Alguns Aspectos Da Mascarada Egungun

International African Institute
Some Aspects of [uppercase letter O with with vertical line below]y[lowercase letter o with
with vertical line below] Yoruba Masquerades
Author(s): Oludare [uppercase letter O with with vertical line below]lajubu and J. R. O. Ojo
Source: Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 47, No. 3 (1977), pp. 253-
275
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the International African Institute
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Africa, 47(3), 1977 253
SOME ASPECTS OF QYQ YORUBA MASQUERADES

CHIEF OLUDARE QLAJUBU and J. R. O. OJO
T HE word egungun,masquerades, is often used to describe all masked figures

found among the Yoruba of Nigeria. It is, strictly speaking, applicable only
to those found among the QyQ Yoruba, hence EgungunQyq, QyQ masquerades (cf.
Adedeji I969: 6; Beier 1958: 5). This type has diffused to other sub-groups where it
occurs with local types such as G?l4dfin Egbado, AgfmQin Ijfbu, and Epain northern
Ekiti. Its ubiquity may be due to the movement southwards of QyQ Yoruba elements,
the extent of QyQ and later Ibadan Empires, peaceful migration and cultural contacts
with neighbouring sub-groups (see Fig. i inset).
Of the two sub-types, one is connected with ancestor worship and the other with
entertainment. The former consists of the 'serious masquerades' used as 'funeral masks
and impersonation of the ancestors' (Beier I 964: 9 I-2). This paper is concerned with
these. We shall refer to them as ritual or ancestral masquerades.' Some of these are
believed to be the material manifestations of dead forebears, their appearance making
the ancestral spirits visible (Beier I956: 392; Morton-Williams I954: iOI).
The Yoruba do not revere oku, the dead in their physical state; but ara qrun,heavenly
beings, the disembodied spirits of the dead. Certain rites are performed to break the
ties of the deceased with his family so that he will not return to trouble them (Bascom
I969: 68; Fadipe 1970: 265; Johnson 1921: 138-9). By performing such rites, the
deceased are relegated to the communion of ancestral beings who are thenceforward
attached to a relic or material object-in this case, masquerade costume-which
facilitates the realization of the ancestors' presence (Fortes 96 : 177; I965: 129, 140).
Because the Yoruba believe that the dead will be resurrected some days after burial,
ancestral masquerades can be said to have their genesis in the transition rites
performed for lineage heads on the 7th, I3th, or I7th day after burial (Johnson 1921:
129, I 38-9); Egungun cult members also perform funeral rites for deceased members.
We narrate the following account because certain themes in it will recur as this paper
progresses:
On an appointedday, cult membersassemblein the Egungun grove from where they process
to a streamoutsidethe town singing:
Solo:Cultmembersgo to the streamin Irefin.
Chorus:Irefinis home, cult membersgo to the streamin Irefin.
Solo:Let us go to the streamto eat,
Let us go to the streamto drink.
Chorus:Irefinis home, cult membersgo to the streamin Irefin.
On arrivalat the stream,the leadercalls the deceasedthreetimes:
Qjerinde-o-o-o(threetimes)
I call you today answerme.
If I call you and you do not answerme,
You have become a termites'nest on which
mushroomsgrow.

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Masquerades (cf. Ojo 1974: 20
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QYQ YORUBA MASQUERADES 255
The Yoruba believe that an unresurrected dead person will decay in the ground and
become an abode for insects.
The deceased is expected to answer at the third call, but the answering voice comes
from someone previously secreted in the bush near the stream, hence the saying: 'If the
dead person is called from afar, it is the living that answers.' The leader hits the ground
three times with the butt end of his walking stick, repeats the calls, again hitting the
ground with the stick. The third call is louder than the first two and contains
admonitions to the deceased to answer:
Threetimes arethe deadin heavencalled.
I call you today, answerme.
If I call you and you do not answerme,
You have become an anthillon which white mushroomsgrow.
Ojcrinde-o-o-o(threetimes).
The last call is followed by dead silence broken soon after by a voice supposed to be
that of the deceased. The voice blesses the deceased's relatives and thanks cult
members for their concern for him. The relatives, especially the womenfolk, while
expressing happiness that the deceased has been resurrected, wail and chant the oriki,
praise names, of the deceased in mournful tones. The procession then returns home.
Apart from funeral rites during which masked figures represent the deceased (cf.
Johnson 1921: 30, 139), Bascom (1944: 54) also noted that if the descendants of the
deceased suffer repeated misfortunes, the cause may be traced to the deceased, a
masquerade costume may then be made to represent him. Some towns have
community masquerades which represent no particular lineage ancestors. They appear
during the annual festivals with the ancestral masquerades, and perform rites in times
of crisis and social emergency. Other masquerades which appear during the annual
festivals will be discussed later.
ORIGIN OF EGUNGUN
By 'origin' here, we do not mean how it started and at what point in time. When
informants are pressed for such information, some profess ignorance, others narrate
'stories of origin', others, especially cult members, refuse to divulge what they regard
as cult secrets because:
Fathertold me not to tell the story of le (maskers),
He saidit is not becauseof death,
It is not becauseof illness,
But for the safetyof the life of one's children.
Other informants say: 'It is our fathers' tradition, we inherited it, no one knows how it
began'. We have selected the following 'stories of origin' because of the light they
throw on Egungun.
i. According to an Inisha informant, when the world was created in Ife (regarded by
the Yoruba as the centre of the world), the secrets (awo)of Egungun (masquerading);
ishegun(compounding of medicine); and Ifa divination, were born in that order of
seniority (cf. Bascom 1969: 93).
2. Qrunmila, the deity connected with Ifa,2 wanted a child and went to heaven for

256 OYO YORUBA MASQUERADES
one. When he returned, his wife bore a girl who grew up, married Qloba and bore a
son named Abeegunde, 'he who arrived with the help of Egungun', because Qrunmila
went to heaven to bring masquerades so that people may have children.
3. An Ifa verse states that the first woman to be created controlled all secrets
including those of Egungun and Oro. The woman practised masking, but could not
produce the guttural tone of voice associated with ancestral masquerades. She let
Qbarisha, a male deity, into the secret. He then surreptitiously took away the costume,
put it on and spoke in a guttural tone such that everyone, including the woman,
believed that there was a heavenly being under the costume. She there and then
declared that women should no longer wear Egungun costumes (Verger 1965: 15I-3).
4. An Iscyin story traced the origin of Egungun to Qyg, where two youths became
friends. The first youth's father bought him a cutlass and he became a farmer, the other
attired his son in costly costumes and he became a dancer. The dancer left home to seek
his fortune, became wealthy and was visited by his friend the farmer. They decided to
return home together, but the dancer in his fine clothes attracted more attention. The
farmer, out of remorse, ran into the forest and became Oro. The dancer, in
embarrassment, pulled a veil over his head to become Egungun. He was given the
name Alaran and escorted into town. He celebrated the event annually and his
descendants continued the practice. Alagbaa, Alapinni and QlQje, officials in the
Egungun cult, are said to be his relatives.
5. In QyQ, an Alapinni, head of the Egungun cult, had three sons: Qjcwumi, 'I like
maskers'; Qj?sanmi, 'masking is good for me'; and QOjrinlQ,'masker goes away'. He
sent them to work on his farm and warned them not to eat ihqbia,a type of yam that
makes one feel very thirsty. The boys ignored their father's warning, ate the yam, and
became very thirsty. QjcrinlQ was sent to fetch water. At the stream, he drank and
drank until he fell down dead. His elder brothers died in like manner. When they failed
to return home, their father, fearing the worst, sent a search party. They saw yam
peelings in the farm, but an Ifa priest assured the Alapinni that, even if the boys were
dead, they would come back to him on the seventh day.
He was told to procure atori whips,3 go to the stream and call three times while
striking the ground with the whips. This he did, and the boys answered in gruff voices.
When they appeared, their faces were so weird that they had to be veiled. As they were
led into town, people brought them clothes to wear. The spot where they were met
became igboigbal?,Egungun grove, normally situated on the outskirts of towns.
6. During the internecine wars of the last century, a Nupe settler in Yorubaland
volunteered to wear a masquerade costume to battle in order to frighten the opposing
army. The ruse succeeded, the opposing force ran away not wishing to fight heavenly
beings. The Nupe man's wife subsequently gave birth to triplets, a boy and two girls.
As this was unusual, an Ifa priest was consulted. He ordered that the boy be named
Amushan, and the girls Ato.
These stories give us some insight into cult practices. The first, third and fourth
stories show that Egungun is one of the secret cults and that it is connected with Oro,
another secret cult. Both are connected with the ancestors, Egungun being the
material, and Oro the immaterial representation of the ancestors. Furthermore, while
Egungun represents individual lineage ancestors, Oro represents the collective
ancestors of a community. The second and fifth stories show how cult members'

