historians were extremely tare. The ex ception to the rule was Marc Bloch. One might say that Bloch’s interest in English history and his penchant for understatement (Go dilferent from the manner of Lucien Febvre) allowed hirn to bbe regarded asa sort of honorary Englishiman.!? ‘The reasons for the lack of translations ean be found in the reviews of the major works of the school in English journals, From the Times Literary Supplement to the English Historical Re view, One reviewer after another referred co what they called “the mannered and intensely irritating Annales style’, ‘the quirks of suple bequeathed by Lucien Febvre', of “the esoteric jargon hich sometimes suggests that the authors of the Vie Section are writing only to be understood by each other’! Those of us who did support Amnaes in the eatly 1960s had a sense of belonging ‘np avatar ctowaLmensrecmve 97 to herescal minority, ke che supporter of Bloch and Febere inthe 1930 in France, Teams lke vnoctre and mntaitsltes proved veal imposible to waste, and exremsly dia for Bh his torans to undersand le alone ace, Tht ection, puzzled, Stepious ot hostile, eal tose of tc philosopher colleagues fe te work of Sarwe and Merem-Pony. The Beth ind, sith oa nthe st ie, a ey ei il the tame language a the French The aiference between {Ee Bich trdison of empiric and methodologia nd dalam andthe Pench tation o theory and hom inhibited tnvcteeual contac. In England ince the day of Herbert Sen ceror cui, was oer sured that colt enn Hke ‘Scie ave Fetus, while individuals exis Darin cel ditch aitemation 9 the rity athe scl were writen #0 Seah the assumptions of Spensr and hi school Anoter dknratic caample of hs Anglo trench dchate date from he YBats, when the Cambridge poycologit Frderick Bart txied the famous sod of the Sci framework of memory by Maurice Halbwachs for craig «Rios en, cllecive memory" Today one cn sil bear Bein noon ceteing Che hisory of malts ler: on lar grounds Te would be ey to multiply examples of regional varaton in the reception of the new history. Even the tlion betwen “na Maris ed om pla pls a Ft vhy with Marsom generally, want wits ceain detache a iééée=é@=-—=- Agulhon, and Vovelle. In England, by contrast, the Marxists ~ ‘notably Eric Hobsbawm and Rodaey Hilton - were among the frst weleome tlc One might expla thi welcome in tens of melecual stay ~ cml was nly in he tug Aue the domance of teonal poli ory. Te a0 ikl hat ehe Maris eve impressed by the ay between thi Kind of history and the Preach at only the emphasis on Stacie: and the long sx Bu othe concer for ttl Gehich was Man's ideal before i wae Bruel). The ay imade hem move recep the message of Ame. In Poland,98 THF ANNALESTN.GLOMAL PERSPECTIVE the institutionalization of a form of Marxism meant that its te lation with Anais followed yet another pattera.!* Annales and Other Areas of story Another aspect of th seqion of Anni he spend of tone appeesies a methods fom one historia pevod or tepom o ante Ie tmoverent fas been dominated by sadents of carly onodere Earope Febve, Brus, Le Roy Lada), followed dloly by medievalists (Bloch, Duby, Le Goff). . “There ns ben ch is work of thi kind on the ngetenth cruury a we have ee, wil inthe ese of comtemponty hi, trys bs been gue ith fore that sl ba Pd pact a all. Thi no accident: the importance of polities the history ofthe wenvethcemury makes he ml pation Applicable wo this period unless is moi The partonic Conclusion reached by 4 sympathetic Dutch observe that an Amalersile history of oar own century bth heey aad imposible" ie writen, i will ot be ml stry, Bat ontemporry history can ‘no Tonger be ween witha the Annales - : 7 Ath othe ad ofthe ehronolgil spectrom, the smiariy bersen Some recent work in ancient history and the ely Patadigo s obvious Whether tis many cae of np Or aie ater more dl determine. A Durketonsn Cadiion in clase! dies exited long before the foundation of Amul a wation exemplied by Boch’s fend Gore! in France and in gland bya group of Cambridge st sch 1 Jane Haron and F. M, Comnford, who red Dury sad Lésy-Brahl and looked for aes of ‘pemtve ment song the ancient Grek. In the Snobourgo, we hae eos torian of Rome, Andee Pigmih omed pat of the came = Toy, kading secon hitoine sch as Jer ieee Vernet snd Peal Yeyne dew on peychology,sology tad nth. pology in order o interpre he history of Gece and Rowe inane that rs pro Febere and Bese sot Shae follow thie exampe. Vert for example, cones ‘rie awwavesmvotown.peRsrecnVE 98 himself with the history of categories such as space, time, and the penn.” Veyne has written about the Roman games, drawing Bp the theories of Mauss and Polanyi, Veblen and Weber and analysing the financing of the games in terms of the git, rediste, ‘bution, conspicuous consumption and political corruption. ‘Generally speaking, the history of the world outside Europe has remained relatively isolated from Annales, Historians of ‘Afsica, for example, have s0 far shown relatively litele interest in this approach, apart from the Belgian anthropologist Jan Vansina, who has made the Braudelian distinction berween the tong, medium and short term the framework for his history fof the Kuba.” Although 2 former pupil of Bloch’s, Henn Brunschwig, became one of the foremost historians of colonial [Afcica, his study of French imperialism appears to owe litle to “Annales, doubtless because his concern with the recent past and the relatively short teem (1871-1914) appeared to make this model irrelevant? “The cases of Asia and America are sather more complicacd. Although there are signs of inereasing interest in this approach, land four members of the group were invited to a conference on ‘the new history’ held in New Delhi io 1988, Indian historians of India have so far taken little from Armas ‘The most innovative group of Indian historians, who sail under the flag of “subaltern studies, is well aware of the French tradition, but prefers an open Marxism. Again, despite Bloch's interest in Japan, and the general Japanese enthusiasm for Western intellec tual trends, itis nor exsy to point to a study of Japanese history in the Amie tradition. A aumber of Japanese historians have studied at the Hautes Erudes, but they all work on the history of Europe, Historians of other parts of Asia area litle closer to Anmales A ecent study of south-east Asia by an Australian historian atempts a ‘total history’ of the segion from 1450 to 1680 and takes as a model Braudels work on material culture and every~ ay life2® Some French historians of China are also close in spirit t© Annaler. The conspicuous otherness of Chinese thought is 2 challenge to the history of mentalives which has provoked more100 me asccaLs iN Gua ASHE ‘haa one response. One of Mare Bloch’s fellow-students, the Sinologist Marcel Granet, shared his enthusiasm for Durkheim, and produced a major study of the Chinese world-view along. Durkheimian lines, emphasizing what he called ‘prelogieal thought’ and the projection of the social order on ¢0 the natural world. More recently, Jacques Gernet, like other French historians of huis generation, bas climbed the ladder from the cellar to the atte, from the economic aspects of Buddhism to the study of Christian missions to China. His recene study of the Christian mission to China in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries might reason ably be described as a history of mentalities in the style of Annales * It centres on misunderstandings. The missionaries be lieved they had made many converts, and they failed to under stand what adhesion to the new religion meant to the converts themselves. ‘The mandating for their