Medieval India Notes PDF

______________________________________________________Notes on History (Opt, Medieval), UPSC
Syllabus of Medieval India, Paper I

13. Early Medieval India, 750-1200:
- Polity: Major political developments in Northern India and the Peninsula, origin and the rise of Rajputs.
- The Cholas: administration, village economy and society
- “Indian Feudalism”
- Agrarian economy and urban settlements
- Trade and commerce
- Society: the status of the Brahman and the new social order
- Condition of women
- Indian science and technology
14. Cultural Traditions in India, 750-1200:
- Philosophy: Shankaracharya and Vedanta, Ramanuja and Vishishtadvaita, Madhva and Brahma-Mimansa
- Religion: Forms and features of religion, Tamil devotional cult, growth of Bhakti, Islam and its arrival in
India, Sufism
- Literature: Literature in Sanskrit, growth of Tamil literature, literature in the newly developing languages,
Kalhan’s Rajtarangini, Alberuni’s India
- Art and Architecture: Temple architecture, sculpture, painting
15. The Thirteenth Century:
- Establishment of the Delhi Sultanate: The Ghurian invasions – factors behind Ghurian success
- Economic, social and cultural consequences
- Foundation of Delhi Sultanate and early Turkish Sultans
- Consolidation: The rule of Iltutmish and Balban
16. The Fourteenth Century:
- “The Khalji Revolution”
- Alauddin Khalji: Conquests and territorial expansion, agrarian and economic measures
- Muhammad Tughluq: Major projects, agrarian measures, bureaucracy of Muhammad Tughluq
- Firuz Tughluq: Agrarian measures, achievements in civil engineering and public works, decline of the
Sultanate, foreign contacts and Ibn Battuta’s account
17. Society, Culture and Economy in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries:
- Society: composition of rural society, ruling classes, town dwellers, women, religious classes, caste and
slavery under the Sultanate, Bhakti movement, Sufi movement
- Culture: Persian literature, literature
in the regional languages of North India, literature in the languages of South India, Sultanate architecture and new
structural forms, painting, evolution of a composite culture
- Economy: Agricultural production, rise of urban economy and non-agricultural production, trade and
commerce
18. The Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Century – Political Developments and Economy:
- Rise of Provincial Dynasties: Bengal, Kashmir (Zainul Abedin), Gujarat, Malwa, Bahmanids
- The Vijayanagar Empire
- Lodis
- Mughal Empire, First phase: Babur and Humayun
- The Sur Empire: Sher Shah’s administration
- Portuguese Colonial enterprise
- Bhakti and Sufi Movements
19. The Fifteenth and early Sixteenth Century – Society and Culture:
- Regional cultural specificities
- Literary traditions
- Provincial architecture
- Society, culture, literature and the arts in Vijayanagara Empire.
20. Akbar:
- Conquests and consolidation of the Empire
- Establishment of Jagir and Mansab systems
- Rajput policy
Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________1
- Evolution of religious and social outlook, theory of Sulh-i-kul and religious policy
- Court patronage of art and technology
21. Mughal Empire in the Seventeenth Century:
- Major administrative policies of Jahangir, Shahjahan and Aurangzeb
- The Empire and the Zamindars
- Religious policies of Jahangir, Shahjahan and Aurangzeb
- Nature of the Mughal State
- Late Seventeenth century crisis and the revolts
- The Ahom Kingdom
- Shivaji and the early Maratha Kingdom.
22. Economy and Society in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries:
- Population, agricultural production, craft production
- Towns, commerce with Europe through Dutch, English and French companies: a trade revolution
- Indian mercantile classes, banking, insurance and credit systems
- Condition of peasants, condition of women
- Evolution of the Sikh community and the Khalsa Panth
23. Culture in the Mughal Empire:
- Persian histories and other literature
- Hindi and other religious literature
- Mughal architecture
- Mughal painting
- Provincial architecture and painting
- Classical music
- Science and technology
24. The Eighteenth Century:
- Factors for the decline of the Mughal Empire
- The regional principalities: Nizam’s Deccan, Bengal, Awadh
- Maratha ascendancy under the Peshwas
- The Maratha fiscal and financial system
- Emergence of Afghan Power, Battle of Panipat:1761
- State of politics, culture and economy on the eve of the British conquest
THE SAMANTA
“Indian Feudalism”
Applicability of the term ‘Indian Feudalism’ to early Medieval Society. (20)(2009)
The Samanta system (20) (2005)
Evaluate the socio-economic conditions from the Gupta Period to 1200 C.E. as gleaned from the various
types of grants or dana shasana (60) (2011)
What kind of changes were visualised by historians on Indian feudalism? Examine critically. (30) (2012)
Semi-independent local chiefs called samanta were an important feature of the polity of this time. We have
already read that Samudragupta conquered and subjugated a number of territories. Some of the rulers of
these territories which were on the fringes of the Gupta empire were made subordinate allies of the King.
They became feudatories, so to say, of the Gupta King paying periodical tribute to the latter. Some of them
also presented him their daughters in marriage. They were obliged to pay homage to the King by personally
attending his court. The King in turn recognised their right to continue to rule over their own territories and
for this he also gave them charters. These subordinate rulers were also obliged to send their men to fight in
the King's army during times of war. Subject to the above obligations the feudatories or samantas were left
to look after the administration of their territories, which was actually done by King's officials in the central
parts of the Gupta empire.
Another factor which really introduced features of a decentralized polity was the granting of land to priests
and officials for their maintenance. Generally the King not only gave the land but also parted with some of
his administrative rights like taxing the people, punishing the criminals, etc. The granted territories were
also given immunity from the entry of the King's army. Naturally the grantees of such lands became almost
independent of the King and became samantas themselves. Consequent to this, in the 7th century A.D. and
after we find officials giving themselves pompous titles like mahasamanta and 'one who obtained the
privilege of five great sounds (panchamahasabda)'. Through the use of these titles, the samantas and
mahasamantas proclaimed their autonomy. The presence of all these features in polity has led historians to
suggest that from the Gupta period onward the political organization which developed in India represented
a feudal-type of political organization.
TAXATION
The government got most of its revenue through taxation. Land taxes called bhaga, bhoga, etc. were the
main items and the land taxes actually increased through the centuries. As trade and commerce seem to
have declined during this period commercial taxes are not found - prominently. The local people were also
obliged to provide for the stay and food of villages. It may be noted here that as far as the lands granted to
officials and priests are concerned, the government lost much of its revenue from those lands.
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
Judicial system was more developed now compared to earlier times. Many law codes and treatises were
compiled during this period and the dharmasastras elaborately dealt with legal matters.
There were different courts like Karana, adhikarana, dharmasana, etc. Criminal and civil cases were clearly
differentiated from each other. Laws regarding property and inheritance were elaborate. Of course justice
was based on the varna classification in society. For the same kind of crime, culprits belonging to a higher
varna or caste got less punishment than those belonging to a lower varna . Dharmasastras also insisted that
local usages and practices of different guilds and castes should be given due weight while dispensing justice.
Growth of Bhakti,
Origin of the Bhakti Movement (20) (2002)
Discuss and evaluate critically various types in the historiography of Bhakti (15)(2013)
EMERGENCE OF BHAKTI IN BRAHMANISM

Vedic gods like Indra and Varuna. It also assimilated many other popular deities like Vasudeva, Skanda
and so on. All these led to the growth of the Bhakti cult. Around the fourth century B.C. the cult of Vasudeva
was becoming popular. This is suggested by reference to it by classical authors like Megasthenes who came
to the court of Chandgragupta Maurya.
The worshippers of Vasudeva submitted to Bhakti as the proper religious approach and called themselves
Bhagavatas. Several epigraphs of the early Christian era bear testimony to the prevalence of the Vasudeva
cult in central India and the Deccan. Simultaneously with the cult of Vasudeva arose the sect of Pasupatas,
devotees of Pasupati or Siva, a fertility deity. This cult was kept alive in non-brahmanic circles from the
days of the Harappan culture.
The popularity of these new gods increased during the Sunga and Kushana periods. Patanjali, who lived in
the Sunga period, in his Mahabhashya refers to the exhibition and sale of the images of Siva, Skanda and
Vishakha. These gods appear on the coins of the Kushana kings, especially Huvishka. An important
characteristic of later Brahmanism was its capacity to adopt new trends. This became necessary to meet the
challenge of the 'herrtical sects' which were opposed to Brahmanism. Besides adopting new gods,
Brahmanism gradually shifted its emphasis from Vedic ritual to Bhakti, which implied the cultivation and
development of a personal relationship between God and the devotee. Thus a monotheistic concept of God,
with either Siva or Vishnu as his manifestation and Bhakti (loyalty and devotion) to him was gaining
strength. Soon Bhakti became the dynamic force of later Brahmanism also called Hinduism.
Syncretism of Deities

An important characteristic of the new Brahmanism was its genius to syncretise many local deities and to
evolve a monotheistic great God. Syncretism in this context will mean that deities worshipped at different
places and by different people were recognised as identical and were worshipped as manifestation of the
same supreme deity. Thus Vasudeva was identified with Vishnu, a minor Vedic god and Narayana, a god
of obscure origin mentioned in the Brahmana literature. Then Vishnu was closely connected with the name
of Krishna, who represented the fusion between martial hero and a flute-playing pastoral deity. Vishnu
could assimilate many other cults - the cult of the 'divine boar' which prevailed among some of the tribes
of Malwa, the cult of Parasurama, a Brahamna hero; and Rama, the great hero of the Ramayana. Then
Vishnu rose to the status of the Universal God in the Bhagavad Gita. Similarly, Siva came to be syncretised
with the Vedic Rudra and Bhairava, a tribal god and was worshipped in the form of the phallic emblem or
linga. With Siva were later associated certain other deities such as Skanda and the elephant-headed Ganesa.
These theistic cults stressed the merit of worship rather than the performance of Vedic
sacrifice.
Royal Support to Temples and Theism
The Puranas highlighted the merits acquired by visiting great cultcentres like Mathura and Varanasi which
were major places of pilgrimage. This gave a stimulus to the institution of the temple. In fact, the Puranas
and other texts of the period list numerous places of pilgrimage (tirthas) which drew devotees in large
numbers because visiting tirthas would ensure merit. The temple which housed the deity, became a place
of worship and thus drew devotees away from home to an institution which became a public centre. The
Gupta age marked the beginning of temple construction. It laid the foundation of the typical styles of Indian
temple architecture. Among the few Gupta temples which survive, the Dasavatara temple of Devagarh, the
Vishnu temple at Tigawa, and the Siva temple at Bhumara are known for their beauty. The epic and Puranic
stories relating to Rama and Krishna were represented in the temple sculptures. Excellent specimens of
them are still found in the Devagarh temple. The Gupta emperors patronised both Saivism and Vaishnavism.
However, the personal religion of most of the Gupta rulers was Vaishnavism which led to the creation of a
number of important Vaishnava centres and Vaishnava sculptures in the Gupta period.
The idea of the awataras or incarnations of Vishnu in which Vishnu is born on earth as a boar, a fish, or a
human being for rescuing earth from a crisis, also seems to have been systematised in the Gupta period.
In the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. Saivism seems to have replaced Vaishnavism as recipient of royal
patronage in northern India. Saivism counted among its followers supreme people, foreign as well as
indigenous, such as Mihirakula, Yashodharman, Sasanka and Harsha. Pasupata or Saiva acharyas are
frequently mentioned in contemporary records which include inscriptions, and many literary works like
those of Varahamihira, Bana and Hiuen Tsang.
Religion: Forms and features of religion,

How far do you agree with the view that temples in early medieval period were catalysts in spreading education?
(30)(2010)
Assess the contribution of the Acharyas in the development of the ideological basis of bhakti (12) (2012)
Tamil devotional cult,
What are the manifestations of Tamil devotional cults? How do you account for their growth
between c. 750 to c. 1200 AD (60) (2008)
SPREAD OF BHAKTI TO THE SOUTH

All the major north Indian religions - Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism - travelled southwards. The
Brahmanas brought with them the Vedic Yajna cult and the two theistic cults, Vaishnavism and Saivism.
The kings were in favour of the Vedic rituals as they conferred ritual status on them. The theistic cults
struck root among the people. However, eventually the devotional theistic cults were to prove stronger than
any other religious force in the south, and this was recognized even by royal patrons who extended support
to Vaishnavism, Saivism and their sects.
Among the early chalukya kings of Vatapi some professed Bhagavatism and others, the Developments in
Religion
Pasupata cult. The famous bas-reliefs of Badami testify to the popularity of the theistic cults in the Deccan
in the sixth-seventh centuries A.D. Similarly, the Pallavas of Kanchi patronised the two theistic cults as
shown by the monolithic rathas (chariots) at Mahabalipuram and many bas-reliefs on them.
Bhakti, centring around the worship of specific deities, began to spread fast in the south through the
brahmana settlements and temple centres where the exposition of the epics and the Puranas was
institutionalized by means of munificent land grants. Thus Bhakti was t popularised among the common
people. It is to be noted that the way in which the I Brahmanas transformed the earlier religious forms into
temple-centred theistic culture in the north was repeated in the south also.
BHAKTI MOVEMENT IN SOUTH INDIA

The final form of theistic Bhakti was largely the result of the influence of the Tamil devotionalism. This
devotionalism was a product of the fusion between ecstatic local tribal cults (e.g. Velan Veriyadal) and
northern theistic schools. This cross fertilization started at Tiruppati and Kalahasti, which then constituted
the northern door of the Tamil country. Then it developed around Kanchipuram, the Pallava capital and
soon reached the region of Madurai, the Pandyan capital. The Tiru Murugu Arruppadai, a famous devotional
work on Muruga, the local tribal god who was syncretised with Skanda in this work, is the earliest example
of this cross fertilization.
Soon this Tamil devotionalism developed into a great movement when it was adapted to the two theistic
cults, Saivism and Vaishnavism. Then Tamil Bhakti movement was characterized not only by intense
ecstatic piety for the deity, but also an aggressive militancy against the heterodox cults which were growing
in popularity among the people with royal support.
This movement was spearheaded in the sixth century A.D. by gifted poet-saints who traversed the country
many times with great missionary zeal. All their way they sang their hymns, danced and debated with the
heterodox cults. Among these hymnal poet-saints the Saiva saints are called Nayanmar and the Vaishnava
saints as Alvars.
This great wave of religious enthusiasm attained its peak in the early seventh century and its triumph was
largely achieved in the two centuries that followed. The hymns of the saints of this period are marked by
an outspoken hatred against the Buddhists and the Jainas. As a result, public debates, competition in the
performance of miracles and tests of the truth of their doctrines by means of ordeal became the order of the
day.
There were other reasons for the success and popularity of these hymnal saints. Unlike the Brahmanas who
propagated Hinduism through esoteric theories and the use of Sanskrit, the hymnal saints sang in easily
understood forms using only the popular language, Tamil. Their Bhakti was not a reverence for a
transcendent deity, but ecstatic love for an imminent f one. Being unable to stand before the force of this
Bhakti wave which also attracted royal support, Jainism and Buddhism had to retreat from the South.
PROTEST AND REFORM IN THE BHAKTI MOVEMENT OF THE SOUTH AND LATER
TRANSFORMATION OF THE BHAKTI MOVEMENT
Whereas the Brahmanas were obsessed with caste regulations, the Bhakti movement not only ignored caste
but also included men and women of all castes. Among the Nayanmar Karaikkal, Amrnai was a woman and
Nandanar was a member of the depressed class. Among the Alvars, Andal was a woman and Timppan was
a hymnist from a "low caste". Thus the whole movement carried elements of protest and reform. However,
it soon became part of the establishment, lost its early character and got engulfed by brahmanical orthodoxy.
The Bhakti movement ran parallel to the growth and consolidation of early medieval monarchies, first under
the Pallavas and then under the cholas, Pandyas and the Cheras. Many rock temples were cut and structural
temples were built for Siva and Vishnu throughout the Tamil land by almost all the reigning monarchs.
These temples were endowed with vast landed property, often tax-free. Extensive areas of land were
donated to the Brahmanas as is evident from the thousands of donative inscriptions on the walls of the south
Indian temples. A prince-priest axis soon emerged. The monarchs fervently welcomed the rich temple-
centered bhakti (or unflinching loyalty) as it suited the monarchical ideology. The Brahmanas welcomed
this as it enabled Brahmanism, with its institutional base in the temple centred agrarian settlements, to
emerge as the most dynamic force in south India.
Everywhere the local temple was the nucleus of religious life and a new social formation. In these temples
the two arms of the brahmanical religion - the ritualistic Vedic cult and the theistic devotional cult - could
meet. The temple-centred Bhakti enabled the all-embracing caste system to attract all the original tribes of
south India within its fold and place them in the hierarchical caste order. This order fixed the ritual and
social status of the tribes with the Brahmana as the fixed point of reference. The ideology of Bhakti could
bring together kings, priests and the common people within a network of understandable social relations.
With the increasing patronage of kings and landed magnates, the Bhakti movement soon became part of the
establishment. Thus all trances of dissent, protest and reform were obliterated in the tenth century A.D. The
Alvars and the Nayanmars do not appear any more.
Their place was taken by Vaishnava acharyas, all of whom were Brahmanas or the Saivite acharyas who
all came from the rich landed Vellala caste.
Philosophy: Skankaracharya and Vedanta,

The Vedanta of Sankracharya. (20) (2001)
Sankracharya was an orthodox Brahman for whom all the Vedic literature was sacred and unquestionably true. To
harmonise its many paradoxes he had recourse to an expedient already known in Buddhism, that of a double standard
of truth. On the every day level of truth the world was produced by Brahama, and went through an evolutionary
process similar to that taught by the Sankhya school from which Sankracharya took over the doctrine of the three
guns. But on the highest level of truth the whole phenomenal universe, including the God themselves, was unreal the
world was maya, an illusion, a dream, a mirage, a figment of imagination. Ultimately the only reality was Brahman,
the impersonal world soul of the Upanishads, with which the individual soul was identical.
As in the Upanishads, salvation was to be obtained by recognition of this identity through meditations. Shankar’s
Brahman is not really different from the "Void" or the Nirvana of Mahayana Buddhism. An important achievement
of Sankracharya was the defeat of the Buddhist scholars in arguments. Endowed with the powerful intellect, and
incisive mind, and passion for the ancient traditions of India or Sanatan Dharma, Sankracharya was able to show
clearly that Buddhist metaphysics was only a poor imitator of the metaphysics of Sanatan Dharma. His debate,
discussion and agreements spelt the intellectual death of Buddhism. Sankracharya wrote Commentaries on the
upanishads, the Bhagwatgita and the Brahma Sutra. These commentaries are still regarded as the masterpieces of
Indian religion and philosophical speculations. The comparison of Sankracharya in Hinduism with St. Thomas
Aquinas in the Roman Catholic Church is very fair one. The doctrine of Sankracharya is known as 'advaita' ("allowing
no second", i.e. monism) or kevaladvaita (strict monism).
Advaita – nonduality of Atman and Brahman

“The Advaita doctrine of Shankara cut at the very root of Bhaktivada.” Do you agree? (15) (2016)
The Hindu concept of Advaita refers to the idea that all of the universe is one essential reality, and that all facets
and aspects of the universe is ultimately an expression or appearance of that one reality. This idea appears in
different shades in various schools of Hinduism such as in Advaita Vedanta, Vishishtadvaita Vedanta
(Vaishnavism), Suddhadvaita Vedanta (Vaishnavism), Shaivism and Shaktism. It implies, in Advaita Vedanta
of Adi Shankara, that all of the reality is Brahman, and that the Atman (soul, self) and Brahman (ultimate
unchanging reality) are one. Advaita ideas of schools within Hinduism contrasts with its Dvaita schools such as
of Madhvacharya who stated that the experienced reality and God are two (dual) and distinct.
Advaita, states Murti, is the knowledge of Brahman and self-consciousness (Vijnana) without differences. The goal
of Vedanta is to know the "truly real" and thus become one with it. According to Advaita Vedanta, Brahman is the
highest Reality, The universe, according to Advaita philosophy, does not simply come from Brahman,
it is Brahman. Brahman is the single binding unity behind the diversity in all that exists in the universe. Brahman is
also that which is the cause of all changes. Brahman is the "creative principle which lies realized in the whole
world".
The nondualism of Advaita, relies on the Hindu concept of Ātman which is a Sanskrit word that means "real self"
of the individual, "essence", and soul. Ātman is the first principle, the true self of an individual beyond
identification with phenomena, the essence of an individual. Atman is the Universal Principle, one eternal
undifferentiated self-luminous consciousness, asserts Advaita Vedanta school of Hinduism.
Advaita Vedanta philosophy considers Atman as self-existent awareness, limitless, non-dual and same as
Brahman. Advaita school asserts that there is "soul, self" within each living entity which is fully identical
with Brahman. This identity holds that there is One Soul that connects and exists in all living beings, regardless of
their shapes or forms, there is no distinction, no superior, no inferior, no separate devotee soul (Atman), no separate
God soul (Brahman). The Oneness unifies all beings, there is the divine in every being, and that all existence is a
single Reality, state the Advaita Vedantins. The nondualism concept of Advaita Vedanta asserts that each soul is
non-different from the infinite Brahman.
Assess the statement that the philosophy of Shankaracharya revolutionised religious thoughts in
India’. (20) (2019)
Advaita Vedanta- Vedanta marks the ‘end of Vedas’, which were polytheistic. Shankara however, shifted the centre
from the God to the self (Atma). Advaita refers to Non-dualism, which perceives self (Atma) as the absolute reality
(Brahman).
Theory of Maya- It is the charismatic power that creates the world, and is inseparable from Brahman. Change is
illusion, and it is visible to some only due to Maya.
Logical reasoning- All his works are analysed through logical angles, and not even once he resorts to dictums for
men to follow.
Vedic thought- He re-introduced a finer form of Vedic thought. His traditions and teachings form the basis of the
Smritis and have influenced Sant and Mutt lineages.
Moksha- As per Shankara, moksha could be attained solely through concentration of the mind.
Unification of deities- He also sought to unify the different groups of Hindus fighting over the gods of Vishnu,
Shiva, Ganesh, Surya and Shakti, through Panchayatana form of worship, the simultaneous worship of five deities.
He also explained that all deities were but different forms of the one Brahman, the invisible Supreme Being.
Bhashyas- Shankara has written commentaries on the Upanishads, Bhagavad-Gita and other prominent Vedic texts.
These commentaries known as bhashyas stand at the pinnacle of Indian philosophical writing.
Conclusion:
Other than his philosophical contributions, he is also known for integrating the whole India through his concerted
efforts by building temples at the strategic points of India. His mathas (monasteries), in the four corners of India
have extended the wisdom of the Vedas till present age.
AGRARIAN ECONOMY
- Critically analyse the agricultural economy from 750 to 1200 CE. (10) (2014)
The agrarian expansion, which began with the establishment of settlements through land grants to Brahmana from
the fourth century onwards acquired a uniform and universal form in subsequent centuries.
The centuries between the eighth and twelfth witnessed the processes of this expansion and the culmination of an
agrarian organisation had on land grants to religious and secular beneficiaries, i.e. Brahmanas, temples and officers
of the King's government. However, there are important regional variations in this development, both due to
geographical as well as ecological factors.
Geographical and Chronological Patterns
Cultivation was extended not only to the hitherto virgin lands but even by clearing forest areas. This was a continuous
process and a major feature of early medieval agricultural economy.
There is a view prevalent among some scholars that land grants started in outlying, backward and tribal areas first
and later gradually extended to the Ganga valley, which was the hub of the brahmanical culture. In the backward and
aboriginal tracts the Brahmanas could spread new methods of cultivation by regulating agricultural processes through
specialised knowledge of the seasons (astronomy), plough, irrigation, etc., as well as by protecting the cattle wealth.
However, this is not true of all regions in India, for, land grants were also made in areas of settled agriculture as well
as in other ecological zones, especially for purposes of integrating them into a new economic order.
The chronological appearance of the land grant system shows the following pattern:
fourth-fifth centuries : spread over a good part of central India, northern Deccan and Andhra,
fifth-seventh centuries : eastern India (Bengal and Orissa), beginnings in Western India (Gujarat and Rajasthan),
seventh and eighth centuries: Tamil Nadu and Karnataka,
ninth century : Kerala, and
end of the twelfth century : almost the entire sub-continent with the possible exception of Punjab.
Ideological Background
Ideas relating to the gift of land emphasize the importance of daan or gift. The idea of daan or gift to Brahmanas was
developed by Brahmanical texts as the surest means of acquiring merit (puny.) and destroying sin (pataka). It appears
to be a conscious and systematic attempt to provide means of subsistence to the Brahman.
Grants of cultivable land to them and registration of gifts of land on copper plates are recommended by all the Smruti
and Puranas of the post-Gupta centuries.
There were different items of gifts : food, grains, paddy, etc.
movable assets like gold, money, etc.
AGRARIAN ORGANISATION
The agrarian organisation and economy were highly complex. This can be understood on the basis of intensive
studies of the regional patterns of land grants and the character and role of the brahmadeya. The practice of land
grants as brahmadey was initiated by the ruling dynasties and subsequently followed by chiefs, feudatories, etc.
Bramadeya facilitated agrarian expansion because they were : exempted from various taxes or dues either entirely
or at least in the initial stages of settlement (e.g. for 12 years);
also endowed with ever growing privileges. The ruling families derived economic advantage in the form of the
extension of the resource base, moreover. by creating brahmadey they also ,gained ideological support for their
political power.
Lands were given as brahmadeya either to a single Brahmana or to several Brahmana families which ranged from a
few to several hundreds or even more than a thousand, as seen in the South Indian context. Brahmadeyas were
invariably located near major irrigation works such as tanks or lakes. Often new irrigation sources were constructed
when bramadeyas were created, especially in areas dependent on rains and in arid and semi-arid regions. When
located in areas of intensive agriculture in the river valleys, they served to integrate other settlements. Sometimes,
two or more settlements were clubbed together to form a brahmadeya or an agrahara. The taxes from such villages
were assigned to the Brahmana donees, who were also given the right to get the donated land cultivated. Boundaries
of the donated land or village were very often carefully demarcated. The various types of land, wet, dry and garden
land within the village were specified. Sometimes even specific crops and trees are mentioned. The land donations
implied more than the transfer of land rights. For example, in many cases, along with the revenues and economic
resources of the village, have resources such as peasants (cultivators), masons and others were also transferred to
donees. There is also growing evidence of the encroachment of the rights of villagers over community lands such as
lakes and ponds. Thus, the Brahmanas became managers of agricultural and artisanal production in these settlements
for which they organized themselves in to assemblies.
Secular Grants : From the seventh century onwards, officers of the state were also being remunerated through land
grants. This is of special significance because it created another class of landlords who were not Brahmanas.
The gift of land on officials in charge of administrative divisions is mentioned as early as c. A.D. 200 (the time of
Manu) but the practice picks up momentum in the post-Gupta period. Literary works dealing with central India,
Rajasthan, Gujarat, Bihar and Bengal between the tenth and twelfth centuries make frequent references to various
kinds of grants to ministers, kinsmen and those who rendered military services. The rajas, raja- ranakas,
mahasamants; etc. mentioned in Pala land charters were mostly vassals connected with land. The incidence of grants
to state officials varies from one region to another. To illustrate, while we hear of about half a dozen Paramar official
ranks, only a few of them are known to have received land grants. But very large territories were granted to vassals
and high officers under the Chalukyas of Gujarat. The available evidences suggest that Orissa had more service grants
than Assam, Bengal and Bihar taken together. Further, the right of various officials to enjoy specific and exclusive

levies-irrespective of the tenure of these levies-was bound to create intermediaries with interests in the lands of the
tenants.
Devadanas : Large scale gifts to the religious establishments, both brahmanical and non-brahmanical, find distinctive
places in inscriptional evidences. These centres worked as nuclei of agricultural settlements and helped in integrating
various peasant and tribal settlements through a process of acculturation. They also integrated various socio-economic
groups through service tenures or remuneration through temple lands. Temple lands were leased out to tenants, who
paid a higher share of produce to the temple. Such lands were also managed either by the sabha of the brahmadeya
of the agrahara settlements. In non-Brahmana settlements temples became the central institution. Here temple lands
came to be administrated by the temple executive committees composed of land owning Velalas of Tamil Nadu and
Karnataka different groups were assigned a caste and ritual status. It is in this process that people following 'impure"
and "low occupations" were assigned the status of untouchables, kept out of the temple and given quarters at the
fringes of the settlement.
The supervision of temple lands was in the hands of Brahmana and non-Brahmana landed elite. The control of
irrigation sources was also a major function of the local bodies dominated by landed elite groups. Thus the Brahmana,
the temple and higher strata of non-Brahmanas as landlords, employers and holders of superior rights in land became
the central feature of early medieval agrarian organisation. The new landed elite also consisted of local peasant clan
chiefs or heads of kinship groups and heads of families, who had kani rights i.e. rights of possession and supervision.
In other words, several strata of intermediaries emerged between the King and the actual producer.
Rights in Land
An important aspect relating to land grants is the nature of rights granted to the assignees. Rights conferred upon the
grantees included fiscal and administrative rights. The taxes, of which land tax was the major source of revenue,
theoretically payable to the King or government, came to be assigned to the donees. The reference to pariharas or
exemptions in the copper plate and stone inscriptions registering such grants indicate that what was theoretically
payable to the King was not being completely exempted from payment but the rights were now transferred to the
grantees. This was apparently based on the sanction of the dharmashastras. Which sought to establish the royal
ownership of land and hence justify such grants, creating intermediary rights in land.
Although there is some evidence of a communal basis of land rights in early settlements, the development of private
ownership or rights is indicated by the fact that the grantees often enjoyed rights of alienation of land. They also
enjoyed other hereditary benefits in the settlements. Land gifts were often made after purchase from private
individuals. Hereditary ownership seems to have developed out of such grants, both religious and secular.
TECHNOLOGICAL IMPROVEMENTS
During the early medieval period there: was an increase in irrigation sources such as canals, lakes, tanks (tataka, eri)
and wells (kupa). That the accessibility to water resources was an important consideration in the spread of rural
settlements is shown by regional studies. Keres or tanks in south Karnataka, nadi (river), pushkarini (tank), srota
(water channel) etc. in Bengal and panghatta-wells in western Rajasthan used to be natural points of reference
whenever distribution and transfer of village lands had to be undertaken. Naturally, the concern for water resources
contributed to the extension of cultivation and intensification of agricultural activities. Water-lifts of different kinds
operated by man and animal power were also known. Epigraphic sources record the construction and maintenance of
such irrigation works between eight and thirteenth centuries. Many of the lakes/ tanks of this period have survived
well into the modern times. Some of them were repaired, revived and elaborated under the British administration.
The step wells (vapis) in Rajasthan and Gujarat became extremely popular in the eleventh-thirteenth centuries. They
were meant for irrigating the fields as well as for supplying drinking water.
The increase in the number of irrigation works was due to an advance in irrigation technology. There is evidence of
the use of more scientific and permanent methods of flood control, damming of river waters, sluice construction (with
piston valve and cisterns) both at the heads of canals and of lakes and tanks. Flood control was achieved gradually
through breaching of rivers for canals and mud embankments which ensured the regulated use of water resources.
reservoirs were more commonly used in semi dry and rain fed areas, as well was initiated by ruling families and
maintained by local institutions such as the sabha (Brahmana assembly) and ur (non-Brahmana village assembly) in
Tamil Nadu.
Maintenance of lakes/ tanks etc. i.e. desilting, bund and sluice repair was looked after by a special committee of local
assemblies and cesses were levied for the purpose.
Royal permission was accorded for digging tanks or wells, when gifts were made to Brahmanas and temples. Land
was demarcated for construction and maintenance of canals and tanks, etc. Digging of tanks was considered a part of

the privileges enjoyed by the grantees and an act of religious merit. Hence, resourceful private individuals also
constructed tanks.
No less significant were the improvements in agricultural implements. For example, a tenth century inscription from
Ajmer refers to 'big" plough. Similarly, separate implements are mentioned for weeding parasitic plants.
Vrikshayurveda mentions steps to cure diseases of trees. Water lifting devices such as ghatiyantra are mentioned
in inscriptions and literary works. The former was specially used in the wells of Rajasthan in the ninth-tenth centuries.
The Krishisukti of Kashypa prescribed that the ghatiyantra operated by oxen is the best, that by men was the worst
while the one driven by elephants was of the middling quality.
Advanced knowledge about weather conditions and their use in agricultural operations is noticeable in such texts as
the Gurusunhit. and Krishinarashwara.
More than one hundred types of cereals including wheat, barley. lentils, etc. are mentioned in contemporary writings
on agriculture. More than fifty kinds of paddy were cultivated in Bengal. The knowledge of fertilizers improved
immensely and the use of the compost was known. Cash crops such as arecanuts, betel leaves, cotton, sugarcane, etc.
find frequent mention.
Rajashekhara (early tenth century) tells us about the excellent sugarcane of north Bengal which yielded juice even
without the use of pressing instrument. Commodity production of coconut and oranges assumed special importance
in peninsular India during this period.
Marco-Polo hints at increased production of spieces when he says that the city of Kinsay in China alone consumed
ten thousand pounds of pepper everyday which came from India. He also mentions the great demand for Indian ginger
in European markets. Harvesting of three crops and rotation of crops were known widely. Thus, advanced agricultural
technology was being systematised and diffused in various, parts of the country causing substantial boom in
agricultural production.
THE CHARACTERISATION OF EARLY MEDIEVAL AGRARIAN ECONOMY

Do the evidence of land ownership at our disposal support the theory of the prevalence of feudalism in
early medieval India? (15) (2015)
Different views have been put forward regarding the nature of the overall set up of early medieval agrarian economy.
On the one hand, it is seen as a manifestation of feudal economy, while on the other it is dubbed as a peasant state
and society.
The salient features of 'Indian Feudalism' are:
1) Emergence of hierarchical landed intermediaries. Vassals and officers of state and other secular assignee had
military obligations and feudal titles. Sub-infeudation (varying in different regions) by these donees to get their land
Cultivated led to the growth of different strata-of intermediaries. It was a hierarchy of landed aristocrats, tenants,
share croppers and cultivators. This hierarchy was also reflected in the power/administrative structure, where a sort -
of lord-vassal relationship emerged. In other words, Indian feudalism consisted in the gross unequal distribution of
land and its produce.
Another important feature was the prevalence of forced labour. The right of extracting forced labour (vishti) is
believed to have been exercised by the Brahmana and other grantees of land. Forced labour was originally a
prerogative of the King or the state. It was transferred to the grantees, petty officials, village authorities and others.
In the Chola inscriptions alone, there are more than one hundred references to forced labour. Even the peasants and
artisans come within the jurisdiction of vishti. As a result, a kind of serfdom emerged, in which agricultural labourers
were reduced to the position of semi-serfs.
3) Due to the growing claims of greater rights over land by rulers and intermediaries, peasants also suffered a
curtailment of their land rights. Many were reduced to the position of tenants facing ever growing threat of eviction.
A number of peasants were only ardhikas (share croppers). The strain on the peasantry was also caused by the burden
of taxation, coercion and increase in their indebtedness.
4) Surplus was extracted through various methods. Extra economic coercion was a conspicuous method. With the
rise of new property relations, new mechanisms of economic subordination also evolved. The increasing burden is
evident in the mentioning of more than fifty levies in the inscription of Rajaraja Chola.
5) It was relatively a closed village economy. The transfer of human resources along with land to the beneficiaries
shows that in such villages the peasants, craftsmen and artisans were attached to the villages and hence were mutually
dependent. Their attachment to land and to service grants ensured control over them by the beneficiaries.