names are connected with Egungun, while the fourth story contains titles of cult
officials. The calling by the stream in the fifth story is similar to the final phase of the
funeral rites previously narrated. Triplets, mentioned in the sixth story, are sacred to
Egungun. Females of triplets 'know' Egungun secrets, can own masquerade
costumes, but not wear them. From their ranks are chosen Iya Agan, mother or
matron of Agan.
EGUNGUN POETRY
As informative as these stories are praise poems contained in iwi Egungun(Egungun

poetry) chanted by talented male and female chanters, maskers in the entertainment
masquerade groups, but never by the ritual masquerades. Generally rendered in Qyo
dialect, it has local overtones in Ijebu, Oke-Igbo, upper Ogun and other places to
which Qyo masquerades diffused. The subject matter appertains to the principal
lineages of the Qy9 Empire: Ikoyi, Iresa, Ogbin, Qfa, Erin, Qba and Igbori. Each
poem epitomizes the founder of each lineage: Onikoyi, Aresa, Ologbin, Qlgfa, Elerin,
(Qlba and Onigbori (Babalola 1967).
They describe each lineage and its forebears, contain iba,4salutations to ancestors of
the lineage, and information about some Yoruba social institutions. In the praise poem
of Qba and Ajibogunde, we learn about Yoruba attitudes to carvers and carving.
Igbori and Ogbin praise poems contain information about the Egungun cult.
According to the Ogbin praise poem (Babalola 1966: 32-4, 152-63; 1967: 9I-103)
Ologbojo QwQnrin Olusain, a hunchback, was installed Ologbin, king of Ogbin, by
an Alaafin of QyQ. He married an Igbori woman who bore him a yellow skinned child
whose arms and legs were covered with membrane. The child was left on a rubbish
dump where a woman named Ato found him. She reported to her husband Ogogo
who then told Ologbin, the guilty father.
The king consulted an Ifa priest who advised that the creature be brought home. As
they were about to do this, the creature told Ogogo to offer 800 portions of Qfelf(bean
pudding), the same number of eke (solidified maize porridge), assemble 800 men each
holding an atori whip. They should be led by a guide, atqkun,to Ogogo's house where
he proposed to live. Ogogo must cover himself completely wtih colourful clothes.
The creature was brought home and left in a room where a few days later, in its
place, a monkey of the species Olugb?e was found. The Ologbin ordered that it be
brought to him, it taught him medicine and authorised the inauguration of Egungun
festivals.
Soon after this, the Alaafin ordered Ologbin to bring 800 masquerades to QyQ.
Three times, he brought 200 masquerades each; but each time, the Alaafin asked
whether there were no more masquerades in heaven. When, the fourth time, Ologbin
brought 200 more masquerades, the king was happy and said that there were indeed
masquerades in heaven. As to what he was to do with 800 masquerades, 'Bring them to
my house,' said he, 'they will give me money, they will give me children.'
When the Ologbin died, a dispute arose as to who should succeed him as leader of
the Egungun cult. Alaafin Abiodun ordered that knots be tied at the backs of the
costumes worn by each of the contenders: Ologbin's son, Qloponda, (Qlojown and
Alaran. They came back seven days later when the knots were untied during a dance

258 QYQ YORUBA MASQUERADES
competition. Qlponda's knot contained water; Alaran's contained needles-he could
only sew; Qlojown's contained flat pieces of wood (Oro rhombs?)-he could only
carve; two hundred tiny masquerades issued from Esa Ogbin's knot. He became the
undisputed head of the cult.
Later, we shall be examining the connection between Egungun, the brown monkey,
Ato, Agan and Ql(ponda. We need only add here that Adedeji (I969: 83-93) in
explaining this narrative wrote that Ato, who found the strange creature, became Iya
Agan; the creature lived as Olugbere Agan, in what is now known as the ancestral
chamber; Ogogo became the cult leader; Alaran the costumier; Amushan, the guide;
Ql1ponda remained the nominal head,5 and Alagbaa, the political head, came later.
CLASSIFICATION OF QYQ MASQUERADES
Maskers (qje)wear costumes (agQor eku), which may not include carved headpieces (so-
called masks). Ago is the outer costume of entertainment masquerades, while ekuis the
costume of ritual masquerades. lSku can be interpreted as e o kumg, 'You will not die
again.' The costume completely conceals the masker, the carved headpiece if present,
is ereEgungun(Egungun carving).
The costume consists of a big garment to which brightly coloured textiles are added
from year to year. It includes a pair of trousers to which a pair of cloth shoes is sewn
about the ankles. The gift of a pair of these from a master masker to his apprentice
serves as a licence for the pupil to order his own costume. Masquerade costumes are
often ornamented with beads, cowries, mirrors, knitting wool, feathers or animal
skins; and surmounted by headpieces of animal skulls, horns, carvings or
combinations of these.
Classification of masquerades can be based on the kind of costume worn by the
maskers, the functions performed, or the names assigned to them by the performers.
The following are mentioned in the Ogbin praise poem (BabalQla I967: 9I, i02):
seketewere,'the smart little ones', whose heads are painted with cam wood; Iyaagba,'the
elderly women', whose heads are painted with white chalk; pajepiji, 'killer of witches
and whirlwind',6 whose costumes are stained with blood; and alage, who wag their
buttocks beautifully when they dance. Another praise poem (Babayemi n.d.) mentions
masquerades with crowns of money (cowry head dress); those with beaded costumes;
and those which draped red cloth (ashe ododo= flower coloured costumes) round
them, and went to dance in the king's market.
Abrahams (1958: 15o), Bascom (1944: 68;I969: 93-5) and Morton-Williams (1954:
95-7) have also made attempts to classify masquerades. Bascom's classification is not
applicable to Ife but to Modakeke, whose boundary with Ife is hardly perceptible, and
which is peopled by QyQ Yoruba elements. Bascom himself discussed other
masquerades in Ife religious ceremonial whose costumes do not completely cover the
masker. We will add here that there are no QyQ style masquerade festivals, Qduneegun,in
Ife. Masquerades are not allowed in or near the palace. It is claimed that Modakqke
masquerades who stray intoIfe risk their costumes being ripped off.
Our own classification of Qyy masquerades, which follows, is not final.
Agba Egungun(senior or elder masquerades) are the most important of the ritual
masquerades. In this class are the ancestral and community masquerades at whose