part misunderstood the intentions of the missionaries, According to Gernet, these misunderstandings reveal the differences between the categories, the ‘modes of though’ (rnder ‘& penée) and the ‘mental framework’ (cadree mentaus) of the (0 sides, associated with differences in their languages 3 This focus fon the encounter between two cultures allows Gernet to illumi nate mentalities in ways denied to historians of Europe. What Braudel would have described from outside as a cate of ‘tefusal to borrow’, is interpreted by Gernet from within. In the case of American responses to Amsler, the contrast be ‘ween north and south is extremely striking. Historians of North America ~ as opposed to North American historians of Europe — have so far taken litle interest in the etnnale patadigm. The ao. "hropotogical tuen in the history of the colonial period has devel- oped independently of the French model. Although Braudel’s work has been described as ‘fascinatingly similar in its scope’ 10 Frederick Jackson Turner's Tle United States, 1830-1850, we are sill waiting for a new American Braudel2 In Central and South America, the stony is rather different. la Brazil, Braudel’s lectures at the University of Sto Paulo in the “Ta ANaLES GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE. 101 1930s are still remembered, The famous trilogy on the social his tory of Brazil by the historian-sociologist Gilberto Freyre (who knew Braudel at chis time) deals with copies such as the family, sexuality, childhood, and material culture, anticipating the new history of the 1970s and 1980s, Freyre's image of the great house (cara grand) as microcosm and 2s metaphor of plantation society Impressed Braudel and is quoted in his work ‘Again, as 2 series of recent studies indicates, some historians of the Spanish and Portuguese empires in America take the ‘Annales paradigm very seriously indeed?” A good example is Nathan Wachtels The Vision ofthe Vanguisbed (1971), history of the early years of colonial Peru from the point of view of the Indians, In several respects this study resembles work on Furope bby Annaler historians, It deals in tuen with economic, social, cul~ rural, and political history. It is obviously an example of history from below, with much co say about popular revolt. It employs the regressive method associated with Marc Bloch, studying con. temporary dances representing the Spanish conquest as a means of recovering the Indians’ original reactions. It borrows concepts from social anthropology, notably ‘acculturation’, a term that was put into circulation in France by the Annaler historian Alphonse Dupront. However, Wachtel does no: simply cake over the stractare-cojontere-events model of the historians of carly modern Europe. In Peru, the socio-cultural changes of the time did not take place within the old structures. On the con- trary, the process was one of ‘destructuration’. The author's con- ‘ein with this process gives Wachtel’s book a dynamic, and also 1 tragic quality which even The Peasants of Languedor cannot mateh, Annales and Other Disciplines The reception of Annales kas ‘ever been confined to departments of history. A movement that drew on so many of the ‘Sciences of man’ has naturally attracted interest within those disciplines. Although it is more difficult to chart the influence of less theoretical subjects like history ‘on mote theoretical subjects like sociology than the other way round, the attempt may be worth making.102 re anv aLes NGLORAL pRSPECTIE In the intellectual development of Michel Foucault, for example, French ‘new history” played a significant part. Foucault moved on parallel lines to che third generation of Armaet, Like that generation, he was concerned to widen the subject-matter Of history. He had something to teach them, as we have seen (above, p. 88). He also learned something from them. Foucault's debt to Ameler may well be less than what he owed to Niewsche or to historians of science such as Georges Canguilhem (who iatroduced him to the notion of intellectual discontinuity), but it remains more substantial than he ever admitted. What Foucault liked to call his ‘archaeology’ or bis “genealogy” has at least a family resemblance to the history of ‘mentalities. Both approaches show great conceen for trends over the long term and relatively litde lack of concera for individual thinkers, ‘What Foucault could not acceptin the Amelts approach to in- telleceual history was what he considered the over-emphasis on continuity. It was precisely in his willingness to grasp the netle and to discuss how world-views change that Foucaule differed ‘most from the historians of mentalities, They still have some thing important to leara from his emphasis on epistemological ‘ruptures’, however irritated they may be by his refusal to ex: plain these discontinuities By the 1970s, if noe before, it was possible to find archae- ologists and economists reading Braudel on ‘material culture’ paediatricians discussing the views of Philippe Ariés on the his tory of childhood, and Scandinavian specialises in folklore debat ing with Le Roy Ladusie about folktales. Some art historians and literary crites, in the United Seates in particular, alto cite the _Amaes historians in their own work, which they see as part of common enterprise, sometimes described a8 a “literary anthro- pology’ or an anthropology of ‘visual culeure’ In three disciplines in particular there is considerable interest in the Annales approach. These three disciplines are geography, sociology, and anthropology. In each case it will be noticed that in the English-speaking world at least, this interest developed ‘ue -aeatprmictoeat reasrecrvs 103 selativly recently, and shat it is sill virally confined to the work of Braudel Geography makes an appropriate place to start this survey, because there was atime when even in France geographers took the new moverient mote seriously than the majority of his- torians The afiniies between the historical geography of Vidal deh Blache and the geo-history of Braudel have been discussed flready and they are obvious enough. One result of the rise of Braudel’ empire, however, was the decline of historical peogra phy a8 « discipline in the face of competition from historians (a Similar poine might perhaps be made about hisworieal sociology and historical nthcopology in France).* Blkewhere, the story is more complicated. Although Febvre's cssay on historical geography was translated into English soon afte its publication, the English-speaking world was dominated by a taditional style of geography which had litle place forthe French approach. This consensus broke down relatively recently, and hus been replaced by pluralism, ox rather by vigorous debate between supporters of the Marxist, quantitative, phenomenolo- gical and other approaches, among them that of Braudel?" It is worth adding that a three-volume history of the Pacific has recently been published, written aot by a historian but by a ‘geographer, Oskar Spare In the case of sociology, the Durkheimian inspiration of the carly Annales helped ensuce it a warm reception from the fest, at Jeas in France. Two leading French sociologists, Maurice Hal wwachs and Georges Friedmann, have been formally associated with the joureal, while a thied, Georges Gurviteh, enjoyed a collaboration with Braudel which did aot exclude debate” In the English-speaking world, on the other hand, it was only re cently, a 4 time of a widespread sense of 2 ‘rss of sociology that Workers ia the discipline cediscovered history and in the Process discovered Annales, more particularly