In brief, a subject and immobile peasantry, functioning in relatively self-sufficient villages buttressed by varna
restrictions, was the marked feature of the agrarian economy during the five centuries under survey.
The theory of the existence of autonomous peasant societies is put forward in opposition to the theory of Indian
feudalism. It is based mainly on the evidence from south Indian sources.
According to this theory, autonomous peasant regions called the nadus evolved in South India by early medieval
times. They were organised on the basis of clan and kinship ties. Agricultural production in the nadus was organised
and controlled by the nattar. People of the nadu, organised themselves into assemblies i.e. nadu. Members of this
assembly were velals or non-Brahmana peasants.
Urban Settlements
Critically evaluate various approaches to study medieval Indian towns (20) (2010)
FORM AND SUBSTANCE OF URBAN CENTRES

Study of urban centres is an important aspect of socio-economic history. Urban centres in early medieval India have
generally been studied in two ways :
i) As a part of economic history i.e. history of trade, commerce and craft production, etc., and
ii) As a part of administrative or political history, i.e. as capitals, administrative centres, centres of major and minor
ruling families and fort towns.
Hence the focus of urban studies has so far been mainly on types of urban centres Accordingly towns or cities have
been listed under various categories such as market, trade or commercial centres, ports, political and administrative
centres, religious centres, etc. However, there has been no sufficient attempt to explain the causes behind the
emergence of towns. In other words the form of an urban centre is studied but not its meaning or substance. In order
to understand both the form and to study the processes of urban growth as a part of the broader socio-economic
changes.
Prior to the coming of the Turks, the Indian sub-continent experienced at least three phases of urban growth:
1) During the bronze age Harappan civilization (fourth-second millennium B.C.),
2) Early historic urban centres of the iron age (c. sixth century B.C. to the end of the third century A.D.),
3) Early medieval towns and cities (c. 8-9 to 12 centuries A.D.).
Amongst the earliest attempts, to define an urban centre one can easily mention Gordon Childe's notion of 'Urban
Revolution. He listed monumental buildings, large settlements with dense population, existence of such people who
were not engaged in food production (rulers, artisans and merchants) and cultivation of art, science and writing as
prominent features to identify an urban centre. Further, Childe laid great stress on the presence of craft specialists
and the role of agricultural surplus which supported non-food producers living in cities. Not all these traits, which
were spelt out in the context of bronze age cities, are to be seen in the towns of iron age. There has been no dearth of
urban centres with sparse population and mud houses.
Though agrarian surplus collected from rural areas is almost indispensable for the existence of a town, merely a
settlement of non-agriculturists cannot be regarded as an urban centre. Early medieval literary texts refer to towns
inhabited by people of all classes surrounded by a wall and moat and marked by the prevalence of the laws and
customs of the guilds of artisans and merchants. A recent study based on excavated data from 140 sites spread over
the entire Indian subcontinent focuses on:
Quality of material life and the nature of occupations, and need to study urban centres not as parasites thriving on
agricultural surplus but as centres integrally linked with rural hinterland.
Accordingly, some prominent traits of urban centres which can be applied to early medieval settlements as well, are
identified as :
i) Size of a settlement in terms of area and population.
ii) Proximity to water resources-river banks, tanks, ring wells, etc.
iii) Presence or absence of artifacts representing activities of artisans, e.g. axes, chisels, plough-shares, sickles, hoes,
crucibles, ovens, furnaces, dyeing vats, moulds for beads, seals, sealing’s, jewellery, terracotta, etc.
iv) Evidence of coin moulds signifying mint towns. The discovery of metallic . money, when listed with the presence
of artisans and merchants, certainly lends a clear urban character to such sites.
v) Presence or otherwise of luxury goods such as precious and semi-precious stones, glassware, ivory objects, fine
pottery etc. The possibility is not ruled out that luxuries of ancient towns might become necessities for superior rural
classes of early medieval times.

vi) Considering the moist, rainy climate of many alluvial plains such as the middle Ganga plain, baked brick (not just
burnt bricks) structures on a good scale assume special importance. Though in Central Asia towns consisting of mud
structures are also not unknown.
vii) Streets, shops, drains and fortifications also give a good idea of the nature of the urban settlement. At several
places in the Deccan and elsewhere silos and granaries occur at historical sites, like at Dhulikatt in Andhra Pradesh.
Apparently such structures were meant to store surplus foodgrains for feeding
THE GENERAL PATTERN

The post-Gupta centuries witnessed a new socioeconomic formation based on the system of land grants. The gradual
expansion of cultivation and agrarian economy through land grants had an impact on the growth of towns and cities
between the eighth and twelfth centuries. Though the overall picture of the Indian sub-continent is that of revival, of
urban centres, there are some regional variations as well. Such variations are seen in the nature, category and hierarchy
of such centres due to operative economic forces, ecological and cultural differences and
the nature of political organisation. Regional studies of urban centres are, therefore, essential for providing the correct
perspectives. Such studies are available only for a few regions like Rajasthan, Central India and South India.
REGIONAL VARIATIONS AND TYPES

In a vast country like India there are a lot of regional variations in the pattern of emergence and growth of urban
centres.
Rural Centres Transformed into Urban Centres
The brahmadeyas and devadanas which are seen as important sources of agrarian expansion of the early medieval
period, also provided the nuclei of urban growth.
The Brahmana and temple settlements clustered together in certain key areas of agricultural production. Such centres,
initially rural, became points of convergence Examples of such centres of urban growth are datable from the eighth
and ninth centuries and are more commonly found in South India. The Cola city of Kumbakonam (Kudamukku-
Palaiyarai) developed out of agrarian clusters and became a multi-temple urban centre between the ninth and twelfth
centuries.
Kanchipuram is a second major example of such an urban complex. While Kumbakonam's political importance as a
residential capital of the Colas was an additional factor in its growth, Kanchipuram too had the additional importance
of being the largest craft centre (textile manufacturing) in South India.
Market Centres, Trade-Network and Itinerant Trade
Early medieval centuries also witnessed the emergence of urban centres of relatively modest dimensions, as market
centres, trade centres (fairs, etc.) which were primarily points of the exchange network. The range of interaction of
such centres varied from small agrarian hinterlands to regional commercial hinterlands. Some also functioned beyond
their regional frontiers. However, by and large, the early medieval urban centres were rooted in their regional
contexts. This is best illustrated by the nagaram of South India, substantial evidence of which comes from Tamil
Nadu and also to a limited extent by the existence of nakhara and nagaramu in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh
respectively. The nagaram served as the market for the nadu or kurrum, an agrarian or peasant region. Some of them
emerged due to the exchange needs of the nadu. A fairly large number of such centres were founded by ruling families
or were established by royal sanction and were named after the rulers, a feature common to all regions in South India.
Such centres had the suffix pure or patina.
Anagrams located on important trade routes and at the points of intersection developed into more important trade and
commercial centres of the region. They were ultimately brought into a network of intra-regional and inter-regional
trade as well as overseas trade through the itinerant merchant organizations and the royal ports. Such a development
occurred uniformly throughout peninsular India between the tenth and twelfth centuries. During these centuries South
India was drawn into the wider trade network in which all the countries of South Asia, South-east Asia and China
and the Arab countries came to be involved. The anagrams linked the ports with political and administrative centres
and craft centres in the interior.
In Karnataka anagrams emerged more as points of exchange in trading network than as regular markets for agrarian
regions. However, the uniform features in all such nagarams are that they acquired a basic agricultural hinterland for
the non-producing urban groups living in such centres. Markets in these centres were controlled by the nagaram
assembly headed by a chief merchant called pattanasvami. A similar development of trade and market centres can be
seen in Rajasthan.

The exchange centres were located in the context of the bases of agrarian production i.e. where clusters of rural
settlements occur. In Rajasthan these centres were points of intersection for traffic of varying origins, giving rise to
a certain measure of hierarchy. The network was further elaborated with the growth of generations of well-known
merchant families in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They are named after their places of origin such as Osawala
(Osia), Shrimalis (Bhirimal). Pallivalas and Khandelvalas, etc. The resource bases, the main routes for the flow of
resources and the centres of exchange were integrated through the expansion of these merchant families. Rajasthan
provided the main commercial links between Gujarat, Central India and the Ganga \.alley. Such links were maintained
through towns like Pali, which connected to the coast towns like Dvaraka and Bhrigukachcha (Broach) with Central
and North India. Gujarat, with its dominant Jain merchants, continued to be the major trading region of Western India
where early historic ports or emporium like Bhrigukachcha (Broach) continued to flourish as entrepots of trade in
early medieval times. Bayana, another notable town in Rajasthan was the junction of different routes from different
directions. The range of merchandise started probably with agricultural produce (including dairy products) but
extended to such high-value items as horses, elephants, horned animals and jewels.
In Karnataka, the steady increase in towns during the period under review is marked Shimoga. In the trade with the
West i.e. Arabia, Persian Gulf and beyond, the West Coast of Peninsular India played a consistently dominant role
from the early historic period. Several ports such as Thana, Goa, Bhatkal, Karwar, Honavar and Mangalore developed
during the revival of long distance trade, between the tenth and twelfth centuries, with evidence of coastal shipping
and ocean navigation.
Surprisingly, this commercial activity was taking place only through limited monetization. Incidentally, the Konkan
coast (under the Shilaharas) does not even show any signs of rise of markets and their network.
Wider trade networks also existed between Karnataka. Andhra and Tamil Nadu, for the presence of Kannada, Tamil
and Telugu merchants is well attested in several towns such as Belgaun (Karnataka), Peruru in Nalgonda district
(Andhra Pradesh) and coastal towns of Visakhapatnam and Ghantasala. The Andhra coast turned to the south eastern
trade with Motupalli, Visakhapatnam and Ghantasala acting as the major outlets. Market centres of inter-regional
importance are represented by places like Nellore, Draksharama, Tripurantakam and Anumakonda in Andhra
Pradesh. On the northern and southern banks of Kaveri in its middle reaches arose a number of exchange points
between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu such as Talakkad and Mudikondan.
Kerala developed contracts with the West and foreign traders such as the Jews, Christians and Arabs who were given
trading towns under special royal charters. Coastal towns such as Kolikkodu, Kollam etc., became entrepots of South
Asian trade. Arab horse dealers enhanced the importance of coastal towns in Karnataka and Kerala. Major craft
centres which developed in response to inter-regional trade were weaving centres in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and
Tamil Nadu. Some of the craft and commercial centres of the early historic urban phase survived till the early
medieval period and were brought into the processes of re-urbanisation which linked them with the new
socioeconomic institutions like the temple. Kashi (Varanasi) in the north and Kanchipuram (near Madras) in the south
are two very prominent examples of such processes.
Sacred/Pilgrimage Centres
The idea of pilgrimage to religious centres developed in the early medieval period due to the spread of the cult of
Bhakti. Its expansion in different regions through a process of acculturation and interaction between the Brahmanical
or Sanskritic forms of worship and folk or popular cults cut across narrow sectarian interests. As a result, some local
cult centres of great antiquity as well as those with early associations with brahmanical and non-brahmanical religions
became pilgrimage centres. The pilgrimage network was sometimes confined to the specific cultural region within
which a cult centre assumed a sacred character. However, those cult centres, which became sacred tirthas attracted
worshippers from various regions.
Both types of pilgrimage centres developed urban features due to a mobile pilgrim population, trade and royal
patronage. The role of emerging market in the growth of tirthas is now being recognised by historians in a big way.
Pushkara near Ajmer in Rajasthan was a sacred tirtha of regional importance with a dominant Vaishnava association.
Kasi (Banaras) acquired a pan-Indian character due to its greater antiquity and importance as a brahmanical sacred
centre. In South India, Srirangam (Vaishnava), Chidambaram (Shaiva) and Madurai (Shaiva) etc. developed as
regional pilgrimage centres, while Kanchipuram became a part of an all India pilgrimage network. While Melkote
was a regional sacred centre in Karnataka, Alampur, Draksharama and Simhachalam show a similar development in
Andhra Pradesh. Tirupati was initially an important sacred- centre for the Tamil Vaishnavas but acquired a pan-
Indian character later in the Vijayanagara period. Jain centres of pilgrimage emerged in Gujarat and Rajasthan where
merchant and royal patronage led to the proliferation of Jain temples in groups in centres such as Osia, Mount Abu,

Palitana, etc. In South India the elaboration of temple structures in sacred centres show two types First, it was
organised around a single large temple as in Srirangam, Madurai, Tiruvannamalai (Tamil Nadu), Melkote
(Karnataka), Draksharama and Simhachalam (Andhra Pradesh).
The second type involves the growth around several temples of different religions such as Shivaism. Vishnuism and
Saktism.
The early medieval urbanisation is sometimes characterised as "temple urbanisation" particularly in the context of
south India. Sacred centres also provided important links in the commerce of a region as temples and the mathas
attached to them were the biggest consumers of luxury articles and value goods.
Royal Centres or Capitals
Royal centres of the seats of power of the ruling families were a major category of urban centres in early medieval
India. Some of them had been the seats of royal power even in the early historic period, for example, in the Janapadas
of North
India or in the traditional polities of South India. Royal families also developed their own ports, which were the main
ports of entry into their respective territories and which also linked them with international commerce. Thus, the
commercial needs of royal centres created new trade and communication links and built up much closer relationships
between the royal centre and their agricultural hinterlands or resource bases. In all the regions south of the Vindhyas,
where brahmanical kingdoms came to be established by the eighth century A.D. there is substantial evidence of the
growth of such royal centres. Some representative examples are:
Vatapi and Vengi of the Chalukyas in the northern Karnataka and Andhra. Kanchipuram of the Pallavas with their
royal port at Mamallapuram (Mahabalipuram).
Madurai of the Pandyas with Korkai as their port.
Tanjavur of the Colas with Nagappattinam as their port.
Kalyana of the Western Chalukyas, Dvarasamudra of the Hoysalas, and
Warangal of the Kakatiyas with Motupalli at their port.
Warangal was a rare example of a fortified royal city in South India.
Examples of royal centres in North India are:
the Gurjara Partihara capital at Kanyakubja (Kanauj).
Khajuraho of the Candellas.
Dhara of the Paramaras, and
Valabhi of the Solankis.
A fairly large number of cities emerged under the powerful Gurjara-Pratiharas, Chahamanas and Paramaras in
Rajasthan. Most of them were fortified centres, hill forts (garhkila and durga). Examples of fort-cities in Rajasthan
are Nagara and Nagda under the Guhilas.
Bayana, Hanumangarh and Chitor under the Gurjara-Pratiharas, and Mandasor, Ranathambor, Sakambhari and Ajmer
under the Chauhans and so on. On the basis of various sources, a list of 131 places has been compiled for the
Chauhan dominions, most of which seem to have been towns. Nearly two dozen towns are identified in Malwa under
the Paramaras. Gujarat under the Chalukyas was studded with port towns. The number of towns, however, does not
seem to be large in Eastern India although all the nine victory camps (jayaskandavars) of the Palas.
Sometimes, important trade and market centres were also conferred on feudatory families. Examples of such minor
political centres are numerous in Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.
Trade and commerce

To what extent 'monetary anemia' afflicted the erstwhile commercial economy during the early medieval period?
(30)(2010)
TRADE : DEFINITION AND PHASES
The collection, distribution and exchange of goods is called trade. It is a process which depends on a number of
factors such as the nature and quantity of production, facilities of transport, safety and security of traders, the pattern
of exchange, etc. It also involves different sections of society including traders, merchants, peasants and artisans. In
a somewhat indirect manner, even political . authorities have a stake in it as taxes on the articles of commerce imposed
by them constitute an important source of revenue of the state.
The historical features of trade during the early medieval times can be best understood if we divide this period into
two broad phases:
i) c.700-900 A.D. and
ii) c 900-1300 A.D.
Briefly, the two phases are marked by :
a) relative decline of trade, metallic currency, urban centres and a somewhat closed village economy in the first phase,
and
b) reversal of most of the aforesaid tendencies in the second phase. So, one notices trade picking up momentum not
only within the country but in relation to other countries as well. Metal coins were no longer as scarce as they were
in the first phase. Of course, it was not a phase of deeply penetrated monetary economy as was the case in the five
centuries following the end of the Mauryas (c.200 B.C.-A.D.300). Nor did the pattern of urban growth remain
unaffected by the revival of trade and expansion of agriculture.
THE FIRST PHASE (c.A.D. 700-900)
The period from A.D. 750-1000 witnessed wide-spread practice of granting land not only to priests and temples but
also to state officials. It lead to the emergence of a hierarchy of landlords. Even graded state officials such as maha-
madaklvara, mandaka, mahammanta, thakkura, etc. developed interests in land. However, they were different
from the actual tillers of the soil and lived on the surplus extracted from the peasants who were hardly left with
anything to trade. It resulted in the growth of rural economy where local needs
were being satisfied locally through the imposition of numerous restrictions on the mobility of actual producers. The
relative dearth of medium of exchange, viz.. metal coins only strengthened this trend.
Media of Exchange
India was ruled by many important dynasties between A.D. 750 and 1000. These include the Gujara Prathiharas in
Western India, the Palas in Eastern India and the Rashtrakutas in the Deccan. All had the distinction of having been
served by some of the most powerful kings of the day, many of whom had very long lasting reigns. It is astonishing
that their available coins are very few and in no way compare either in quantity or quality with the coins of earlier
centuries. Since money plays an important role in the sale and purchase of goods, the paucity of actual coins and
the absence of coin-moulds in archaeological finds lead us to believe in the shrinkage of trade during the period under
survey.
Paucity of coinage in the post-Gupta times, its link with trade and commerce and consequent emergence of feudal
social formation. The subject has been keenly debated in the last twenty five years. There have been four major types
of responses :
ii) A cast study of Orissa substantiates complete absence of coins between c.A.D. 600 and 1200 but argues for-trade
with Southeast Asia and emphasizes the role of barter in foreign trade.
iii) Kashmir, on the other hand, shows emergence of copper coinage from about the eighth century A.D. Extremely
poor quality of this coinage has been explained in terms of the decline of trade based economy and rise of agricultural
pursuits in the valley.
iv) Finally, a point of view questions not only the idea of paucity of coins but also the decline in trade. This is based
on the evidence from what is described as the mid-Eastern India comprising Bihar, West Bengal and the present
Bangladesh during A.D. 750-1200. While it is conceded that there was no coined money and that the Palas and Senas
themselves did not strike coins, it is also argued that there was no dearth of media of exchange. To illustrate, it is
emphasized that there was not only a long series of Harikela silver coinage but also cowries and more importantly
churni (money in the form of gold/silver dust) also functioned as media of exchange.
The relevant sources cited in the context of the mid-Eastern India, are silent about the participation of indigenous
people in the maritime trade of the area. Even the limited trading activities were confined to the ruling elite.
The miserable conditions of the common man are reflected in the meaning of the word vangali (literally, a resident
of Bengal) which denoted somebody "very poor and miserable".
Similarly, those who talk about India's trade with Southeast Asia may also do well to keep in view the position of
metal money in that region. Detailed study of Cambodia, for example, shows that during the two centuries of post-
Gupta times (A.D. 600-800) Southeast Asia failed to evolve any system of coinage and barter (largely based on paddy
and only marginally on cloth) provided essentials of the Khmer economy. Shri Vigraha, Shri Adivaraha, Bull and
Horseman, Gadhaiya, etc. emerged in Western and North western India and to some extent in the Ganga valley, they
could not make much dent in the overall economy. Apart from the doubts about the period of emergence of these
coins, their extremely poor quality and purchasing power also indicate the shrinkage of their actual role, Further, in
relation to the rising population and expanding area of settlement, the overall volume of money circulation was
negligible. Hence, we can say that the case for the relative decline of metallic money during the first phase is based
on convincing empirical evidence. This was bound to have an impact on India's trading activities.
Relative Decline of Trade

Internally, the fragmentation of political authority and the dispersal of power to local chiefs, religious grantees, etc.
seem to have had an adverse effect, at least in the initial centuries of the land grant economy. Many of the intermediary
landlords, particularly of less productive areas, resorted to loot and plunder or excessive taxes on goods passing
through their territories. This must have dampened the enthusiasm of traders and merchants. No less discouraging
were the frequent wars amongst potential ruling chiefs. Though two Jain texts of the eighth century, Sumnicchaluha
of Haribhadra Suri and the Kuvalayarmala of Uddyotana Suri, refer to brisk trade and busy towns, it is rightly argued
that these texts heavily draw their material from the sources of earlier centuries and. therefore, do not necessarily
reflect the true economic condition of the eight century.
As regards the decline of foreign trade with the West, it is pointed out that it bad greatly diminished after the fall of
the great Roman Empire in the fourth century. It was also affected adversely in the middle of the sixth century when
the people of Byzantine (Eastern Roman Empire) learnt the art of making silk. India thus. lost an important market
which had fetched her considerable amount of gold in the early centuries of the Christian era. The decline of foreign
trade was also caused by the expansion of Arabs on the North-west frontiers of India in the seventh and eighth
centuries. Their presence in the region made overland routes unsafe for Indian merchants. A story in the
Kathaamritsagara tells us that a group of merchants going from Ujjain to Peshawar were captured by an Arab and
sold. Later, when they somehow got free, they decided to leave the North-western region forever and returned to
South for trade.
Urban Settlements : Decay
The first phase was also marked by-the decay and desertion of many towns. It is an important symptom of commercial
decline because the towns are primarily the settlements of people engaged in crafts and commerce.
As trade declined and the demand for craft-goods slumped, the traders and craftsmen living in towns had to disperse
to rural areas for alternative means of livelihood. Thus towns decayed and townsfolk became a part of village
economy. Beside the accounts of Hiuen Tsang, the Pauranic records too, while referring to Kali age indicate
depopulation of important cities. This seems to have been the continuation of the trend already indicated by
Varahamihira (5th century). The decay of important towns such as Vaishali, Pataliputra, Varanasi, etc. is evident
from the archaeological excavations which reveal poverty of structure and antiquities. The pan-Indian scene is marked
by desertion of urban centres or their state of decays in the period between the third and eighth centuries. Even those
settlements which continued upto the eighth century, were deserted thereafter. One can mention Ropar (in Punjab),
Atranjikhera and Bhita (in Uttar Pradesh), Eran (in Madhya Pradesh), Prabhas Patan (in Gujarat), Maheswar and
Paunar (in Maharashtra), and Kudavelli (in Andhra Pradesh) in this category of urban settlements. Even the medieval
greatness of Kanauj (in the Farrukhabad district of Uttar Pradesh) for which several wars were fought amongst the
Palas, Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas, has still to be testified by the excavator's spade.
The commercial activity during the first phase of early medieval period had declined but did not disappear completely.
In fact, trade in costly and luxury goods meant for the use of kings, feudal chiefs and heads of temples and monasteries
continued to exist. The articles such as precious and semi-precious stones. ivory, horses, etc.
formed an important part of the long distance trade, but the evidence for transactions in the goods of daily use is quite
meager in the sources belonging to this period. The only important article mentioned in the inscriptions are salt and
oil which could not be produced by every village, and thus had to be brought from outside. If the economy had not
been self-sufficient, the references to trade in grains, sugar, textile, handicrafts, etc. would have been more numerous.
In short the nature of commercial activity during A.D. 750-1000 was such which catered more to the landed
intermediaries and feudal lords rather than the masses. Though there were some pockets of trade and commerce where
merchants from far and wide met to transact business, they could not make any significant dent in the closed economy
of the country as a whole.
THE SECOND PHASE (c.A.D. 900 - 1300)

This phase is marked by the revival of trade and commerce. It was also the period of agrarian expansion, increased
use of money and the reemergence of market , economy in which goods were produced for exchange rather than for
local consumption. These centuries also witnessed a substantial growth of urban settlements in different parts of the
sub-continent.
The widespread practice of land grants had been a significant factor in agrarian expansion. Though it is recognised
that it is not easy to quantify this development, one can also not overlook the noticeable regional variations and
disparities. However, the period from the beginning of the tenth century to the end of the thirteenth was the age of
greater production of both cereals and pulses as well as of commercial crops. Naturally, it created a favourable climate
for widening the scope of both internal and external trade.
Crafts and Industry
The growth of agricultural production was supplemented by increased craft production. In the first phase of early
medieval period the decline of internal and external trade meant the narrowing down of markets for industrial
products. The production remained largely confined to local and regional needs. In the second phase, however, we
notice a trend towards increased craft production which stimulated the process of both regional and inter-regional
exchange.
Textile Industry, which had been well established since ancient times, developed as a major economic activity. Coarse
as well as fine cotton goods were now being produced. Marco Polo (A.D. 1293) and Arab writers praise the excellent
quality of cotton fabrics from Bengal and Gujarat. The availability of madder in Bengal and indigo in Gujarat might
have acted as important aides to the growth of textile industry in these regions, Manasollasa, a text of the twelfth
century, also mentions Paithan, Negapatinam, Kalinga and Multan as important centres of textile industry.
The silk weavers of Karnataka and Tamil Nadu also constituted a very important and influential section of the society.
The oil industry acquired great importance during this period. From the tenth century onwards, we get more references
to the cultivation of oilseeds as well as to phanaka or oil mills. An inscription from Karnataka refers to different types
of oil pills operated both by men and bullocks. We also notice the affluence of oilmen public works. Oil industry
offered profits to its members. Cane crushers in this period also indicate large scale production of jaggary and other
forms of sugar. Besides the agro based industry, the craftsmanship in metal and leather goods too reached a high level
of excellence. The literary sources refer to craftsmen connected with different types of metal such as copper, brans,
Iron, gold, silver, etc. A number of large beams at Puri and Konarka temples in Orissa indicate the proficiency of the
iron smiths of India in the twelfth century. Iron was also used to manufacture swords, spearheads and other arms
and weapons of high quality. Magadha, Banaras, Kalinga were known for the manufacture of good quality swords.
Gujarat was known for gold and silver embroidery. The Ginza records of the Jewish merchants belonging to the
twelfth century reveal that Indian brass industry was so well known that the customers in Aden sent broken vessels
and utensils to India to refashion them. The existing specimens of Chola bronzes and those from Nalanda, Nepal and
Kashmir display the excellence of the Indian metal workers.
In the field of leather industry Gujarat occupied an enviable position. Marco Polo mentions that the people of Gujarat
made beautiful leather mats in red and blue which were skillfully embroidered with figures of birds and animals.
These were in great demand in the Arab World.
Coins and Other Media of Exchange

The revival of trade received considerable help from the reemergence of metal money during the centuries under
discussion. There is, however, substantial discussion about the degree and level of monetization. Very often the
contenders of the penetration of money in the market invoke literary and inscriptional references to numerous terms
purporting to describe various types of coins of early medieval India. Thus texts such as Prabandhachintamani,
Lilavati, Dravyapariksha, etc. mention bhagaka, rupaka, virnshatika, karshapana, dinar, dramnm, niahla, payanaka,
tanka, and many other coins with their multiples. No less prolific are inscriptional references.
The Parmara, Chalukya, Chahmana, Pratihara, Pala, Candella and Cola inscriptions corroborate most of the terms
found in contemporary literature. There has also been considerable speculation about the value of these coins, their
metal content and their relationship with one another. Nothing could be more simplistic than to guage the penetration
of money in the market simply on the basis of listing of numismatic gleanings from a mixed bag of inscriptions and
literature.
As far as the actual specimens of coins are concerned, one can say that the practice of minting gold coins was revived
by Gangeyadera (A.D. 1019;1040); the Kalachuri King of Tripuri (in Madhya Pradesh) after a gap of more than four
centuries.
According to one estimate, about nine mints were founded in different parts of Karnataka during the twelfth and
thirteenth century. An important mint functioned at Shrimol (near Jodhpur) in Rajasthan.
As far as the actual role of metal money is concerned, the little work that has been Despite the plethora of references
to coins, the evidence of overall volume of money in circulation is almost negligible. Nor can one overlook the poor
purchasing power of early medieval coins, irrespective of the metal used. All coins of the period were highly debased
and reduced in weight. Also, in terms of the rising population and expanding area of settlement, the use of money
seems to have been highly restricted. The case study of early medival Rajasthan shows that the revival of trade,
multiplication of exchange centres and markets and prosperity of merchant families took place only with the help of
"partial monetization". Similarly, the cash nexus on the Western coast (Konkan area) under the Shilaharas (c. 6.D.