QYQ YORUBA MASQUERADES 2 59
approach headgear must be removed, and cyclists dismount, otherwise, the amushan
(a mu ishan, whip holders) will flog the culprits. The costume, to which charms and
mascots are attached, consists of a long sack ending in a pair of trousers, sleeves and
gloves. Bundles of carvings, bones, skulls, or combinations of these may be fixed to
the top and resting on the masker's head. Because of this, masquerades in this class are
also called Egungunfl'?ru(masquerades with load, fru).
The opening at the back through which the masker enters the costume may be
covered with animal skins, including that of ijimere,the brown monkey (pataguenon
species) that represents Agan, an enigmatic 'force' connected with the Egungun cult.
Agba Egungun also carry walking sticks, Qpa iku (wand of death). This class of
masquerades perform all the rites of the cult: calling the dead, rites in times of social
emergence like drought and epidemics.7 In former times, they executed witches.
Alabcbf masquerades wear colourful costumes adorned with strips of brightly
coloured cloth, mirrors and cotton wool. The top of the costume may be round or
square, some have flaps which serve as sun visors for the masker. The fan resembles an
improvised fan, some of the maskers also carry vegetable fibre or leather fans, abebe,on
which their name is based. They dance and sing, followed by large retinues of women
and children.
Paaraka (literally 'roam about') parade the streets singly or in groups. They wear
colourful two-piece costumes consisting of trousers with hose and stockings in one
piece; and a big garment, ogudu,that covers the masker's head and reaches down to his
knees. Strips of coloured cloth may be attached to it. Maskers who flog have stronger
ogudu,the leggings are loose thus enabling the maskers to run after those they wish to
flog. This violent sub-class is calledjanduku (hooligans). There is no redress for being
flogged by them during an Egungun festival, anyone who waits as they approach does
so at his own risk.
Tomboloare small children in masquerade costume, although described by Abrahams
(I958: I50) as '14-18 year old' maskers. They are followed by small children as they
beg for money shaking aja, conical iron bells that accompany prayers for generous
donors.
Ajia or gru Egungun('slaves of Egungun') wear ogunuwith fewer stripes. These
maskers are young boys in attendance on the more senior masquerades. In some
places, ajia perform the preliminary dances before the senior masquerades come out.
Entertainment masquerades are variously referred to as Alarinjo ('walk and dance')
because they travel from place to place entertaining people; Agbegijo (take wood to
dance) because the maskers use carved wooden headpieces; Onidan(player of tricks) or
Labala (a word of uncertain etymology). The maskers entertain people with dances
and acrobatic displays at any time of the year. Some wear 'face masks' which are
caricatures intended to make people laugh. They also chant iwi (Egungun poetry).
Agbegijomaskers use a two-piece costume, an inner costume that includes a doublet
and hose, gloves and head covering with two small holes for vision. Upon this is put an
outer costume, agQ,a large sack terminating in a loose pair of doublet and hose. The
rest of the costume, if it is big enough, is thrown over the masker's shoulder to form a
train behind him. The masker sees through a net about one foot square and the front of
the costume is usually generously embroidered.
During a performance, the outer costume is cast off after the masker has 'changed'

into an animal or a human social type. This action is called pidan (playing tricks),
achieved with the aid of stage properties carried in a large bag, bket?, containing
carvings, costumes and other stage properties with which the maskers 'metamor-
phose' into boa constrictors, crocodiles, monkeys, prostitutes, police men, nursing
mothers, Europeans, Nupe (Tapa) and other social types (cf. Adedeji 1969; Beier
1964: I89, 191-2, I97).
The Igbomina Yoruba classify masquerades differently. In fact, the people of Aran
Qrin claim that, as children of Alaran, masquerades originated from them. However,
in Ila, the principal town,paaka (the same as Paaraka)perform cult rituals. There is one
for each patrilineage, representing the first forebear and founding ancestor. lf?wl
masquerades are 'specially for women'. The maskers wear two costumes, the outer of
which is sometimes made of velvet and resembles an entertainment masquerade's
outer costume. The inner costume reaches down to the knees like a tight pair of
knickers. Bunches of silver bells tied round the masker's legs below the knees jingle
when they dance (see Plate Ia). ifru Egungun,subordinate masquerades, also chant
Egungun poetry, whilst Qj?,maskers in QyQ Yoruba usage, are the Igbomina version
of entertainment masquerades.
Generally masquerades have individual names. Oloolu is the community
masquerade of Ibadan; in Ipetumodu, the community masquerades are Kanmgloolu
and ArashQgbaja.Names used anywhere include GbajerQ(hanger of witches); Iyekiye
(all sorts of feathers); tyeba (the bird alights); AlekewQgbe (chaser of liers into the
bush); Ayelabola (we met wealth in the world); Owolewa (money is beauty);
AreweyQ (he who is happy to see youths). But in Ila, AreweyQ represents dead
children. This is expressed proverbially: 'Little masquerades are nice to watch, but
you hate to see your children die.'
The name refers to the costume, and does not change if another masker uses it. The
following are the names of costumes we saw in Abeokuta ancestral shrines:
Alebiishun (?); Arayiijo (the body is warm for the dance, i.e. it is time to dance);
13lenumenumQ (let everybody close his mouth, i.e. shut up); AgbomQla (saver of
children); Erin (elephant); Fere (flash). We saw the following masquerades in the
streets: Olugbenro (the Lord upholds me); Ashoorosoju (?); Jqgbcdere (easy);
Eeshorun (deputy in heavenly matters, the name of Egungun cult official); Durowoju
(wait and look at face, i.e. look at us); Elegbede (gorilla); Atobatele (fit enough to be
king); Oju aanu fo (the merciful eye is blind, i.e. no more mercy).
Proverbially, all costumes are dedicated to the king:
My ?kubelongs to the king,

My agqbelongs to Qbarisha,
The king owns me and my ?ku,
The king owns me and my garments,
And the beautifulcloth shoes with which I strut.
Costumes may be owned by individuals who find maskers to wear them, others are
lineage property. Some maskers, especially those in the entertainment group, make
their own costumes because of the fear that dangerous charms capable of causing
small-pox, madness and impotence may be incorporated into the costume by the
maker.

4b. Abeokuta. Two masquerades portraying
headpiece. The maskers are boys under I 5.
4a. Abeokuta. Unused masquerade costumes in ancestral enclosure.

a. Ila. Two f?Ywf
masquerades,with (right)atqkun,guide. ib. Abeokuta.Costumedmaskerpor
costumeis a chain,pwon.To his left, o
have been placed;to his right, unuse

3a. Abeokuta. Masquerade with carved headpiece thrown back. 3b. Abeokuta. Masquerade costume with animal 3c. Masquera
horn headpiece in ancestral enclosure. horn headpie

za. Abeokuta. Corner of ancestral enclosure. Ojubqis marked with bundles of old atori 2b. Kemta IlawQ township, Abeoku
whips; top left, 'vest' loaded with charms. masquerade in expensive damask a
decorated with trinkets and coloured

QYQ YORUBA MASQUERADES 26I
Ritual masquerades' costumes are sacrosanct, charms are sewn on them to render
them invulnerable to rival masquerades who, it is believed, possess counter spells
(Plate ib). The charms include ashe, believed to make blessings and curses effective.
When not in use, costumes are hidden in the rafters, special rooms or ancestral shrines
from where they are brought out for repairs and cleaning at the approach of the annual
festivals. Although the ritual masquerades are regarded as heavenly beings, it is an
open secret that a man is under the costume; but during the festivals, the question as
to who is under the costume is seldom discussed.
Depending on the type of costume to be worn, and the role to be played, maskers
are expected to be strong, good singers or dancers. Above all, they must be
enthusiastic:
One cannotbe a maskerand be shy
Only the eagerones enterthe costume
I am very eagerto wearmy fku
The uninitiateddoes not know that the handsomewearfku,
With sparklingwhite teeth underthe costume.
As far as possible, the masker who first used a costume must keep to it. If another
masker uses it, he should be of the same build so that the masquerade 'remains the same
from year to year'.8 As enjoined by oral tradition:
Do not let a short person representa tall person,
If you let a short personrepresenta tall one,
The secret will leak (Babal1la 1967: 91).
Morton-Williams has also described how in Ilaro, the identity of the masker is kept
secret, even from his relatives (I954: 97).
To ensure perfect anonymity, the masker must have no physical deformity or
extraordinary characteristics such as limping by which he can be identified. If the
identity of the masker is known, especially to women, the fact must not be mentioned:
If a woman knows the secrets(of Egungun),
She must not talk, she must not tell,
If a women knows the secrets,
She must not talk.
Maskers are normally members of the cult. Slaves, the uninitiated and ill-mannered
people are forbidden:
Slavesdo not tie imagesin our lineage,
Bondsmenmust not even prepareOtonporo,
Only citizensof Agunbe shall wear (Egungun) costumes
on festivalday.
('Images' refers to carved headpieces; Otonporo to a headpiece that does not require
the masker to be completely covered). With modern development, when young men
no longer stay for long periods in their home towns, it is usual to hire whoever is
willing to don the costume even if he is not an initiate.