Braudel, whose ‘eas shout time have obvious relevance for theorists of social change. As ia the case ofthe historians, Marsis sociologists such 45 Norman Birnbaum and Immanuel Wallerstein (director ofthe104 mie aswaLesiNcionaL erasrecrivE Fernand Braudel Center at Binghamton) were among the first to draw attention to clmsaes, but interest is now much more wide spread. For example, the late Philip Abrams described Braude!’s Mediterrarcas as pointing, the way to ‘an effective analytical his; torical sociology’ A few anthropologists took an easly interest in Annales, 20 tably LéviSteauss and Evans-Pritchard. Braudel and Lévi Strauss were colleagues 2¢ the University of Sio Paulo in the 198s, and continued their dialogue thereafter. Evans Pritchard, who was trained as historian before turning anthro, pologist, was well aware of the work of Lucien Febure and Mare Bioch2® I suspect that his famous study of Witchraft, Oracles and ‘Magic among the Azande of Central Africa owes at least some of its inspiration to Bloch's Reyal Teach, while his analysis of the task-oriented scase of time of the Nuer of the Sudan comes to conclusions similar to chose of Febvre’s (formulated at much the ‘on time reckoning. in the age of Rabelais.” Evant-Pritchard advocated close relation between anthto: pology and history at a time when most of his colleagues were ahistorical functionalists, Some younger anthropologists ruzned to history in the late 1960s, at much the same time as some of the Auiets historians discovered symbolic anthropology. ‘The ‘two disciplines appeated to converge. However, the anthtopo logical tain towards bistory was associated wich 2 earn towards narrative and towards events, the very aspects of historical ta dition that the Amualer group had rejected, There was 4 danger thar the two disciplines would fail to meet. ‘A single example will show more clearly than a list of names the conditions under which the meeting is taking place, what anthropologists want from history, oF from Annals, and fnelly hhow a model may be transformed in the course of its application, Among the inspirations of Marshall Sthlins's historical anthro. pology of Hawaii is the work of Braudel, especially the essay fon the dongue darée, Braudel would doubtless have appreciated Sahlins’s discussion of ‘steuctures ofthe long ren’, in which Cap- tain Cook's visit to Hawaii in 1779, when he was viewed by Hawalians 2s a personification of their god Lono, is analysed as ‘THR ANNALESIN GLOBAL WERSPECTIVE. 105, an example of the way in which ‘events are ordered by culture’ ‘But Salins does not stop there. He goes on to discuss ‘how, in thar process, the culture is re-ordesed’.® Having appropriated aa fdea from Braudel, he subverts it, or a least transforms it, argu. ing that an event, Cook's visit, or more generally the encounter between Hawaiians and Europeans, led to structural changes in Hawaiian culture, such as the crisis ofthe taboo system, even if ‘the structure wis preserved in an inversion of its values’. It would be dificult to deny the potential relevance of this revised tmadel 6 a discussion of, sy, the socio-cultural consequences of the French Revolution. ‘The ball is now back in the historians’ II STRIKING A BALANCE Ie is time to sum up and attempr to assess the achievements of the Amales historians over thtee generations, discussing (wo questions ip particular, How new, and how valuable, is their new history? ‘Az we have seen (p. 6), the revolt of Febvre and Bloch against the dominance of che history of political events was only tone of a series of such sebellons. Their principal aim, the coo: truction of a new kind of history, has been shared by many scholars over # long period. The French tradition, from Michelet fand’ Fustel de Coulanges 10 the Annie Socileipee, Vidal de ta Blache and Henei Bert, is well known, On the other hand, the alterative traditions ate generally underestimated. Hf a fortune: teller had predicted in 1920 that a new style of history would soon develop somewhere in Europe, the obvious location for it would have been Germany, not France: the Germany of Friedrich Rael, Karl Lamprecht, and Max Weber. Virtually all the innovations associated with Febvre, Bloch, Braudel, and Labrousse had precedents or parallels, from che reyrcssive and comparative methods to the concern For inter disciplinary collaboration, for quantitative methods, and for change over the long, term, In the 1930s, for example, Ernest106 Tue aNSaLerasctonaLrERstecTs Labrousse and the German historian Walter Abel were working independently on the quantitative history of ageiculeural cycles, trends, and crises” In the 1950s, the revival of regional history in France has a parallel in the revival of local history in England, associated with the school of W. G Hoskins, a disciple of ‘Tawney whose books included a study of the making of the English landscape and an economic and social history ofa single Leicestershire village, Wigston Magna, over the long. term, about 900 years. The French historians’ enthusiasm for quant tative methods and their turn away from these methods towards microhistory and snthropology were also in step with move ‘ments in the United States and elsewhere, If the individual innovations associated with Annaler have precedents and parallels, che combination does not. Its also erue that parallel movements for the reform and renewal of history were largely unsuccessful, fom Karl Lampreche ia Germany to the ‘new history’ of J. H. Robinson ia the United States, The achievement of Bloch, Febyre, Braudel, and their followers has been to go further than any other scholar or group of scholars ia achieving these shared aims, to lead a moxwmient that has spread ‘more widely and lasted longer than its comperitoss. Ie may well be that the historian of the furure will be able to offer ex- planations of this success in terms of both sirarare and comon- Jr, looking for example at the willingness of successive French governments to fund historical research, of atthe elimination of German intellectual competition in the course af two world ‘wars. ‘The individual contribution of Bloch, Febvee and Braudel remains dificult to dismiss. Although this book is devoted to some new trends in histor cal writing, I would aot want to astume that ianovation is necessarily desiable for its own sake, I would agree heartily with a recent critic that ‘the new history is aot secessarily admirable simply because it is sew, nor the old contemptible simply because it is old I is time to consider, in concusion, the value, the cost, and the significance of the colletive achievement of Amal ‘To do this is rather like writing an obituary. In fact, the image ‘rp aNNaLesINGLoaAt eastecri“e 107 is aor akogeher inappropriate Aleough th Hautes Erades sil exacted sl convs ed horns who Wen with he “apa eadtion, may no be too mich co say tat he moxe- act eee er. On oe iy we Sd mene the Mal group rediscovering poli anda the event, On the Caen eS an many ours inspired by the movement ~o¢ este sar decin foe thse ow esos ~ tha Terme The cabot and even “paraign are owing tei mevsng. The frvemene i dsaving, in pe ata esut of 18 sees ‘hie nee mao ave bee il sings ol pope’ bat Tine ceanty eco mepeted very ieee way Te Saat Kan me eal aan he i Meme one hd o soy y soe, eptng ee chy and cpl the try o poll eves cesta far sue ta twa he eon of Pie Black Ingvar ae asa fed By the el tha repent tn nen ed fe wom ding, er Sere eminton wo imposition eveyone ce Ta ay cee iar el sery wel dete al in hr eer stat Ser mee sno change. Be cane eT os ny ane sundress oey seat te eit expt ofthe ne she tm of he pe