850-1250) was also marked by limited use of money. The types and denominations of coins remained not only
extremely localised but could not penetrate deep into the economic ethos.
Masses were far away from handling of coins. The currency system of South India during A.D. 950-1300 also shows
that transactions at all levels of the society were not equally affected by coined money. For example, the fabulous
expenses reported to have been incurred by the Pandyas as regular buyers of imported horses cannot be thought in
terms of what we know as very poor Pandyan currency. Barter was still an important means of exchange in local
inter-regional and perhaps even in inter-national commerce. There are references which indicate that caravans of
merchants exchanged their commodities with those of other regions. According to one account, horses imported from
abroad were paid for not in cash but in Indian goods which may have been silk, spices or ivory. These Indian goods
enjoyed constant demand in the markets all over the world. Though the revival of even '"partial monetization" was
contributing to economic growth, yet no less significant was the parallel development of credit instrument by which
debits and credits could be transferred without the handling of cash money. In the texts of the period we find
references to a device called hundika or the bill of exchange which might have been used by merchants for
commercial transactions. Through this device credit could be extended by one merchant to another and, thus the
obstacle to commerce due to shortage of coined money could be overcome. The Likhapaddhati, a text which throws
light on the life of Gujarat in the 12-13th centuries, refers to various means of raising loan for consumption as well
as commercial ventures through the mortgage of land, house and cattle.
Inland Trade
A large variety of commodities were carried for trading through a network of trade routes in the country. There are
numerous inscriptions which refer to merchants carrying foodgrains, oil, butter, salt, coconuts, areca nuts, betel
leaves, madder, indigo, candid sugar, jiggery, thread cotton fabrics, blankets, metals, spices, etc. from one place to
another, and paying taxes and tolls on them. Benjamin Tudela, a Jesuit priest from Spain (twelfth century) noticed
wheat, barley and pulses, besides fibre and cotton cloth brought by the traders to the island of Kish in the Persian
Gulf on their way home from India. Al Idrisi also refers to the transshipment of rice from the country of Malabar to
Sri Lanka in the twelfth century. The export of palm sugar and coir for ropes is also done. Marco Polo refers to the
export of indigo from Quilon (on the Malabar Coast) and Gujarat. Besides, cotton fabrics, carpets, leather mats,
swords and spears also appear in various sources as important articles of exchange. High value items such as horses,
elephants, jewellery, etc. also came to various exchange centres.
The chief customers of Indian goods were of course the rich inhabitants of China, Arabia and Egypt. Many of the
Indian goods might have found their way to Europe as well as via Mediterranean. It needs to be highlighted that the
domestic demand was not insignificant. A new class of consumers emerged as a result of large scale land grants from
the eighth century onwards. The priests who earlier subsisted on meager fees offered at domestic and other rites were
now entitled to hereditary enjoyment of vast landed estates, benefices and rights. This new landowning class, along
with the ruling chiefs and rising mercantile class, became an important buyer of luxuries and necessities because of
their better purchasing power.
The brahmanical and non-brahmanical religious establishments, which commanded vast resources in the form of
landed estates and local levies, developed as important consumers of almost all marketable goods. They required not
only such articles as coconuts, betel leaves and areca nuts, which had acquired great ritual sanctity, but also increased
quantity of food for presentation to gods or for distribution as prasadam. The personnel of religious establishments,
which numbered up to many hundreds in case of big and important temples, constituted an important consuming
group to be fed and clothed by peasants, artisans and merchants. Thus big temples with their vast resources and varied
requirements also helped in generating commercial activity. This phenomenon was more marked in South India where
many temple sites became important commercial centres
Maritime Trade
During this period. large scale trading activities were carried through sea.
a) The Chief Participants
The period under survey was marked by great expansion of sea trade between the two extremities of Asia. viz. the
Persian Gulf and South China. India which lay midway between the two extremities greatly benefited from this trade.
The hazards of long sea voyages were sought to be curtailed by anchoring on the Indian coasts.
The Asian trade during these centuries was largely dominated by the Arabs. After having destroyed the important
port and market of' Valabhi in the eighth century, they made themselves the chief . Later in the trade and started
sending their ships to Southeast Asia and India. However, it did not affect the position of Arabs who continued to
maintain their supreme hold on the Asian trade.
Fragmentary information in indigenous sources and notices in foreign accounts suggest that despite the forceful
competition of the Arabs, Indians were going to the lands beyond the seas for trade from the tenth century onwards.
Abu Zaid, an Arab author of the tenth century refers to lndian merchants visiting Siraf in the Persian Gulf, while Ibn
Battuta (14th century) tells us of a colony of Indian merchants at Aden in the Red Sea. A Gujarati text of the 14th
century refers to a merchant Jagadu of Kutch who traded with Persia-with the help of lndian agents stationed at
Hormuz. In South India, the Colas, took keen interest in maritime trade. The Tamil inscriptions found in Malaya and
Sumatra indicate the commercial activities of Tamil mercantile community in these regions. The Colas also sent a
number of embassies to China to improve economic relations with her. They even sent naval expedition against the
Srivijaya empire in the eleventh century to keep the sea route to China safe for their trade. However, by and large the
references to the physical participation of Indian merchants are quite limited. This did not affect the demand for
Indian products which reached the outside world through the Arabs and the Chinese. -
b) Commodities Exchanged -
As regards the articles involved in the Asian trade, the Chinese texts indicate that the Malabar coast received silk,
porcelain-ware, camphor, cloves. wax, sandalwood. cardamom, etc. from China and South-east Asia. Most of these
may have been the items of re-export to the Arabian world, but some were meant for India, particularly the silk which
was always in great demand in local markets. Marco Polo informs us that the ships coming from the East to the ports
of Cambay in Gujarat brought, among other things, gold, silver and copper. Tin was another metal which came to
India from South-east Asia.
In return-for eastern products, India sent its aromatics and spices. Particularly pepper. Gujarat, Malwa. Malabar and
Coromandel sent cotton cloth to China. It is pointed out by Ibn Batruta (A.D. 1333) that fine cotton fabrics were rarer
and more highly priced than SIU in the cities of China.
India also exported ivory, rhinoceros horns, and some precious and semiprecious stones to China.
A number of Arabic inscriptions found at Cambay. Samaratha and Junagadh reveal that merchants and shippers from
the Persian Gulf visited Western lndia in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The ships coming to the Gujarat coast
from Hormuz in the Persian Gulf
Articles of trade
As regards the articles of trade with the Arab and the Western World, thy Jewish merchants carried many goods from
the West coast of India to the Egyptian markets. These included spices, aromatics, dyes, medicinal herbs, bronze and
brass vessels, textiles, pearls, beads, coconuts, etc. India also exported teakwood which was required for .ship-
building and house construction in the almost treeless areas of Persian Gulf and South Arabia. Some surplus food-
grains, mainly rice, were also sent out from the Indian ports to the communities in other coastal regions which did
not produce enough foodstuffs to meet their needs. The fine and embroidered leather mats of Gujarat were according
to Marco Polo highly priced in the Arab world.
India was also known for its iron and steel products, particularly the swords and spears, which enjoyed a wide market
in Western countries. As far as imports from the West are concerned, the most significant item was the horse. As the
number of feudal lords and chiefs increased in the early medieval period, the demand for' horses also increased
manifold. Horses were brought both by land and sea. Ibn Battuta tells us that horse-dealer coming through the
Northwestern land routes earned large profits. More than 10.000 horses were send annually to the Coromandel coast,
Cambay and other ports of India in the thirteenth century. Horses were brought from such plases as Aden, Persia, etc.
Besides horses, dates, ivory, coral, emralds, etc. were also brought to India from the West.
c) Ports
There were a number of ports on the Indian coasts, which not only served the inland trade network but also acted as
a link between the eastern and western trade. In fact; almost every creek that could provide facility for a safe
anchorage of ships, developed into a port of some national or international significance. On the mouth of the Indus,,
Debal was an important port. Chief ports on the Gujarat coast were Somanatha, Broach and Cambay.
Somanath had links with China in the East and Zanzibar (in Africa) in the West, Broach or ancient Bhrigukachha has
had a very long history. Cambay is known as Khambayat in Arabic sources, and Stambhatirtha in Sanskrit sources.
Its earliest reference goes back to the ninth century A.D. Sopara and Thana were other important ports on the Western
coast of India.
On the Malabar coast, Quilon had emerged as the most important port. The Arab Writers tell us that ships coming
from the West called at the port of Quilon for collecting fresh water before sailing for Kedah in South-east Asia.

Similarly, the Chinese sources of the thirteenth century also state that Chinese traders going to the country of the
Arabs had to change their ships at Quilon.
During the three centuries between the tenth and thirteenth, the Coromandel coast developed into a virtual clearing
house for the ships coming from the East and West. The Arab author, Wassaf, tells us that the wealth of the isles of
the Persian Gulf and the beauty of other countries as far as Europe is derived from the Coromandel coast The most
important port in this region was Nagapattinam. Puri and Kalingapattam are important ports on the Orissa coast. In
Bengal the fortunes of Tamralipti were reviving.
Revival of Towns
The second phase of early medieval India (c.900-1300 A.D.) was a departure from the preceding two centuries in so
far as it is marked by a very distinctive revival of urban centres. This revival became an almost all India phenomenon.
It is often described as the "third urbanisation" of the lndian sub-continent.
TRADER AS A LINK
The traders form an important link between producers and consumers. They collect agricultural surplus and products
of artisans and craftsmen from different regions and distribute them over a wide area. They trade not only in finished
goods but also during the early medieval centuries, the process of collection and distribution of goods involved a
large number of merchants, big as well as small, local as well as inter-regional. There were hawkers, retailers and
other petty traders on the one hand and big merchants and caravan traders on the other. The relative position of traders
and merchants in the society is related to the two phases of commercial activity. While their role was adversely
affected during the first phase (A.D. 700-900) on account of limited commercial exchange, the revival of trade in the
second phase (A.D. 900-1300) led to considerable increase in the status, effectiveness and power of merchant
communities. The ancient Indian texts specify trade along with agriculture and cattle rearing as the lawful means of
livelihood. In the seventh century, the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang distinctly mentions vaishyas as traders and
shudras as cultivators. However, the process of the two coming closer had already started and shudras were
undertaking trade in such articles as wine, honey, salt malt, etc. The barriers of brahmanical varna order were
crumbling in the post-Gupta centuries and people were adopting professions cutting across varna divisions. Trade
was followed by the people of all varnas and castes.
POSITION OF MERCHANTS DURING THE FIRST PHASE (c. A.D. 700-900)

In view of the relative decline of trade during these centuries, the role of merchants in the society was considerably
eroded. As trade slumped and markets disappeared, the merchants had to seek patronage and shelter with the temples
and other emerging landed magnates. It robbed them of their independent commercial activity, and forced them to
cater to the needs and requirements of their patrons. Some inscriptions from Orissa and Central India reveal that
traders, artisans and merchants were amongst those who were transferred to donees. This must have meant a serious
reduction in their free trading activities. Nor is there any significant evidence of administrative role being assigned
to merchants between the eighth and tenth centuries. This is in obvious contrast to their role in administration evident
from seals and sealings from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar during the Gupta period.
However, trade did not disappear completely, some merchants were still active, particularly along the coast. But they
were small in number and their activities were largely confined to the luxury articles required by kings, chiefs and
temples. In South India too, trade was not a very important activity during the centuries under survey.
This is indicated by the relative absence of the mention of merchants as a distinct class in the records of the period.
In other words, it can be said that the first phase of early medieval India was marked by the thinning away, if not
disappearance, of the prosperous and free merchant class.
POSITION OF MERCHANTS DURING THE SECOND PHASE (c.A.D.900-1300)

The second phase of early medieval India brought the mercantile community back into prominence, and we notice
large number of merchants carrying luxury and essential goods from one place to another. They accumulated fabulous
wealth through commercial exchanges and acquired fame in society by making gifts to temples and priests. Many of
them took active part at various levels of administration, and even occupied the ministerial positions in royal courts.
The literature and inscriptions of the period refer to the large number of merchants who were known by the specialised
trade they followed. Thus, we come across dealers in gold, perfumes, wine, grains, horses, textiles, curds. betels, etc.
Some of the merchants employed retailers or assistants to help them In trading activities. As inter-regional trade
developed a group of merchants specialised in examining and Moneylending also became one of the major activities
of merchants. Though people deposited money in temple treasury for the religious purpose of endowing flowers.

oil, lamps,. there are very few references to guilds accepting deposits and paying interest thereon. A text from Gujarat,
refer to a merchant who claimed his share in the ancestral property to start the business of moneylending. Medhatithi,
a legal commentator, speaks of the association or corporation of moneylenders. The contemporary literature,
however, presents a bad picture of moneylenders and describes them as greedy and untrustworthy who cheat common
man by misappropriating deposits.
This period also witnessed the emergence of many regional merchant groups, i.e. the merchants-who were known
after the region they belonged to. They were mostly from Western India. As this region had a wide network of
important land routes connecting coastal ports with the towns and markets of northern India, merchants of certain
specific places in this region found it more profitable to specialise in inter-regional trade. Thus, the merchant groups
called Oswal derive their name from a place called Osia, Palivalas from Patlli, Shrimali from Shrimala, Modha from
Modhera and so on. Most of them are now a day’s collectively known as Marwari’s, i.e. the merchants from Marwar.
Apart from their functional and regional names, merchants were also known by various general terms, the two most
common being-shreshthi and sarthavaha. Both these terms were known from very early times.
Sresthi was a rich wholesale dealer who lived in a town and carried on his business with the help of retailers and
agents. At times he lent out goods or money to small merchants, and thus acted as a banker too, though, as we have
already pointed out, moneylending was becoming a separate and specialized activity. The sarthavaha was the caravan
leader under whose guidance the merchants went to distant places to sell and purchase their goods. He was supposed
to be a highly capable person knowing not only the routes but also the languages as well as the rules of exchange in
different regions. The expansion of agriculture and the availability of surplus from the 8th19th century onwards led
to increase in commercial exchanges in South India too. It resulted in the emergence of a full time trading community
looking after the local exchange.
This community also participated in wider inter-regional and inter-oceanic trade. As in the North, South Indian
merchants too specialised in the trade of specific commodities such as textiles, oil. At the local or regional markets
were the centres of exchange. They were situated in a cluster of agrarian settlement, and they integrated not only
collection from hinterland but also commercial traffic from other areas.
The numbers of these nagarams increased considerably during the Chola period in the eleventh and twelfth centuries
SOCIAL ROLE OF TRADERS

As growth of trade brought economic prosperity to merchants, they sought to gain social prestige by participating in
the maintenance of temples, priests and religious functions. Numerous inscriptions refer to the grant of cash or goods
by merchants for these purposes. Same merchants became very influential and joined the ranks of state officials and
ministers. A tenth century inscription refers to a merchant of Modha caste who was the chief of Sonja (near Thane)
in Maharashtra. In Gujarat, the merchant family of Vial played an important role in the political and cultural life of
the region. He and his descendants Vastupala and Tejapala occupied important ministerial positions at the court and
are known for building the famous marble temples dedicated to Jaina gods at Mount Abu. A thirteenth century
inscription from central Gujarat reveals that many important merchants, traders and artisans were a part of the local
administrative bodies.
Character and Conduct of Traders
The foreign authors and travellers such as Al-Idrisi (twelfth century) and Marco Polo (thirteenth century) praise
Indian traders for their truthfulness and honesty in business dealings. But in the contemporary Indian literature we
come across many instances of greedy and dishonest merchants. The Kashmiri author Kshemendra refers to a
typically selfish merchant who used to feel overjoyed at the approach of a famine or some other calamity because he
could expect good money on his hoarded foodgrains. A text of the eleventh century from Western India, divides
merchants in two main class-on the basis of their position and character-high and low. It points out that rich merchants
who indulged in large scale sea or land trade enjoyed great reputation while small merchants such as hawkers,
retailers, etc. who cheated people by using false weights and measures were looked down upon in society. It also
includes artisans in the list of dishonest people. It may, however, be noted that some of these views reflect the
contemporary feudal tendency in which persons working with their own hands and resources were considered low in
society.
ORGANISATION OF TRADERS
Assess the Lekhapaddhati as an important source for evaluating the society and economy of the 13th century CE
with special reference to Gujarat (20)(2013)

The merchants derived their power and prestige not only from wealth but also from the guilds or associations formed
by them to protect their interests. In the first phase the decline of trade weakened the corporate activity of merchants,
and many of the guilds were reduced to mere regional or occupational sub castes. But as trade revived in the second
phase, merchant guilds reappeared as an important feature of the contemporary economic life.
Guilds : Definition and Functions
The guilds were voluntary associations of merchants dealing in the same type of commodity such as grains, textiles,
betel leaves, horses, perfumes, etc. They were formed by both local as well as itinerant merchants. The association
of local merchants having permanent residence in town was more permanent in nature then the association of itinerant
merchants which was formed only for a specific journey and was terminated at the end of each venture. The guilds
framed their own rules and regulations regarding the membership and the code of conduct. They fixed the prices of
their goods and could even decide that specific commodity was not to be sold on a particular day by its members.
They could refuse to trade on a particular day by its members. They could refuse to trade in a particular area if they
found the local authorities hostile or uncooperative. The guild merchants also acted as the custodians of religious
interests. The inscriptions refer to numerous instances when they collectively agreed to pay an additional tax on the
sale and purchase of their goods for the maintenance of temples or temple functions.
The guild normally worked under the leadership of a chief who was elected by its members. He performed the
functions of a magistrate in deciding the economic affairs of the guild. He could punish, condemn or even expel those
members who violated the guild rules. One of his main duties was to deal directly with the King, and settle the market
tolls and taxes on behalf of his fellow merchants. The growth of corporate activity enabled guild chiefs to consolidate
their power and position in society, and many of them acted as the representative of their members on the local
administrative councils.
A member of the guild worked under a strict code of discipline and was also robbed of some initiative or action but
still he enjoyed numerous benefits. He received full backing of the guild in all his economic activities and was, thus,
saved from the harassment of local officials. Unlike a hawker or vendor, he had greater credibility in the market on
account of his membership of the guild. Thus, inspite of the fact that guildchiefs tended to be rude and authoritative
at times, the merchants found guilds an important means of seeking physical and economic protections. The digests
and commentaries of the period refer to the corporate body of merchants by various terms, such as naigama, shreni,
samuha, sartha, samgha, etc. The naigama is described as an association of caravan merchants of different castes who
travel together for the purpose of carrying on trade with other countries. Shreni, according to Medhatithi, was a group
of people following the same profession such as that of traders, moneylenders, artisans, etc. though some authors
considered it to be a group of artisans alone. The Lekhapaddhati indicates that a special department called the Shreni-
karana was constituted by the kings of western India to look after the activities of the guilds of merchants and artisans
in their region. Another text Manasollasa reveals that many merchant guilds maintained their own troops (shrenibala)
for personal safety. Inscriptions too refer to the corporate activity of merchants. An inscription from western India
refers to vanika-mandala which was probably a guild of local merchants.
Organisation of Trading Guilds in South India

The expansion of agriculture and the growth of trade from the tenth century led to the emergence of many merchant
guilds or organisations in South India too. The inscriptions refer to these organisations often as samaya, i.e. an
organisation born out of an agreement or contract among its members to follow a set of rules and regulations.
The two most important merchant guilds of South India were known as the Ayyavole and the Manigraman.
Geographically, the area of their operation corresponded to the present day state of Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil
Nadu and South Andhra Pradesh. The Cola kings from the tenth century onwards made a concerted effort to trade
and commerce through trade missions, maritime expeditions, abolition of tolls, etc. It greatly increased the activities
of the guilds which were involved in not only inter-regional but also inter-oceanic trade across the Bay of Bengal.
The merchant guild called Ayyavole was also known as the guild of "the 500 Swami of Aihole" nanadeshi. While
some have argued that such organisations were primarily traders in various types of merchandise and not a single
unified corporation of merchants, a detailed study of Kannada Ayyavole shows that the organisation might have had
an initial membership of 500. But there is no denying the fact that with the growth of trade and commerce, the
vimnajas (representing the trading guild of Ayyavok) operated on a trans-regional plane and had developed deep
socio-economic interests between the ninth and fifteenth centuries. They spread from Bhalvani (in Sangli district in
Maharashtra) in the north to Kayalpattinam (in Tamil Nadu) in the South. The number "five hundred" also became
conventional as the guild became a much larger body and drew its members from various regions, religions and
castes.

In course of outward expansion, the members of the Ayyavole guild interacted with the local markets called naymm,
and promoted commercial activity by collecting agricultural goods from the hinterland and distributing the goods
brought from elsewhere. The commercial influence of Ayyavole spread even beyond South India. It is indicated by
the inscriptions found at .Burma. Java. Sumatra and Sri Lanka. As the mercantile activities of Ayyavole increased,
some of its members became quite rich and powerful, and acquired the title of samaya chakravarti. i.e. the emperor
of the trading organisation. It may suggest that as in the North, certain individual merchants in South too were trying
to establish their control on the working of Another important merchant guild of South, India was the Manigram. It
first appeared along the Kerala coast in the ninth century A.D. However, as it gradually came into close contact, with
the Ayyavole, it greatly improved upon its inter-regional activities and covered a large part of the peninsula. A ninth
century Tamil inscription found at Takuapa on the West coast of Malaya indicates that it was engaged in the long
distance sea trade from the very beginning.
The importance acquired by trading guilds is apparent in the conscious attempt to trace exalted genealogies of traders
of various corporations. The Vira Bananjas of the Ayyavole, for instance, are said to have been born in the race of
vasudeva and their qualities are compared with those of various epic heroes. A typical prashasti (panegyric) of the
Vira Bananjas may be seen in the following description found in the Kolhapur stone inscription of the Shilahar King
Gandarditya dated in A.D. 130.
The vast trading network in South India was controlled by a number of merchant organisations which worked in close
cooperation and harmony with one another. The guildchiefs, on account of their control on trade and trading
organisations, established close links with the royal houses and enjoyed great name and fame in the society.
How did the temples of South India, as financial institutions, have deep impact on the social institutions of early
medieval period? Critically examine. (15) (2016)
The South Indian Temple as an Economie Centre The development of lands was but one of the economic activities
which medieval South Indian temples carried out. Withi n the area of their influence, which varied with the
importance and wealth of the temple, each temple was an important economic institution. The variegated economic
functions of medieval South Indian temples have been commented upon by most South Indian historians. Nilakanta
Sashtri spoke of temples as having the following economic functions : 'landholder, employer . . . consumer of goods
and services .. , and bank." The landholder function has already been dealt with sufficiently. The temple as an
employer of large numbers of persons may be seen in the eleventh century inscription from the Tanjore temple. Here,
609 temple servants are listed not including teachers and principal spiritual and secular officials. Mahalingam
mentioned an inscription of the Vijayanagar period which referred to a smaller temple with 370 temple servants.
Temples were also major consumers of local products which were regularly purchased and used for the performance
of ritual. Numerous inscriptions also refer to the loans made by temples to individuals and village assemblies for
economically productive and other purposes. Such loans would usually be secured by lands whose income the temple
would enjoy in lieu of interest. The variety of economic functions which South Indian Brahmanical temples came to
have by the Vijaya - nagar period may be viewed in the following developmental framework. Durin g the medieval
period, Brahmanical centres became religious centres with respect to a group of villages and other institutions. This
occurred as a result of the Hind u revival which made the Brahmanical temple the most significant institution for
bhakti worship. The rise of temples was the result of religious developments of the medieval period. Necessarily.
Brahmanical temples depended upon an allocation of resources in order to support rituals. Necessarily, also, the
temple developed close economic lies wit h local institutions not only as the recipient of their endowments, but as
landholder, employer, consumer, and source of loan funds. Hence, temples became economic as well as religious
centres. An important aspect of the relationship between the temple and the local institution with which economic
ties existed derived from the nature of religious endowments. Endowments were made for the provision of perpetual
services which, in the case of money, required investment for earnings. Study of the Tirupati and other South Indian
temples has suggested another aspect of the role of temples as economic centres in medieval South India. The rulers
of Vijayanagar, dedicated to the promotion of Hindu institutions, poured large sums of money into temples. This
money was not buried in vaults; it was pressed into immediate service by temple officials. At the Tirupati temple, the
form in which these sums of money were employed to earn an income was through irrigation investments. At
Srirangam. it appears, money endowments were employed in making commercial loans to business firms in
Trichinopoly. At other temples, such funds were loaned to village assemblies or individuals. It appears that every
temple had one, or perhaps several, ways in which its monev trusts could be employed for productive or other
purposes. The channeling of these funds with which the temples were endowed took place within what might be
thought of as an economic system formed by institutions and persons which had economic ties to the temple.
Society: the status of the Brahman and the new social order
BRAHMANICAL PERSPECTIVE: GROWING RIGIDITY
Coming of mlenchas such as the Hunas, Arabs, Turks, etc. had created a fear psychosis and-resulted in a tendency,
where the emphasis was on the need to preserve the age-old social order. Shankaracharya, the famous
religiophilosophic leader stated that the varna and ashramadharmas were in a disturbed state.
Dhanapala, a writer of the eleventh century, also talks about chaos in the conduct of vama order. Various rulers
between the sixth and thirteenth centuries make rather pompous claims about preserving the social order. These are
reflected in their inscriptions. Varnasram-dharma-sthapana, i.e. the establishment of the system of varna and
ashrama becomes a frequently used expression in contemporary inscriptions.
VOICES OF DISSENT
The fundamental basis of the caste system were being questioned, specially by non-brahmanical followers. Centuries
ago raised doubts about the rationale of castes based on birth. His anger was particularly heaped upon brahmanas.
Though these voices could not achieve significant breakthrough in the longrun. Simmering discontent against the
brahmanical social order head at regular intervals. No wonder, in Dhanuaparika (eleventh century) Jaina Amitagati
determined caste on the basis of personal conduct. The caste superiority of the brahmanas was challenged by the
Jainas. Kshmendra, the literary genius of Kashmir refers to Kula-Jatadarpa (divinity of caste and clan) as a disease
of the society for which he himself was a physician. The Padmapurana reveals a conflict of two ideologies-the
orthodox one enjoining on the shuba life of penury, and the heterodox one urging upon him the importance of wealth.
Broad classification of householders takes note of the following six categories:
the highest included chakravartins, the high ones comprised the feudal elite, the middle ones included traders,
moneylenders, possessors of cows, buffaloes, camels, horses, etc.
small businessmen and petty cultivators, the degraded ones such as the members of guilds off artisans and craftsmen,
and the highly degraded included chandaias and others following ignoble occupations I such as killing of birds and
animals.
It is obvious that this social categorisation takes note of economic factors in the determination of social status. Even
if such attempts were not aiming at a more egalitarian society than the one espoused and buttressed by the brahmanical
interest; even if such categorisations show their biases and prejudices, it needs to be highlighted that such
reconstructions were evidently more rational.
CHANGING MATERIAL BASE AND THE NEW SOCIAL ORDER

The aforesaid review of broad but conflicting trends shows that the social organisation was in a flux and far from
being harmonious. lndeed, it could not have been so, particularly in view of the momentous changes taking place in
the economic structure of the sub-continent. One single factor which seems to have set the tone of the post-Gupta
society, specially from the eighth-century, was the ever growing phenomenon of land grants. Its impact on the
agrarian expansion changed the entire social outlook. This was coupled with a fillip to tendencies of localisation, its
bearing on fluctuations in the urban setting, its nexus with the monetary system, its role in increasing social and
economic immobility and subjection of peasantry and non-agricultural toiling workers, and the resultant hierarchy of
ruling landed aristocracy A new social ethos was in the making. It was shown above that the new trends in Indian
economy were conductive to feudal formation. In the realm of political organisation too, a great majority of power
centres were marked by feudal tendencies based on graded land rights. No wonder, the social landscape could not
escape the domineering impact of the fast pace of economic changes outlined above. The resultant social changes
demolish the myth of an unchanging and static social organisation of India which was propagated .by colonialist and
imperialist historians. Regrettably, even nationalist historians too did not question such assumptions. More recent
writings, specially of the last three decades, have rightly focused on the dynamism and vibrancy of the Indian social
fabric by highlighting its interlinks with changing economic patterns.
THE SOCIAL ETHOS