262 OYQ YORUBA MASQUERADES
CULT ORGANISATION
The Egungun cult consists of initiated male members (mariwo),professional maskers

(qf?),elders, chiefs, and a small number of women, the females of triplets. The cult in
each town is ruled by a council of elders headed by an Alagbaa who fixes the dates for
the annual festivals, maintains discipline among cult members and authorises the
making of new costumes. In big towns, there may be several councils to facilitate
effective control. A principal Alagbaa is then elected to oversee the work of the smaller
councils.
According to Johnson, Alagbaa is the high priest, next in rank is Alaran, followed
by Eesh9run (deputy in heavenly matters), then Akere. They are higher in rank than
all 'Egunguns under the mask' (i921: 19), i.e. maskers. Among the cult officials is
QlQponda, the father of secrets, (babaawo), just as Alagbaa is the father of all members
(baba mariwo). The hierarchy of officials varies from town to town. In QyQ, the
Alapinni, a member of the Qy9 Mesi, rules the cult, receives all gifts due to Egungun
and shares these with the other officials. He owns no masquerades, and none may enter
his compound. Ope is the spiritual leader of the cult, hence the saying: 'Ope weeds the
grove. Alapinni reaps the benefits.' Other officials are Aare AgQ, Qna onishe awo,
Olugbon and Aarin Qje, also called Alagbaa. In Ila, the Eeshorun of each lineage is
under the Alapinni who offers sacrifices on their behalf as these are handed to him in
the communal grove.
Each masquerade, especially those in the senior class, has an attendant, atQkun,who
receives gifts intended for the masquerade, keeps an eye on the costume for tears, and
when the masquerade dances, keeps the crowd back with the help of men and boys
wielding whips. The female devotees are headed by Iya Agan, mother or matron of
Agan, chosen from the Ato, females of triplets. Erelu or Flesa heads the women
singers.
IGBAL1
Egungun groves, igboigbal?,are situated in forest clearings on the outskirts of towns.

In some places, the groves have been swallowed up in urban development. In Ago
Qba township, Abeokuta, the communal grove is a small building with a courtyard
Fig. za Part of two compounds in Abeokuta showing ancestral shrine with Ojubo, the spot Fig. zb
where offerings are made to the ancestors (see plates ib and za):

surrounded by houses. Sacrifices were offered there, and it was the masquerades' first
place of call before going into the township. In Itoko township, the grove is situated
on the forested top of a boulder strewn hill surrounded by houses.
In some groves, there is what is referred to as the 'head of the masquerade', an
inverted pot said to contain Ita 1leshe,9 believed to be the originator of Egungun and
the spirit that symbolises its power. Masquerades must touch the pot with their heads
before coming out of the grove; animal sacrifices, usually rams, are offered there.
Household shrines where offerings are made to the ancestors may be situated in a
secluded part of the compound as in Abeokuta; in a special room-an ancestral
chamber; or in the corner of a living room. Inside ancestral enclosures in Abeokuta are
spots marked with, among other things, a bundle of atori whips, medicine horns and
statuettes. Here, offerings are placed, and libations poured. Women are not allowed
inside the enclosures. (See Plate za; figs. za and b.)
FESTIVALS
These take place annually, or every other year, as early as March in Abeokuta, July in
Ipetumodu and Modakcke, and as late as September in Ila. In some towns, there is a
ceremony around December or January when the grove is cleared and Egungun
worshipped (cf. Johnson 1921: 90). Accounts of Egungun festivals have been given
by Johnson (1921: 29-3I, 329-330), Morgan (n.d.: 31-7), Morton-Williams (1954:
95-IOI) and Ogunbowale (I962: 67-7I). Clapperton (I829: 54) also gave an account
of a performance by entertainment masquerades probably arranged in his honour.
Johnson's second account took place during the reign of King Atiba in I858.
Morgan's account was said to have taken place during the reign of Alaafin Shango, the
fourth mythical ruler of QyQ, also identified with the thunder deity, and took place
about the time when Ibadan was founded.
Fixing datesfor festivals

The duration of festivals may be 33, I 7, I 3, 9 or 7 days. When a festival is imminent,
the Alagbaa consults a diviner to determine the day it should commence. There may be
consultation between adjacent towns before fixing the dates to avoid clashes that
would prevent members from other towns from joining in as spectators. In addition,
for reasons mentioned earlier on, the same set of maskers may have to perform in a
group of adjacent towns.
In Abeokuta, festivals of the various townships are so arranged that a few days
elapse between the festival of each township. Festivals are similarly arranged in the
various quarters of Ayetoro in Igbado. In Igbomina district, the festival starts in Ila,
followed I4 days later by Oke Ila, and 17 days after this by Qra, then 1kan, Ilale, Esi?,
Obo, ErinmQpe and Omu aran.10
Preparations
As soon as the dates are fixed, the information is passed round to all members in the
town and those in neighbouring towns. Seven days' notice is given. In Ila, 200 days'

notice is proverbial: 'It is because of slovenly slackers that 17 days notice is given for
Oro, and 200 days for Egungun.' In practice, only I 7 days' notice is given.
As part of the preparations, old costumes are mended, and new ones made. Carved
headpieces, when present, are detached and repainted, more often than not, as we
observed in Abqokuta, with emulsion paint. Members returning from the farms bring
bundles of the atori plant. Indeed, for the non-member, the sight of people bringing
home atori is a sign that the Egungun festival is forthcoming.
Night vigil andthearrivalof Agan

The festival is preceded by a night vigil, ikunlf (kneeling), inside the grove to welcome
the ancestors arriving from heaven. This is supposed to be done kneeling. Members
who can produce the guttural tone of voice cry out at random. They leave the grove
and go to the palace and chiefs' houses where they receive gifts. In some towns, Agan
arrives during the vigil (Johnson 1921: 138, 330; Morgan n.d: 33; Morton-Williams
I954: 92-5; Ogunbgwale I962: 68-9).
In Itoko, Abeokuta, where Ogunb9wale recorded his material, we were late for
Agan's arrival. We were told: Agan ti be, 'Agan has leapt,' suggestive of a monkey
leaping down from a tree. There were no women in the streets, and when we caught up
with Agan and his retinue, we saw an old man leading a group singing:
Solo:Lift meup, Chorus:Light as cotton wool, light.
Lift meup, (repeatedaftereachline)
Lift meup,lift meup.
Thedayisgoing,
Thedayis going,thedayis going.
Now and again someone shouted E-e-e-e-emariwoo, to which the others replied, A-a-a-
a-a-gano. The party stopped at the houses of chiefs and elders who offered them gifts of
drinks, money and kola nuts. This went on all night, the party returning to the grove at
dawn.
In a northern Ijesa town, when Agan arrives, it cries Ku-le-le-le;an ululation said to
be an imitation of the brown monkey's chattering, produced by opening the mouth
wide and uttering a shrill sound while slapping the mouth with the palm of the hand.
To this, the people reply Ya-a-a-ye-e-e.After this, they sing:
Lift up Agan with me,
Very heavy load,
Lift up Agan with me.
'Bringinghomethemasquerades'
Practices vary from place to place. In Qyg, on the morning of the first day, women
prepare maize porridge which is poured on the graves of the ancestors who arrived the
night before. This is their breakfast. In most towns, there is feasting till midday or
later, after which members go to the grove. In some towns, after the night vigil,
members remain in the grove till the afternoon of the following day feasting and
singing. New members are initiated, and new masquerades admitted. Old costumes