Tie hte tobe naga Feeney ok a ma in» gobl perpen, homer rs beerseme one a4 pralg (O Be eStore eer tan eo fo (ore ng ray be eel to oom the asad the ret ets prin in ren flo iors, deed peop chrono and themes. The Amar erutvon ay wel te preund, bu abo exe ee have sen the Amal group Pas given Face th baht is eon the wake of aoe ubtant wns she Sen mae fhe Meters or meee nan ey. © The conheon of te mal108 THE ANNALS WetoMAL prastECHVE {group to the history of Spanish and Portuguese America has also ben a significant one. Only a small number of Aimsaes historians have written about other parts of the world. Mare Bloch’s imerest in English history, or example, has aot been pursued by his successors, Just as they have concentrated on France, the Annaler historians have focused their attention on one period, the 50: called ‘early modern’ age from 1500 to 1800, more especially the “old regime’ in France from 1600 or thereabouts to 1789. Their contribution to medieval studies has also been outstanding. As wwe have seen, some ancient historians may be deseribed as fel- low-travelless with male. On the other hand, the Amles group have paid temarkably litle attention to the world since 1789. Charles Morazé, Maurice Agulhon, and Marc Ferro have done what they could to fll the sap, but i sill yawns wide. The distinctive approach to history of the geoup, notably the lack of importance accorded ro individuals and events, is surely connected with this concent ration on the medieval and early modern periods. Braudel did ‘not ind i dificult to dismiss Philip Il, but Napoleon, Bismarck ‘or Stalin would have provided him with more of a challenge In the case of a group that sails under the flag of ‘total his 1o1y, it is somewhat paradoxical to examine their contributions to what is conventionally categorized as economic, social, polit cal, and cultural history. One of the achievements of the group has been to subvert traditional categories and offer new ones, from Block's ‘rural history’ in the 1930 and Braudel’s ‘ir ‘sation matiriellé of the 1960s t0 the socio-cultural history of today. All the same, the importance of the contribution to econ ‘omic history made by Labrousse and his followers is undeniable. It is also difficule to dispute that politics was undervalued, at least for a time (in the 1950s and 1960s), and at least by some members of the group. Another way of assessing the males movement is to examine its leading ideas. According to 1 common stereotype of the group, they concein chemselves with the history of structures cover the long term, employ quantitative methods, claim to be sit ANNALESINGLODALEERSIECTIVE, 109 scientific, and deny human freedom. Even as 2 description of the work of Braudel and Labrousse, this view is too simple, and itis still less adequate as 2 characterization of a movement that has lgone through various phases and included a aumber of scrong. incellecrual personalities. Ik may be more usefel ro discuss intel fectual tensions within the movement. These tensions may well have been creative, Whether this isthe case oF not, they remain uuncesolved. ‘The contlic between freedom and determinism, or between social steuctare and human agency, bas always divided the ‘Annales historians. What distinguished Bloch and Febvre from the Marxists of their day was precisely the fact chat their enthusi- asm far social and economic history was not combined with the belief that economie and social forces determined everything cls, Pebure was an extreme voluntarist, Bloch a more moderate fone. In the second generation, on the other hand, there was a swing towards determinism, geographical in the case of Braudel and economic in that of Labrousse. Both men have been accused ‘of taking the people out of history, and concentrating their at tention on geographical structures or economic trends. In the third generation, among historians concerned with topics as di verse a8 matrimonial strategies or reading habits, there has been 4 swing back towards voluntarism. Historians of mentalities no longer assume (as Braudel did) that individuals ate prisoners of their world-view, but concentrate heir attention on “resistance” to social pressures. ‘The tension between Durkheimian sociology and the human ‘geography of Vidal de la Blache goes beck so far that it might be considered part of the structure of Almales. The Durkheimian tradition encouraged generalization and comparison, while the Vidalian approach concentrated on what was unique to a particu- lar region. The founders tried to combine the two approaches, ‘but their emphasis was different. Bloch was closer to Durkheim, Febyre (despite his concern for problem-oriented history) to Vidal. In the middle phase of the movement it was Vidal who prevailed, as the regional monographs published in the 1960s and 1970s testify. Braudel did not neglect either comparison orHO ru av aLEs NGtomst rasrecTVE sociology, but he too was closes to Vidal than to Durkheim, One reason for the appeal of social anthropology to the third gener ation of Amaes may be that this discipline (which faces both ways, towards the general and the particular) may help historians to find chei balance, To sura up. So far as the first generation is concerned, Braudel’s assessment is worth remembering. ‘Individually, neither Bloch nor Febvre was che greatest French historian of the time, but together both of them were."® In the second generation, itis dificult to think of 2 historian of the mid-twentieth century in the class of Braudel himself. Today, a good deal of the most interesting historical work is still being done in Pats, Looking at the movement 25 a whole, one sees a whole shelf of remarkable books to which itis difficult to deny the ttle of ‘masterpicees: The Royal Teach, Feudal Society, The Problem of Un Unlief, The Mediterranean, The Peasants of Languedne, Civligation and Capitation. Ivis also worth remembering the research teams that have been abie to carry out enterprises demanding too much time for any individual to bring any one of them to a success: fal conclusion, The long life of the movement has allowed historians co build on one another's work (as well as to react against some of it). To name only the most important develop- ments in Annales history is to make an impressive list; problem: oriented history, comparative history, historical psychology, .geo-history, the history ofthe long term, serial history, historical anthropology. In my own view, the outstanding achievement of the Ansaes group, overall three generations, has been the reclaiming of vast areas for history. The group has extended the territory ofthe his Corian 10 unexpected areas of human behaviour and to social groups neglected by traditional historians. These extensions of historical territory are associated with the discovery of new sources and the development of new methods to exploit them. ‘They are also associated with collaboration with other disciplines that study humanity, from geogeaphy to linguistics, and from sie aNNaLestn GLOWAL veRsrecTIVE. 