The post-eighth century social organisation seems to have prevailed till at least the establishment of the Turkish
political power in the thirteenth century, was marked by modifications in the varna system such as the transformation
of shudras into cultivators thereby bringing them closer to the vaishyas, newly founded brahmanical order in Bengal
and South India wherein the intermediary varna were absent, and finally, rise of the new literate class struggling for
a place in the varna order, phenomenal increase in the rise of new mixed castes, unequal distribution of land and
military power, which, in turn, accounts for the emergence of feudal ranks cutting across varna distinctions, and
increasing evidence of social tensions.
The famous Chinese traveller of the early seventh century, Hsuan-Tsang, mentions shudras as agriculturists. Al-
biruni, who came to India alongwith Mahmud Ghanavi in the first quarter of the eleventh century, also notes the
absence of any difference between the vaishyas and shudras.
The Skanda Purana talks about the pitiable conditions of the vaishyas. By the eleventh century they came to be
treated with the shudras, both ritually and legally.
Al-biruni, for example, says that both vaishyas and shudras were punished with amputation of the tongue for reciting
the vedic texts. There were certain shudras who were called bhojyanna, i.e. food prepared by whom could be taken
even by brahmanas. Many Tantric and Siddha teachers were shudras performing works of fishermen, leather workers,
washermen, blacksmiths, etc. A text of the eighth century states that thousands of mixed castes were produced as a
result 'of marriages between vaishya women and men of lower castes. There is also a mention of anashrita shudras
(shudras who were not dependent) who were well-to-do and sometimes became members of the local administrative
committees and even made their way into the ruling aristocracy.
Such achievements of shudras were rather rare. Dependent peasants, ploughmen and artisans were greatly needed to
strengthen the early medieval economic and political set-up characterized by a relatively self-sufficing local economy
and the emergence of a dominant class of rural aristocracy. Such a need was being fullfilled by the approximation of
the vaishyas and shudras. This happened, despite persistence of brahmana orthodoxy reflected in the attitude of
Parashar who threatened the shudras abandoning their duty of serving the dvijas with the dire
consequence of hell. Even some orthodox sections of the jainas had developed the notion that the shudras were not
eligible for religious initiation.
The aforesaid tendency of removing distinctions between the vaishyas and shudras resulted in the emergence of a
social order typified by an absence of intervarnas in Bengal and South India. The new brahmanical order in these
areas provided mainly for brahmans and shudras. This may have been partly due to the influence of non-brahmanical
religions in these regions. However, the nature of the progress of brahmanism also contributed to this development.
It was not a case of mass migration of violent Sanskrit speaking people. There was considerable, intermixing and
acculturation. Tribal and non-brahmanical population in the peripheral regions were admitted to the brahmanical
system as shudras. Many early medieval texts provide long lists of aboriginal forest tribes who had been instrumental
in the rise of political powers. From the ninth to the thirteenth centuries almost all powers fought Abhiras. The
Brahmavaivarta Purana, which is attributed to Bengal of the thirteenth century, refers to such tribal people as like
Agaris, Ambashthas. Bhillas, Kaunchas etc, who were accommodated as shudras in the
brahmanical order. This is true of the Abhiras as well as far as the Deccan was dealing with the career of a Sena King
of Bengal in the twelfth century speaks of the reordering of the social order. The King raised the position of the
Kaivarthas, potters, blacksmiths, garlandmakers while the goldsmiths and trader - were degraded. In the region of
another Sena King (Laxmana Sena), a writer says in connection with the unfurling ceremony of traders' banner called
Shakradhvaj: where are the traders who once held you aloft. You are now being used as plough or animal post." In
South India, a Shaiva brahmana teacher called Basava preached religious equality of men and women. The tendency
to eliminate intermediary also noticeable in the status of scribes. The Kayaithas, Karanas, Lekhas are classed as
shudras. Same was true of gavundas (modern day Gowdas in Karnataka) in medieval Deccan.
Rise of a New Literate CIass

The phenomenon of land grants involved land transactions, keeping of owner ship of writers and record keepers.
Though the first kayastha is mentioned in Gupta incriptions from Bengal, the post-Gupta inscriptions are full of
references to a variety of people involved in record keeping activities. Though these scribes were being recruited
from different varnas, later they got crystallized into distinct castes with attendant marriage restrictions.
From the ninth century we hear of a large number of kayastha families such as Valabha, Gapda, Mathur, Katana,
Shrivastavya, Negam, etc. The use of Kula and Varnsha with kayastha from the eleventh century and terms such as
jati and gyati with kayastha from 12th-13th century show that the emergence of the kayastha caste was evident.
Individual kayasthas began to play leading role in learning and literature. Tathagatarakshita of Orissa who belonged
to a family of physicians by profession and kayastha by caste, was a reputed professor of Tantras in the Vikramashila
University (in Bihar) in the twelfth century.
Phenomenal Increase in the Rise of New Mixed Castes

This is one of the most distinctive features of social changes during the centuries under reference. Brahmavarta Purana
dictum deshabhasha (difference based on regions/territories) leads to differences in castes. A village named Brihat-
Chhattivama (inhabited by 36 varnas) is mentioned in a tenth century inscription from Bengal. No varna seemed to
have remained homogeneous and got fragmented on account of territorial affiliations, purity of gores and pursuance
of specific crafts, professions and vocations:
i) Amongst Brahmanas: The multiplication of castes as a phenomenon appears to be most pronounced among
brahmanas. They were no longer confined to their traditional six fold duties. Apart from occupying high governmental
positions such as those of ministers, purohitas, judges, etc. they had also started performing military functions. For
example, the senapati of Prithviraj Chauhan was a brahmana named Skanda.
Inscriptions in ninth-tenth century mention brahmanas as horse dealers and betel sellers. The eleventh century
Kashmiri writer Kshemendra mentions brahmanas performing functions of artisans, a dancers and indulging in the
sale of wine, butter-milk, salt, etc. Functional distinction of brahmanas is reflected in such titles as: Shrotriya, pandit,
maharaja-pandita, dikshit, yajnik, pathaka, upadhyaya, thakrura: agnihotri, etc Mitakshara, the famous commentary
on the Smriti of Yagnavalkya speaks of the ten-fold gradation of brahmanas ranging between Deva (who is a
professor, and devoted to religion and shastras) and Chandal, who does not perform sandhya three times a day. In
between were the shudrabrahmanas who lived by profession of arms and temple priests.
Divisions within the brahmana varna were also caused by terretorial affiliations. In North India we hear of Sarasvat,
Kanyakubja, Maithi, Ganda and Utkal brahmanas. In Gujarat and Rajasthan they were identified in terms of their
mula (original place of habitation) and divided into Modha, Udichya, Nagara, etc. By the late medieval times, the
brahmanas were split into about 180 mulas. There were also the feelings of superiority. While there was a phenomenal
migration of brahmanas, certain regions were considered to be papadeshas (impious regions). These included
Saurashtra, Sidh and Dakshmapath.
ii) Amongst Kshatriyas: The ranks of kshatriyas also swelled in the post-eighth century. Numerous works give
varying lists of 36 clans of Rajputs in northern India alone. They arose out of different strata of population-kshatriyas,
brahmanas, some other tribes including even the original ones and also out of the ranks of foreign invaders who
settled here and got assimilated into the Indian social system. While the traditional notion invested the kshatriya varna
as a whole with functions of rulership, the ideologues were never opposed to recognizing in many cases the non-
kshatriya rulers as kshatriyas
iii) Amongst Vaishyas and Shudras: The process of caste proliferation did not leave the vaishyas and shudras
untouched. While these two broad varnas, as seen above, were clearly coming closer to each other, there is an
equally unmistakable evidence of jatis (castes). Vaishyas too were being identified with regional affiliations. Thus,
we account for vaishyas called Shrimal's, Palliwals, Nagar, Disawats, etc. No less striking is the heterogeneity of the
Shudras who had been performing multifarious functions. They were agricultural labourers, petty peasants, artisans,
craftsman, servants and attendants. The Brahma Vaivarta Purana lists as many as one hundred castes of shudras. In
their case too, these sub-divisions were based on regional and territorial affiliations. In addition, shudra castes were
also emerging which were related to a specific process of industrial working, e.g. Padukakrit, Charmakara (makers
of shoes, leather workers), etc. Crystallization of crafted into castes was a complementary phenomenon. It seems that
napita, modaka, tambdika, suvanrakara, sutrakara, malakara, etc. emerged as castes out of various crafts. These castes
increased with the growth of ruling aristocracy and their dependence is reflected in their characterization as atria.
Their subjection and immobility is indicated in the transfer of trading guilds (called shrenis or prakritis) to brahmana
donees. An inscription of 1000 A.D, belonging to Yadava mahasamanta Bhillama-II defines the donated village as
comprising eighteen guilds. Incidentally, these guilds also functioned as castes.
LAND DISTRIBUTION, FEUDAL RANKS AND VARNA DISTINCTIONS

The studies of the past-Gupta economic and political structures have taken due note of newly emerged graded land
rights. The hierarchy of officials and vassals also shows the impact of unequal distribution of land. The multifarious
functions of vassals and officials show among other features a strong predilection of military obligations. The nature
of power dispersal and its links with the structure of land distribution were bound to influence the social wt-up as
well. One very significant dimension of this impact was the emergence of feudal ranks cutting across varna
distinctions. Constituting the ruling aristocracy wag no longer the monopoly of Kshtriyas.-That the feudal ranks were
open to all varnas is clear in the Mansam (a text on architecture) when it lays down that everybody irrespective of his
varna could get the two lower military ranks in the feudal hierarchy: praharka and astragrahin. Although lowest in
rank, the astragrahin was entitied to have 500 horses, 5000 elephants, 50,000 soldiers, 5000 women attendants and
one queen. We do not have to take these figures literally but surely, the text is an important indicator of varna
distinctions getting a rude shock by new distribution of and power. Further, the titles such as thakur, raut, nayaka,
etc. were not confined to kshatriyas or Rajputs. These were also conferred on kayasthas who were granted land and
who sewed in army. Kulluka's commentary on the Smriti of Manu mentions the tendency of bigger merchants joining
the ranks of the ruling landed aristocracy. In Kashmir, rajanaka, a little of high honour literally meaning "nearly a
king, got closely associated with the brahmanas. Feudal titles were also bestowed upon artisans. For example, the
Deopara inscription of Vijayasena tells us that Shulapani; who was the head of artisans of Varendra (in West Bengal),
held the title ranaka.
The symbols of social identity amongst feudal rank holders were also related to landed possessions. Badges of-
honour, fly whisk, umbrella, horses, elephants, palanquins, acquisition of pancha-mahashabda etc. depended on the
place in the feudal hierarchy. To illustrate, chakravarth and mahasamantas were permitted to erect the chief gate
(sinhadvar) which could not be done by lesser vassals. The provision of varying sizes of houses for different grades
of vassals and officials was also the product of the impact of unequal holdings.
INCREASING SOCIAL TENSIONS

Though various modifications were taking placed developments were happening which cut across varna distinctions,
nevertheless, the pace of social changes in the post-eighth centuries was far from being an agent of harmonious and
egalitarian set-up. The manifestations of social tensions were too many. A society which was based on an unequal
distribution of bases of economic power was bound to be iniquitous. Though the shudras were rising in their status
but untouchability was very much part of the social fabric. A fairly large number of' shudras appear to have been the
actual workers, whether on land or in industry, working for their feudal overlords. Pursuit of the so-called impure
occupations, being guilty of prohibited acts, adherence to heretical acts and physical impurities were major factors
for the growth of untouchability. The Brihad Naradiya Purana reveals the beginnings of the exclusion of the shudras
from places of worship. The chandalas and dombas were to carry sticks by striking which they made themselves
known so that people could avoid touching them. When Vastupala was the governor of Cambay, he constructed
platforms and thus stopped the promiscuous mingling of all castes in shops. Though the brahmanical lawgivers were
showing their concern for their proprietary rights of women, specially on stridhan, it was also an age when the practice
of sati seems to have made a real beginning.
The Rajatarangini comprising chronicle of Kashmir also refers to the performance of sati in royal families. The
archaeological evidence is to be seen in the numerous sati-satta plaques found in both North and South India.
Sectarian rivalries must have caused sufficient tensions in the society. A brahmana who believed in Jainism was
considered to be an outcaste. In the Latakamelaka, two brahmanas indulge in the exchange of hot words and charge
each other with 'abrahmanya without any rhyme or reason. The relation between the multiplication of religious sects
and that of castes in medieval times is very close. Differences in rituals, food, dress, etc. caused religious splits. For
example Budhism split into 18 sects: The Jainas in Karanataka had as many as seven sects: Karnataka was also the
scene of tussle between the Lingayats and Virashaivas. Very often, the religious sects tended to crystallize into castes.
Isn't it an historical irony that the religions whose avowed aim was to abolish caste distinctions and cleavages based
on birth were themselves swallowed by the caste system? It is also true that quite often these sectarian tensions were
products of the land grant economy. There seems to have been an inevitable competition amongst numerous religious
sects-both bramanical and non-brahmanical, to grab as much land as possible. Indeed, great majority of religious
establishments tended to become laded magnates as example, some rulers of the post-eighth centuries, such as
Avantivarman of the Mattamayara region (possibly a Chalukya prince of central India, near Gwalior) and a Cedi
King of Dahala are said to have dedicated their kingdoms to be religious heads of the Shaiva Siddharta school and
then apparently ruled as vassals. The movement of a particular sect of the Jainas emerged in the eleventh century in
Gujarat and Rajasthan, which was called vidhi-chaitya. It was a sort of protestant movement aiming at denunciation
of greedy and acquisitive Jaina ascetics who were egar to grab land. The rise of kayasthas, the new literati class, had
its own implications as far as social tensions were concerned. This class had clearly emerged as a challenge to the
position of brahmans. The example of kayastha Tathagata-rakshita of Orissa becoming a reputed professor of Tantras
in the Vikramashila University has already been cited above. Kshemendra of Kashmir clearly writes that the rise of
kayasthas led to loss of economic privileges because officials hesitated in resuming landgrants to Brahman. In
Kashmir the members of the temple-purohita corporation used to organise prayopaveshan (hunger strikes) as a
weapon for getting their grievances redressed. As if with a vengeance, the bramanas order to reiterate their
superiority.

No less significant were the manifestations of rural tensions. The damara revolts in Kashmir, rebellion of the
kaivarattas in the region of Ramapala in Bengal, acts of self-immolation in situations of encroachments on land in
Tamil Nadu.
“Tantrism, if not in practice, at least on conceptual level challenged patriarchy;’ Examine Tantrism specially
keeping in mind the above context. (15) (2015)
Tantrism, so-called after its compositions, the Tantras, became widely practised from about the eighth century when
it gradually surfaced throughout the subcontinent. It upholds a belief and practice contrary to Vedic Brahmanism.
Tantrism is often associated with five elements (panchatattva) – namely madira (alcohol), mamsa (meat), matsya
(fish), mudra (physical practices), and maithuna (sexual intercourse).
Tantrism challenged patriarchy:
(1) Tantrism was open to all castes and included women in the rituals, which identified it with non-orthodox
sentiment.
(2) Tantrism had three interconnected features: a higher status given to women, sexual rituals and the presence of
many female deities. Women were bracketed with the sudras in the Brahmanical order, tantrism tried to raise their
traditional ritual status through Tantric initiations.
(3) Tantra considers Godhead as involving the union of a masculine and feminine aspect. Energy (shakti) is conceived
of as feminine and is central to the Tantric view of the Universe and liberation.
(4) Goddesses were acccorded great veneration, as is evident from the collection of legends in the Devi-mahatmya.
The devi or goddess, had an individuality of her own and was worshipped for this rather that merely as a consort of
a god. The symbols associated with the worship of a Devi often derived from forms of fertility worship, which is not
unexpected.
(5) Women were permitted to establish their own ashramas, to act as priestesses and to teach.
Although, Tantrism has often been condemned for its more extreme activities, it seems to have been a vehicle for
opposition to the brahmanical ordering of society.
Tantrism influenced Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. Mother goddesses of tribal people were accommodated as
Shakti in Hinduism, as Tara in Buddhism, as various forms of Yakshinis in Jainism.
It can be concluded that ”At a conceptual level, but not in terms of introducing change into social codes, Tantrism
challenged patriarchy”.
Temple Architecture
Indian temples have symbolised the very ethos of life-style of people through the millennia. The panorama of Indian
temple architecture may be seen across at extremely wide chronological and geographical horizon. From the simple
beginnings at Sanchi in the fifth century of the Christian era to the great edifices at Kanchi, Jhanjaw and Madurai is
a story of more than a millennium.
Major styles
The ancient texts on Indian temple architecture broadly classify them into three orders. The terms Nagara, Dravida
and Vesara indicate a tendency to highlight typological features of temples and their geographical distribution: These
terms describe respectively temples that primarily employ square, octagonal and apsidal ground plans which also
regulate the vertical profile of the structure. Nagara and, Dravida temples are generally identified with the northern
and southern temple styles respectively. All of northern India, from the foothills of the Himalayas to the central
plateau of the Deccan is furnished with temples in the northern style. There are, of course, certain regional variations
in the great expanse of this area. A work entitled Aparajitapriceha confines the Nagari (Nagara) style to the
Madhyadesha (roughly the Ganga-Yamuna plains) and further mentions Lati and Vaimti (Gujarat and Rajasthan
respectively) as separate styles. The local manuscripts of Orissa recognise four main types of Orissa style temples,
viz., the Rehka, Bhadra, Kharkhara and Gaudiya. The Dravida or southern style, comparatively speaking,
followed a more consistent development track and was confined to the most southernly, portions of the sub-continent,
specially between the Krishna river and Kanyakumari. The term Vesara is not free from vagueness. Some of the texts
ascribe the Vesara style to the country between the Vindhyas and the river Krishna but there are texts placing it
'between the Vindhyas and the Agastya, the location of which is uncertain. Since the temples of the Nagara type are
found as far south as Dharwad (in Karnataka) and those of the Dravidian type as far north as Ellora (in Maharashtra),
a narrow and compartmentalized geographical classification is misleading. At certain periods there occurred striking
overlapping of major styles as influence from different regions conformed each other, e.g., the temples of the early
Chalukyas whose kingdom was strategically positioned in the middle of the peninsula in the seventh and eighth
centuries. The Kandariya Mahadeva temple in Khajuraho is another striking example many architectural elements
'combined into an integrated whole. the Kerala temples display variety in their plan . Square, circular or upside ended
buildings are utilized. The earliest examples in Kerala go back to the twelfth century.
Shapes, Plans and Language of Temples

Each temple style has its own distinctive technical language, though some terms are common but applied to different
parts of the building in each style. The sanctuary, which is the main part is called the vimana where the garbhagriha
or the inner sanctum containing the main presiding deity is located. The part surmounting the vimana is known as
the shikhra. The other elements of ground plan are: mandapa or pavilion for the assembly of devotees; antarala,
which is a vestibule connecting the vimana and mandapa and the pradakshiapath, i.e. circumabulatory passage
surrounding these. The natmandir or dance hall and bhogamandapa were evolved subsequently in the Orissan
temples such as the famous Sun temple at Konarka, to add to the dignity and magnificence of the deities who were
honoured in them.
The exterior of the Nagara type is characterized by horizontal tiers, as in the jagamohan or porch in front of the
sanctum of the Lingaraj temple at Bhubaneswar, and the viman, is usually circular in plan. Fundamentally, there is
no structural similarity between the Brahmanical and the Jain temples in the North except that the need for housing
the various Tirthankaras dominates the disposition of space in the latter. The Dravida style has a polygonal, often
octagonal shikhara and a pyramidal vimana, which is rectangular in plan. A temple of the Dravida type is also
notable for the towering gopurams or gate towers of the additional mandapas. From the days of Ganesh ratha of the
Pallava times (seventh century) at Mahabalipuram (near Madras) to the gigantic Brihadishvara temple (c.985-1012
A.D.) of the Cholas at Thanjavur: the Dravida style took many strides.
Ecological Setting, Raw Materials and Regionalisation

The stylistic evolution of temples was also rooted in ecological setting which gave them specific regional identity.
In the relatively heavy rainfall areas of the western coast of India and Bengal, temples have sloping tiled roofs, giving
rise to timber gables. To overcome the hazards of snow and hail, wooden sloped roofs are also employed in the
temples of the Himalayan belt. In general, the hotter and drier the climate, the flatter the roof; open porches provide
shaded seating, and pierced stone. .screens are utilised to filter the light. Some such features which are noticeable in
the famous Ladkhan temple of the Chalukyas at Ahole (north Karnataka) are direct adaptations of thatch and timber
village and community halls. The distribution of space in Jain shrines was affected by their placements on high hills.
These structures are characterized by an air of seclusion and aloofness. Some such typical examples can be seen at
the Shatrunjaya and Palitana hills in Gujarat or the Dilwara temples at Mount Abu in southern Rajasthan.
Apart from the ecological influences, the availability of raw materials also affected styles of craftsmanship. While
the transition from wood to stone attributed to the Mauryas of the third century B.C. was in itself a great step forward,
local raw materials played a dominant role in techniques of construction and carving. No wonder, the Pallava King
Mahendravarman (early seventh century) is called vichitra-chitta (curious minded) because he discarded
conventional perishable materials such as brick, timber and mortar and used the hardest rock surface (granite) for his
cave temples at Mahabalipuram. Hard and crystalline rocks prevented detailed carving, whereas soft and sedimentary
stone permitted great precision. Friable and schistlike stones, such as those by the Hoyshal architects and craftsmen
at Belur and Halebid (Karnataka) in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries promoted the carving of mouldings created
by sharp and angled incisions. Brick building traditions continued I to survive where there was an absence of good
stone and techniques of moulding and carving bricks doubtless influenced the style of temples in these areas, e.g. the
temples at Bishnupur in Bengal. The influence of timber and bamboo techniques of construction represent a unique
architectural development in north eastern state of Assam. Almost no stone temples are found in the Himalayan
valleys of Kulu, Kangra and Chamba. It is obvious that timber and brick building traditions dominate temple
formation in these areas. The sloping and gabled roofs which are preserved only in stone in the temples of Kashmir
can be seen in these areas in pure wooden format. In the 9th century or so, a remarkable multi-towered temple was
excavated at Masrur in Kangra.
Role of Decorative Elements
The evolution of various styles in terms of decorations, ornamentations and other embellishments is a natural
phenomenon. However, it needs to be stressed that these elements did not affect the basic structure of temples.
Amongst conspicuous decorative elements one can mention growth of pillars from simple oblong shafts in early
Pallava structures to extremely finely chiselled (almost giving the impression of lathe work) columns in Hoyshala
temples. Later still, the temples of Madurai and Rameshvaram give extraordinary place to long corridors studded
with animals based caryatids. The niches, pavilions and horse shoe-shaped windows (kudu) among others, are also
important decorative motifs which help in the delineation of stages of evolution. In general, the tendency is to make
constant increase in embellishments. To illustrate, the kudu which at the Mahabalipuram monuments has a plain
shovel-headed ferial, develops a lion head in the Chola monuments. The process of excessive ornamentation is
noticeable in North India too. Shikharas, ceilings and other walls receive great attention of artisans and craftsmen.
Extremely exquisite catvings in marble in the ceilings at Dilwara Jain temples at Mt. Abu do not serve any structural
purpose and are purely decorative. Sometimes it is argued that multiplication of roofs constitutes a distinctive feature
of temples of Malabar, Bengal and the eastern and western Himalayas. In a west coast or Malabar temple the walls
resemble a wooden railing in structure and were made of wood. Such temples may have either a simple pitched roof
of overlapping slabs, or they may have a series of pitched roofs one above another, which bear an obvious
resemblance to the multiple pitched roofs of Chinese and Nepalese temples.
In Bengal, temples have been identified which have been borrowed from leaf-huts that are very common in the region.
In this form of temple with curved caves we also find the same tendency to a multiplication of roofs one above
another. The temples at Bishnuvir such as the famous Keshta Raya (17 th century) are built with a variety of roofs
forms on square and rectangular plans. Even contemporary Mughal architecture makes use of this so-called "Bengal
roof" in sandstone or marble
Give a brief account of the early medieval temple architecture of Kashmir. (10) (2015)
The architecture of medieval Kashmir may be said to begin at the seventh centuries A.D. It almost ended with the
transfer of the kingdom from Hindu to Muslim hands in A.D. 1337.
The buildings which represent Medieval Kashmiri Architecture, may be divided into two classes: The Buddhist
architecture and the Hindu architecture.
In point of materials, ornament, and technique, there is practically no difference between the two, but the religious
needs of the two communities being in certain essentials different, they differ widely in plan and elevation.
Influence of Buddhist Architecture
The Buddhists, who inherited a long artistic tradition, naturally adhered to their old models, though they employed
better materials and somewhat elaborated the decoration. The material brought into use was a beautiful grey
limestone, which was easy to carve, and presented a very smooth surface when properly dressed.
There was a great influence of the Buddhist architecture on Hindu Temples of Kashmir.
Though the religious needs of the Hindus did not necessitate their borrowing stupas and sangharamas from the
Buddhists, such considerations did not lie in the way of their taking advantage of the experience the latter had
gained in temple-building.
The needs of the two communities were the same in two respects: a chamber was required for installation of a
divine image (whether of the Buddha and the Bodhisattva or of Vishnu and any other Hindu deity is of little
importance), and accommodation was required for worshippers.
Parihasapura is the only surviving example of a Buddhist chaitya, or temple. The roof of the shrine was probably
pyramidal which influenced the Hindu temples.
The main architectural features of the temples of the kashmir are summarised as follows:-
(1) The earlier temple architecture of Kashmir were simpler, and that art progressed step by step, up to a certain
point, from the simple to the more elaborate.
(2) The temples face east or west.
(2)The temples have straight-edged pyramidal roofs in two tiers instead of the curvilinear superstructure of the
southern temples.
This was influnced by early Budhist architecture in Kashmir.
(3)The triangular pediment enclosing trefoil niches is on all the four sides of the main shrine.
(4)The cellular layout with the row of pillars is also a peculiar style. In some temples, fluted pillars are found which
is quite unique.
(5)The double chambered gateway matches the central shrine in scale and design.
Some examples of the temples of the early medieval time
(1) Martand temple:
This is among the earliest example of the Hindu temple in Kashmir, which is also the greatest and one of the most
finished of all the Kashmir temples.
It was built by Lalitaditya of the karkota dynasty. Dedicated to the sun god this magnificent edifice is located on a
karewa temple land.
The temple stands in the middle of a large courtyard enclosed by a cellular peristyle, once having 86 fluted
columns.
The temple proper contains grabhagriha, anatrala and closed mandapa, approached by a grand flight of steps.
Exteriorly, the sanctum is three ratha in plan. The quadrangular peristyle is among the largest in Kashmir. It is
entered on the west with a double chambered gateway that shares the width of the main temple.
The temple built of huge limestone ashlars is the one of the greatest monuments of Kashmir.
(2) Avantishvara temple:
It was built by Avantivarman of the utpala dynasty. It is dedicated to lord shiva.
The temple is of panchayatana type. The gateway of the temple is double chambered and is devoid of any
ornamentation. The main sanctum is raised on a high platform.
Temples bear two or three roofs which were also compiled from the usual wooden roofs. In the wooden examples
the interval between the two roofs seems to have been left open for light and air; in the stone buildings it is dosed
with ornaments. Besides this, all these roofs are relieved by types of windows comparable to those found i6 medieval
buildings in Europe. Example of such roofs in Kashmir may be seen in Shiva temple at Pandrethan and Sun temple
at Martand.
ORGANISATION OF BUILDING PROGRAMME

In the erection of the structural temple an organised building programme was followed. Bricks were baked either on
or near the site and stone was mostly quarried locally. From reliefs carved on temples and from a palm-leaf manuscript
that has been discovered about the building operations carried out at the world famous thirteenth century Sun temple
at Konarka, it is learnt that stone from quarries was sometimes transported to the building site on wooden rollers
drawn by elephants or floated on barges along rivers and canals. At the site the masons roughly shaped the stone
blocks which were then hoisted into position by rope pulleys on scaffolding. Ramps were also constructed of timber
and sand to facilitate the placing of extremely heavy stone pieces in place. A classic example of this is the stone
constituting the huge shikhara of the Brihadishvar temple at Thanjavur. Occasionally, as in Konarka, iron beams were
used in the sanctuary and hall.
The architects, artisans and workmen engaged in the various activities associated with the building of a temple were
organised into groups which functioned as guilds. The above-mentioned Karnartaka temple manuscript lists the
workmen, their salaries and rules of conduct and provides an account over several years of the various building
operations. Quite often, these get reflected in stone as well, e.g., an eleventh century panel from Khajuraho shows
cuttings, chiselling and transporting stone for temples.
SCULPTURES: STONE AND METAL IMAGES

the regional spirit asserting itself is seen in sculptural arts as well. Stylistically, schools of artistic depictions of the
human form developed in eastern, western, central and northern India. Distinctive contribution also emerged in the
Himalayan regions, the Deccan and the far South. A great majority of these regions produced works of art. "medieval
factor" was marked by a certain amount of slenderness and an accent on sharp angles and lines: The roundness of
bodily form acquires flatness. The curves lose their convexity and turn into the concave. Western and Central Indian
sculptures, Eastern Indian and Himalayan metal images, Gujarati and Rajasthani book and textile illustrations, Bengal
terracotta's and wood carvings and certain Deccan and Orissa miniatures registered this new conception of form
through the post-tenth centuries.
The pivot of the early medieval sculpture is the human figure, both male and female, in the form of gods and
goddesses and their attendants. Since these cult images rest on the assured foundations of a regulated structure of
form, it maintains a more or less uniform standard of quality in all art-regions of India. Curiously, the creative climax
of each art-region is not reached at one and the same time all over India. In Bihar and Bengal it is reached in the ninth
and tenth centuries; 'in Orissa in the twelfth and thirteenth; in Central India in the tenth and eleventh; in Rajasthan in
the tenth; in Gujarat in the eleventh; and in the far south in the tenth-eleventh centuries. It is in the Deccan alone that
the story is of increasing torpor and petrification - indeed, Deccan ceases to be a sculptural province after the eighth
century.