OYO YORUBA MASQUERADES 265
are inspected, owners of tattered costumes may be barred from using them unless
repaired. All are advised to desist from all disorderly acts and maintain the secrecy and
integrity of the cult.
The rite of ibori, propitiating the head, may be performed by offering a ram to Ita,
the spirit inside the big inverted pot in some groves Qplf(bean pudding) and snails are
offered to the ancestors. Cult members and maskers then consume the rest of the food
and drinks.
Outside the grove, male members flog one another with atori whips as the women
devotees dance and sing. When the maskers inside the grove are ready, the drums start
to beat, a song is raised to indicate to people outside that the masquerades are about to
come out. They shout in anticipation and start to sing the song emanating from the
grove. When the masquerades finally appear, the people singing, dancing and flogging
one another form an advance guard for the masquerades and cult officials. 'The
masquerades have been brought home,' Won ti ko Egungunwa'le. They perform first
before the king, and from then on perform daily or every other day in the town.
Practices are not uniform. In Ibadan, where the festival lasts three months with
feasts every fifth day, masquerades perform for the chiefs in order of seniority, each
chief selecting a day when he and his relatives will remember their ancestors. The feast
may be preceded by all night chanting of Egungun poetry. Each feast day, after eating
and drinking, the chiefs and elders sit in state to watch the lineage masquerades dance.
The senior masquerade rarely dances, but bestows blessings on the celebrants. The
dancing of the junior masquerades, like the chanting of iwi the night before, may be
competitive. Dancing, costumes and drum rhythms are considered together in
deciding the best group. At some point, the masquerades may go round their own
section of the town followed by their devotees, the women wearing dresses of uniform
material specially bought for the festival. During the three month period,
entertainment masquerades may perform for distinguished people if the guest of
honour can entertain the troupe. During the performance, praise poems to the guest of
honour are recited.
In Abeokuta, patterns of performance vary from township to township. In Itoko,
after dancing round the township, the different groups entered the grove, some
rowdily so that fights ensued between rival groups. Other groups brought police
escorts for their own safety. Each masker or group of maskers robed inside mat
enclosures and left the grove with their retinues to be met outside by the women. The
rowdy parties rampaged through the township. In 1967, the Akere, a cult official
wielding ogbo,a war staff covered with leopard skin, was carried shoulder high as his
followers shouted Gbogboflewon,lfhin akfr?, 'All prisoners, behind Akere,' that is, all
the toughs support Akere. His female counterpart was a teenage girl wearing jeans and
blouse accompanied by a retinue of disorderly male youths. Traffic was held up in
Itoko and neighbouring Ake township. In another year, it was reported that a
disturbance followed the refusal of a masquerade to pay respects to a more senior one.
Some of the names of the masquerades were based on the subject matter of the
headpieces: Qpqn,tray, a wooden tray resting on top of the masker's head; ejo, snake,
coiled up in a half circle; erin, elephant, in the form of a human face with large
elongated ears. Plumes of several colours obscured the headpiece which was similar to
another identified by Fagg and Plass (i 964: 90) as a hare. A crown was embroidered on

z66 QYQ YORUBA MASQUERADES
the lower section of the masker's damask and brocade costume. There was a
masquerade representing a nursing mother with a train of expensive textile. Another
masker represented a fashionable girl dressed in pink skirt and blouse, dancingpalongo,
the dance craze in 1967.
In Kemta IlawQ township, the maskers proceeded to a square where the elders and
chiefs were already seated. The most senior masquerades came first, blessed the chiefs,
danced with dignity and retired (Plate 2b). The more junior masquerades followed
with their retinues. During the interval between the departure of one group and the
arrival of another, talented dancers displayed their skill. Throughout the performance,
a group of women whose leader carried a calabash on her head went round the arena
dancing and singing. There were policemen to keep order, but the performance was
peaceful. The only rowdiness was on account of high spirits. This occurred when the
masquerade elegbede,gorilla, arrived after the chiefs had left. They were called back to
their seats, elegbedehugged them roughly, blessed them, posed briefly for us, and
rushed off.
In AgQ Qba township, the masquerades emerged from the ancestral enclosures of
the various households. Each masquerade saluted at the graves of departed lineage
elders by stretching forward the left foot, raising it slightly, and touching the ground
with it three times.11 They then went round the township accompanied by their
retinues.
Here we saw two masquerades who were about to cross each other's paths, but one
changed direction because he was not prepared to replace the detachable headpiece he
was carrying on his shoulder. The headpiece is carved hollow so that it covers the head
which is already covered with a cloth hood such that the masker can remove the
detachable headpiece without revealing his identity. This action is shi'ri, (shi ori),
baring the head. A junior masquerade must put on this headpiece at the approach of a
senior one. Failing this, he must change direction, or fight it out physically as was the
case in Itoko (see above) or with charms and incantations which are believed to take
effect sooner or later.
In GbQngan, 21 days' notice is given of an impending festival. On the first day,
offerings are made in the grove with Iyamod?, a woman elder, present. In the
afternoon, masquerades come from the grove to the market place in front of the king's
palace. The festival lasts 21 days: for 14 days, the junior masquerades appear; for the
remaining 7 days, Kanm9loolu, the community masquerade, and other senior
masquerades appear.
In Ipetumodu, the two principal masquerades, KanmQloolu and ArashQgbaja ('he
who has clothes for sweeping the market') are the first to appear in the opening public
ceremony, Egungungbayja,'the masquerades sweep the market.' The king and chiefs
assemble, the women and girls bring new brooms 'for sweeping away evil', males of all
ages whip one another with atori. Jagun, the war chief, prostrates himself before the
two principal masquerades, and receives blessings on behalf of the community. The
junior masquerades then appear before the chiefs, before dancing in the arena.
In Ila, the king feasts all cult officials and elders in his palace. Later in the afternoon,
he leads a procession to the entrance of the communal grove where he waits for the
other chiefs to arrive (fig. zc). They follow him inside while women and non-initiates
wait outside. Some yards beyond the entrance, food and drink are offered to the

QYO YORUBA MASQUERADES 267
ancestors on a freshly made mound on which a spirally decorated atori stick is thrust
into the ground, and a pair of bronze bellows, OmW, are placed. Most lineages have a
pair of these bellows.
A few yards further, the king stops in a clearing with three inverted pots. The path
goes on into the innermost recess where cult officials, men, boys and maskers consume
the food prepared by the women for the ancestors. The maskers don their costumes
and come out with their lineage groups. The masquerades dance briefly in the clearing,
then at the mound where, this time, the Eeshorun (deputy in heavenly matters) of each
lineage touches the mound with his spirally decorated atori staff. The king brings up
the rear, and as he dances at this mound, there are shouts of Oro-o, normally heard
during ancestral rites involving the use of the bull roarer.
The king comes out of the grove and leads the procession, with stops at specified
spots on the way back to the palace. At the palace, he addresses the people in the outer
courtyard reminding them of their civic duties. Later, at dusk, masquerades come to
the palace to chant iwi in pairs. As one chants, the other, an apprentice, repeats the lines
(Plate Ia).
Finale
On the last day of the festival, Egungun is escorted back to heaven. In QyQ, there is a
grand parade known as ashekagba,'finish and bring in the calabashes.' In a northern
Ijesha town, this ceremony is aja 1Qogbigbo,'the exit fight of the hornbill', in which only
the senior masquerades appear. Towards evening, masquerades and cult members go
round the town singing farewell songs after which they repair to the grove. In
Ayetoro, all masquerades assemble to act a play based on a current social theme. In
966, there was a mock election at the end of which the content of the outgoing party's