111 cconomies 9 pycoloy: This inerdspinary callabotion tans ove we thn int es no oat palin esr fe son ene vee tae ron at hese of hs ok ef the ‘pach Hire Revolution so ta he Torti Began hth wor 'A carb oan ofthe mow nova, The mon mencrble andthe mon spin Natre wriig eer cena hasbeen peace Fane The set ple wl nee ee ae ganGlossary: The Language of Annales This briet glossary is intended primarily as a guide to readers who are not accustomed (0 the language of che Annales his- torians, The historical notes are as accurate as 1 can make them, but they will doubtless be corrected by philologists in due jon the most dificule term to define in the Annales trinity. Before it appeared in the title of the journal in 1946, it had been employed by Bloch in his Frb Raral History It was also a favourite term of the anthropologist Marcel Mauss, and, folowing him, of Braudel. In all these cases it might be best to translate the term into ‘culture’ in the broad anthropological sense. Thus Braudel's civilization mativille can be rendeted ‘ma terial culture’ | i. _isss thenormal word for ‘rend (had ears been wed by German economist nich at Exnst Wagemann in hi Roynedireo 1988 and historians sich as Wilhelm Abel ns 1995 say of Aparkybie Brel helped 10 po ito historia cen lato By speaking of copie gal de Xe seein i augual etre of 1950. Atti point the word smphe ar one Inight expect fom its exymology mre, to conan) # seme of connection between diverse but simultaneous phenomena. Ccuossanys Taptancuacror aNNauEs 113 When it was generally adopted by the Ales historians, how ‘ever, the term was often used a8 the complementary opposite to rwcare, to refer is other words to the short- or medium- rather than to the longcterm, without the implication of lateral con- nections (Chatinu (1955-60), vol. 2, pp. 9-13; Burguidre (1986), pp. 152-3). cethnohistoire 1 fuse friend. What the English-speaking world calls “anthropology” is often described in French as etinolgi. Consequently, ethwhiztire means ‘historical anthropology (which it might be more exact to eall ‘anthropological history’) rather than ‘ethno history” in the American sense of the history ‘of nonliterate peoples. toite événementiclle a dismissive term for the history of ‘events, launched by Braudel in the preface to his Meditrrantan, but already used by Paul Lacombe in 1915 (while the idea goes back farther still, to Simiand, Durkheim and indeed to the eight- ceenth century). histoire globale an ideal formulated by Braudel. ‘Globaity is rot the claim t0 write a complete history of the world [bisoire totale du monde} ... i's simply the desire, when one confronts a problem, to go systematically beyond its limits’ (Braudel (1978), p. 245), Thus Braudel himself studied his Mediterranean sea in the context of a ‘greater Mediterranean’, from the Sahara to the Atlantic. The tetm seems to have been borrowed from the soci- ology of Georges Gurviteh. Cr. histoire de Vimaginaire 1 recent term, employed for exam: ple by Duby (1978) and Corbin (1982), which more or less corresponds to the old istsre der rprisentatons calletves. The cold term bad Durkheimian associations, while the ‘imaginary’ has nieo-Marxist ones. It seems to have been taken from C, Castoriadis, L’nstitation imeginaire de la sect (1975), a study that is in turn in debt to Althusser's celebrated definition of ideology in terms of an ‘imagined relationship to real conditions of cxit-114 etossary-HELONGCAGEOF ANNALS histoire immobile sometimes translated ‘motionless history’ fo ‘history that stands still’, a phrase used io 1973 by Le Roy Ladurie in 2 lecture about the eco-system of early modern France, which was attacked as if he had denied the existence of change in history (Le Roy Ladusie (1978a), pp. 1-27). Braudel (1949) had already written of une bisoie qua immobile in the pre- face to his Mediterranean histoice-probléme ‘problem-oriented history’, a slogin of Lucien Febvre's, who thoughe all history should take this form, histoice quantitative another false friend, since the term often refers in French not to quantitative history in general, but to ‘macroeconomic history, the history of the Gross National Prod: uct in the past. Some kinds of quantitative history are known in French as histoire srielle. See Burguiére (1986), pp, 557-62 Wii srl term employed by Chau in 1960, and ‘apy taken up by Braudel and eer co ree othe anal Ot ene ovr the lng di Go) by meus of the sy Soroyencove data hex pte anes of wine hares eal bith Easter communica i). CE Chane (1990, 1373p Bogue (85), ype Netoce totale Febve liked 10 peak of bite tat ct, {oppose to ecnomie oF socal or Poitiel hion” Rr Taetey, in 1932 aed the cm Ht tp prhas on Freeh teh, Beth anthopologt Mate aged oe the alnve na to charac he approach of his acpi Banh employed the term in te concsion tthe se ction of his Nedarromar nd eewhee Dever (985 Sesto hive plabale longue dare tht phse became «een ear ise ployient by Brads o's fas are (Brae 1958) A Se spin wd msn bt nt Dk roto htt ua mma (oe ey ge) sine tgs ee cvossany-nie Lascuactor aNNaLes 115 mentalité although Durkheim and Mauss had employed it on ‘occasion, it was Lévy-Bruhl's Lo mentali primitive (1922) that launched this term in France. All the sane, despite his ceading of Lévy-Bruhl, Mare Bloch preferred 0 describe his Regal Tow (1928), now recognized a8 a pioneering work in the history fof mentalities, as a history of représenatinr collectives (a term favoured by Dutkheim), rprévetations mentale, or even illusions collectives, Vn the 1930s, Febyre introduced the term oxllage men tat, but it did not have great success. It was Georges Lefebvre, a historian on the edge of the Amaler group, who launched the phrase histoire der mentalitis collectives nouvelle histoire the term was popularized by the book La nowllebtteire (1978), edited by Jacques Le Goff and others, but this claim for Alanales had been made enriet. Braudel had spoken ‘of ane bistoire nomelle in bis inaugural lecture at the College de France (1950), Febvee had wsed pheases like ‘another kind of his ory’ lane antrebistir) 0 describe what the Annaler group were trying to do, ‘outillage mental sce mentalité peychologie historique the term was used by Henri Berr in 1900 when formulating the aim of his newly founded Reve de Syntbise Historique, Bloch deseribed his Reyal Towch (1924) as a ‘contribution to fe pycoleie relginse, and some of his ater essays fon responses to technological change as contributions to 1s ‘poyhalege collective, Peloete pleaded for lapayholgie itorigae in an article of 1938, published in the Eneylopdiefranaire, and he de- Seribed his study of Rabelais (1942) in the same terms. Robert Mandeou subtitled his Iniraduction 3 ls France moderne (1961), based on the aotes left by Febvre, and published in a series founded by Bete, “sai de pryebnlegi hstorigu’. Mote recently, in the competition with ‘mentalities’ this tem has been the loser structure Febvre employed the term ‘structure’ on occasion, Dut he was also somewhat suspicious of it. Braudel made litle use of the word in his Mediterranea, in which what we might call the structural sections aze described as ‘le part de milien’ and116 cxossary- sue LANGUAGEOP ANNALS “destin collectif?. Ye seems to have been Chaunus who launched the term, which be defined as "everything ina society ot an economy which lasts sufficiently long for its movement to escape the ordi nary observer’ (Chaunu (1955-60), vol. 1, p. 12; ef. Burguiére (1986), pp. 644-6). Notes INTRODUCTION 1 LeGofFerat 1978) 2 The journal has had for titles: Aas iar iomomigae rile (1929-39), Ameer dBcwire scale (1939-42, 1943), Milnes dhir- tei sciok (98-4), Anmoe: anomie, cs, carons (946). 3. Aran interatonal dicuision ofthe “el school at Satgae in 1985, Mare Fert vigorously dened the existence of the schoo. ‘While so doing, he constantly employed the term ‘nous. Feb (1953), p32 Febyre (1953), pp 104-6 a letter writen in 1938, Braudel (1949) (English ras. 1973 edn), vol 1 p22. (Or perhaps, ike R Charter and J. Revel, of ‘meet de alee en expansion cantante e ote dane capaci tiraton et €amalgame remargasble’ (quoted ia Couta-Begari (1983), p. 259). 