It is not only the cult images but non-ironic figure sculptures too which conform to more or less standardised types
within each art-province and hardly reveal any personal attitude or experience of the artist. The multitude of figures
related themselves to a large variety of motifs and subjects. These include: narrative reliefs, historical or semi-
historical scenes; music and dance scenes, mithuna couples in a variety of poses and attitudes, arrays of warriors and
animals and shalabhanjikas (women and the tree) Metal images cast in brass and oct-alloy copper and bronze emerge
in profusion in eastern India (Bihar, Bengal and Assam), Himalayan kingdoms (specially Nepal and Kashmir) and
more particularly in the south. The North India images largely portray brahmanic and Buddhist deities’ penetreated
with tantric influences. The main types represented in the remarkable galaxy of South Indian metal images are the
various forms of Shiva, especially the Nataraja, Parvati; the Chaiva saints such as Apgar, Sambaudar and Saudarar;
Vaishnav saints called Alvars and figures of royal donors. All over the country, the post-Gupta iconography
prominently displays a divine hierarchy which reflects the pyramidal ranks in feudal society. Vishnu, Shiva and
Durga appear as supreme deities lording over many other divinities of unequal sizes and placed in lower positions
as retainers and attendants. The supreme Mother Goddess is clearly established as an independent divinity in
iconography from this time and is represented in a dominating posture in relation to several minor deities. Even
hitherto a puritanical religion i.e. Jainism could not resist the pressure of incorporating the Mother Goddess in its
fold, which is fully reflected in the famous Dilwara temples at Mt. Abu in Rajasthan. The pantheons do not so much
reflect syncretism as forcible. In the rock-cut sculptures of Ellora one can feel the fighting mood of the divinities
engaged in violent struggles against their enemies. The reality of unequal ranks appear in the Shaivite, Jain and
Buddhists monastic organisations.
The ceremonies recommended for the consecration of the acharya, the highest in rank, are practically the same as
those for the coronation of the prince.
EDUCATION AND LEARNING

Just as the Church was the principal organiser of education in Europe in tbe Medieval times, similarly the post-Gupta
centuries saw the concentration of the centres of education in religious establishments, such as the Vihars, mathas
and temples. Colleges also existed in some royal capitals such as Dhara, Ajmer, Anahillwara, etc. The fame of Mithila
in North Bihar and Nadia in Bengal as centres of brahmanical learning increased in these centuries. Kashi (Varanasi)
with its Shaiva monasteries was also a flourishing seat of brahmanical learning. Kashmendra tells us that students
from such distant regions as Gauda (Bengal) travelled to Kashmir for study in the mathas. The evidence of
Hemachandra reveals the existence of Vidya-mathas in Gujarat in the twelfth century. Numerous agraharas in the
south were developing as educational centres. Amongst notable universities, one can mention Nalanda, Vikramashila
and Odantapuri (all in Bihar), Valabhi (Gujarat), Jagadalla and Somapuri (in Bengal) and Kanchipuram in Tamil
Nadu. The concept of temple libraries was evolved from the eighth century. The real beginnings in this sphere were
laid by the Jainas. The long lists of their achers/preceptors - bhattarakas and shripujyas, and the place of honour given
to them is symptomatic of this development. Their espousal of the cause of Shastradana (religious texts/manuscripts)
explains the great bhandaras (store houses) such is patan, Khambhat, Jaisalmer, etc., which became integral parts of
Jain :establishments in Gujarat, Rajasthan and Karnataka in particular. The trend was picked up by brahmanical
mathas as well and we get a phenomenal proliferation of the manuscript tradition almost all over India.
That tantra and mantra became a favourite subject of study may be inferred from the fact that a full-fledged
department of Tantra was run in the University of Vikramashila. The Tibetan traveller Taranatha, who came to India
in the 17th century is very eloquent about tantrik curricula at Nalanda, Odantapuri and other prominent universities
of Bihar and Bengal. The growth and popularity of occult sciences also constitute a significant feature of the post-
eighth centuries. The list of subjects pursued by people in the thirteenth century has been given in Rajashekhara's
Prabandhakosha. It includes many occult sciences in the long list of more than 70 subjects.
Amongst the most notable phenomena in the sphere of learning may be recounted:
a) regionalisation of languages,
b) emergence of regional scripts, and
c) growing verbosity in literature.
The post-Gupta centuries are epoch-making in the history of language and literature Although the large-scale
dispersal of Sanskrit knowing brahmanas was resulting in the spread of that language in distant areas due to the
landgrant phenomenon. The scope of. Sanskrit was gradually getting confined. It was being used by the ruling class
at the higher administrative levels. In the Naishadhiyaeharita we find the dignitaries present in the svayamvara of
Damyanti having the fear of not being understood and, as such, taking recourse to Sanskrit.

According to Al-biruni, vernacular literature which was used by the common people was neglected by the upper and
educated class. However, a development of undeniable significance is the differentiation of Apabhramsha into proto-
Hindi, proto-Rajasthani, proto-Gujrati, proto-Marathi, proto-Maithili, etc. The Apahhramsha, which formed a link in
our period between the Old-classical languages such as Sanskrit and Prakrit on the one hand and modem vernaculars
on the other, originated much before our period. The Kuvalayamala, an eighth century work, enumerates as many as
18 Apabhramshas spoken in various regions of India, which turned into modem Indian languages later. In the list of
Rajashekhara, Prakrit, Paishachika, 'Apabhramsha and Deshabhasha are mentioned alongwith Sanskrit as subjects to
be studied by a prince. Vernaculars such as Avahatha, Magadhi, Shakari, Abhiri, Chandali, Savali, Draviti, etc.
formed part of curriculum mentioned in the Varna Ratnakara. The pace of linguistic variations quickened in the
country in the post-Gupta centuries mainly on account of lack of inter-regional communication and mobility. The
migrating brahmanas enriched the vocabulary of regional languages.
They also helped to develop and systematize local dialects into languages through the introduction of writing.
The emergence of regional scripts run parallel to the growth of regional languages. As there are numerous languages,
so also there are quite a large number of scripts used to express these languages. From Maurya to Gupta times the
script changed mainly as a result of the passage of time and anyone knowing the Brahmi script of the Gupta period
could read inscriptions from any part of the country. This was not possible after the seventh century. From this period
the regional variations become so pronounced that one has to be well-versed in several scripts. Obviously, the regions
script was produced by regional insulation and the availability of the locally educated scripts to meet the needs of
local education and administration. Manuscripts, inscriptions and other written material use Devanagari, Assamese,
Bengali, Oriya, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Sharada (in Kashrnir) scripts. That the proliferation of scripts went
beyond linguistic confines, is clear from the case of Tamil. A study of various inscriptions leads one to an inescapable
conclusion that ' dough the Cheras, the Cholas and the Pandyas adopted Tamil as their language, each seems to have
adopted a different script, .perhaps to indicate their regional identity. The Cheras used a cursive variety of Tamil
Brahmi VATTELUTIV (rounded script). The Pandyas seem to have popularised the KOLELUITU (script of straight
lines) and the Cholas combined the two. This is not all. For philosophic and religious discourses, in the three
kingdoms put together, the scholars gave rise to the Tamil Grantha script. Hundreds of manuscripts in this script are
said to have reached as far north as Tibet, where Buddhist monasteries became great repositories. While editing a
medieval Sanskrit text called Subhashita-Ratnakasha, D.D.Kosambi brought to light many neglected poets but
characterized it as a decadent poetry or - writing of a decadent age. sometimes we understand such phenomena in
absolute or total sense. It is not necessary that economic, political, social and cultural decline run simultaneously.
Also, the yardstick of "decadence" cannot be worked out in absolute terms. The erotic sculptures of Khajuraho,
Bhubaneshwar, 'Konarka and Belur may appear to some to be products of a perverted mind but the same art pieces
are taken by others to be manifestation of vital cultural ethos of people. The post-eighth centuries was prolific literary
output in realms of philosophy, logic, legal texts, devotional poetry of the Alvars and the Shaiva Agamas, Kavyas,
narratives, lyrics, historical biographies, scientific writings, shilpashastras, etc. Nonetheless, in keeping with the
growing paraphernalia and personal vanity of the new landed classes, the language of most of these literary
compositions became extremely verbose and ornate. Although the prose style of Bana, which is known for highly
complex and elaborate sentence constructions, was not exactly initiated, it did continue to serve as a model for the
post-seventh century writings.
In the realm of poetry too, dvayashraya or Shlesha Kavyas were being produced consciously. These works contain
verses conveying two different senses when read in different directions. The Ramacharita of Sandhyahra Nandi
presents both the story of Rama and the life oh King Ramapala of Bengal. The marriages of Shiva and Parvati and
Krishna and Rukmani are described in a twelfth century work (Parvati Ruluniniya) produced in the (Chalukya court
Hemachandra is credited with the composition of Saptaprabandha having seven alternative interpretations. The
tendency of working out the intricate pattern of double, triple or even more meanings reflects the artificiality of life.)
THE NEW RELIGIOUS TRENDS

The religious rituals and practices underwent important changes during the centuries under discussion. In accordance
with the growing practice of land grants alongwith the surrender of other property and service to the land and then
receiving fiscal rights and protection as prasad or favour, there grew the puja system. The puja was interlinked with
the doctrine of bhakti or complete self-surrender of the individual to his god.
Both puja and bhakti became integral ingredients of tantriasm, which arose outside the Madhyadesha in the
aboriginal, peripheral areas on account of the acculturation of the tribal people throughout large-scale religious land
grants. Brahmanical land rights in the new territories could be maintained by adopting tribal rituals and deities,

especially the Mother Goddess, which eventually produced the tantras Tantricism permeated all religions in the post-
seventh centuries-Jainism, Buddhism, Shaivism and Vaishnavism. If a thematic compilation of thousands of
manuscripts is undertaken, it would be noticed that literature on pujas, vidhis, tantra and occult sciences is
phenomenal. Even the jainas, who had been allergic to such practices gave birth to countless such manuscripts. The
jaina Bhandaras are full of such manuscripts as Dharmachakiapuja, Dashalakshanapja , etc. This is so,
notwithstanding the original meaning of puja in the Jaina Anga literature, specially in the context of monks. In that
context it is 'said to have symbolised "respect" shown to him and not the "worship" of limbs. It is unmistakable,
however, that puja of idols of tirthankaras had the connotation with which we are concerned.
Purtadharma which involved the building of temples, tanks and works of public utility, was emphasized as the
highest mode of religion in the Puranas. Purtadharma was the dominant ideology behind the large-scale building of
temples in this period
Southern India
The southern India broadly covers the portion of the peninsula which lies south of 130 Northern latitude and between
the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. It also comprised modern states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, southern Karnataka and
southern Andhra Pradesh. The Coromandal (from cholamandalam) plain extending from the tip of the peninsula to
the northern edge of the broad delta of the Godavari and Krishna rivers was the major core region of the South India.
Tamil plain's northern most part was Tondiaimandalam and Pandimandalam was the southern most portion of the
peninsula. The malabar coast was significant due to the potentialities of seatrade.
The Coromandel coast too had a number of enitrepots such as Kaveripatnam, Pondicherry, Masulipatam etc. These
geographical configurations greatly influenced the political structure of the South India.
By mid eighth century the erstwhile powerful kindgoms of the Pallavas and Chalukyas were spent forces. However,
their legacies were inherited by their political successors, viz., the Cholas and the Rashtrakutas respectively. Also,
the political law of a tussle between the power based in the Kaveri Valley and that of Karnataka became a concrete
course for many centuries. This was the case of not only the relations between the Rashtrakutas and the Pallavas in
the late eighth and early ninth centuries but also of the strained ties between the Rashtrakutas and the Cholas, when
the later succeeded the Pallavas. Western Chalukyas, the political successors of the Rashtrakutas, continued the trend
and were often at loggerheads with the Cholas from the early eleventh century. Very often the small chiefdoms of
the Deccan such as those of the Nolambas, Vaidumbas, Banas, etc. became victims of these big power rivalries. Vengi
(coastal Andhra Pradesh) was also an important bone of contention amongst these powers.
The post tenth century scene in the south is also marked by three important phenomena :
i) internecine wars amongst the Cholas, Pandyas and the Cheras,
ii) involvement of Sri Lanka, and
iii) expansion of Indian influence beyond the sea, particularly in the Southeast Asia. This climaxed in the naval
expedition in the times of the Chola King Rajendra-I (first half of the eleventh’ century).
The Cholas under Rajendra- I had also reached up to the Ganga Valley-a venture immortalised in the great temple at
Gangaikondacholapuram (north east of Thanjavur).
RECONSTRUCTIONS OF INDIAN POLITY BETWEEN 8TH AND 13TH CENTURIES

Explain the ingredients of the transitory nature of the early medieval India. (15) (2016)
The writings on this subject s i h the early 1960s have broadly followed three approaches, viz., emphasizing feudal,
segmentary and integrative character of polity
Feudal Polity
It is based on the pan-lndian character of land grants. It focuses on :
a) administrative structure based on the control and possession of land,
b) fragmentation of political authority,
c) hierarchy of landed intermediaries,
d) dependence of peasants on landlords, ,
e) oppression end immobility of peasants. and
f) restricted use of metal money. The dependence of the peasants on landlords might differ from region to region.
However, the development of agriculture. handicrafts, commodity production, trade and commerce and of
urbanisation could create conditions for differentiation in the ranks of the peasantry. Hierarchical control over land
was created by sub-infeudation in certain areas. Which gave rise to graded types of landlords. Recently the validity
of the feudal formation in the context of medieval India has been questioned. It bas been suggested that the medieval
society was characterised by self dependent or free peasant production. The peasants had control over the means and
the processes of production. It is added that there was relative stability in social and economic structure and there was
not much range at the level of techniques of agricultural production. The conflicts were over the distribution and
redistribution of the surplus than over a redistribution of means of production. The appropriation of agrarian surplus
to ;he state formed the chief instrument of exploitation. The high fertility of land and the low subsistence level of the
peasant facilitated the state appropriation of the surplus in conditions of relative stability. This line of approach does
not take note of superior rights and inferior rights of one party or another over land. In fact in early medieval times
in the same piece of land the peasant held inferior rights and the landlords held superior rights. The land grants clearly
made the position of landlords stronger over the land as compared to that of peasants. The critique of feudal polity
unfortunately does not take note of massive evidence in support of the subjection and immobility of peasantry, which
is an indispensable element in feudal system. Also, this critique is a disguised attempt to reinforce the colonialist
view of stagnating and unchanging Indian society.
Segmentary State
An attempt has been ,made to view the medieval polity, particularly that of the medieval South India, in terms of
segmentary state. The segmentary state is understood as one in which the spheres of ritual suzerainty and political
sovereignty do not coincide. The titular suzerainty extends widely towards a flexible, changing periphery and the
political sovereignty is confined to the central core area. In segmentary 'state there exist several levels of subordinate
foci, organised pyramid ally beyond a royal centre- From the primary centre of the ruling dynasty kings unified their
subordinate centres ideologically. In the state segments actual political control was exercised by l o d elite. It is also
assumed that there existed close co-operation between brahmanas and dominant peasants. However, the segmentary
state formulation has some limitations. Ritual suzerainty is confused with cultural suzerainty. It also relegates the
different foci of power to the periphery and does not see them as components of the state power. Moreover, the
eterogeneous character of South Indian peasantry is not adequately understood. In so far as the notion of segmentary
state subordinates political and economic dimensions of the State structure to its ritual dimensions, it does not inspire
much confidence. The notion has been applied to the Rajput polity as well.
Integrative Polity political process calls for consideration of the presence of established norms and nuclei of state
system, horizontal spread of state system implying transformation of pre-state polities into state polities and
integration of local polities into a structure that went beyond the bounds of local polities. The proliferation of ruling
lineage (ruling families) is seen as social mobility process in early medieval India. The diffused foci of power are
represented by what is broadly called as the samanta system. The samanta were integrated into the structure of polity
in which the overlord-subordinate relation came to be dominate over their levels of relation in the structure. The
transformation of the samanta into a vital component of the political structure is itself an evidence of ranking and in
turn clarifies the political basis of integration. Rank as the basis of political organisation implies differential access
to the centre as also shifts within the system of ranking. It is also assumed that the rank as the basis of political
organisation generated crisis between the rankholders and also between them and the overlord. This emphasis on
ranking brings the integrative polity formulation closer to the notion of segmentary state. The integrative' polity, like
the feudal polity, sees political processes in terms of a parallels with contemporary economic, social and religious
developments, such as:
i) horizontal spread of rural agrarian settlements
ii) horizontal spread of the dominant ideology of social order based on varna division, and
iii) integration of local cults, rituals and sacred centres into a larger structure.
However, this formulation suffers from definitional vagueness. The samantas even in their trans-political sense
remained a landed aristocracy. More importantly, neither the segmentary state nor the integrative polity models
provide alternative material bases which could be contrasted with that of the feudal polity. Both integration and
segmentation can be explained in terms of land grants which formed the crucial element in the feudal structure. In as
much as local landlords of chieftains derived their fiscal and administrative powers from the King (the overlord), paid
tributes and performed military and administrative obligations towards him. they Worked for integration. On the
other hand, when they ruled over the local peasants in an autonomous manner it amounted to the segmentation of
authority. "Lineage geography" which is crucial for the reconstruction in terms of integrative polity, is not available
6n pan-India scale. Except in the case of the Chauhans and Paramaras, 'lineage' did not play an important part in the
organisation of polity. Even ranks were formed on the basis of unequal distribution of land and its revenue resources.
Similarly, the distinction between political and ritual suzerainty coupled with their association with the core and the
periphery respectively, which is considered the cornerstone of the concept of the segmentary state suffers from the

absence of empirical data from many important regions of the Indian sub-continent. On the contrary, the
reconstruction of medieval lndian polity in terms of feudalism relies on such elements which can be applied to
practically the whole of India.
Feudalisation of Bureaucracy
Numerous officials art: listed in inscriptions belonging to almost all North Indian states. Mention of nearly four dozen
officials and vassals-some of them even being hereditary. More than two dozen officials are listed in the Gahadavala
inscriptions. The situation was no different in the territories of the Cahamanas, Chandellas and the Kalachuris. Even
feudatories kept a long retinue of the officers. More than two dozen of them functioned under Sangrama Gupta, a
mahamandalika of the Kamatas of Mithila. The feudalisation of the titles and designations of these officials, becomes
a conspicuous phenomenon of the times. An indicator of this development is the use of the prefix maha. While the
early Pala kings such as Dharmapala and Devapala had less then half a dozen maha-prefixed officials, the number
went up to nine under Navayanapala. The number of such officials under Samgrama Gupta was as high as eighteen.
One can even discern a pattern in this newly emerged set up-the lower the power of the lord the larger the number of
the dignitaries bearing the title maha in his kingdom. Similarly, the later. the kingdom, the greater the number of
maha prefixed functionaries. The growing feudalisation of officials is also found in the practice of using the same
terminology to express the relationship between the officials and the King as was used between the vassals and the
King. The expressions such as padapadmopajiyin, rajapadopajivin, padaprasadopajivin, puamesvara-padopajivin, etc,
applied to both vassals and officials, They indicate that officers subsisted on the favour of their masters and thus show
that they were being feudalised. Officials were placed in various feudal categories according to their status and
importance. Even kayastha scribes were invested with such titles as ranaca and thakkura to indicate their feudal and
social rank rather than their functions
LAND GRANTS AND LEGITIMIZATION OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY

As far as the political organisation is concerned, the pan-lndian character of land grants served an important function.
This was to give social and legal sanction to the political authority, viz., the King or the vassal. In Bengal and Bihar
under the Palas, brahmanas, Buddhist monasteries and Shaiva temples emerged as landed intermediaries due to land
grants. Elsewhere in North and East India, brahmanas were principle donees. These predominantly religious donees
were agents of providing legitimacy to political authorities. An important way to achieve this objective was to work
out glorious genealogies of chiefs and kings. Their descent was sought to be traced from mythical epic heroes such
as Rama and Krishna. The beneficiaries of land donations also tried to provide ideological support to the ruling
authorities by undertaking cultural interaction-specially in tribal areas. For instance, an important indicator is the way
in which symbols of tribal solidarity and coherence were being absorbed within the fold of brahmanism. In Orissa
the political r power was consolidated through the effective instrument of the royal patronage of tribal deities. The
absorption of the cults of Gokarnasvami and Stambheshvari and the process of the emergence of the cult of Jagannath
are pointers of the new ideological force.
Incidentally, these functions of the post-Gupta land grants, viz, imparting legitimacy to ruling powers and providing
ideological support were not confined to Northern and Eastern India. They can be seen, of course with varying
degrees, in all other regions as well.
Kalhan’s Rajtarangini,
Kalhan as a historian (20) (2003)

Assess Kalhana’s views on History. (30)(2009)
Evaluate Rajtarangini as a source of history. (12) (2012)
Do you consider the Rajatarangini of Kalhana to be a reliable source of the political history of Kashmir?
Why? (10) (2017)
In the 12th century, one man decided to write for the purpose of history, and as a historian. Kalhana is regarded as
the first historian of India. In 1148 CE, Kalhana started writing the history of the rulers of Kashmir, starting from
legends to the kings and queens of the 12th century. It took him two years to complete the book, and in 1150 CE he
had completed the Rajatarangini – the River of Kings.

Very little is known about Kalhana. He was the son of Chanpaka, a minister in the employ of King Harsha of
Kashmir (1089-1101 CE). Chanpaka is referred in Rajatarangini as dvarapati or the Lord of the Gates; commander
of the frontier troops. Kalhana was born in Parihaspura now know as Paraspore in the Baramulla district of Jammu
& Kashmir.
The Rajatarangini
The Rajatarangini is a Sanskrit kavya composition (poetic metre), of 7,826 verses, set in eight cantos of varying
length; each a Taranga or a wave. Kalhana used multiple sources to chronicle this sequential history of the kings of
Kashmir, including sculpture, architecture, coinage, and manuscripts, because of which he makes claim for an
authentic representation of history.
Rajatarangini is a class by itself in Indian literature. It is very much different from Charitas, which were composed
under royal patronage. The scholar-poets of Charitas had the rare gift of inventing fables and myths and applying
their talent in glorifying the achievements of their patrons. Their works are masterpieces of literature dabbling in
subtle poetic art, rhetorical beautification, and Alankarshastra. Rajatarangini on the other hand, is the work of a
detached and impartial mind, viewing the past and present with great historical insight and not in a spirit of hero
worship or pleasing patron. Rajatarangini, not only forms a class by itself in Sanskrit language compositions but has
a striking resemblance in character to the chronicles of mediaeval Europe and of the Islamic East.
Sources materials in Rajatarangini

While writing the first three books (chapters) of Rajatarangini, Kalhana made full use of tradition whether written
or oral, and the chronicles which were based on such traditions. In writing down these traditions, at times, Kalhana
can be seen in the light of a critic. For instance, he mentions three traditions of the death of the king Lalitaditya,
without stating what is true, and comments, "When the great meet their end there arise stories indicative of their
uncommon grandeur". King Meghavahan's exploits have been described in such a far-fetched manner, that Kalhana
himself is fearful that they might not be accepted as true but he tries to justify them by comparing them with the
cruelties of Harsha, which, in their town, might not be believed, but for them these were eyewitnesses.
For the last two chapters of his book, the main sources were his contemporaries, his father, fellow-countrymen and
his own memory. Thus many incidents of the treachery of Bhiksachara's troops, he emphatically writes, were
witnessed by him. It is no surprise that much of the history of the previous two generations, he got from his father
and father's friends who held key-posts in the politics of their times.
Of the eight cantos or books, the earlier ones primarily draw from the Itihaas-Purana tradition. The middle ones are
drawn from various sources; the later ones, which deal with the 8th-12th century history of Kashmir, are the most
accurate.
Composition of Rajatarangini
The Rajatarangini consists of eight books (Chapters) of unequal size, written in Sanskrit language in nearly 8,000
verses of rare literary merit. The text may roughly be divided into three sections:
1. Books 1 to 3, which are based on traditions.
2. Books 4 to 6, dealing with Karakota and Utpala dynasties. Here, he has made extensive use of the works of
earlier chroniclers who were contemporaries or near contemporaries of the events they described.
3. Books 7 and 8, dealing with the two Lohara dynasties. In these he made use of personal knowledge and eye-
witness accounts, the latter often perhaps received at second or third hand.
The Sanskrit style of Rajatarangini is similar to that of the accepted style of the Pundits of Brahmin descent. The
introduction to each book of his chronicle is begun by prayers to Lord Shiva in his form of Ardhnarishwar
representing the God in union with Parvati.

Style of Writing of Rajatarangini
The style of writing of the Rajatarangini is not crude or difficult. Kalhana's idea was that even a historical text must
be a work of art and has tried to make his work attractive to readers. There are scattered verses adorned in ornate
language or donned in fantastic imagery, of country Sanskrit. His accounts are graphic and vivid except in his last
two books, where so many characters are brought into the scene without proper introduction. Kalhana who had
strictly maintained the chronology right from the start of the book, did not follow it to the letter in the second and
third sections. Evidently he was writing his book for those, who were familiar with the events of the period.
The instructive feature of Rajatarangini may be traced to the selection of Sana Rasa i.e. sentiment of resignation.
Here Kalhana's has taken it as a motive to show that material prosperity and royal possessions are objects of
transitory glory. The evil acts of man will turn around and get him some time or the other as this is destiny. In the
same way, acts of policy, statecraft and individual conduct are again and again praised and analysed in the light of
Dharma or Nitishastra.
Content of Rajatarangini
Rajatarangini is a sage showing the force of Karma. Whatever good or bad a man does in this life, according to
Kalhana, reaps the harvest for that in the life to come. Often the force of Karma shapes events and provides the
basic moral sanction. Fate, according to Kalhana, is the second force influencing the human destiny. Fate is
sometimes used as a synonym for God. God or the Gods often influence human affairs. Sometimes adverse fate is
overcome by those who trust in their arms. Here also Rajatarangini gives another hopeful message to his
countrymen that whatever fate the creator might have in store for them, only a strong king confident of his powers
could save Kashmir. Rajatarangini interlinks the Karma of the Kings with that of his subjects. Good Kings arise
through the merits of their subject. A king and his subjects could mould the orders of nature.
Rajatarangini appears to wage a war in favour of benevolent despotism and strongly disapproves of feudalism.
Believing in orthodox Rajniti (state-craft), he had his own conception of good government. Explicitly or implicitly
Rajatarangini carries the idea that a strong king is the ideal king, who has firm control over unruly elements, but is
benevolent towards his people and sympathetic to their wishes. He chooses his ministers with discretion, and listens
to their counsels with respect. Kalhana has shown his steady disapproval of the demurs, the petty feudal chiefs, who
were the cause of anarchy and confusion in Kashmir since the death of Harsha. Another motive, perhaps, in writing
Rajatarangini was to inspire the kings of Kashmir with their ancient glory and prowess, and to curb the unruly
elements, who aimed at making the king weak. At times Kalhana becomes pessimistic. The words put in the mouth
of Harsha symbolises it- "This-land, after having been a virtuous woman, has fallen like a prostitute into the arms
of the insolent. Henceforth, whoever knows how to succeed by mere intrigue will aspire to that Kingdom whose
power has gone." Here the historian shows his prophetic vision. He is no more simply a poet or a scholar.
Shortcomings of Rajatarangini
This great work has also some shortcomings. The sources used by him, were not critically analysed and discussed.
His narrative becomes more legendary in the middle of the ninth century, when one seems to reach contemporary
records. There are a number of fantastic and often unbelievable stories which have been described by him as being
historical truths. Naturally his credibility is questioned when such exaggerations are portrayed as the truth.
Similarly, Kalhana's chronology is also not based on scientific data. Of course, one cannot expect critical judgment
in matters of chronology from an author who has started dating history from a legendary date of the coronation of
Yudhisthar from the epics, and attributes three hundred years to a single ruler, Ranadilya. Kalhana could not and
should not be blamed for this, as it was a general trend among the Indians. Rajatarangini also presents a contrast
within itself. Its earlier part is a mass of fiction, and later part, that is early medieval part, is real history. It vividly
describes the falling glory of Kashmir- the palace intrigues, murders, rebellious civil wars and treachery.
Kalhana, in writing Rajatarangini, set a tradition for history writing. His book, after him, was continued by four
successive historians from the point where he left, to some years after Kashmir's annexation by the Mughal
Emperor Akbar. The task of a historian, according to Kalhana, is to make clear the pictures of a bygone era.
Kalhana was aware that his work would not only achieve permanency, but would enliven all the actors as well as
himself. He had another object also in view. He says "This saga, which is properly made up, should be useful for
kings as a stimulant or a sedative, like a physic, according to time and place". Kalhana expected that both good and