ballot box was emptied into the opposition's party's box as the President in Lagos,
represented by a masquerade on whose horned headpiece a hat had been fixed, waited
impatiently. As the election proceeded, a cult official collected whips from the
maskers. The election over, the masquerades lined up in pairs, the youngest and
shortest in front, with the tallest bringing up the rear. Flanked by officials and
spectators, they went to the king's palace to deposit the ballot boxes and dispersed in
the gathering dusk.
Although the organisation of festivals varies from place to place, there are striking
similarities. It is interesting to recall Johnson's account (I921: 330) of a festival that
took place in QyQ during the Royal Jubilee, Beere,of 1858. There was a vigil and the
voice of Agan could be heard all night. The following afternoon, the king prostrated
himself before a masquerade representing the spirit of his forefathers. The masquerade
was dressed in the skin of the brown monkey, ijimere.
AGAN
It seems that there is a connection between Agan, an invisible entity associated with
Egungun, and the brown monkey. Johnson noted that the feigned voice of Egungun
is said to be an imitation of the brown monkey's voice, and that the voice of Oro (i.e.
the sound of bull roarers), was allegedly borrowed from the brown monkey ( 92 : 29,
32). If oral tradition constantly links Oro and Egungun, it is because both are
connected with ancestor worship.
But what is Agan? Some say that it aids Egungun in the execution of witches and
murders, a function also performed by Oro. Agan's voice keeps women and non-
initiates away from important rites. But why is Iya Agan, a woman, allowed to know
Egungun secrets? Why, if Agan is the executor of witches, should a woman be the
guardian or matron of Agan, just as QlQponda, of whom more later, is the male
guardian? Is this a way of saying that the liquidation of witches is sanctioned by
women? The question could also be posed as to why females of triplets become Iya
Agan. Now, twins are associated with fdun, the colobus monkey: Ftdunjqbi,ejire ara
ishokun,edunpmpakulaegun,'Born with (the aid of) the colobus monkey, the two friendly
ones ofIshokun, colobus monkey, offspring of the one who died in Egungun.' Chappell
has noted the Yorubas' postulation of a special relationship between twins and edun,
believed always to produce twins (1974: 260). Otherwise, it is difficult to explain the
association of the colobus monkey with twins. However, the phrase 'the one who died
in Egungun' may be a reference to the practice of including monkeys' skins in
masquerade costumes.
But there are two types of monkey associated with two different things-edun with
twins, and ijimerewith Egungun. But more specifically with Agan, whose guardian is
recruited from triplets who are sacred to Egungun. It may be that if the birth of twins
is unusual, the birth of triplets is even more so; and their sacredness to Egungun
(ancestors), may be regarded as a mark of the benevolence of the ancestors in giving
children to Egungun devotees.
Agan and its connection with the brown monkey is contained in oral literature.
Agan is very tiny, invisible, yet very heavy:

Agan's armsaresmallerthan the sandfly's,
Its tail is not as big as the ant's,
Yet i,46o men lifted Agan,
And could not lift it to knee level (cf. Johnson 921: I 3 8).
In Itoko township of Abeokuta, people say Agan be, 'Agan leaps,' suggestive of
monkeys jumping from a tree. According to Igbori praise poem, lambewas the only
animal that could be made Agan. He is the 'carrier of Agan', olugbeAgan, offspring of
the animal sprawling on a tree. Writing on the festival in Itoko, Ogunb(wale
mentioned Igbagan,'the carrying of Agan', and IbQ'doEgungun,'the coming from the
river of the masquerade' (I962: 68-9). This takes place on top of the hill previously
described called Odogbo, 'lower part of the forest' or 'stream in the forest', both
contradictions in terms because there is no stream on top of the hill.
Ibq'doEgungunreminds one of funeral rites performed by the river side and echoes
the context in which Agan is associated with the brown monkey in oral literature:
He is Agan's namein the region aroundthe River Niger,
Lailomi(for-ever-in-the-water?) is the nameof Agan's mother.
Agan hails from Ilodo, 'the place in the water', believed to be in Nupeland. His
description fits that of the brown monkey, and he has the same praise name as
0Qlponda: Obi, citizen of Qponda, native of Ilodo who breaks off the branches of
locust bean trees and eats (the fruits) in the farms (Abrahams 1958: 293-4).
Of the sixteen animals that competed for the title of the carrier of Agan, olugbeAgan,
the brown monkey was the winner. The contest took place on the southern bank of the
River Niger. Each of the sixteen contestants was told to carry an ear of corn, shiiri qka,
and swim with it to the northern bank. All except the brown monkey perished:
We saw the departurebut not the return,
Red splasheson the water'ssurface,
Largequantitiesof blood on the riverbed.
The Igbori praise poem located the contest in Nupeland mentioning four animals:
erin, elephant; turuku, warthog; effn, bush cow; and agbonrin,harnessed antelope
(Babaycmi n.d.). Our informant, a chanter of iwi, Qp99la Adisa from AgQ Are,
mentioned fourteen animals: ekute, mouse; ikun, porcupine; qya, grass cutter; etu,
maxwell duiker; esuro,red flanked duiker; ekulu, crested duiker; igala (agbonrin),bush
buck or harnessed antelope; egbin,kob antelope; kunugba,western hartebeest; mata (?);
ajanaku(erin),elephant; kinium,lion; ikbokb,spotted hyena; and aayi, colobus monkey.
The mouse was the first contestant. In the words of this chanter:
The day the carrierof Agan was to be chosen,
It was beforemy very eyes.
For sixteenanimalsboastedthat they would become
the carrierof Agan.
So, the officials asked: 'Who wants to become the carrier of Agan ?' WQnni tanioj'olugbe
Agan?
It was the mouse who firstsaid
That it wantedto become the carrierof Agan.

270 )QYQ YORUBA MASQUERADES
It was told that if it wanted to become the
carrier of Agan,
It should bend down, pick up an ear of corn,
And swim across the pool of the Niger.
We saw the departure, but not the return,
Red splashes on the water's surface,
Large quantities of blood on the river bed.
QpQQla chanted as many verses as there are animals, the last being aaya:
They asked, who wanted to become the carrier of Agan?

Aaya said it was the one who would become the carrier
of Agan.
It said generation after generation of his fathers
Have always been the carriers of Agan.
It said only by going it alone can one come to harm.
If one pays hommage to forebears, one cannot be harmed.
They told him very well, if he wanted to become the
carrier of Agan,
He should just bend down, pick up the ear of corn,
And swim across the pool of the Niger.
He bent down, picked up the ear of corn,
And like the others, started to swim across the
waters of the Niger.
He reached the first pool and surfaced,
He reached the second pool and surfaced,
He eventually became the carrier of Agan.
AGAN AND ITS CONNECTION WITH QLQPONDA
It will be recalled that when OQlponda's knot was untied during the competition
between him, Ologbin, Alaran and Q19j wQn, water came out, or according to BabalQla
(I966: 15 9), QlQponda transformed himself into water. The shorter form of his name
is Qponda, meaning drawing water, pQn; and pouring it, da. Obi, cognomen of the
monkey is the same as QlQponda's: Obi ara Qponda, Obi citizen of Qponda. The
connection between Agan, the monkey and Qlyponda, the father of secrets, lies in the
Igbori praise poem in which we are told about the 'animals that died at the river', and
'one death at the river that comes from Igbori'; and that among the offspring of
Ogogo from Igbori, women do not cross the river with their husbands to the other
bank. We learn that Agan is
... the offspring of sixteen atori whips,

Whose tops are tied together and named Agan in the
bush (grove) of cult members (mariwo).
... descendant of the one who had an atori whip
And assembled two hundred masquerades.
Two hundred masquerades started to parade,
There weren't enough whips to go round.
... descendant of carry-me-carry-me is the manner
in which Agan is acted.