5 Gn Bloch’ dais, see Mastogregor! (198). On other Bloch ‘manuscripes, se Fink (1989), 9) What he cals he “sete” of Antal is analysed in a ater crude, restos inanner by Coote Bégaie (1983) 1 studied with tore Finesse by Burguiére (1979). For an example of Febvee asa politician, see Carle and Delangle (1987). 10, Gn che journal, se Wessling and Ooserhof (1986). 11 “Pour ne histie dirige’ reprinted in Febvre (1953), pp. 55-0118 sores noms 119 OLD misrom 11. On Ratac, see Bustimer (1971), pp. 27 1 THE OLD HIsTORIOGRAPHICAL REGIME AND ITS CRITICS fe Rene asey end 13. Febvre (1922), pp. 4028, 1 Farther details and references in Burke (1988), 14 Lakes (1973), pp. 584 2 On this process, see Gilbert (1965) and Boer (1987). 15 CE Bloch im Amales (1938), p. 393: ‘A wel mnie de trons de 3 Michelet (1842), p. 6 sma gniraton ot dps me sear dire” 4 Coleman (1987), pp. 38 16. Bloch (1913, p. 122. 5 Hause (1899); See (1901) Mantous (1906), 17. Bloch (1913), pp. 6 6. As Himmelfarb (1967), p. 152, poincs out, Greens tex belies some 18 For reminiscences of Steashourg at chat time, see Baulig (1957-8), of these claims, Cmte (1864), econ 52, pp. 108. Spencer (1861), pp. 264% Durkheim (1896), p. CCE. Iggers (1975), pp. 274, on what he calls “The Cess of the Con- ‘veational Conception of “Scientific” History Lamprecht (1894), foreword; Lamprecht (1904). On him, sce Weineaub (1966), ch. 4 Robinson (1912), On him, see Hendricks (1946) Lavise (1900-12). The geogeapher was Pasl Vide de fa Biche, and the cultueal historian was Henri Lemonnier, On Lavisse, see Boee (1987), pp. 2058 Sinan (1903). Langlois and Seignebos (1897). On him, see Boer (1987), pp. 218, Siege! (1983) and Dollinger in Carbonell and Liver (1983), pp. 658. Having ‘aught at 2 ew university in its fest yeas of acviy (at Sussex in ‘he eatly 19603), 1 can testify co the itelectual excitement and the stimulus to innovation to be found in such an envionment Febyre (1945), p. 391, Febyee (1953), p. 393, (On Blondel, see Febere (1953), pp. 370-5, Halbweachs (1925), dis cussed by Bloch in Rere de Spee Historique, 40 (1925), 3-8. Febvre (1953) cites Bremond on sx occasions. Lefebvre (1932); Bloch, Rene de Syahise Hstrign (1921), Piganiol (1923), especially pp. 1034, 141. On him, F. Hartog in Carbonell and Live (1983), pp. 418. Good discussions in Ginzburg (1965) and Le Gof (1983). ‘Bloc! (1928), pp. 21, $1 2 2 Bs a 26 Bloch (1924), p18. z 2% 2 30 Ennkson (1959, ‘Bloch (1924), pp. 21,30 Bloch (1926, pp. 2 Bloch (1924) p. 429. 2 THE POUNDERS: LUCIEN FEBVRE AND MARC BLOCH 31 Popper (1935), pp. 40 32. Bloch (1924) pv, 33. Bleed (1928), p.2n, 1 On Febvre at combat deme, sce Braudel (19534), p18 34 Bloch 1924), pp. 21, 51409. 2. Some disagreements ate noted in Fink (1989), pp. 185,20, 261, 35. Febure (1948), 392; of Rhodes (1978) 3. Lukes (1975) p. 48 236 Bloch (1924, pp, 52, 42in 4. Peveeine (1546), 37 Bloch (1928) 5. On Febvre and Bergson, see Braudel (1972), p. 48 38 Febvee (1953) confesses that tis imteres of his was encovraged by 6 On Vida, see Butter (1971), pp. 438. reading Stendhal’s books on fly 1 Rese de Syne Hiorign, 12 (1906), 249-61; 23 (1911), 131-47, 27 (1913), 52-65; 38 (1928), 37-53; 42 (1920), 19-40. Febvre (1983), p. vi CE Ventur (1966), pp. 5-70. Febvre (1911), p. 323 Joores (1901, pp 65m Febvre (1962), pp. 529-603, expecially pp. 573, $81 Febere (1929), reprinted in Febvee (1957), p. 38, srans. Febvee (1973), p66. Febrre’s phrasing, incidentally, recalls the tle of the famous study by Henci Bremond, whore importance for Febvre Inasalrady been noted (oc p16 ofthis volume),La» 2 “8 a 2 Fete (1928), pp. 1048, 2878. On ways to combine the new hi tory with biography, sce Le Gof (1989), Febvce (1945), pp. 2988; Leuiliot (1973), pp. 3178; Fink (198), bt. “Nous entndons ever sme rss gut pice exercer dnt le domaie det ttades dite iconomigue efile, le rile de dracon’ (Feb (1928), 4 Leuilie (1973), 319), Annes, 1, p 1. CE. Febure’s leer of the time on ‘le aise (primordiale dabetre es cnion? and the funcron of te joarnal “comme sen de nism etre giegrapler,teonomstes,bitorin, sce, ee (Leulliot, (1973), p. 321), Pomiun (1986), p. 385, suggests thatthe roles of Pirenne, Rist and Siegied were largely honor Annales, 2, p. 2 CE a ewer by Bloch quoted by Leuiliot (1973) 318, ne eran mt scl” [All reprinted in Bloch (1967), Bloch (1948), L. Febvre, “Avestisement au lecteur, prefixed tothe Paris, 1952 da of Bloch (1931), Bloch (1931, pp. a, 64 Bloch (1931), a ‘Boch (1925, p81) remarked “ombie ie rerettable qu Coore de se grand esprit ue fat FW. Maitland st top pom leo Franc Fuse (1864), Book 2, ch. 10. The references to. Maitland, Seebohm and Fustel ia Bloch (1931), pp. 3i-8i, minimize the parallels to his regressive method. But Bloch (1949) pays tribute to ‘Maitand in this respec Bloch (1939-0), pp. 363,368, 379. bid, p. 156 Febyre (1953), pp. 3-43, 55-60, 207-38, er “Lear histoire et In ne’ (1938), reprinted in Febyre (1953), pp. 276-83; ‘Sur une forme distoite qui test pas la notre’ (1947), reprinted in Febvre (1983), pp. 114-18. CF. Cob (1966) Arles 1939), p. 5 Dubs (1987); Duby and Lardveau (1980), p. 4, Febvre (1953), pp. 427-8, hints ax much in his review of Bloch's book Bloch (1949), ch, 1 ‘The ant-Semive policies ofthe Vichy regime required the removal of Bloch from the covdizection of ana, Bloch thought che sores 121 journal should cea publication, bue Febvte oversuled hie. CE N. 7. Davis (1989) Censorship, Silence and Resistance, che Anil dering the German Occupation of France’, unpublished paper for Moscow conference on Amal, October 1989 63 Wootton (1988) G4 Among the most perceptive (1969). 65. Febvee and Martin (1958) 66 Mandrou (1961), 67 Febvee (1953), p16 (68 Beclsiastica images come naturally © mind when wating about Febvre, from ‘the combative prelate (Raulf, 1988) to “the Febvre pontificate’ (Hughes, 1969), iiss of the book is Peappier 3 THE AGE OF BRAUDEL 1 Beaudet (1928). 2 Braudel (1972) 3. Braudel (19534), ep. p. 5: Pebvre (1953), p. 432 4 Braudel (1972), 5 Braudel (1949: 1975 eda), p. 1017 6 Ibid, pp. 372, 966 7 Ibid, p- 1101 8 id, p. 1104 9) Braudel (1980), p. 10 10 Wid, p24 11 Tid, p. 363, 12 Thid, pp. 660-1 13. Ibid, pp. 7064, The term ‘treason’ alludes tothe famous essay by Jolin Benda, La trabion der cle. 14) bid, pp. 7578, 15. Thid, p20. 16 Tbid, pp. 34%, 17 bid, p37, 18 Ibid, p22. 19. Eg. Ceijie 1918) 20, Ravel (1897), cap. chs 13 and 21. 21 Mauss (1930), 231-52. CE. Braudel (1969), pp. 201-3.ree 25 26 2 3 es 35 36 - 38 »” a 2 8 4s 46 Pirenne (1937). ‘The most imponant are Bailyn (1951) and Hexce (1972). Guilmartin (1974, esp. pp. 234, 251, On the other hand, Hess (1972) argues that Braudel overestimated its importance Braudel (1968, p. 208 Peristiany (1968); Blok (1981). Hasluck (1929). In 1977 Tasked Braudel his opinion of this book, bout he had nor heard of Baily (191), Arma (1989), quoted in Hester (1972), p 105, Braudel and the Primary Vision’, a conversation with P. Burke and H. G. Koenigsherger, broadcast on Radio 3, 13 November wr, ‘The suggestion comes from Hester (1972), p. 104, noting that Braudel (1958) visually admits this 1-1 Eliot, New Yare Revie of Books, 3 May 1973 Braudel (1969), p. 31. For vigorous criticism of this view, sce Vovelle (1982), esp, pe Benudel (1949), p. 1244, Braudel (1949), p. 755, Braudel discussed Sorse's work in Amul (1943), ceprinted in Braudel (1969), pp. 105-16. Ci Dion (193), Sereni (1961), Péguy (198) Braudel (1949), p17, Thi, p. 22. The phrate about his ‘vase appetite’ comes from Hexter (1972, p. 119, Braudel (1949), p, 2; Braudel (1958). Braudel (1969), p. 31, cites Curtus (1948), book dedicated t0 by Warburg an inspired by his work, Braudel (1969), pp, 268, Dumoutn (1986) Braudel wrote the introduction to the fst volume of Ports Routes ~ Trafic, claiming that the collection “would represent the essential part of our work. ‘Le Gof (1987), p. 224, denies any connection with the events of 1968, Braudel (1968), p. 349. ‘Chava (1987), p, Lapeyte (1955), dedicated to Braudel, ass (1967) Delumeau (1957-9); Ben- aa eoageesss ey ores 123 ‘Braudel (1967: 1981 eda, p. 23) saps that Febte made his sugges tion in 1952; Braudel (1977). 