bad Kings would benefit from his work. He is a thus strong supporter of historical impartiality. The Rajatarangini is
thus a work of great importance. It is the history of kings, royal families and nobility, justifying the title "River of
the Kings".
In the preamble of the first canto of Rajatarangini, Kalhana elucidates the nature of writing a historical account. The
seventh verse says:
That noble-minded [poet] is alone worthy of praise whose word, like that of a judge, keeps free from love or hatred
in relating the facts of the past.
and soon after:
What is the skill required in order that men of a later time should supplement the narrative of events in the works of
those who died after composing each the history of those kings whose contemporaries they were ? Hence my
endeavour is to give a connected account where the narrative of past events has become fragmentary in many
respects.
Kalhana clearly was attempting to create the first historical account of the kings of Kashmir. Most translators and
later historians however, are of the opinion that while the intent for removal of bias was there, it was not always
followed. Regardless, the purpose, structure, and method help us classify this as a valid historical account. Kalhana
takes care to ensure that, while being a historical account, it is not dull. He believed that a historical text should also
be a work of art. The accounts are graphic, vivid and show the love he has for the country, when he describes
certain scenes.
The Rajatarangini depicts the kings and queens in equal measure. While his personal bias does seem to creep in,
there is no attempt to hide or tone down the importance and relevance of women, who have ascended the throne or
have been powers behind the throne. While he clearly disapproves of women rulers like Didda, he describes their
role in founding and destroying royal lineages. ‘The contrast between the narrative and didactic sections of
Kalhana’s text, evident in his alternate glorification and denigration of women, not only stresses their agency but
also reveals the complex power equations in the royal domain.’
Three Rajataranginis followed that of Kalhana’s Rajatarangini; by Jonaraja, Pandit Srivara, and the last is a work of
two authors, Prajyabhatta and Suka.
Limitations of Kalhan
However Kalhana does not assert that he is a scientific investigator. He chose to patch up a continuous narrative.
This has resulted in an absurd chronology and Kalhana is unable to recognize this absurdity. His attitude to heroic
legend is same as that of an average man. He accepts without hesitation the ancient legends of the epic. However
his outlook was diffused by the narrow limits of his home and its isolation. Therefore one would not find any real
appreciation of the relations of Kashmir to the outer world. The invasions of the Huns and Kushanas are puzzled
and misinterpreted.
Another Kashmirian trait revealed in his composition is acceptance of witchcraft as legitimate cause of deaths. Its
absurdity was never felt by Kalhana. Fate was considered as a cause of action but Kalhana does not take care to
show that it can be reconciled with the doctrine of Karma. Possession by demons is accepted by Kalhana. He also
accepts man's power who starves himself to death to bring about terrible effects. However he hated the Brahmanical
employment of this device to influence imperial policy. Kalhana seriously records and believes in the rebirth by
witches of Sandhimati.
Kalhana tries to prove that evil deeds meet vengeance. He does not advance to any philosophy of history. He
criticises individual action on the basis of established rules of the Shastras. Kalhana made an effort to attain his own
ideal. His treatment of Emperor Harsha supports this impression. Kalhana's description of incidents appears to
achieve a high standard of accuracy and impart personal knowledge.
Alberuni’s India
Comment on the veracity of Alberuni’s account of the Indian society. (10) (2016)
• Al-Biruni (973 – 1048) was a Persian scholar and Polymath from the Khwarezm region. He is regarded as
one of the greatest scholars of the medieval Islamic era and was well versed in physics, mathematics,
astronomy, and natural sciences, and also distinguished himself as a historian and chronologist.
• In religion he was a Shi’ite Muslim, but with agnostic tendencies. His poetical works seek to combine Greek
wisdom and Islamic thought.
• He spent a large part of his life in Ghazni in modern-day Afghanistan, capital of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In
1017 he traveled to the Indian subcontinent and authored “Kitab Tarikh Al-Hind” (History of India) after
exploring the Hindu faith practised in India. He is given the titles the “founder of Indology”. He was an
impartial writer on custom and creeds of various nations. Most of the works of Al-Biruni are in Arabic.
Kitab Tarikh Al-Hind and Aims of Writing it
• Al-Biruni’s Kitab-ul-Hind is simple and lucid. It is divided into 80 chapters on subjects such as religion and
philosophy, festivals, astronomy, alchemy, manners and customs, social life, weights and measures,
iconography, laws and metrology. He extensively quotes from vast corpus of Sanskrit literature, like
Patanjali, Gita, Puranas, Samkhya philosophy etc.
• Al-Biruni adopted a distinctive structure in each chapter, beginning with a question, following this up with a
description based on Sanskrit traditions, and concluding the chapter with a comparison with other cultures.
• He expresses his objective with simple eloquence: “I shall not produce the arguments of our antagonists in
order to refute such of them, as I believe to be in the wrong. My book is nothing but a simple historic record
of facts. I shall place before the reader the theories of the Hindus exactly as they are, and I shall mention in
connection with them similar theories of the Greeks in order to show the relationship existing between them.”
• Al-Biruni attempts to understand the Hindu culture in its own terms, letting the subject matter speak for itself.
The concern to record facts as they are, without any prejudgments, is one of the most significant aspects of
Al-Biruni’s methodology.
• An example of Al-Biruni’s analysis is his summary of why many Hindus hate Muslims. He explains that
Hinduism and Islam are totally different from each other. Moreover, Hindus in 11th century India had
suffered through waves of destructive attacks on many of its cities, and Islamic armies had taken numerous
Hindu slaves to Persia which, claimed Al-Biruni, contributed to Hindus becoming suspicious of all
foreigners, not just Muslims. Hindus considered Muslims violent and impure, and did not want to share
anything with him.
• It is clear that India at that time was not an ideal place for a foreigner like Al-Biruni whose intention was to
study this new culture with a view to establishing friendly relations between the two cultures, Hinduism and
Islam. Al-Beruni wrote his work on India to provide, in his own words, “the essential facts for any Muslim
who wanted to converse with Hindus and to discuss with them questions of religion, science, or literature.”
According to Al-Biruni, dialogue with Hindus was necessary since there were many subjects that were
intricate and obscure, which would be perfectly clear if there were more connection between Muslims and
Hindus. Al-Biruni is the first scholar, at least in the Muslim world, whose interest in other religious traditions
went beyond the then common tendency of treating the Hindus as heretics or polytheists, despite their
apparently idolatrous practices.
• Over time, Al-Biruni won the welcome of Hindu scholars. Al-Biruni collected books and studied with these
Hindu scholars to become fluent in Sanskrit, discover and translate into Arabic the mathematics, science,
medicine, astronomy and other fields of arts as practiced in 11th century India. He was inspired by the
arguments offered by Indian scholars who believed earth must be ellipsoid shape, with yet to be discovered
continent at earth’s south pole, and earth’s rotation around the sun is the only way to fully explain the
difference in daylight hours by latitude, seasons and earth’s relative positions with moon and stars.
• He read the major Indian religious and astronomical texts; in his account he highlights parts of
the Gita, the Upanishads, Patanjali, Puranas, the four Vedas, scientific texts (by Nagarjuna, Aryabhata,
etc.), relating stories from Indian mythology to make his point. He also compares Indian thought to the Greek
thought of Socrates, Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle and others, and at times with Sufi teaching.
Barriers obstructed Al-Biruni in understanding India
• Al-Biruni, discussed several “barriers” that he felt obstructed in understanding India.
1. The first amongst these was language. According to him, Sanskrit was so different from Arabic and Persian
that ideas and concepts could not be easily translated from one language into another.
2. The second barrier he identified was the difference in religious beliefs and practices.
3. The self-absorption and consequent insularity of the local population constituted the third barrier.
4. He was aware of these problems so Al-Biruni depended almost exclusively on the works of Brahmanas, often
citing passages from the Vedas, the Puranas, Bhagavad Gita, the works of Patanjali, the Manusmriti, etc., to
provide an understanding of Indian society.
On Religion and Religious beliefs of India
• Alberuni extensively quotes Sanskrit literatures to discuss the Hindu belief in God. He says that the Hindus
believe with regard to God that he is one, eternal, without beginning and end.
• He observes the belief of the educated class different from that of uneducated class. The former strives to
conceive abstract ideas and to define general principles while the later is happy with the derived rules without
going into details. For the uneducated class, Al-Biruni finds most of their views on the concept of God are
simply abominable. But he goes on to argue that similar errors occur in other religious traditions.
• He sums up the Hindu definition of God in the following words: “They call him Isvara i.e. self-sufficing,
beneficient, who gives without receiving. They consider the unity is really a plurality of things. The existence
of God they consider as a real existence, because everytjing that it exist through him.”
• He further enlists differing Hindu opinions for example on such philosophical concepts as action and agent.
According to Hindu belief, the spirits or the soul do not differ from each other in substance but have an
identical nature. However, their individual characters and manners differ as bodies with which they are united
differ.
• He also discuss at length the Hindu convepts of paradise and hell. The Hindu call the word “loka” i.e.
paradise, the low “nagarloka” i.e. world of the serpents, which is hell besides they call it naraloka, and
sometimes also “patala”, i.e. the world of men. He quotes Vishnu Purana to elucidate the Hindu traditions of
a large number of hells, of their qualities and their names and the special hell for each kind of sin. Hindus are
known to consider swarloka (paradise) as a higher state where a man lives in the state of bliss due to his
previous good deeds. On the contrary, they consider migration through plants and animals as a lower stage,
where a man dwell for punishment for a certain length of time.
• He also discusses the concept of Moksha. He makes a very interesting parallel between Patanjali’s definition
of ‘Moksha’ and the term of Sufi for the ‘knowing’, being and his attaining the ‘state of knowledge’.For Sufis
also there is believe that a human being has two souls – an eternal one, not exposed to change and alteration,
and another, a human soul, which is liable to bring change.
Criticisms
Evaluate the ‘Kitab al-Hind’ of Alberuni as a source of history of India. (15) (2014)
• To Al-Beruni the Hindus were excellent philosophers, good mathematicians and astronomers, though [out of
a certain self-confidence] he believes himself to be superior to them, and disdains to be put on a level with
them. He does not conceal whatever he considers wrong and unpractical with them, but he duly appreciates
their mental achievements … and whenever he hits upon something that is noble and grand both in science
and in practical life, he never fails to lay it before his readers with warm-hearted words of approbation.
Speaking of the construction of the ponds at holy bathing-places, he says: “In this they have attained a very
high degree of art, so that our people (the Muslims), when they see them, wonder at them, and are unable to
describe them, much less to construct anything like them.”
• According to Al-Biruni, not only was the available literature on Hinduism insufficient, it was also misleading,
which was a more serious violation of being truthful to truth (al-haqq). He complains, “Everything which
exists on this subject in our literature is second hand information which one copied from the other, a farrago
of materials never sifted by the sieve of critical examination.” This, according to Al-Biruni, was inconsistent
with the ethical framework provided by the Scriptures of both Christianity and Islam. He illustrates his
argument by referring to the Qur’an and the Bible. The Qur’an reads, “Speak the truth, even if it were against
yourselves.”
• Al-Biruni was critical of Indian scribes who he believed carelessly corrupted Indian documents while making
copies of older documents.

• He admired the Hindu civilisation but was critical of the attitude of the scholars and the dichotomy between
the scientific awareness and ignorance that existed side by side among the Hindus. He condemns the
hypocrisy of Brahmin Scholars, who inspite of knowing the scientific explanation of various natural
phenomenon preferred to mislead the masses and keep them steeped in ignorance and supersitious.
The salient features of Indian society as mentioned by Alberuni in Kitab al-Hind

(1) Caste system
Alberuni in his Kitab al-Hind beautifully sums up theories and practices of Indian caste system.
Chatuh-varna system
He discusses the origin of the four varna (Chatuh-varna) system in the basis of the Purusha-Sukta hyms.
(a) The highest caste are the Brahmaṇa were created from the head of Brahma.
(b)The next caste are the Kshatriya, who were created from the shoulders and hands of Brahma.
(c) After them follow the Vaisya, who were created from the thigh of Brahma.
(d) The Sudra, who were created from feet of Brahma.
The four castes do not live together with them in one and the same place.
Each of the four castes, when eating together, must form a group for themselves, one group not being allowed to
comprise two men of different castes. Since it is forbidden to eat the remains of a meal, every single man must have
his own food for himself.
Between the Vaisya and Sudra, there is no very great distance. Much, however, as these classes differ from each
other, they live together in the same towns and villages, mixed together in the same houses and lodgings.
Antyaja
After the Sudra follow the people called Antyaja, who render various kinds of services and are not part of ‘Chatuh-
varna’ , but are considered as members of a certain craft or profession. There crafts included: shoemaker, juggler, the
basket maker, the sailor, fisherman, the hunter, the weaver etc. They live near the villages and towns of tge four
castes, but outside them.
Untouchables
The untouchables like Hadi, Doma, Chandala, and Badhatau are also not part of Chatuh-varna. They are occupied
with dirty work, like the cleansing of the villages and other services. They are considered like illegitimate children;
for according to general opinion they descend from a Sudra father and a Brahman mother; therefore they are degraded
outcasts.
Hindus are said to be differ among themselves as to which of these castes is capable of attaining ‘moksha’. According
to some, only Brahmanas and Kshatriya are capable of attaining moksha as others cannot learn the Vedas. Alberuni
reports that according to the Hindu philosophers, moksha is attainable by all the castes and by the human race.
Comparison
Al-Biruni tried to explain the caste system by looking for parallels in other societies. He noted that in ancient Persia,
four social categories were recognized (a) knights and princes; (b)monks, fire-priests (c) lawyers, physicians,
astronomers and other scientists; and (d) peasants and artisans.
He attempted to suggest that social divisions were not unique to India. At the same time he pointed out that within
Islam all men were considered equal, differing only in their observance of piety.
Al-Biruni disapproved of the notion of untouchability.
(2) Indian customs and manners
Indian customs, manners, festivals are also vividly portrayed by Alberuni. Some customs described by Alberuni are
the following:
(1) People divide the moustache into single plait to preserve it. They allow nails to grow long, glorifying their
idleness, since they do not use them for any work.
(2) The Hindus throw away eaten plates if they are earthen.
(3) They have red teeth due to chewing of arecanuts with betel leaves and chalk.
(4) They sip the stall of cows, but they do not eat their meet.
(5) Men use turbans and trousers.
(6) The man wears article of female dress; they use cosmetics, wear ear-rings, arm-rings, golden seal-rings on the
right finger as well as on the toes of the feet.
(7) Men take advice of woman in all consultations and emergencies. They do not ask permission to enter house
but when they leave it, they ask permission to do so.

(8) They write title of the books at the end of it, not at the beginning.
These customs amuses and sometimes horrifies Alberuni.
(3) Indian festivals
Alberuni enlist all the important festivals without much comment on them. He mentions: 2nd Chaitra (a Kashmiri
festival), Guru tritiya, Vasanta etc.
He takes an important note of the fact that most of the festivals are celebrated by women and children only.
Alberuni on science in India (20) (2007)

Attempt a critical essay of the Indian Science and Civilisation in the light of Al-beruni’s writing.
What merits and drawbacks, do you find in his account? (60) (2003)
On Science of India
• Alberubi was among the first scholar to study India and the Hindu scientific literature. Alberuni was
impressed most by the Indian knowledge of astronomy, metrology, arithmetic and geography which he
mentioned in Kitab al-Hind.
Astronomy
• He makes observation that science of astronomy is thr most popular wih the Indians because in various ways
it is connected with their religion and that is why Indian astronomer should also be a
good astrologer.He mentions the planets and their motions, the 12 signs of the Zodiac, the motion and
different stages of the moon. He also describes the composition of the Earth and the Heavens as given in the
Hindu sculptures. He discusses various astronomical terms such as kalpa, adhimasa etc and analyzes
them. He makes comparison between Geek science of astronomy and the Indian.
• Alberuni discusses the five Siddhantas (standard books) on the Indian astronomy:
(a) Surya Siddhanta (b) Vasishtha Siddhanta

(c) Pulisa Siddhanta (d) Romaka Siddhanta
(e) Brahma Siddhanta
Meterology
In meterology, Alberuni enlists contemporary weights and measures like Suvarna, tola, Masha and Yava,
Kala, Pada, Kudava, Prastha, Adhaka, Dropa and Surpa.
An interesting comparison has been made between tola and the Arabic Mithkal and Alberuni also worked
out the equivalent weight of the two.
Arithmetic
In arithmetic, Alberuni’s interest lies in the Indian order of numbers. He mentions the eighteen orders of
numbers listed in Sanskrit literature.
Alberuni quotes the famous Indian astronomer Brahmagupta on the science of numerical writing.
Brahmagupta wrotes: “If you want to write one, express it by everything, which is unique, as the earth; two by
everything which is double,as, e.g. black and white; three by everything which is three-fold.”
On Geography
Because of his travels, he was able to see different geographic features first-hand, and come up with theories
as to how they are connected. By analyzing the different types of soil particles in the Ganges River from its source to
the Bay of Bengal, al-Biruni formulated theories about erosion and how land forms are shaped, particularly noting
the role of water in this process.
He makes extensive use of Puranic tradition to discuss Indian knowledge of geography. He begins with the
Indian concept of Madhyadesha (area around Kannauj) i.e. middle of India. Distance between Kannauj and various
parts of the country are noted such as Mathura, Shanesvara, Prayag, Banaras, Patliputra, Kashmir etc.
He also gives a detailed account of the routes to Nepal, Tibet, Malwa, Gujarat, North West India and some
parts of Soithern India. References are made of South-East Asia and those of the Chinese Sea. An account of
Varshakala (the monsoon season) in India is given He lists various rivers of India as given in Vayu Purana and Matsya
Purana and great knots of the mythical Mt. Abu from where these rivers flow.

He discovers fossils of ancient sea animals in the mountains that cut India off from the rest of the world – the
Himalayas. It seems unlikely that lowly sea snails and other shellfish would travel thousands of miles inland and up
the side of a mountain, so al-Biruni came to the conclusion that the Himalayan Mountains must have been under the
ocean at one point, and moved to their present location over millions of years.
Chemistry
He refers to chemistry mainly in the context of alchemy. He condemns such ideas though he concedes the
efficacy of some metals and chemicals for medicinal purposes. He had idea of Ayurvedaa and was aware of the
Charak Samhita though not of Sushruta Samhita. Consequently, he has nothing to say on the art of surgery.
Criticism of Science in India
Although Alberuni regarded the Hindus as excellent philosophers, good mathematicians and astrologers, he
considers his own knowledge superior. To prove his point of superiority he takes to the method of comparing Greek
theories because of their being near akin and of their strictly scientific character as contrasted with those of the
Hindus. He identifies Indian knowledge of alchemy (Rasayana) almost with witchcraft and Hindus with socerers.
He says : “The Hindus believe that there is no country but theirs, no nation like theirs, no kings like theirs,
no religion like theirs, no science like theirs.They are haughty, foolishly vain, self-conceited, and stolid. Their
haughtiness is such that, if you tell them of any science or scholar in Khorasan and Persian, they will think you to be
both an ignoramus and a liar.”
Alberuni ascribed the decline of Indian science to the arrogance and growing insularity of the brahmans.
Kitab al- Hind as a source of Indian history: Critical Analysis
Al-Biruni’s Kitab Al-Hind is in many respects a valuable source to study Indian culture and history. His research
methodology is innovative and the data provided is generally accurate. Whereas the compilation date of his work,
namely around 1030 A.D., is known to us, his field of investigation, that is to say the territory covered by his
research as well as his sources, is still subject to doubt.
1. First, he rarely makes mention of where his visits took place, or when they did;
2. Second the Kitab-al -Hind itself is lacking in positive evidence;
3. Finally, sometimes difficulty arises in distinguishing the historical events from the legendary ones.
• The definition of his field of investigation is however crucial for the purpose of using the Kitab al -Hind as
a historical source in an appropriate manner.
• Biruni travelled from Uzbekistan, his birth-place, to the East under the protection of Mahmud, the Ghaznavid
ruler. Biruni’s mobility depended thus on the conquered boundaries of Mahmud’s empire. Therefore, a
distinction between the conquered and unconquered world is needed in order to assess the depth of his
information as well as the methodology he employed for gathering information.
• The majority of scholars considers that Biruni’s travels were confined to the boundaries of the Ghaznavid
dominion. The question of whether Biruni travelled indeed beyond the conquered borders is however less
relevant than knowing whether he really needed to pass across these boundaries in order to
collect information.
• Kashmir Valley was not included in the Ghaznavid empire as he explicitly indicates two unreachable locales,
namely Kashmir and Varanasi. Yet he gives generous information on the Kashmir Valley: he describes at
length geographical, ethnic and social features; he names cities and mountains; he lists itineraries leading to
the Kashmir Valley and he mentions customs of Kashmir’s inhabitants; he knows which alphabets and scripts
were in use; and he presents detailed accounts of religious practices and of astronomy. As compared to
any other region of India, the Kashmir Valley is perhaps the one described in most minute details in the
Kitab al-Hind. The amount and accuracy of information given by him about this area suggests first that its
isolation has to be reconsidered, and second that hisinformation did not rest on direct observation.
• Indeed, it is possible to draw out from the Kitab al-Hind how he obtained his information. For instance, in
another extract, he describes certain mobility between people of Kashmir Valley and other areas of India in
strictly religious sense and deals with visits to different places of pilgrimage in Kashmir by outsiders. Also
he describe how he interacted with Kashmir by giving account of circulation of written documents between
the conquered and unconquered (Kashmir) world. His expression “the people of Kashmir whom I

have seen‟ indicates that he met informants from Kashmir. Also there is evidence of a scholarly exchange of
books between Biruni and a Kashmiri.
• We learn then that Biruni acquired information thanks to a certain interaction and mobility between the
different regions of India which generated circulation of written and oral data. Kashmiri scholars probably
helped him in gathering information. Apart from that, intellectual interactions were equally encouraged by
different dynasties of India.
• One could expect that direct observation would constitute the main method of Biruni with regard to the
conquered land. This expectation is however not confirmed by a closer look at the Kitab India. On the
contrary, direct observation is rare in the Kitab al-Hind. Direct observation does not appear to have been the
main method of Biruni; as in the case of Kashmir Valley, oral informants and written sources provided
data regarding his field of investigation.
• Moreover, in other portions of the Kitab al-Hind , Biruni gives the names of two of his
sources, Jivasarman and Sripala which informed him about Kashmir and Multan respectively.
• A large amount of written sources was equally available to Biruni. He was acquainted with these works either
through the accounts of Brahmins or quotations found in books that he read, such as the Vedas, the Smriti of
Manu, or many Puranas.
• He also translated or began translations of several Sanskrit texts into Arabic, such as the Kitab Sank, the
Kitab Patanjal, the Brahmasiddhanta, the Pulisasiddhanta, the Brhatsamhita and the Laghujataka. Biruni
keeps silent regarding the origin of his written sources’ authors, except for three of them: Durlabha from
Multan, Utpala from Kashmir and Vijayanandin from Varanasi. Since Kashmir and Varanasi were out of
reach, Biruni had probably the books brought from these two places. Similarly, Biruni could have
collected books from Multan, without even having visited this city.
• To summarise, the majority of the information found in the Kitab al -Hind seems to be based on first hand
and second hand literature, mainly from the Puraṇas, Gita,the Kitab Sank and the Patanjal for information
related to physical or mythical geography, religion, culture, history and philosophy and Siddhantas, Tantras
and Karaṇas for information related to astronomy and astrology.
• Biruni’s work is based on a vast literature in comparison to his predecessors, whose accounts were generally
based on observations and hearsay.
Mahmud Ghazni’s policy helped Al-Biruni
• Mahmud’s policy with regard to science played a role in Biruni’s discovery and knowledge of Indian society.
Promotion of scholarship was essential for rulers at that time. The presence of poets or scholars at the court
of the sultan added to his prestige and reputation. In a sense, the writers contributed to create sultans’ best
image at the time. To possess within one’s court numerous scholars and artists also constituted a sign of
prosperity and power, and ultimately helped to assert one’s authority over its dependent dynasties and in
relation to the Caliphate.
• Moreover, Mahmud encouraged scholarship. He brought Biruni from Khwarezm to his court at the same time
as he attracted the poet Firdawi and the physician and philosopher Ibn Sina, who however refused to join his
court.
• Furthermore, Mahmud needed people fluent in Indian languages in order to help him in his military raids and
negotiations in al-Hind. In this context, it seems more than probable that Indian pandits and books had been
brought to Ghazna or to Kabul where Biruni spent some years; which corroborates the preceding remarks
concerning the origin of his source of information. It also emerges from the Kitab al-Hind that Biruni had
familiarized himself with various fields of Sanskrit literature.
ORIGIN AND THE RISE OF RAJPUTS

With obscure origins the lineages like the Paramaras and the Chahamanas, after passing through many vicissitudes,
came to the fore in the context of the inter-state conflicts of the major powers such as the Gurjara Pratiharas and
Rashtrakutas The rise of the Rajputs to political prominence appears to be accidental, but an understanding of the
early political developments shows that their appearance on the political scene was not sudden. The emergence of
these clans took place within the .existing hierarchical political structure. Their emergence. therefore. should be
understood as a total process.
ORIGIN, LEGENDS : THEIR POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS

The problem of the origin of Rajput dynasties is highly complex and controversial. Their gotrochhara makes them
kshatriyns of the Lunar family while on the basis of old kavyas some maintain that they were of the Solar race. The
myths of Solar origin regard them as kshatriya created in kaliyuga to wipe-out the mlecchas (foreigners). Rajasthani
bards and chroniclers regard them as fire-born (Agnikula).
According to the Agnikula myth, the founder of the house of the Paramaras originated from the firepit of sage
Vasishtha on mount Abu. The man who thus sprang but of the fire forcibly wrested the wish-granting cow of sage
Vasishtha from sage Vishwamitra and restored it to the former. Sage Vasishtha gave him the fitting name of paramara-
daler of the enemy. From him sprang a race which obtained high esteem by virtuous kings. The Paramara inscriptions
also declare the original of the Paramaras from the firepit of sage Vasishtha on the Mount Abu.
The Rajasthani bards went a step further and ascribed the fire origin not only to the Paramaras but also to the
Pratiharas, the Chaulukyas of Gujarat and the Chahamanas. Speaking of the fire origin of the Chahamanas the bardic
tales said that Agastya and other sages began a great sacrifice on the Mount Abu. Demons rendered it impure by
showering down filthy things. Vasishtha created from the firepit three warriors Pratihara, Chaulukya, and Paramara.
but none succeeded in keeping the demons away. Vasishtha dug a new pit from where issued forth a four
armed figure. The sages named him Chahuvana. This warrior defeated the demons. This Agnikula myth was nothing
more than poetic imagination of bards. In their hunt for a fine pedigree for their patrons they had woven the story of'
the fire origin of the Paramaras. They found that it could splendidly explain the origin of the Chahamanas too if they
added some more details.
The problem of the origin, when viewed in its totality instead of viewing it from the angle of any particular dynasty,
would help us understand its political significance.
The practice of new social groups claiming Kshatriya status became widespread in the early medieval period.
Kshatriya status was one of the various symbols that the emergent social groups sought for the legitimation of their
newly acquired power. The early medieval and medieval Rajput clans, representing a mixed caste and constituting a
fairly large section of petty chiefs holding, estates achieved political eminence gradually. There was corresponding
relationship between the achievement of political eminence by Pratiharas, Guhilas. Chahamanas and other clans and
their movement towards a respectable social status, viz. acquiring a Kshatriya lineage. In this context it is important
to note that these dynasties claimed descent from ancient . Kshatriya long after their accession to power. Let us note
the example of the Gurjara Pratiharas, chronologically the earliest and historically the most important of the Rajput
dynasties. In an inscription of the late ninth century issued by King Bhoja-I they claim Solar descent for the dynasty
and say that Lakshmana, the brother of the epic hero Rama was the ancestor of their family. Their inscriptions are
silent on the question of origin till the glorious days of Bhoja. This epigraphic tradition of the Solar descent is
connected chronologically with the period during which the Gurjara Pratiharas were the dominant political power.
The tradition, thus. represents a stage of imperial prominence with the temptation to establish a link with the heroic
age of the epics. The tradition of the legendary Kshatriya origin of powers such as the Paramaras and Chahamanas
too had not originated at the initial stage of the rise of these powers. In short, the entry to the Rajput fold was possible
through the acquisition of political power. And the newly acquired power was to be legitimised by claiming linkages
with the Kshatriya lines of the mythical past.
Proliferation of Rajput Clans

The bardic chronicles of Marwar state that Dharanivarab of the Paramara dynasty of Abu made himself master of the
Navkot Marwar which afterwards divided among his nine brothers: Mandosar to one brother, Ajmer to the second
and so on.
Thus, apart from the Paramaras of Malwa there were at least four lines of the Paramaras ruling in : i) Abu, ii) Bhinmal.
iii)Jalor, and iv)Nagada. Similarly, apart ' from the Chahamanas bf Broach there was another line of the Chahamanas
in Pratabgarh region. It was headed by a mahasamananta of the Pratihara overlord. The Chahamanas of
Shakambhari with their cradle land in the tract extending from central and eastern Rajasthan had themselves branched
off into Chahamanas of i)Nadol, ii)Jalor. iii)Satyapura, and iv)Abu. During about five centuries of their rule they
exercised control over a vast region in western Rajasthan and Gujarat.
The Chapas were another Rajput clan of the early medieval period. They ruled over principalities like Bhillamala,
Vadhiar in Kathiwad, and Anahilapataka in Gujarat. Similarly the Guhilas ruled over the regions of Udaipur and
Mewar.

Apart from the subdivisions of major clans, the emergence of various minor clam was another important aspect of
the proliferation of the Rajputs in early medieval period: The continuing process of the formation of Rajput clans was
through the acquisition of political power. The new clans and subdivisions of earlier clans were drawn into Rajput
political network in a variety of ways.
Process of Rising in Social Status

The political history of Western lndia shows that a large ethnic group of an area could successfully compete for
political power. It could also lay the feudations of large state structures lasting for centuries. Starting from a local
agrarian base a lineage could in course of time, emerge as a big regional power by integrating other local lineages.
For example, a tract of land variously called as Gujaraba, Ghujuabhumi, Gurjjaruhba, etc. all referring possibly
to the same area (territories contiguous with southern Rajasthan) was the base from where many lineages emerged.
In the process of stratification that developed within the Gurjara stock, some families attained political dominance
and became ruling lineages. From seventh century onwards various lineages that had branched off the Gurjara stock
through the channel of political power became widely distributed in Western lndia. Gurjara- Pratihara power
represents a classic example of the rise in the social ladder. It would suggest that potential and dominant power
structures could emerge from within local agrarian bases by following a path of upward mobility in favourable
political circumstances.
CONSOLIDATION OF LINEAGE POWER

The emergence of the political powers in Western and Central lndia was associated with certain features. At the level
of economy the patterns of land distribution are noteworthy. From about the late tenth century there are evidences for
the distribution of land among the members of Chahamana ruling lineages. King Simharaja, his brothers Vatsasraja
and Vigrharaja and his two brothers Chandaraja, and Govindaraja had their own personal estates. In the areas held
by the Chahamanas of fuedal assignments called as grsa, grasabhumil or bhukti were held by the King, the crown
prince, other sons of the King, queens and so on. The incidence of these assignments was higher in Rajasthan than in
other parts. This feature apparently represented a process which gradually developed and was associated with the
spread of a clan. Another pattern was the holding of units consisting of villages which were part of administrative
divisions as mandala or bhukti. These units seem to have become centres of some kind of local control. The units
of 84 villages (chaurasia) which were held in Saurastra by the Gurjara Pratiharas gradual19 spread to Rajasthan.
This extension facilitated the land distribution and political control among the ruling elites. Between the tenth and
twelfth centuries the kings and princes of Chahamana and Paramara clans held such big holdings. The process
coincided with the construction of fortresses on a large scale in different locations. Apart from serving defence
purposes the fortresses also worked as foci of control for their rural surrounding and helped the process of the
consolidation of ruling families.
The marriage network among the ruling clans is another pointer to the process of the consolidation of clan power at
the social level. Marriage network brought about inter-clan relationship which had significant political implications
because the families were mostly the ruling Rajput clans. Apart from Paramara-Rashtrakuta and Chahamana-
Paramara matrimonial relations, the Guhila marriage network was varied and widespread. Though the Guhilas
extended their marriage relations with Chaulukyas, Rashtrakutas, Chedis and Hunas in addition to those with Rajput
clans like Chahamana and the Paramara, the. marriage network mostly constituted the Rajput clan category. The
choice obviously was political as the families cited above constituted the ruling elite of the early medieval Western
India. Inter-clan marriage – relationships were expected to lead to collaboration in wider activities of sociopolitical
nature since they facilitated the presence of clan members in different.-- kingdom and courts.
EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL POWERS

The post-Gupta history of India is dominated by the evolution of a number of regional polities. Some of them emerged
as regional states (Orissa and Tamil Nadu) coinciding with regional cultures. Others were smaller polities located as
buffers between larger ones.
The Cholas: administration,

Show that the administrative system in India reached a very high level during the Chola period (60)
(2007)
How could the local self-government under the Cholas adjust with their centralised administrative
structure? (20) (2015)
village economy and society
Evaluate the role of nadu and nagaram in the growth of urbanisation under the Cholas. (30) (2012)
PERSPECTIVES ON THE SOUTH INDIAN POLITY