The tail of Agan must not touch the ground in the grove.
The tail of Agan was about to touch the ground,
When I was thoroughly whipped.
After mentioning Nupeland 'where the dead are buried vertically' (a reference to
ndako gboya masquerades which the Yoruba refer to as igunu or igunuko),'3 another
version of the contest is narrated:
It was there [in Nupeland] that sixteen animals said
They all wanted to have the title at the river.
The elephant said it was the only animal fit to be
made Agan.
The bush cow said it was the only animal fit to be
made Agan.
The river hog said it was the only animal fit to be
made Agan.
The bush buck said it was the only animal fit to be
made Agan.
All these animals are not the sort of animals that can
be made Agan.
Lambf is the only animal that can be made Agan.
It is Obi, for whom I run errands and must not complain.
I plant ground nuts, I must not go there.
Obi, my back is turned to the forest.
Carrier of Agan, if you die, I will take the skin,
Descendant of the animal sprawling on the tree.
Next, we hear about Ogogo of the pool of the Niger, Soungbe, and
Ashamu of the house of Obidiran (Obi becomes a

spectacular thing),
Descendant of the sprawling animal that died,
But could neither be buried nor mourned.
Tapa [Nupe] sleeps upright,
Who will assist in digging a perpendicular grave.
The last two lines refer to ndako gboya masquerades, erroneously thought by the
Yoruba to represent the ancestors.
Next comes QlQponda:
Descendant of the swimming animal,

Descendant of the animal Agan,
Agan I touch the ground with my tail in the grove.
There is a brief mention of Alapinni who has no other water (except Qponda's ?) and
Iya Mose founder of Igbori,

[She] was a barren woman.
Iya Mgsq was old,
She was aged and grey haired.
She wept because she had no issue,
She fasted because she carried no baby on her back.

Amushanwho peepedout of Asa river,
Sworeand told Iya M9s?,
You will conceive in your womb,
You will carrya baby6n your back,
And so it was that Iya MQse bore Egungun.14
Citizenof Qpondawho runsnimblyand walks
nimbly (A sa guko, a ringuko).
The last line prefers to the monkey, but oral literature is not precise as to the species
of monkey associated with Egungun, and specifically with Agan. The following are
mentioned: edun,white thighed colobus monkey, aayd,colobus monkey (ColobusBadius
Waldroni),ijimere,olugb?or oyo,brown or pataguenon monkey, and lamb?,a euphemism
for monkey.
We would like to suggest a link between the brown monkey and Qloponda, the
father of secrets, including knowledge of medicinal charms to which increasing
seniority in the Egungun cult enables members to gain access (Morton-Williams 1967:
34). This monkey, as olugbe,was said to have taught Ologbin the making of medicinal
charms. The belief that Agan, of which the monkey is the first carrier, represents, or is
the enigmatic force behind the Egungun cult, might be a reflection of the medicine
considered necessary for the performance of Egungun festivals.
Finally, we should like to suggest that, because the monkey represents the 'spirit' or
'soul' of the ancestors manifested in the form of Egungun, the monkey's victory over
the other animals might be an oblique reference to the superordination of the ancestors
(represented by the brown monkey) over the living (represented by the other animals
as the totems of the various lineages).
As Talbot noted (1926: vol. II, 252), totemism is connected with ancestorhood.
There is a link between totem and the members of the family or group connected with
it. Totem is associated with orile, family origin, or parent stock, or original homeland.
It is believed that the family is in sormeway associated with the totem (Johnson 1921:
85-6; Lucas 1948: 194-6).
Johnson listed sixteen animals of which erin, elephant, is the totem of the original
line of Qyo kings. Agan is the totem of 1lesa; rain the totem of Ologbin or Ologbojo,
rain catcher, who was appointed by the Alaafin to forecast or prevent rain during
festivals. He is also known as Fisa Ogbin ara Ogbojo,Esa of Ogbin town, native of
Ogbojo. We have seen the way in which, as the first head of the Egungun cult, he is
linked with the brown monkey.
In this paper, we have examined certain aspects of Qyo Yoruba masquerades. Most
of these cry out for fuller treatment. We would have liked to give texts of songs,
prayers, incantations, and blessings; discuss types of drums and drum rhythms, dance
steps; how offerings are made; the reasons for the ubiquity of Egungun Qyo;
variations in cult organisation, festivals and classification of masquerades from town
to town; the hierarchy of cult officials, their functions and how these are related to
political office; and especially the political role of the cult.
We would also have liked to discuss the attitude of adherents of Christianity and
Islam who take part in Egungun and other indigenous festivals which they regard as
lineage customs, oro ile, in which imported religions cannot prevent them from
participating:

Awa o sh'oroile wa o,
IgbagbQope ka wa ma sh'oro,
Awa o sh'oroile wa o.
We will perform our lineage rites,
Christianity does not prevent us from performing our festival,
We will perform our lineage rites.
NOTES
1 This
paperis basedon materialwe collectedas one generation to another.
Research Fellows of the Institute of African 9 Ita Fleshe is connected with the bull roarer
Studies, University of Ife, with funds made whose sound is the voice of Oro, the invisible
availableby the Ford Foundationof America. representation of the ancestors.
2 Ifa is a
system of divination; Qrunmila is the 1 This area is also famous for Epa masquerades,
deity associated with it. see Ojo 974.
3 Atori
whips, from the plantglyphaea lateriflora, 11 This action occurs in other Yoruba rituals. I
the butt end left plain or decorated spirally by have observed it during the Ori Oke festival in
peeling off the bark. This is the only plant used for Iragbiji, Ogunba noted it in Ijebu (quoted in Ojo
whips in Egungun festivals. I974); I have also witnessed it in Ekiti rituals, see
4
Iba, respect, hommage or 'salute', cf.j'uba, pay Oio 1974: 84, 86, I 54-5.
respect or hommage. 1 Qmq, Benin type bronze bells have been
5 Another source claimed that Qlgponda recorded in the Niger Delta area, along the coast
became the guide, atgkun, for a masquerade named up to Mahin and as far inland as Ijebu-Ode, and
Agan. much further inland in Ekiti. For bibliographical
Thieves are believed to travel in the form of references, see Ojo 1974: 174-5.
the miniature whirlwinds which often stir up dust 13 For ndako
gboya masquerades, see Nadel I954:
in open places such as markets. I89, 230; for Yoruba igunuko masquerades, see
7 Oloolu, the
community masquerade of Ibadan Ogunlusi I971: 6o-i.
came out during the cholera epidemic of 1970 and 1 The importance of women in procreation is
the I973 drought. mentioned in a verse of Ifa: E kun'lefobirin, obirin
8 Hence the
saying Lae lae bi ti eegun,'For ever lo bi wa k'a wa to d'eniyan,'Kneel down for women,
like the masquerade (ancestors).' Masquerades women bore us before we became human beings
representing lineage ancestors must, as far as [men]' (Verger I965: 15 3, 2z8, 219).
possible, look the same from year to year and from
REFERENCES
Abrahams, R. C. 1958 Dictionaryof ModernYoruba.London: University of London Press.
Adedeji, J. A. I969 The Alarinjo Theatre: The Studyof a YorubaTheatricalArt. Ph.D. thesis, University of
Ibadan.
Babal1la, S. A. 1966 The Contentand Form of YorubaIjala. Oxford: University Press.
- 1967 Awon Oriki Oril?. Glasgow: Collins.
Babayemi, S. O. n.d. Awon Oriki Ale Ile. Unpublished manuscript.
Bascom, W. I944 'The Sociological Role of the Yoruba Cult Group,' Am. Anthrop., XLVI, i, part 2,
Memoir 63.
969 The Yorubaof WesternNigeria. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Beier, H. U. 1956 'The Egungun Cult,' Nigeria Magazine 5I: 380-92.
19 58 'Gelede masquerades,' Odu,J. of Yorubaand RelatedStudies6: 5-23.
1964 'The Agbegijo masquerades,' Nigerian Magagine 82: i88-99.
Chappell, T. J. H. 1974 'The Yoruba cult of twins in historical perspective,' Africa XLIV (3): 250-65.
Clapperton, H. 1829 Journalof a SecondExpedition into the interior of Africa. London: Frank Cass (1966
reprint).
Fadipe, F. 0. I970 The Sociologyof the Yoruba(edited by F. 0. and 0. O. Okediji). Ibadan: University
Press.
Fagg, W. and Plass, W. 1964 African Sculpture,London: Studio Vista.
Fortes, M. I 96 'Pietas in Ancestor Worship,' J. Royal Anthrop. Inst. 82: 66-9 .
I965 'Some Reflection on Ancestor Worship in Africa,' in African Systems of Thought. London:
International African Institute.
Johnson, S. 1921 History of the Yorubas(edited by O. Johnson). Lagos: C.M.S. Bookshops.
Lucas, J. 0. 1948 The Religionof the Yorubas.Lagos: C.M.S. Bookshops.