3, gives te date as 1950, Braue (19794) i the revised version. Braudel (19794), pp. 23-6. (Originally translated into English under the tle Capitation and ‘Matera! Life London, 1973) On Wagemann, Braadel (19793), p. M; ef Brsudet (1969), pp. 133-22 “Troes-Lund (1879-190%). [Note the positive remarks aboot Spengler in Braudel (1959), pp. 186A, a8 well asthe references to him in the index to Braudel (1975s; 19790). Braudel (19794), ch. 4 This criticism has been made in Buske (1981), pp. 38, and Clark (4985), pp. 19. Scone (1965). See, for example, Appadusi (1986). Gofiman (1959). For a discussion of houses from this point of view, sce Le Roy Ldutie (1975). For cloths, see Roche (1989). Braudel (19798), pp 118, 463%, 24, bid, pp 2258, Bad, p. 166 Tid, pp. 402-3. Braudel (1969), p51 Wallerstein (1974-8). Gunes Frank (1968), pp. 32 Braudel 198. Foran appreciation, sce Aymatd (1988); for severe eticisms by ographer, se Lacoste (198). CE Hester (1972), p. 113, on Braudel’ light-hearted’ use of sta Braudel (1969), p. 186. For an overview, tee Le Rey Laduvie (1973), pp. 7-16 Wiebe (1885). Febvee (1962), pp. 190-1 Simiand (1932), Labrowsse (1933), ‘The teference to the “margie’ comes from Alleges and Tore (1977, pp. S2HE. Labrousse (1980) expresses his identification swith Aamoms 8 » 8 2 ® 3a 0 91 ” 93 95 Bs 98 CF Sorat (198). Labrousse (1933, 1944). A critique of these studies is given in Landes (1950). Se also Renowein (1971), and Larousse 1980}. Repriced in Braudel (1968), pp, 25-54 Chauna (1955-60), vol. 8, pp xiv ‘At the Intemational Congress of Historical Sciences at Rome ia 1935, Labrousse gave an important paper, ‘Voies nouvelles vers lane histoire de la bourgeoisie occidentale’. He tlko supervised ‘Daumard’s thesis onthe Pais baurgeosie Labrousse (1980); Labrouste (1970), Braudel had also collaborated with the Isbin histovian Ruggiero Romano in a quantitative study of shipping at the port of Leghoen Livorno), Tr runt to ewelve volumes, mainly statistics, but volume 8, the ingerpretative part, includes more can 3,000 pages of tex. Best expressed in Chau (1964), pp. 11-38 Henry (1956); Henry and Gautier (1958), Meuvre(1946, 1979, Gouber (1982), Regional studies directed by Labrouste alto include those of Maurice Agutton on Provence, Pierre Deyon on Amiens, Adeline Daumard on the Pasis bourgeoisie, J. Geargelin on Venice, J. Nicolas on Savoy Buimer (1971, pp. 74 Suin-Jacob (196), Bache! (1961), Fréche (1974), ete Deyo (1967), Garden (1970), Gascon (1971), Delumesw (1957-9), Bennassar (1967), ete Chasm (1970) LeRoy Ladusie (1973). 7. Duby (1953). CF Daby (1987), pp. 126-7. Corbin (1973). 1 was Gaston Zeller, a professor of ternational relations, who Inspired both Delamess (1957-9) and Gaseon (1971), Ariaza (1980) argues for Mousnir’s dependence on Bernard Barber. But he is well aware of other American sociologist, let alone Max Weber Movsnier (1964) is a exitgue of the contributions by Daumard and Fares ro the Labeousse project For « quantiative analsis of ‘he socal structure, Compare Mouser (19680) on castes, orders tnd classes, with Labrouste (1973), Nomis 125 100 Corvisier (1964); Couturier (1969, 101. Porshnev (1948), 102 Mouseier (19683): Pillorge (19 103 Le Roy Ladarie (1966), p12 104 Le Roy Ladue (1967) 15 Te Roy Cadre (1959), p. 157 106 Le Roy Ladusie (1966), p. 243 107 Thid, p31 108 Some crtcioms were ofered by Yves Beret in Biblitbiae de hele det Chara, 125 (1967), pp. 44-50. 109 Garret (1985). 110 North (1978, p. 80 111 Brenner (1976), esp. p31; Le Roy Laurie (1978). 5); Berce (1974), 4 THE THIRD GENERATION Posse (1987), On smells, see Corbin (1982). Klapisch (1985); Farge (1986); Ozout (1976); Perrot (1974), Faure 1980}; Stuard (198), Vorelle (1982) admits following this itinerary, and notes shat the phrase was eoined by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladutie, before he moved ina similar direeon, 6 Ades (1960, 7 Among the most cogent cfiics are Herliby (1578), pp, 109-31 Hua (1970), pp. 32-1 and Pollock (1983), 8 Febyce (1973), p24 9 Aste (1977, 10 For a balanced assement of Ariés, see MeManners (1981), pp. 68 11 Plundein (1976), 12 Among those who attended his seminars were Jean-Louis Fiandsin, Dominique Isla, Mona Ozouf, and Daniel Roche, 13 Brsudel (1969), pp. 32 14 Duproae (1961, 1965, 1974, 1987. 15 Joutad and Lecuie (198). 16 Mandeou 1961), 17 Mandeou (1968,126 Norns 8 0 20 a 2 23 2% 25 26 Delumenu (19, 1978, 1983). On the idea of a history of fea, see Febvre (1973), p24, Le Roy Laduce (1956), pp. 196,286. Le Roy Ladusie (1978), ch. 3, Besangoa (1968) and (1972), Reprinted in Le Goff (1977), pp. 29-42. Pebsre (1942), pp. 393-9. Le Goff (1981), pp. 227, « phease used asthe title oF «study by ‘one of his pupils ce Chitfoleay (1980). Duby (1978), Alehosser (1970): Duby (1987), p. 119, confesses his debt to Althusser Vovelle (1982), esp. pp. 5-17 Chauau (1973). “Tranalated in Febere (1973), pp. 193-207 Le Bes (1931). Febyre reviewed this work in Ames ia 1943 (1973, pp, 268-75). Pérouas (1968). Compare the approach of Mareilhacy (1964) Lebrun (1971); Vovelle (1973); Chiffleaw (1980); Crovs (1983), CChaunu ec al. (1978) Chaunw (1987), p. 92, admits to having been “hones by Vovele's thesis FFora lucid and judicious survey ofthis body of wotk, see MeMan: ners (198. Fleury and Valmacy (195 Furet and Ozouf (1977), Roche snd Chari (1974), Mandrou (1964). Bolléme et al. (1965), Marin (1969) Manin and Chariee (1983-6). Roche (1981), ch 7. Roche (1989), Duby (1973) (On this usm, Burguite (1978) ‘Bourdieu and Passeron (1970); Charter ta. (1976). Bourdieu (1972), De Certeau (1975), ch 6,8 De Gerten etl (1975), De Cereau (1980), De Cenens (1975) 6 16 7 % noms 127 Le Got (1977, pp. 225-87, Shi (1984) Le Roy Lada (1975) Le Roy's models inclade Redelt (1930); Wyle (1957) and Pit River (961) Originally an ain erm, referring in theft instance to Cato Gina» say (1976) ~ again fom ington seconds ~ ofthe word-view of neenhscentry mle Among the most pecrtng rtm are ote of Davis (1979) Boyle (1981; and Roma (196) Le Roy Lacie (197, p 9. The reference ist the French eto, since « new introduction wes writen forthe abbrevined Engins trumlaton In Charter (1988) she only exended diconion of histori anihrpology occurs inthe couse ofa rig of Danton (9H) De Corea (973), ch. 5, onthe space of the other Chane (988), chs. 5,78 Quoted by Cher (98, p 6. Garces 187 cals hem into one volo Thi p25 Bovrdieu (1972); De Cenea (196) Nora 1986) nk reodeptig’c,Jliand (1978) Le Roy Ladurie (1982). "The group inladed Ago, Besson, Fret, abroute, Le Roy Ladue, and Vole Gober (1966, 197) Beret (1974 Plog (1975); Beik (1985) Le Roy Ladi (1987). Ee Gott 157 ‘Agathon (1970) “The impression would be stronger if the orginal doco thesis tad oot been published in sepa pat, excdig from this vl time sudy of Toulon On his move towards Yettime ot Fmprim, ace Agalhon (98 “Thomo (196) pp 6 Aguon (190), pp 254-40, The author noes om p 308 that his cstival neither the son nor the younger bother ofthe Can val of Romans, For simaat approaches 0 inecemh century France, see Corin (1973) and Petros (178) Agsion (179)128 Novas ” ry a 2 8 ee 85 86 8 88 om 92 Nora (1986), pp. 