There are three different perspectives on the Tamil regional polity. The pioneering works on South lndian polity in
general and Tamil polity in particular showed a direct concern with administrative institutions and their history and
were devoted to the study of institutions like kingship, brahmadeya with its sabha and the temple, their orgnisation
and functions. They neither adopted a viable framework of analysis nor an integrated approach to study the political
processes and their linkages with the socioeconomic organisation. In short, they treated polity in isolation from
society and economy. They were also influenced by imperialistic notions of the state and empire, centralised
monarchies and powerful bureaucracies..
Their assumptions were that all the known features of a modern state were prevalent in the earlier periods.
New perspectives on polity have been provided by more recent works, which emphasise the need for understanding
the inter-connections between social formation, economic organization and political structures. They focus on the
processes of evolution and change, leading to the emergence of regional polities and the role of institutions such as
the brahmadeya and the temple in the formation of political structure. As a result, the theory of the centralised state
followed by the conventional studies has been seriously questioned. As an alternative, the concept of the segmentary
state has been used to characterize the medieval South lndian state. The main difference between these two
perspectives is based on the nature of local organisations, the degree of their autonomy and the extent of central
control or direct political control exercised by the ruling dynasties over the different zones of the Tamil region. The
first view assigns greater and more effective control to the central authority over all regions, despite the existence of
local initiative and autonomy (what they called "local self government")while the second view rejects it as
contradictory and assigns a high degree of autonomy to the local Organisations As against both these extreme views,
the studies of the Chola literature, based on a careful statistical analyses of the rich inscriptional data, provide a third
perspective suggesting the need for modifications of both the above views. They show the development of a
centralised polity from an earlier stage of independent peasant regions controlled by peasant assemblies. These
peasant regions were integrated through various institutions and through the introduction of innovative administrative
measures by a political authority. The zenith of the Chola power was reached in the eleventh century, which also
marked the crystallization of a centralised polity.
The Brahmadeya
Land grants to brahmanas are known from early historic times. However, it is only by the end of the sixth century
that it assumed an institutional character in the Tamil region. Brahmadeys were invariably created by ruling families
in hitherto uncultivated land or among existing settlements (within a nadu or kottam) by 'clubbing together two or
more settlements. They introduced advance farming methods-irrigation, management of means of production and
resources. The Pallava and Pandya reservoir systems were managed by the brahrmana assembly viz. the Sabha. The
brahmadeya were separated from the jurisdiction of the nadu. The major brahmadeya also became independent units
(tan-kuru) from the tenth century especially under the Cholas, adding to their economic and administrative/political
significances. They are often regarded as pace makers of royal authority, enlarging the sphere of political action.
Sabha or the assembly of the brahmana landowners grew into a more prominent institution vis-a-vis the Ur, the
assembly of a non-brahmadeya settlement. The growing maturity of the Sabha is illustrated by the famous
Uttaramerur (Chingleput district), a major brahmadeya and tan-kuru of the eighth to thirteenth centuries as well as
by Manur (Tiruveleeli district), an important brahmadeya of the eighth and ninth centuries. The tan-kuru had a
central function also and often had under its purview several other centres of agricultural and craft production. The
brahmanical; temple, which was invariably the nucleus of many of these settlements, was also under the supervision
or direct control of the Sabha, which functioned through various committees called vuiyams.
Valanadu
Revenue surveys and assessment of land revenue were systematically undertaken under the Cholas, in the eleventh
century. In the process, new and larger revenue units were formed by grouping some nadus together and even by
partitioning some under different valanadu-s. This was determined by their irrigational -needs and hence valnadu-s
had consciously chosen boundaries such as water courses. The valanadu was an artificial unit and a politico economic
division created by the will of a political authority. The valanadu-s were named after the kings who created them.
Their organisation was also linked with the establishment of a hierarchy of officers and a department of revenue

collection, which kept detailed records of revenues. This department (the puravu-vui-tinakkalrm) was the most
impressive of the administrative machinery evolved by the Cholas for mobilisation of resources.
The Temple
The temple was looked upon and functioned as a "super ordinate" instrument of the political apparatus from the ninth
century. Under the Cholas its role progressively increased and diversified, thereby forging institutional links for
territorial sovereignty. This is well illustrated by the imperial temples such as those at Thanjavur and
Gangaikondacholapuram. Its economic outreach became phenomenal with a widening orbit through huge temple
endowments land and money grants. Gold deposits, merchant interaction through gifts and the luxury trade of larger
merchant corporations. Its social function was the integration of various ethnic and professional groups through ritual
ranking within the brahmana varna order. Temple administration was in the hands of the sabha, ur and the Nagaram.
In the redistribution of resources the temple assumed a more direct role than even the brahmadeya. It is through the
temple that the cholas achieved a greater degree of centralisation in the eleventh century, for it to broke local ties by
virtue of its economy and management of resources across nadu limits. It provided a foothold for the King to intervene
in local affairs through royal officers "auditing" or enquiring into temple endowments, scale of expenses and making
reallocation. The temple was. in short the symbol of royal authority.
Nagaram: The Market Centre

Aaguam was another major tier of administration. .merged by the ninth century as a market centre with a merchant
body (nagarattar) administering it. With the growing needs of an expanding agrarian society, such market centres
came up in most nadus to serve their exchange requirements as well as those of the bramadeya and other settlements.
The nadu and nagaram were mutually supportive. The nagaram members ware themselves agriculturists who could
channelise their surplus produce into trade. They became a full fledged trading community called the nagarattar. At
the same time the nagaram, like the brahmadeya enjoyed a special status, with considerable autonomy vis-a-vis the
nadu. The nagaram, often created or sponsored by the ruling family, had direct revenue arrangements with the King's
, government-and participated in temple administration. The brahmadeya and nagaram brought the nadus together in
a system of unified political organisation and economic exchange, thereby assisting in the process of a state synthesis.
A network of nagarams emerged between the ninth and twelfth centuries. The royal and political centres as well as
larger commercial centres such as Kanchipuram and Thanjavur were designated as managarams or great nagarams.
This network was further brought into a wider inter-regional exchange due to the revival of the Asian trade by the
tenth century involving South India, Sri Lanka, Southeast Asia and China. The Cholas promoted this trade by
undertaking maritime expeditions to Sri Lanka and Sri Vijaya (Sumatra) and sending trade missions to China. They
extended their patronage to their merchant organisations by issuing royal charters . for establishing mercantile towns
protected by mercenaries. Warehouses and distribution centres known as erivirappattana interacted with the nagaram
as well as other smaller localised merchant organisations like the manigram and foreign merchant organisations like
the Anjuvannm. They traded in luxury goods, exotic items from other countries and in South Indian textiles. They
also obtained in exchange agricultural products from the Chittkameli Periyanadu. The Chittimeli was an organisation
of agriculturists belonging to all the "four castes". It originated in the Tamil region and extended their activities into
South Karnataka and southern Andhra regions in the twelfth century.
Evaluating various theories regarding the Chola State, throw light on its village assemblies. (15)
(2014)
The idea of the Chola state as a decentralized segmentary state is no longer a popular consensus among the scholar.
Debate for the nature of polity in the Chola mandal itself has interesting history, just like that of North Indian history.
The earliest historian to discuss the issue was K A N Shastri, who proposed that the Chola state was a strong
centralized state just like the Byzantine empire. Other contemporary south Indian scholars like Mahalingam and
Appadorai also expressed similar views. However in the 60s Burton stein (equivalent of RS Sharma as far as
feudalism theory in the context of South India is concerned) rejected the model of strong centralized state. He
proposed the model of segmentary state according to which the power of the king and his effective control over the
people and resources was limited to the core area only, outside of which they didn't have any control and was merely
ritual figure. However the Stein's model has been criticized on the various grounds by many scholars. Kesavan
Veluthat on the other hand proposed the feudalism model for the Chola state. However recent researches done by the
scholars like Karashima, Matsui and Subbaraylu have rejected both the hypothesis and suggested that the it is true
that the Chola state wasn't highly centralized state as envisioned by the KAN Shastri. However it wasn't the weak
decentralized state either. There was certainly a degree of centralization of the Chola state. The hints of Centralization
are apparent even before the 1000 CE. During the reign of the Raja raja I there was significant expansion of the
administrative system, which declined only after the reign of Kulottunga Chola I.
The Cholas are said to have established a strong and well orgainsed administration with an element of self-
government at the local level. Do you agree? Give reasons (60) (2004)
How far can the village assemblies or communities under the Cholas be really called democratic. (30)(2009)
Analyze the significance of the Uttaramerur inscriptions of the Chola king Parantak I (10) (2016)
“Doubtless it was not a free state it was any rate a state” (K.A.N.Sastri), Reflect upon the nature of
local self government institutions in the Chola country.” (15) (2018)
The temple inscriptions of Uthiramerur are notable for their historical descriptions of the rural self-governance.
They indicate that Uthiramerur had two village assemblies: Sabha and Ur. The Sabha an
exclusively Brahmin (priestly class) assembly, while the Ur was made up of people belonging to all the classes.
Two later inscriptions of the Chola king Parantaka I (907–955) indicate the evolution of the administrative system.
Instead of variyars (who were individuals), the executive powers were given to committees called variyams.
Each variyam constituted 6 to 12 members, depending on the importance of its functions. The first inscription,
dated to 919 CE, describes the rules for electing the committee members. The second inscription, dated to 921 CE,
describes some amendments to these rules to make them more practical.
According to the 921 CE inscription, the village had 30 kudumbus or wards, from which the members of following
committees were selected annually:
Name No of Meaning
members
Samvatsara- 12 Annual Committee (or Garden and Tank Committee, since its membership was
Variyam restricted to the elders who had served on these two committees)
Totta-Variyam 12 Garden Committee
Eri-Variyam 6 Tank Committee
Panchavara- Unknown Standing Committee

Variyam
Pon-Variyam Unknown Gold Committee
The inscription lays down the following qualifications for a nominee:
• Ownership of tax-paying land sized at least one-fourth of a veli (about an acre and a half). The land-owning
requirement was reduced to one-eighth veli for people who had learned at least one Veda and one Bhashya.
• Residence in a house built on self-owned land
• Age between 35 and 70 years

• Knowledge of mantras and the Brahmanas (Vedic literature)
• Not one of the following:
An existing committee member (any committee) for the past 3 years
An existing committee member who (or whose relatives) had failed to submit accounts
One who (or whose relatives) had committed incest or first of the 5 great sins (the 5 great sins being killing a
Brahmin, drinking alcohol, theft, adultery and associating with criminals).
One who has been an outcaste for association with low caste (unless he performs expiatory ceremonies)
One who is foolhardy
One who has stolen the property of others
One who has taken forbidden dishes
The candidates were selected via Kudavoloi (literally, pot [of] palm leaf [tickets]) system:
• Names of qualified candidates were written on palm leaf tickets

• The tickets were put into a pot and shuffled
• A young boy was asked to take out as many tickets as the number of positions available
• The name on the ticket was read out by all the priests
• The candidate, whose name was read out, was selected
The tenure of a committee member was 360 days. Anyone found guilty of an offence was immediately removed
from the office. The Uthiramerur inscriptions indicate that parading on donkey was a punishment for offences such
as incest, adultery, theft and forgery.
TAXATION
South India
The Chola, state was viewed as a highly bureaucratized one by the pioneering scholars. This is denied by the followers
of the segmentary state theory. Statistical data from inscriptions, however, have been used to show the existence of
officers at both central and local levels. The presence of a bureaucracy especially in the hierarchically structured
revenue department. Ranking among officers is also shown by the terms perundaram (higher grade) add sirutram
(lower grade), both in the 'civil' and 'military' establishments. Officers at the royal court (udan kuttam) and officers
touring the country (vidaiyil adhikari) are also known.
The King's government was present in the localities through a hierarchy of officers - the mandal mudali, nadu vagai
and kadhyastha acting as important links between the King and the locality.
MILITARY ORGANISATION
mere is no conclusive evidence in Chola records of the existence of a regular army, recruited by clearly defined
criteria. Hence there are alternative interpretations of the meager evidence. According to the conventional view, there
was a royal military force. But this denied by the proponents of the segmentary state concept, who look at the military
forces as an assemblage of "segments", peasant militia and/or caste and guild armies. However, there are references
in inscriptions to grants for army chiefs and to army camps at strategic points indicating the existence of a royal force.
The higher and lower grades were also prevalent among the Right Hand units of the army corps known as the
Velaikku. There was also a Left Hand unit mentioned in royal records. Armies of local chiefs supplemented royal
military expeditions.
Assess the contribution of the Cholas in the expansion of Indian culture outside India. (30) (2011)
The Cholas gave India a strong navy. This navy helped in the diffusion of Material Culture in the South-East Asian
Countries.
During the days of Raja Raja-I, Bay of Bengal was called the lake of Cholas. He captured Maldives, Andaman and
Nicobar Islands and many other small islands like Java, Sumatra, Borneo and Malaya. Trade between India and
south-East Asia helped in the Indianization of south-East Asia and China.
Chinese Song dynasty reports that an embassy from Chulian (Chola) reached the Chinese court in the year 1077
and that the possible king was called Ti-hua kia- lo (Kulothuga Chola I).
This embassy was a trading venture and was highly profitable to the visitors, who returned with 81,800 strings of
copper coins in exchange for articles of tributes, including glass articles and spices.
A fragmentary Tamil inscription found in Sumatra cites the name of a merchant guild Nanadesa Tisaiyayirattu
Ainnutruvar (The five hundred from the four countries and the thousand directions), a famous merchant guild in the
Chola country. The inscription dated 1088 AD indicated that there was an active overseas trade during the Gupta
period.
During the Chola period, Indian languages like Sanskrit, Pali and Tamil had a considerable long term impact upon
the linguistic and intellectual cultures of south East Asia. There is an evidence to show that the king of Kambuja
desa (Cambodia) sent on ornamental chariot to the Chola Emperor, probably to appease him so that his strategic
attention does not extend further than the Malaya Peninsula.
Talking of impact, after 8th centuries (from Kulothunga’s time) and Islamic conversion, Indonesia still has a high
regard for their connections with the Cholas. The Indonesian museum is housed in an Old Russian whiskey-class
submarine, which was named Posopoti, one of the names of the Hindu God Shiva. Still existing fact is the cultural
ties spread by the Chola navies.
The motto of the Indonesian navy ‘Jalaseva Jayambe’ which is Sanskrit for “on the sea we are glorious”. There
were many surviving examples of the temples built around Dravidian architecture, in Vietnam, Cambodia,
Indonesia, Malaysia and Sri Lanka.
Hindu temple complex at Prambanan in Java clearly showed Dravidian architectural influences. An early silver
coin of Uttam Chola found in Srilanka also showed Tiger emblem of the Cholas. Angkor Vat in Cambodia is one of
the largest Hindu-Buddhist temples in the world also shows Dravidian style of architecture. The ‘ruins of Ayutthaya
in Thailand were named after Ayodhaya.
In 1015 and 1033, Rajendra I sent diplomatic missions and the Chinese emperor recognized the Chola Kingdom as
one of the great tributary states. Suryavarman II, builder of Angkor Vat sent a precious Jewel to Kulottunga, who
then donated it to the temple of Chidambram in 1114.
Even the Burmese king Kyanzitta wrote a letter on golden leaves to the Chola rulers. All this showed great
diplomatic relation between the Chola and South East Asian nations which must have enabled the great merchant
guilds of south India to conduct their international business undisturbed.
Polity: Major political developments in Northern India and the Peninsula

Politico-economic Order, A.D. 700-1200
The five centuries or so preceding the Turkish invasions have been described by Indian historians as 'feudal'. Though
the use of this concept in characterizing the era has been subjected to some criticism, the political and socio-economic
realities of India during this time answer to many of the general, and some of the specific, features of feudalism.
The central essential feature of feudalism in India (as in other parts of the world where it came into vogue) was the
grant of land by the king among his officers and certain sections of society. In return, the grantees (or feudatories,
vassals) were under obligation to serve the king and supply him with men and materials whenever he called for them.
A portion of the revenue collected by the feudatory went to the king by way of annual tribute. To maintain armed
levies which were put at the disposal of the king in times of war.
In India, the feudatories came to adopt various titles. The more important called themselves mahasamantas,
mahamandaleshvara, etc. The ser ones took the titles of raja, ranaka, samanta, thakura, bhoghika, etc. The
origins of this system-the alienation of rights over land by the king-have been traced back to the land grants made to
Brahmans from the 2nd century onwards.
These Brahmans, who were the beneficiaries of these grants not only collected the land tax, but also looked to the
maintenance of law and order. From the 7th century onwards, the practice was extended to other sections of society
also. In particular, the officers of the king were granted land in lieu of cash salaries, With time there was a tendency
for these grants to become hereditary, leading to the disappearance of the distinction between royal officials and
'feudatories', hereditary feudatories being appointed to royal offices, and officials being granted the titles and,
presumably, the privileges of feudatories.
From 7th century the ruling class was inevitably ruralised. The tendency reinforced an environment in which urban
life had steadily declined (since the Mauryas) along with commerce as witnessed by the extreme paucity of coins for
the period under consideration. In such conditions, the officials and aristocracies 'lived off the land'.
Dislocation of centralised political power, the appearance of landed magnates and crystallisation of warrior castes,
notably the Rajputs, Were the natural fallout of this environment.
Establishment of the Delhi Sultanate: The Ghurian invasions – factors behind Ghurian success

THE GHORIAN INVASIONS: 1192-1206
“The battles of Tarian and Chandawar laid the foundations of Turkish rule in India”. Elaborate. (10)
(2018)
Rajput power entered the phase of irreversible decay. For some time to come, the Ghorians did not think it convenient
to immediately take over the administration of all the conquered territories. Wherever it seemed feasible, they allowed
the Rajputs to continue, provided Turkish suzerainty was acknowledged. Thus Ajmer, for instance, was allowed to
be retained by Prithviraj's son as a vassal ruler. This uneasy balance of power, was often disturbed by the recurrent
conflicts between the imperial designs of the Ghorians and local rulers.
Under Aibak's leadership, the Turks continued to make territorial advance. After having refortified Hansi towards
the end of 1192, Aibak crossed the Yamuna to establish a military base in the upper Doab, Meerut and Baran (modem
Bulandshahr) capitulated iri. 1192. In 1193 Delhi was occupied. Its location and historical tradition made it most
suitable as a capital for Turkish power in India. It was both close to the Ghorid stronghold in Punjab as well as
conveniently placed for sending expeditions towards the east. The m military successes encouraged Muhammad
Ghori to confront king Jayachandra of the Gahadavala dynasty in the vicinity of Chandwar (between Etah and
Kanpur). Jayachandra, eventually lost. Afterwards, Turkish military stations were placed at Bharas, Asni and other
important towns. However, the capital city of Kannauj could not be occupied until 1 198-99. The other important
areas over which the Ghorians were able to extend their sway were Bayana, Gwalior and Anhilwara in 1195-96, and
Badaun in 1197-98. The opening of the 13th century saw action against the 'last surviving imperial Rajputs'-the
Chandellas of Bundekhand. Around 1202, Kalinjar, Mahoba and Khajuraho were occupied and grouped into a
military division. From 1203 onwards, the Turks made forays into the eastern provinces of the Indian subcontinent
with varying degrees of success. Magadha was conquered for the Sultanate' by Bakhtiyar Khalji and his tribesmen.
Under him, the Turkish intrusions could also penetrate Bengal (ruled by the Lakshmansena).
In general, during this phase, the Ghorians were able to extend their hegemony over a very considerable part of
Northern India. But, as yet, they stood on shaky ground. Areas once conquered tended to slip out of control. It took
several decades before their control found firm ground.
WHY THE TURKS SUCCEEDED ?

Internal strife and conflict beset with personal ambitions was enough of an invitation for the Ghurids
to invade India. Discuss. (15) (2019)
Various reasons have been assigned for the success of the Turkish conquests of North India. Many of the
contemporary chroniclers do not go beyond the standard explanation of attributing this major event to the ‘Will of
God'. Some British historians, who initiated the study of Indian history in greater depth, accounted for the success of
the Turks as follows: The Ghorian armies were drawn from the warlike tribes inhabiting the difficult region lying
between the Indus and the Oxus. They had gathered military powers and expertise fighting the Seljuq other fierce
tribes of Central Asia. On the other hand, the Indians were pacifist and not given to war. Moreover, they were divided
into small states which hampered expansionist ambitions.
The explanation is inadequate and unbalanced insofar as it leaves out of consideration well-known facts of Indian
history as well as the history of countries from where the invaders came. It should be remembered that the large-scale
conquest and destruction of the so-called warlike Islamic regions by the Mongols in 1218-19 was carried out without
any real resistance. On the other hand, the Rajputs, whom the Turks. conquered, were not lacking in bravery and
martial spirit. The period from the 8th to the 12th century is one long story of warfare and violent internal struggles.
It is, therefore, hardly worthwhile to emphasise the peaceful or docile temperament of the Indian populations as the
cause of the Turkish success.
Some Indian historians have traced the Turkish success to the peculiar social structure created by Islam. Jadunath
Sarkar, for instance, lays stress on three unique characteristics which Islam imparted to the Arabs, Berbers, Pathans,
and Turks: first complete equality and social solidarity as regards legal and religious status. Unlike India, the Turks
were not divided into castes that were exclusive of each other.
Secondly, an absolute faith in God and his will which gave them drive and a sense of mission. Finally, Islam secured
the Turkish conquerors from drunkenness which was the ruin of the Rajputs, Marathas, and other Indian rulers.
Whatever partial truth it might contain, this explanation, too, seems insufficiently grounded in history.

A more comprehensive view of the Indian debacle must perhaps take into account at least two major factors: the
prevailing socio-political system in India and her military preparedness.
After the fall of the Gurjara-Pratihara empire, no single state took its place. Instead, there arose small independent
powers like Gahadavalas in Kannauj, Parmaras in Malwa, Chalukyas in Gujarat, Chauhans in Ajmer, Tomars in
Delhi, Chandellas in Bundelkhand, etc. Far from being united, they tended to operate within the confines of small
territories and were in a state of perpetual internal conflicts. Lack of centralized power was an important factor in
emasculating the strength and efficiency of the armed forces. Fakhr Mudabbir in his Adab-ul Harb wa al-shujat
mentions that Indian forces consisted of 'feudal levies'. Each military contingent was under the command of its
immediate overlord/chief and not that of the king. Thus, the army lacked 'Unity of Command'. Besides, since only
few castes and clans took military profession, the bulk of the population was excluded from military training. This
made the general population of the country totally detached from the defence of the country; when the Turks came,
we find the Indian masses hardly came to the rescue of their kings. The concept of physical pollution (Chhut) also
hampered military efficiency since it made the division of labour impossible; the soldiers had to do all their work on
their own, from fighting to the fetching of water.
Another important reason for the success of the Turks was their superior military technology and art of war. These
nomads from the steppes could be credited with introducing the age of the horse'. The Turks used iron stirrup and
horse-shoes that reinforced their striking power and the stamina of the cavalry, while horse-shoes provided greater
mobility to the horse, stirrup gave the soldiers a distinct advantage.
The popular notion that the Indians were defeated on account of the use of elephants does not seem plausible now,
we do not find any evidence in the Tabaqat-i Nasiri or other sources in support of this view. Jayapala's case is an
exception where his elephants took to flight: Such examples are hard to come by. In fact, Mahmud of Ghazni is
reported to have maintained large number of elephants that he took to his Kingdom from India and employed them
with success.
Economic, social and cultural consequences

The 11th – 12th centuries C.E. saw eventful progression in the cultural history of India. Discuss. (10) (2017)
These centuries mark a transition due to fact that they saw increase in trade and urbanization, less monetary
anaemia and lesser impact of Indian Feudalism seen from 7th to 10th century.
Cultural progression can be seen in-

1- Art- new styles of sculptural art came up.
2- Architecture- regional variations.
3- Regional cultures- decentralization and political fragmentation gave rise to regional cultures. Eg- Tamil culture
under Cholas
4- regional languages and literature- they emerged by 11th century. Eg- Mangal Kavyas in Bengali
5- Bhakti movement- Ramanuja, Nimbarka, etc belong to 11th century
6- paintings- schools of art flourished by 11th century. Eg- Pala, Rajput, Kangra, etc.
POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST OF INDIA

Turkish conquest of India brought about some far reaching changes in the political economic and social conditions
of India.
Its first major consequence was to replace the 'feudal', multi-centered, polity by a centralised state, in which the king
enjoyed practically unlimited powers.
The chief institution which made the Sultanate possible was that of the iqta : transferable revenue assignments, an
institution which the Seljuqs found in operation in the Abbasid ruled areas and which they updated in the light of
their own requirements. Under this system, the officers of the king were assigned territories to realize revenue and
maintain troops and cavalry contingents. Unlike the pre-Turkish system wherein the land grantees had acquired
permanent tights of ownership, the iqta-holders were regularly transferred and their tenure in particular places or
localities was normally for 3 to 4 years. Taking the Delhi Sultanate as a whole, such a system made the assignee
dependent on the central authority to a far greater extent than it was ble under the earlier Indian politics. While the
rais, ranas and thakurs failed to unite the country, the Turks succeeded in establishing an "all-India administration by
bringing the chief citis and the great routes under the control of the government of Delhi." Much as the iqta system
provided the base for a despotic state , it was also a means of agriculture surplus. The Turks had brought with them
the tradition of living in the cities and, as result, the large surplus produce of the countryside found way into the
cities in the form of land tax.
This led to growth of urban economy. Turks also brought with them the Persian wheel and the spinning wheel. The
former helped greatly in increasing the agricultural production
Foundation of Delhi Sultanate and early Turkish Sultans. Consolidation: The rule of Iltutmish
(1206-1236)
What measures were initiated by the Sultans for the consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate? Discuss. (15) (2016)
• By the time of Muizzuddin Muhammad’s death in 1206, the Turks had been able to extend their sway upto
Lakhnauti in Bengal, Ajmer and Ranthambor in Rajasthan, upto the boundaries of Ujjain in the south, and
Multan and Uchch in Sindh.
Empire remained more or less stationary for almost a hundred years. The internal and external difficulties faced by
the Turks were numerous:
1. They had to deal with the efforts of some of the ousted rulers, particularly the Rajput rulers of Rajasthan and
Bundelkhand, and neighbouring areas, such as Bayana and Gwaliyar to regain their former possessions.But,
Rajputs never came together to try and collectively oust the Turks from India. Nor were there any serious
uprisings against the Turks in the Ganga Valley or the Punjab (with the sole exception of the Khokhars during
the reign of Muizzuddin). Hence, it would hardly be correct to term these isolated battles by individual Rajput
rulers to regain their possessions as “Hindu reaction” to the Turks.
2. The Turks had to spend a lot of time and energy in dealing with factionalism in the Turkish nobility. Some
of the Turkish rulers tried to carve out their own independent spheres of authority. Thus, Muhammad bin
Bakhtiyar Khalji and his successors tried to keep Lakhnauti and Bihar free from the control of Delhi. There
were strong separatist tendencies in Multan and Sindh also. For some time, there was a struggle for
domination between the nobles at Lahore and Delhi. On and off, some of the powerful governors (iqtadars)
also tried to defy Delhi.
3. During this period, there were important changes in Central Asian politics which affected India. Immediately
following the death of Muizzuddin, the Ghurid empire broke up. Muizzuddin’s favourite slave, Yalduz,
succeeded him at Ghazni, while another slave, Qubacha seized control of Multan and Uchch. Qutbuddin
Aibak, who had been deputizing for Muizzuddin at Delhi, was invited by the Turkish amirs at Lahore. Aibak
marched to Lahore and ascended the throne there.
• Although both Qubacha and Aibak had married two daughters of Yalduz, they struggled against each other,
particularly for the possession of the Punjab. But Aibak succeeded in keeping his control over Lahore which
he made his capital. After some time, Khwarizm Shah, the ruler of Merv, which was the most powerful state
in Central Asia overran Ghur and Ghazni. But before the Khwarizm Shah could consolidate his position in
Ghur and Ghazni, and think of moving towards India, he had to face an even bigger danger, the Mongols.
• Mongol ruler, Chingez Khan, erupted into Transoxiana and Khurasan in 1218 and, in course of time, the
Mongol empire extended from China to Central Europe. The Mongols devastated the towns and cities of
Central and West Asia which offered resistance to them levelling some of them to the ground after
slaughtering almost all the men there, except artisans who, along with women and children, were enslaved.
But the Mongol conquest did not have negative aspects only. The unification of Central and West Asia under
Mongol aegis enabled trade and merchandise to move freely, and gradually towns and town-life began to
revive.
• In 1218, after conquering North China, Chingez turned against the Khwarizm Shah who had offended him
by putting to death some Muslim merchants who had received a safe conduct from Chingez for carrying on
trade. Afraid of a defeat, he evacuated Transoxiana, and then retreated to the West. Samarqand and Bukhara
fell to the Mongols after resistance, and suffered the fate reserved by the Mongols to those towns which
resisted.

• However, Prince Jalaluddin Mangbarani, the son of the Khwarizm Shah, continued to resist in Ghur and
Ghazni. Chingez pursued the prince, and inflicted a sharp defeat on him on the bank of the river Indus in
1221. The prince escaped across the river with a handful of followers. Chingez loitered around in the
neighbourhood for three months, then decided to complete the conquest of Khurasan. He then returned to
Mongolia and died in 1227. This was followed by internal troubles among the Mongols, giving the Turkish
rulers in India time to consolidate the Sultanat.
• The rise of the Mongols, and the deprivation of the support and backing of the well trained Ghurid army were
important factors which prevented the early Turkish rulers of Delhi from trying to further expand their
territories.
• On the other hand, the end of the link with Ghur and Ghazni after the death of Muizzuddin (1206), saved
them from involvement in Central Asian affairs, and enabled them to develop in India on the basis of their
own resources and inclinations. The Turkish rulers were thus forced to develop an independent state in India.
In consequence, gradually a new socio-cultural order evolved in North India.
Qutbuddin Aibak (1206-1210)
• A favourite slave of Muizzuddin, who had played an important role in the battle of Tarain and in the
subsequent Turkish conquests in North India had been enthroned at Lahore in 1206 on the basis of the support
of the local notables and amirs. Thus, he rose to the throne by personal merit. Somewhat later, he received
from Sultan Mahmud who had succeeded his father, Ghiyasuddin, at Ghur, a deed of manumission (freeing
him from his slave status, legally, a slave could not be a sovereign), and a chatr, recognizing his position as
a sovereign. This finally ended the legal claim of Ghazni over the Turkish conquests in Hindustan. Aibak
hardly had time to add to the Turkish conquests in India, and died in 1210, on account of a fall from his horse
while playing chaugan (medieval polo).
• But his brief reign is considered significant because it marked the rise of the first independent Turkish ruler
in India. Contemporaries praise him for his liberality, beneficence and gallantry. The combination of
liberality, emphasis on justice, and brutality in war were typical of many of the early Turkish rulers in India.
Shamsuddin Iltutmish (1210-36)
Assess the contribution of Iltutmish for the expansion and consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate. (20) (2011)
• He was a slave of Aibak, succeeded him at Delhi in 1210. He was responsible not only for keeping the Delhi
Sultanat together, but made it a well-knit and compact State. He may thus be called the real establisher of
what came to be called the Delhi Sultanat.
• Iltutmish had many difficulties to contend with. First, he faced the challenge of Aram Shah who had been
put up by the Turkish amirs at Lahore. Aram Shah apparently was not the son of Aibak, because Aibak had
only three daughters, two of whom were married to Qubacha, and one to Iltutmish after he ascended the
throne. Aram Shah marched on Delhi but was defeated easily by Iltutmish at a battle at Tarain.
• Some of the Turkish nobles were not prepared to accept Iltutmish’s authority. They went outside Delhi and
prepared for rebellion. Iltutmish marched from Delhi, defeated the rebels.
• According to the contemporary author, Minhaj Siraj, “On several other occasions in different parts of
Hindustan, hostilities arose between him and the armies and the Turks.” Iltutmish triumphed over all of
them—on account of “Divine help” according to Minha.
• Having brought under his control Delhi and its dependencies including Banaras, Awadh, Badaun and the
Siwaliks, Iltutmish found himself faced with a piquant situation. The Turkish rule in Hindustan was by this
time divided into four portions:
1. Multan and Uchch and Siwistan upto the sea in Sindh under Qubacha
2. Lakhnauti under Khalji maliks
3. Delhi under Iltutmish
4. Lahore which was coveted by Yalduz, Qubacha and Iltutmish and passed under the control of one or the
other according to circumstances.