Morgan, Kemi. n.d. Akinyfle's History of Ibadan.Ibadan.
Morton-Williams,D. P. M. 1954 'The Egungun Society in South WesternYoruba Kingdoms,' Proc.
Third Annual Conf. of the West African Inst. of Social and EconomicResearch,Ibadan.
1967 Process of Changein the Social Organisationof some Tribes in South West Nigeria. Ph.D. thesis,
Universityof London.
Nadel, S. F. I954 Nupe Religion.London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
I1eYoruba.London: Longman.
Ogunb?wale,P. 0. 1962AwonIrunmale
Ogunlusi, J. I971 'Igunuko festival,' African Arts IV (4): 6o-i.
Ojo, J. R. 0. 1974 gpa and relatedmasqueradesamongthe Ekiti Yorubaof WesternNigeria. M. Phil. thesis,
Universityof London.
Qlajubu, Oludare I 97 EgungunChantsin YorubaOral Literature. M.A. Thesis, University of Lagos.
Talbot, P. A. 1926 The Peoplesof SouthernNigeria. 4 vols. London: Frank Cass (1969 reprint).
Verger, P. I965 'Grandeuret decadencedu culte de Iyami OSoronga(ma mere la sorciere) chez les
Yoruba,' J. Soc. desAfricanistes XXXV (i): 130-243.
Resume
QUELQUES TRAITS DES CEREMONIES MASQUEES YORUBA

On trouve chez les Yoruba du Nigeria plusieurs types de masques qui different par leur genre et
par leur fonction. Ceux que l'on trouve parmi les Yoruba Qy9 et qui se sont repandus parmi
d'autres groupes sous-ethniques se composent de deux types: les premiers sont destines au
culte des ancetres et autres rituels, les seconds sont utilises pour les divertissements laiques. Les
masques se rapportant au premier cas ont evolue a partir de rites funeraires executes pour les
chefs de lignee et les membres du culte. II existe egalement des masques de la communaute
(egungunilu), de la ville et certains moins importants qui ne representent aucun ancetre.
Les 'histoires d'origine' Egungun renferment des informations sur les pratiques culturelles
et leur organisation de meme que la poesie Egungun dite par des recitants et les masques de
divertissement. Les costumes des masques sont faits quelquefois de damas et de brocart; ils
comprennent parfois la peau du singe brun et recouvrent entierement les individus qui les
portent; les costumes comprennent souvent une partie qui recouvre la tete (masques ou
pretendus tels) et qui, entre autres se composent d'elements sculpt6s, de cranes et de comes
d'animaux ou de tous ces elements a la fois. La categorie a laquelle appartient un masque est
determinee par le costume utilise, les fonctions qu'il remplit et son age. Agba Egungunsont les
masques des ancetres et de communaute: ils executent tous les rituels du culte. Les Alabebe se
distinguent par des costumes aux couleurs riches et par des danses; les Paaraka se repandent
dans les rues; les Janduku pratiquent la fustigation; les Tombolosont des jeunes enfants en
costumes masques; les Ajia sont de rang inferieur aux masques anciens. La classification est
differente en Igbomina ouiPaaka (Paaraka) sont les masques anciens et representent les ancetres
des lignees, d'autres sont les Elewe (particulieres a Igbomina), les Ajia et Oje.
Chacun des masques porte un nom qui peut dependre de la nature du masque et autres
caracteristiques. Ce nom se rapporte au costume et au masque, c'est-a-dire a l'executant qui
porte le costume. Le culte comprend les inities hommes et quelques femmes (en general
provenant de triples). Les noms des chefs du culte sont Alagbaa, Qlgponda, Alaran, Eesh9run
et Akere.
Les bocages sont situes normalement dans la foret, a la peripherie de la ville. Les autels
consacres aux ancetres des lignees se trouvent dans des pieces reservees a cet usage ou dans des
parties situ6es a l'ecart dans dans les complexes d'habitation. Selon les endroits, les celebrations
ont lieu chaque annee ou tous les deux ans entre Mars et Septembre et durent de sept a trente-
trois jours. La phase initiale est constituee par une veillee qui dure toute une nuit dans le bocage
et qui est destinee a accueillir les ancetres. Dans certains endroits, Agan, force enigmatique qui
anime le culte, arrive au cours de la nuit. Le lendemain, apris etre revenus au bocage, les

participants accompagnent les masques jusqu'a la ville. L'execution varie selon les villes et
selon les quartiers dans des grandes villes comme Abeokuta, mais a la base, des ressemblances
demeurent.
II existe un rapport entre Agan et le singe brun: c'est de ce dernier que derive en principe la
voix gutturale des executants masques. Agan est invisible, de taille inferieure a celle d'une
fourmi, mais en meme temps tres lourd. Ce fut le singe brun qui gagna le titre de porteur
d'Agan. Il a la meme appellation qu'QlQponda et defit quinze autres animaux. Sa victoire se
rapporte peut-etre a la superiorite des ancetres (symbolises par le singe brun) sur les vivants
(symbolises par les autres animaux, comme les totems des diverses lignees du vieil empire QyQ).
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS NUMBER
C. S. LANCASTER, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of Oklahoma, Norman.

Author of papers on marriage, social organization, ethnic identity, history and change in the
middle Zambezi Valley. Field work in Zambia 1967-69.
JEREMY KEENAN, Senior Lecturer, Department of Anthropology, University of
Witwatersrand.
J. R. O. Ojo, Senior Lecturer, University of Ife, Ile-Ife; Chief OLUDAREOLAJUBU, the Shukoti
of Ilare, Ijesha North Division of Oyo State, lecturer at the University College, Ilorin.
MICHAEL G. KENNY, member of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Simon
Fraser University, British Columbia. Concerned with the relation of oral history to social
structure, and with folk psychology.
JACKGOODY,University of Cambridge, has carried out field work in West Africa, mainly
among the LoDagaa and Gonja of Northern Ghana; MICHAELCOLE, Professor of
Ethnographic Psychology and Experimental Anthropology at the Rockefeller University;
SYLVIASCRIBNER, Senior Research Associate at the Rockefeller University and Field Director
of the university's research program on cognitive consequences of literacy among the Vai.
DAVID SKINNER, Assistant Professor in the Department of History, University of Santa Clara,
California; BARBARA E. HARRELL-BOND, Senior Research Fellow at the School of Law,
University of Warwick, Coventry.


Alguns Aspectos Da Mascarada Egungun

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Alguns Aspectos Da Mascarada Egungun

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International African Institute

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SOME ASPECTS OF QYQ YORUBA MASQUERADES

T HE word egungun,masquerades, is often used to describe all masked figures

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As informative as these stories are praise poems contained in iwi Egungun(Egungun

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CLASSIFICATION OF QYQ MASQUERADES

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My ?kubelongs to the king,

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4a. Abeokuta. Unused masquerade costumes in ancestral enclosure.

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The Egungun cult consists of initiated male members (mariwo),professional maskers

Egungun groves, igboigbal?,are situated in forest clearings on the outskirts of towns.

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Fixing datesfor festivals

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Night vigil andthearrivalof Agan

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They asked, who wanted to become the carrier of Agan?

AGAN AND ITS CONNECTION WITH QLQPONDA

... the offspring of sixteen atori whips,

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Ashamu of the house of Obidiran (Obi becomes a

Descendant of the swimming animal,

Iya Mose founder of Igbori,

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QUELQUES TRAITS DES CEREMONIES MASQUEES YORUBA

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CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS NUMBER

C. S. LANCASTER, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of Oklahoma, Norman.

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