167-95, For example, Le Roy Ladue (1975), (On ‘le senouvellement de bistote politique’, see Julliard (1974). Le Goff (1989); Vovelle 1975}; Roche (1982). Stone (1979), p. 8 Braudel (1949); p. 21 Ricoeur (1985-5), vol. 1, pp. 289M Duby (1973a and b). Giddens (1977) Bois (1960). Ie may be worth observing that this stady begins with a favourable seference to Febrre, and makes use of the regressive ‘method associated with Bloch, Le Roy Ladurie (1973), pp. 111-32, Le Roy Ladurie (1979). The phrase ‘social deus? comes fan the anthropologist Vietor Turner, cited by Le Roy Ladurie in bis book, On 1917 and 1914-18, see Ferro (1967, 1969}; Futet and Vovele are among the lading historians ofthe French Revolution. Puret and Halévi (1989), p. 4 THE ANNALES IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE a the “Ansar paradigm, sce Stoianovich (1976). A special issue of the journal Revi (1978) was devoted to *The Impact of the ‘Annales School on the Social Sciences. See also Gil Pyjl (1983). Eric Hobsbawm secalls that 28 a student at Cambridge in the 1930s, be went toa lecture by Mare Bloch, who was presented to the audience as the greatert living medievalist, Raven (1978), p58 A serious study of the circulation figures would be needed 10 sup- port this generalization. ‘A general discussion of Amal in Isly in Aymasd (1976). The first volume of the Finaudi Storie Tile, edited by Braudels associate Romano, was called Carateri orignal, 4 reference 10 Bloch’s Carats ariginaice dhs rarale fama. Malowise (1972), Braudel (1958); ef Pomian (1978). Braudel (1978), p. 250, Kula (1960) comments on Braudel’s essay. n 2 B 15 16 7 18 9 a 2 m noms 129 Kola 1962), CE. Iggers (1975), pp, OH, 192A "The major exceptions ace Febvre (1922, 1928) and Bloch (1931, 1939-40, 1949). Further deals and references in Barke (197). le might be instructive to compare the terms in which English sociologist criticized Durkheim English prychologiss, Halb wachs; and Eaplish historians, Amel Bardee (1932. Hobsbasim (1978) “The special issue of Review (1978) includes many comments on the relation between Asaaesand Matsa, Wesseling (1978). Vernant (1966), Its aubeitled a seudy of ‘pychologe historique’. The author pays homage not to Febere but tothe psychologist 1 Meyerson Veyne (1976). Vansina (1978). See especially pp. 10, 112, 197, 235, For a debate fon the relevance of the Amulet approach to Alrcan history, see (Claeace-Smith (1977) and Vansin (1978). Brunschorig (1960), Some younger historians of Aftica ate closer to the Bradel raion [Asin che cate of Africa, some French historiant of India owe a [greater debt tothe Ammar tradition. eid (1988). CE Lombasd (1976), a global study of x small state ‘The author's father, Maurice Lombard, was a distinguished rmedievals associated with Amal Geranet (1934), Gernet (1982). The author isthe soo ofthe casscst Louis Gernet and his thesis was directed by H. Demiévill, former pupil of Labrousee. hid, pp 12,189, The references are tothe French edition. On Turner and Braudel, see Andrews (1978), p. 173, For a more ambivalent reaction, see Henrett (1979), 27 Notably Wachtel (1971; Lafaye (1974); Mauro (1963); Murr eal. (1986; collection of articles from Anna); Grusinaki (1986). Foucault (1965), p. 32. Chartier (1988), p57, notes that Fovcault was ‘an attentive reader of the serial hissory of the 19508 and 19603 Duby (1987), p. 13331 2 3 35 6 x8 8 2 8 % Baker (198), p. 2 id, Spate (1979-88. Braudel (19538). Birmbaum (1978), Wallerstein (1974-80), vol, 1; Abrams (1982), pp. 3334, ‘Mos recently in Lévi-Sease (1983). Evans Pritchard (1961), p. 48, cites Febvre and Bloch. He also cites Pirenne, Vidal, Granet, Dumézil, Meier, and Saussure Evans Pritchard (1937), Compute the passage on the sel confirming character of belie in the poison oracle (p. 194) with Bloch on the eoyal touch (above, pp. 17-18). Evans-Pritchard, who studied medieval history before toring anthropologist, had probably read Bloch Sahlins (1981, p. 8. Cf. Sains (198). ‘Abel (1935), a stady that was only discovered by French historians after the wat, Hoskins (1955, 1957). Serocturl-conjunctural explanations are offered by Coutau Bégarie (1983) and Wallerstein (1988). fimmelfrb (1987), p 101 Aymard, Bennassar, Cl Klitch, Lapeyre Vovelle (1982). aude (19684), p. 93. suns, Delile, Delumeas, Georgelia, Bibliography ‘This bibliography includes: iL every work ced in the notes; ii aselection of studies by members ofthe Amal group iii_afull bt not exhaustive lit of studies about them Unless otherwise specified, the place of publiation is Pats [es W. (1935) Araki and Agrarkejonktar (second eda, Hamburg and Berlin 1968). ‘Abrams, (1982) Hari Sol, Newton. Abbot, England ‘Aguer, J-P. and Mailer, B (1988) “Comba pour Thioire” de TLacen Febvre dine Ie Revue de Syihése Historique’, Ren ie hte 35, 399-448 _Aguthon, M. (1968) Panett foc maj de Pace Proven ‘Nguhon M1970) La Ride on lage English ana Tb Republi nthe Vilage, Carbide 1982) Agathon, M. (1979) Meri combat (English tants Marianne ins at, Cacridge 1981) ‘Ago, ME. (1987 ‘Vu des cousin Nor (1987), pp- 9-89. ‘Megea Land Torre, A (1977) La nia dla oi scien Fraia ils Comune ale Amal, Tato. huss, (1970) Tdécogie &t appar idlogiqus état’, Le Pene (1970) (English teas. in i Liv and Phibpby, London wm Andrews, R. M (197) “plications of Annales for US. ioe’, Re ee NAS 60,132 amuocnary Appadussi, A. (ed. (1986) The Sere Life of Thingr, Cambridge ‘Aries, P. (1960) Lojane alee famille rut Forces rgime (English rans: Ceti of Cildied, New York 1965). Anis, P. (1977) L'bomme dont le mrt (English trans: The Hour of Ow Daath, London 1981), Arias, A. (1980) ‘Mousnier, Basher and the “Society of Orders", Past end Preen, 89, 39-57 Aymard, M. (1978) "The Impact of the Annales School ia. 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Wyle, L (1957) Village in te Vance, Carbide, MaseIndex Abel, Waker (1904~) Geeman economic historian, 106, 112 ion, Albert (1874-1956) French economiet 55 Agullion, Maurice (1926-), 1,26, 87-8, 92,108 Abuser, Louis (1918-) Preach philosopher, 73,113, anthropology, 9, 17-18, 39, 49, 65, 70, 9-85, 98-100, 104 Ans, Philippe (1914-82), 67-9, 76, 92 aa Bate, Frederick Charles (1886-1969) Brdsh psychologist, °7 below, history from, 8 63, 103 Bers, Hens (1863-1954) French historian, 11, 13-14, 20 Bloch, Gustave (1548-1923) facien historian, 15, 24 Bloch, Marc (1886-1944), 1,3-4,6, 12-31, 86, 90,96, 9, 104, 109 Blondel, Charles (18761939) French poyehologst, 16,18 book, history ofthe, 76-7 Bourdieu, Picre(1930-) French sciologie, 43, 80, 85 Braudel, Fernand (1902-85), 1-4, 14, 18, 32-64, 86, 89-90, 92, 95,104, 109 Breaoad, Hensi (1865-1933) French theologian and historian, 16 Brunschwig, Henri (1904-) French histonan, 99 Burckhard, Jacob (1818-97) Swiss historian, 7-8, 13,53, Barguiere, André, 65 Canguilhem, Georges (1904-) French historian of science, 102 ‘Cantimor, Deio (1904-66) Taian historian, 95 (Chartier, Rog (1945-), 83-4, 2 Chaunu, Pierre (1923, 45, 55-6 74,76, 92, 116 Christaler, Walter (1983-1969) ‘German geographer, 49 comparative history, 19,25, 36-7, 46, 60-1 Comte, Auguste (1798-1857) French sociologist, 8 conjnctare, 55-6, 112 onstruction, cultural, 84 contemporary histor 98 Courajad, Louis (1841-96) French ar historian, 13 cultural history, 9-10, 36,38, 48, 63,69-70, CCunaingham, Wiliam (1889-1919) British economic historian, 8 cycles, historia, 36,54, 62, 106 De Certs, Miche! (1925-1986) reach polymat, 20,35 Delumeay, Jean (1923-} French historian, 70 Demangeon, Alber (1872-1940) French geographer, 22,58 demography, histor, 86-8, 64,0)

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