(a) Punjab and Sindh
• In his struggle for the control of the Punjab and Sindh, Iltutmish displayed great tact, patience and diplomatic
skill. He did not get too closely involved in the struggle for the Punjab till circumstances favoured him. At
first he befriended Yalduz at Ghazni, and accepted the letter of manumission and durbash (two-headed baton
which was a symbol of royalty) sent by Yalduz, even though it implied according a superior status to Yalduz.
• In 1215, after being ousted from Ghazni by the Khwarizm Shah, Yalduz occupied Lahore and the whole of
the Punjab, expelling Qubacha. It seems that as the successor of Muizzuddin at Ghazni, Yalduz claimed not
only to be the ruler of the Punjab, but also claimed a vague control over all the conquests of Muizzuddin’s in
Hindustan. This situation was unacceptable to Iltutmish, and led to hostilities between the two in which
Yalduz was defeated and later killed.
• However, the problem of the Punjab remained. At first, Iltutmish was prepared to leave Lahore to Qubacha,
but there was a disagreement between the two upon its boundaries, which Iltutmish felt, would have threaten
his position at Delhi. In the hostilities between the two which followed, Qubacha was defeated and Iltutmish
occupied Lahor.
• Before Iltutmish could consolidate his position in Punjab, Jalaluddiri Mangabarani, the Khwarizmian prince,
being pursued by Chingez, crossed the Indus in 1221 and, in alliance with the war like Khokhars, conquered
the Punjab upto Thanesar. He then sent a message to Iltutmish seeking an alliance against the Mongols so
that he could recover his lost dominions. Iltutmish politely turned down the overture, refusing to be drawn
into a fight with the Mongols. He also marched against him with a large army. Jalaluddin quit Lahore, and
moved towards Qubacha in Sindh. He defeated Qubacha and occupied Uchch. Meanwhile, the Mongols too
invested Multan.
• Thus, the effect of Jalaluddin’s incursion into India was the weakening of Qubacha’s position in Sindh.
Jalaluddin quit India in 1224, but for fear of Chingez, Iltutmish kept a low posture in the northwest. It was
only in 1228, after the death of Chingez that he decided to conquer Sindh from Qubacha, and captured Uchch
after a siege of three months. Qubacha fled to Bakkhar. Shortly afterwards when Iltutmish advanced on
Bakhhar, Qubacha drowned himself in the river Indus.
• Thus, by 1228, not only did Iltutmish’s control extend upto the Indus, but the whole of Multan and Sindh
upto the sea came under his control. This marked the first phase of Iltutmish’s consolidation of the Delhi
Sultanat.
(b) Turkish Conquest of Bihar and Lakhnauti
• During the reign of Muizzuddin, Bihar and Lakhauti had been captured by a Khalji malik, Muhammad bin
Bakhtiyar Khalji. The contemporary historian, Minhaj Siraj, praises him as a man of “impetus, enterprising,
intrepid, bold, sagacious and expert in warfare.” The Khaljis were a Turkish tribe from southwest Ghur.
However, Bakhtiyar was ungainly in appearance, and was offered only low employment when he appeared
for service before Muizzuddin at Ghazni. Rejecting this as beneath him, he repaired to India, and presented
himself again at Delhi. But he was rejected once more.
• Thereupon, Bakhtiyar Khalji took service under the iqtadar (governor) of Badaun who had an extensive
charge in modern west U.P. Soon after, he repaired to the service of the Commander of Awadh who assigned
him two villages on the boundary of Bihar. This gave him the opportunity of making plundering raids into
Bihar and Maner which, following the downfall of the Gahadavala empire, had become a kind of a noman’s
land dominated by petty Gahadavala chiefs.
• Rai Lakshman Sena, the ruler of Bengal, a rival of the Gahadavads, preferred to confine himself to Bengal,
either because he was too old and feeble, or because he was under the illusion that the Turks would be
satisfied with Bihar if he did not come into conflict with them.
• Bakhtiyar Khalji’s reputation as an enterprising warrior spread far and wide, and many Khaljis from different
parts of Hindustan joined him. Even Muizzuddin sent him a special robe of distinction (khilat) and honoured
him, though he was neither his slave nor his employee.
• Emboldened, Bakhtiyar Khalji now attacked a fort in Bihar with 200 horsemen which he later found was a
Buddhist monastery (the famous university of Nalanda). He then captured Vikramsila, another university
town. He also captured the capital, Uddandapur, and built a fort there. This is placed in 1202.

• After this victory, Bakhtiyar Khalji returned with great booty and presented himself before Qutbuddin Aibak
and received from him great honour and distinction. Bakhtiyar Khalji distributed the presents to his people
and returned to Bihar. This shows the nature of relationship between prominent chiefs and the Sultan at that
time. The chiefs were expected to fend for themselves, and their victories were the victories of the Sultan.
The chiefs on their part, acknowledged a Sultan if it suited them, or made a bid for independence. Thus, the
structure of the Sultanat was rather brittle.
• Returning to Bihar, Bakhtiyar Khalji gathered information about Lakshman Sena. He was said to be eighty
years old, and had been a famous warrior. According to Minhaj Siraj, he had never committed any oppression
on his people, and was very generous in giving gifts. Apprehensive that after the conquest of Bihar, the turn
of Bengal would come next, and because fear of Bakhtiyar’s military prowess had spread far and wide, and
on the advice of brahmans and astrologers, many brahmans and traders had left the Sena capital for a safer
place of refuge in the east. But Lakshman Sena had decided to stick on.
• For Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar Khalji’s conquest of Lakhauti, we are dependent on one contemporary source,
Minhaj Siraj, whose account has been followed by all later writers.
• Bakhtiyar prepared a force and pressed on the Sena capital, Nadia, so rapidly that only 18 horsemen were
able to keep up with him, that he proceeded in such a manner in which people of the place imagined that may
be his party were merchants and had brought horses for sale, that reaching the palace Bakhtiyar suddenly
attacked, and the Rai, taken unawares, fled by a posterior gate, and that Bakhtiyar captured the whole of his
treasures, his wives, and other females and attendants etc., and that the main army arrived soon and took
possession of the city and its round about.
• There are several difficulties in accepting Minhaj’s story as it stands. Minhaj states that Nadia was the capital
of Lakshman Sena. From archaeological evidence, we know that the capital of the Senas was first Bikrampur
(near modern Dacca), and then Lakshmanavati or Lakhnauti. Nadia was a very small town—perhaps a
pilgrim centre or a centre of brahmanical learning where Laxmansena would have gone for pilgrimage with
small military escort. It is possible that, as in the case of Bihar where Bakhtiyar confused a university with a
fort, he mistook a pilgrim centre, Nadia, for the Sena capital. This appears even more likely because there is
no mention of any resistance by the Sena forces, although Lakshman Sena had been a noted warrior, and had
been forewarned of the danger of Turkish attack.
• It is possible that Minhaj confused Nadia with Lakhnauti, the Sena capital which Bakhtiyar captured later.
Again, there is no mention of a fight. May be the Senas had abandoned the city in anticipation of a Turkish
attack.
• The Senas continued to rule south Bengal for another fifty years from their capital at Sonargaon near ancient
Gaur.
• Following Nadia, Bakhtiyar captured Lakhnauti. He had the khutba read, and issued coins in the name of
Muizzuddin, although he was independent in all but name.
• Bakhtiyar Khalji’s conquest of Bihar and North Bengal stands as an example of intrepid daring. It added
greatly to the reputation of Turkish arms in India.
• Bakhtiyar Khalji did not live long after his success. He prepared an army for the occupation of Tibet and
Turkistan. The Turks had very vague ideas of the geography of the region. Bakhtiyar apparently believed
that Tibet and Turkistan were just across the mountain, and that if he could gain direct access to Turkistan,
he could get military supplies from it, and set himself up as an independent ruler. The campaign was thus,
destined to fail. Bakhtiyar never went beyond Assam. The Magh rulers allowed him to come as far as he
could, crossing the river Bagmati across a stone bridge. Finding that he could go no further, Bakhtiyar
retreated, to find that the bridge had been destroyed. Caught between a large opposing force and the river,
Bakhtiyar made a dash for the river. But the river was too deep to be forded. Most of the soldiers drowned,
Bakhtiyar himself escaping with about 100 soldiers.
• This was the worst disaster of Turkish arms. Bakhtiyar was deeply depressed, and took to bed where he was
stabbed to death by one of his nobles, Ali Mardan Khan (in 1205)
Relations of Bengal with Delhi
• Ali Mardan was ousted by nobles loyal to Muhammad Bakhtiyar. He escaped, and came to the court of
Qutbuddin Aibak who honoured him, and assigned him the territory of Lakhnauti. The prestige of

Muizzuddin and his successors was high, and the Khalji amirs at Lakhnauti submitted to Ali Mardan who
brought the whole of North Bengal under his control.
• When Aibak died, and ambitious nobles such as Qubacha in Sindh, assumed airs of independence, Ali
Mardan assumed the canopy of state (chatra) and read the khutbah in his name. However, he proved to be a
tyrant, and was soon displaced by a Khalji amir, Iwaz, who assumed the throne under the title Sultan
Ghiyasuddin Khalji.
• Minhaj calls Ghiyasuddin Khalji a monarch worthy, just and beneficent. The region prospered under his rule
and he undertook a number of public works which benefited the people.
• Taking advantage of Iltutmish’s preoccupation with the north-west, he extended his authority over Bihar, and
exacted tribute from many of the neighbouring rulers.
• After the situation in the north-west had settled somewhat, in 1225 Iltutmish marched against Iwaz. A kind
of a treaty was patched up between the two whereby Iwaz agreed to Iltutmish’s suzreignty and also paid a
heavy indemnity. Iltutmish awarded Bihar to his own officers. But as soon as Iltutmish’s back was turned,
Iwaz repudiated his suzreignty, and ousted his officials from Bihar.
• Iltutmish asked his son, Nasiruddin Mahmud, then Governor of Awadh, to watch the situation. Two years
later, when Iwaz was campaigning in Kamrup (Assam) and Bang (East Bihar), and Lakhnauti was
undefended, Nasiruddin Mahmud made a sudden move and occupied Lakhnauti. Iwaz came back, and fought
a battle but was defeated and executed. Nasiruddin remained in charge of Lakhnauti. But he died shortly
afterwards and the Khaljis again threw off the yoke of Delhi. It was not till 1230 when IItutmish led a second
campaign that Lakhnauti was brought under his control.
• But Bengal always remained a difficult charge, and threw off its allegiance to Delhi at the first sign of
weakness at the centre.
(c) Internal Rebellions, Conquest of Ranthambhor and Gwaliyar, and Raids into Bundelkhand and Malwa
• Iltutmish had to face a number of internal rebellions. The ousted Gahadvaras of Kannauj had
recovered Badaun and Kannauj, and there was a rebellion at Banaras. These were dealt with, but the Rajputs
of Katehar (modern Rohelkhand) continued to threaten this area.
• Katehar was attacked, and later Iltutmish cleared the area upto the Siwaliks.
• There were also hostilities with local Hindu chiefs in parts of Doab and Awadh. These areas, which were
then covered by heavy forests, continued to be troublesome for outsiders for several centuries.
• After settling the affairs of Bihar and Bengal, Iltutmish turned his attention towards the recapture of some of
the forts, such as Bayana and Gwaliyar, which had been recovered by the Rajput rajas in the confusion
following the death of Aibak.
• Iltutmish invested and captured Ranthambhor from the Chauhan successors of Prithvi Raj. This was deemed
a great success because Ranthambhor was considered an impregnable fortress. However, since it was too far
away from Delhi for effective control, after some time it was returned to the Chauhans as feudatories. Ajmer
continued under Turkish rule.
• Next, Iltutmish captured Bayana and then Gwaliyar (Paramar ruler of Gwaliyar)
• Gwaliyar was made the base of plundering raids into Bundelkhand and Malwa. The Turkish governor of
Gwaliyar attacked Chanderi and Kalinjar but escaped with great difficulty when on the way back, laden with
plunder, he was attacked by the Rajputs.
• A little earlier, Iltutmish raided Bhilsa and Ujjain in Malwa. The famous temple of Mahakali at Ujjain was
destroyed, and rich plunder obtained. But little effort was made to extend Turkish dominion over the area.
Estimate of Iltutmish as a Ruler
• Iltutmish re-established the territorial integrity of the Delhi sultanat. He defeated efforts of ambitious rivals
such as Yalduz and Qubacha to divide the sultanat. In the process, he displayed a great deal of tact, patience,
and far-sightedness.
• This was displayed in his dealings with Qubacha as well as Jalaluddin Mangbarani. Early in his reign he had
realized that his policy must be one of steady consolidation rather than rapid expansion. He proceeded against
the Khalji Maliks of Lakhnauti only when he had consolidated his position in the north-west.

• Under Iltutmish,Delhi Sultanat can be called a truely independent state, not tied up to a foreign sovereign
living at Ghazni or Ghur. Iltutmish’s legal status as an independent sovereign was reaffirmed in the eyes of
the Muslims when in 1229 an envoy of the Caliph of Baghdad reached Delhi with a formal letter of investitute
for Iltutmish. Although it was a mere formality and recognition of an accomplished fact.
• Iltutmish can be credited with making Delhi the political, administrative, and cultural centre of Turkish rule
in India. Delhi became the refuge for nobles, bureaucrats, scholars, poets and religious divines from Central
Asia to escape the Mongol depredations.
• Iltutmish beautified Delhi by setting up new buildings. The most notable example of this was the tower or
minar, later called the Qutb Minar, commenced by Qutbuddin which he completed. Soon a magnificent city
arose in the environs. The Hauz Shamsi, south of the Qutb Minar, and the madrasah around it, was built by
him. Iltutmish was not only a patron of men of Islamic learning and poets, he also accorded great honour to
the sufi saints of his time, such as Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki.
• By his military prowess, pleasing manners and liberality, Iltutmish earned the deep respect and attachment
of the people of Delhi to his family, in consequence of which the right of his children to succeed him was
accepted. Thus, he set up the first hereditary sovereignty at Delhi.
• However, his children were not successful because the State was still a loose structure in which the inner
jealousies and rivalries of the Turkish nobles and slave officers could be kept under control only by a strong
ruler.
RAZIYA SULTANA (1236-1240)

Analyze the steps taken Razia Sultan by to strengthen her position as an independent ruler despite various obstacles
(10)(2013)
Iltutmish nominates Raziya as his successor:

Ruknuddin was the eldest among the surviving sons of Iltutmish. But he was indolent, feeble-minded and given to
sensual pleasures. In spite of getting an opportunity to correct him, Ruknuddin could not develop the sense of
responsibility. Hence, Iltutmish seriously considered of leaving the throne to his daughter Raziya. He gave her an
opportunity to prove her ability by associating her in administration of the central government. During the year 1231-
1232, when the sultan was away on the Gwalior campaign, Raziya was left in charge of the government at Delhi.
During this period, Raziya gave evidence of her ability, intelligence and sagacity. On his return from the campaign
Iltutmish made up his mind to nominate Raziya as his successor superseding all his sons. However, the Turkish nobles
opposed his move as improper and derogatory to their pride. But Iltutmish overbore all opposition
and managed to ensure the approval of his nobles and ulemas.
Raziya ascends the throne of Delhi:
Following the death of Iltutmish, the Turkish nobles who were opposed to the nomination of Raziya ignored her
claim to the throne and selected Ruknuddin as the next sultan. The wazir, Junaidi and the provincial governors lent
their support to Ruknuddin. As the new sultan was a debased sensualist, his mother, Shah Turkan, directed public
affairs. Originally she had been a maidservant in the royal seraglio and had embittered her relations with the great
ladies of the realm. Later Iltutmish had elevated her to the rank of a queen. With the accession of her son
Ruknuddin, Shah Turkan got an opportunity to wreak vengeance on her old enemies.
Under these circumstances the ‘group forty’ felt that for preserving the dynasty and the good name of their master,
Ruknuddin must be deposed. The governors of Multan, Lahore, Hansi and Badaon collected their forces and marched
upon the capital. The wazir, Junaidi also joined them. When Ruknuddin attempted to deal with the situation and left
Delhi with an army to oppose his detractors, his own troops deserted him. Meanwhile rebellion broke out in the
capital itself. Shah Turkan’s attempt to kill Raziya had angered the citizens of Delhi. They attacked the palace, threw
Shah Turkan into prison and raised Raziya to the throne.
When Ruknuddin returned to Delhi he found that a bloodless revolution had already taken place. He was arrested and
thrown into a dungeon and was put to death later.
Initial difficulties of Raziya:
Soon after her accession Raziya found herself confronted with numerous difficulties.
(1) The wazir and the provincial governors were keen to replace Ruknuddin by a person of their choice whom they
could control and influence.
(2) The orthodox Muslims resented the enthronement of a woman as a sultan.

(3) Added to these problems was that a number of sons of Iltutmish were still alive. They had their own supporters
and partisans among the nobles and people of Delhi.
(4) The Rajputs, taking advantage of the prevailing confusion and uncertainty had started their offensive against the
sultanate.
Raziya strengthens her position:
The hostile provincial governors of Badaon, Hansi, Lahore and Multan ably supported by wazir Junaidi, who felt
isolated and ignored, mustered their troops near Delhi. Realizing the difficulty of organizing a matching army, Raziya
avoided a military encounter with the rebels and instead resorted to diplomacy. She entered into a secret alliance with
Salari and Kabir Khan. Thereafter she spread rumours that a number of rebels had joined her. This caused suspicion
and distrust among the rebel chiefs who withdrew from the capital quietly. Raziya’s stratagem succeeded and her
prestige was enhanced. The provincial governors submitted to her authority.
Raziya adopted a number of measures to strengthen her position and to increase the power and prestige of the
monarchy. She distributed important offices of the state amongst her Supporters. The naib wazir, Muhazzab-ud-din
was put in charge of the wazarat. Her partisan Kabir Khan was appointed to the governorship of Lahore. Tughril
Khan, the governor of Lakhnauti (Bengal) was rewarded with vice-royalty for not joining the rebels.
In an effort to break the monopoly of the Turkish nobles to high offices, Raziya adopted the policy of appointing non-
Turkish nobles to higher posts. A number of Indian Muslims were appointed as qazis. An Abyssinian, Jamal-ud-din
Yaqut was elevated to the position of amir-a-khur (master of the horses). As a result of these measures, according to
Minhaj-us-Siraj, “From Debal to Lakhnauti, all the maliks and amirs manifested their obedience and submitted.”
Raziya also organized a campaign against the Rajputs. Ranthambhor was besieged and captured. Like her father
Iltutmish, Raziya was determined to assert the authority and establish an independent and absolute monarchy.
Besides suppressing the Turkish nobles, who challenged her authority, Raziya governed the sultanate in a befitting
manner. Bold and courageous, she gave up purdha (veil), held open court, listened to the grievances of her subjects
and exercised general control over the administrative departments. In battles, Raziya rode at the head of her armies.
Thus, she proved her ability, love of justice and capacity for hard work.
Defeat and death of Raziya:
By consolidating her position against the Turkish nobles, Raziya drove them to group themselves and conspire against
her. They could not tolerate a powerful and despotic monarch who was pursuing the policy of imposing her will on
them. They resented the undue importance given to the non-Turkish nobles, specially the Abyssinian officer, Yaqut
with whom Raziya was romantically linked. Besides, there was a section of people who could never
tolerate the notion of a woman being the head of the state. Raziya had given offence to the orthodox Muslim opinion
by casting off female attire and the seclusion of the harem.
These factors led to a conspiracy against Raziya. The Turkish nobles at the court and in the provinces subscribed to
a secret plot to depose Raziya and to replace her with a puppet ruler who would abide by their wishes.
An Estimate of Raziya:
The brief reign of Raziya extending over a period of barely three and a half years was too short to consolidate the
sultanate. However, within this short span of time she proved superior to other sons of Iltutmish. As the only woman
who sat upon the throne of Delhi, she never allowed her sex to eclipse the efficiency of the state. Minhaj-us-Siraj
describes Raziya as “a great sovereign and sagacious, just, beneficent, the patron of the learned, a dispenser
of justice, the cherisher of her subjects and of war like talent and endowed with all admirable attributes and
qualifications necessary for kings.”
The ‘Corps of Forty’ and its relations with the Sultans (20) (2004) (2008)
Analyse the social composition and the role of nobility under the successors of Iltutmish. How did it affect
the contemporary politics? (30) (2012)
CONFLICT BETWEEN THE NOBILITY AND THE SULTANS

Consolidation and decline of the Sultanate were largely the result of constructive and destructive activities of the
nobles (umara). The nobles always tried to maximise their demands in terms of the economic and political gains.
Under the Ilbarite rule (1206-90 A.D.), the conflicts usually revolved around three issues: succession, organization
of the nobility and division of economic and political power between them and the Sultans. When Qutbuddin Aibak
became the Sultan, his authority was hot accepted by the influential nobles such as Qubacha (governor of Multan and
Uchh), Yilduz (governor of Ghazni), and Ali' Mardan (governor of Bengal). This particular problem was inherited
by Iltutmish who finally overcame it through diplomacy as well as by force. Later, Iltutmish organised the nobles in
a ' corporate body, known as rurkan-i chihilgani ("The Forty' which was personally loyal to him. Naturally, other
groups of nobles envied the status and ' privileges of the members of the "Forty", but this does not mean that' the
latter were free from their internal hickerings. At the most they united in one principle: to plug the entry of non-
Turkish persons in the charmed circle as far as possible. On the other hand, the "Forty" tried to retain its political
influence over the Sultan who would not like to alienate this group, but at the same time would not surrender his
royal privilege of appointing persons of other groups as officers. Thus, a delicate balance was achieved by Iltutmish
which broke down after his death. For example, Iltutmish had declared his daughter, Raziya, as his successor during
his life, but some nobles did not approve her succession after his death, because she tried to 'organize non-Turkish
groups (Abyssinians and Indians) as counterweight to the "Forty". That was one main reason why a number of nobles
of this group supported her brother, Ruknuddin whom they thought to be incompetent and weak, thereby giving them
an opportunity to maintain their position. This spectacle continued during the reign of Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-66
A.D.) also, as exemplified by the rise and fall of Immaduddin Raihan, an Indian convert. This episode coincided with,
the banishment of Balban who was the naib (deputy) of Sultan Mahmud (and also belonged to the "Forty' and his
subsequent recall.
During Balban's regime, the influence of the turkan-i chihilgani was minimized. Since he himself was a member of
the "Forty before his accession, he was fully aware of the nobles rebellious activities. Therefore, he eased out the
"tallest figures amongst them through assassin's dagger or poisoning, even including his cousin. On the other hand,
he formed a group of loyal and trusted nobles called "Balbani". The removal of many members of the "Forty deprived
the state of the services of veterans and the void could not be fulfilled by the new and not so experienced 'Balbani"
nobles. This situation inevitably led to the fall of the llbarite rule, paving the way for the Khaljis.
The reign of Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316 A.D.) saw a broadening in the composition of nobles. He did not admit of
monopolization of the state by any one single group of nobles. State offices were open to talent and loyalty, to the
exclusion of race and creed. Besides, he controlled them through various measures.
Moreover, the enhancement of land revenue up to 50 % of the surplus produce must have pacified the nobles because
an increase in the revenue of their respective iqta would have raised their salaries, too. Territorial expansion also
provided enough resources towards recruiting persons with talent. The case of Mail Kafue, an Abyssinian slave, is
well-known. But this situation was short lived: the death of Alauddin Khalji brought out once again the dissensions
and conspiracies of the nobles, leading to the elimination of the Khaljis as rulers.
As for the Tughluqs, you know how Muhammad Tughluq made attempts to organize nobles again and again, with
turns and twists. But all his efforts failed to put them under check. Even the Khurasanis, whom he used to call
"Aizzah" (the dear ones), betrayed him. The problems created by the nobles can be gauged I from the fact that twenty-
two rebellions took place during his reign with the loss of at least one territory, later known as Bahmani kingdom.
The crisis set in motion after Muhammad Tughluq's death seems to have gone out of hands. Under these
circumstances, Feroz Tughluq could not be expected to be stern with the nobles. They were given many concessions.
The appeasement policy of Sultan pleased the nobles, but in the long run, it proved disastrous. The army became
inefficient because the practice of branding (dagh) of the horses introduced By Alauddin Khalji was almost given up.
It was not possible, henceforth, for his descendants or later rulers to roll back the tide of decline of the Delhi Sultanate.
Under the Sayyids (1414-51 A.D.) and the Lodis (1451-1526 A.D.), the situation did, not appear to be comfortable:
the former were not at all fit for the role of saviours. Sikandar Lodi made the last attempt to prevent the looming
catastrophe. But dissensions among the Afghans and their unlimited individual ambitions hastened the final demise,
actually its murder, with Babur as the executioner.
Critically examine the ‘blood and iron’ policy of Balban.(10)(2017)
Balban’s policy of Blood and Iron:

It is not without significance that out of about 84 year’s rule of the Slave Dynasty, Balban’s rule lasted for about 40
years i.e. 20 years as ‘Naib’ or Prime Minister but virtually the Sultan and 20 years as the Sultan of Delhi.
Other 10 Slave rulers ruled for 44 years i.e. just 4 years more than the rule of a single Sultan i.e. Balban.
It became possible to achieve this distinction by Balban on account of the successful execution of his policy of blood
and iron.
Balban displayed great vigor and energy to follow this policy and saved the Delhi. Sultanate from the shocks of
internal revolts and external invasions. He enhanced the prestige of the king. His rise from the low position of a water
carrier to the rank of the Sultan speaks of his extraordinary qualities.
Meaning of the policy of blood and iron:
This policy implied being ruthless to the enemies, use of sword, harshness and strictness and shedding blood. It
allowed use of all sorts of methods of terrorisms the enemies and inflicting violence upon them. Even before
becoming the Sultan of Delhi, Balban had tried these measures to some extent to rise to high posts. He had betrayed
Razia and engineered revolts against her. He was responsible for the dethronement of Bahram Shah and installment
of Masud as a King.
Later he conspired and removed Masud and enthroned Nasir-ud-Din Mahmud and usurped all the powers of the
Sultan by becoming his Prime Minister. By all means Nasir-ud-Din was a sort of captive of Balban. Thus even before
assuming the reigns of administration, Balban had gained sufficient experience to make use of the power of the sword
against his enemies.
A few example of Baiban’s policy of blood and iron:
1. Prof. S.R. Sharma states that when Amir Khan, one of his generals who was defeated by a rebel came back with
this news, “the infuriated Sultan in his paroxysm of rage ordered the defeated generals to be hanged over the gates of
Ayodhya.”
2. After killing a rebel Tughril Khan, the Sultan ordered the killing of all his friends and rebels. The situation has
been described by Lane-poole as, “Even a beggar to whom the usurper had been kind was not spared.”
3. According to Barani, “Such punishment as was inflicted on Lakhnauti had never been heard of in Delhi nor could
anyone remember such a thing in all Hindustan.”
4. Several members of the ‘Corps of Forty’ were poisoned to death secretly.
5. Dr.V.S. Smith states, “By royal command many of the rebels were cast under the feet of elephants… Skinned from
head to feet… some of them were hung over every gate of Delhi… One never heard such a tale of terror.
Following were the backgrounders which necessitated the policy of blood and iron:
Theory of Kingship:
Balban realized that problems arose on account of the weak position of the king. He therefore put forward the concept
of Divine Right of Kings i.e. the king was the representative of God on earth. None could challenge him. The king
was there to rule and the nobles and others were there to obey him. The powers of the king were absolute and he was
a despot.
Loose administration: The administration needed a strong ruler to bring about order out of chaos.
Corps of Forty:
Balban himself belonged to the ‘Corps of Forty’ an institution or the group created by Iltutmish for strengthening his
position. Iltutmish used this group to get all sort of information about his nobles. Balban was fully aware of the
destructive activities of these. In due course, these slaves became so powerful that the rulers became captives in their
hands. Balban realized that they were responsible for the chaotic and unstable condition of the state. Balban
considered them as trouble shooters and realized the necessity of getting rid of them through stern measures.
Revolts: There was the danger of revolts of some sections of Muslim chiefs and Rajput rulers.
Mongol invasions: The Mongols posed a serious threat to the empire.
Discuss Balban’s concept of kingship. How was it modified by Alauddin Khalji? (60) (2002)
Evaluating the theory of kingship of the Sultanate, discuss the deviations seen in the reigns of
different Sultans. (20)(2014)
NATURE OF KINGSHIP
No clear and well-defined law of succession developed in the Sultanate. Hereditary principle was accepted 'but not
adhered to invariably. There was no rule that only the eldest son would succeed (primogeniture). In one case, even a
daughter was nominated (for example, Rakia Sultan). At any rate, a slave, unless he was manumitted, that is, freed,
could not claim sovereignty. In fact, as it operated in the Sultanate, 'the longest the sword, the greater the claim'.
Thus, in the absence of any succession rule in the very beginning intrigues surfaced to usurp power: After Aibak's
death, it was not his son Aram Shah but his slave and son-in-hw Iltutmish who captured the throne. Iltutmish's death
(1236) was ' followed by a long period of struggle and strife when finally Balban, Iltutmish's slave of the "Forty"
fame, assumed power in 1266 A.D. Balban attempted to give a new shape to the concept of kingship to salvage the
prestige of the office of the Sultan, but the struggle for power that started soon after Balban's death confirms again
that the 'sword' remained the main deciding factor. .Kaiqubad was installed at the throne against the claims of Balban's

nominee, Kaikhusrau. Later, even he was slain by the Khalji Maliks (1290 A.D.) who laid the foundation of the Khalji
rule. In 1296 A.D. Alauddin Khalji, killed his uncle, Jalaluddin Khalji and occupied the throne. Alauddin Khalji's
death signaled civil war and scramble for power. Muhammad Tughlaq's reign weakened due to the rebellions of
amirs. Rivalries that followed after Feroz Tughluq ultimately led to the rise of the Saiyyids (1414-51 A.D.).
With the accession of the Lodis (1451-1526 A.D.) a new element-the Afghans was added. The Afghans had a certain
peculiar concept of sovereignty. They were prepared to accept the position of a Sultan over them, but they sought to
partition the empire among their clans (Farmulis, Sarwanis, Niyazh, etc.). After the death of Sultan Sikandar Lodi
(1517 A.D.), the empire was divided between Ibrahim and Jalal. Even the royal privileges and prerogatives were
equally shared by the clan members. For example, keeping of elephants was the royal privilege but Azam Humayun
Sarwani is reported to have possessed seven hundred elephants. Besides, the Afghans entertained the concept of
maintaining tribal militia which in the long run greatly hampered the military efficiency of the Central Government.
It is true that Sikandar Lodi tried to keep the ambitious Afghan nobles in check, but it seems that the concept of
Afghan polity was more tilted towards decentralization that created fissures in the end.
What measures did Balban adopt to combat the Mongol menace? (10) (2015)
The north-west frontier of India was unsafe. The fear of Mongol invasion was a standing menace to the stability of
Delhi Sultanate. The Mongol threat was a major preoccupation of Balban Their constant attacks had created a sense
of insecurity among the public, so Balban took many steps against Mongols. Balban adopted both military and
diplomatic measures.
Following steps were taken by Balban to combat the Mongol menace:
(1) Diplomatic steps by Balban
Balban, as a naib, sent an envoy to Halaku, the Mongol Il-Khan of Iran, who, apart from the Ogtai-Chaghtai
branch which dominated Turkistan and Transoxiana, was the most important figure among the successors of
Chingez.
Halaku sent a return embassy in 1260 which was given a grand and impressive reception by Balban.
By the time Balban ascended the throne in 1266, Halaku had died, thereby ending goodwill between the Mongols
and the ruler of Delhi.
(2) Building powerful army
Balban laid great emphasis on maintaining a large efficient army so that he could face, apart from other
problems, Mongols’ invasion successfully.
(3) No territorial expansion
Despite a large and efficient army which was kept in a state of readiness by constant exercises, Balban did not
try to expand the territories of the Delhi sultanat, or raid the neighbouring kings of Malwa or Gujarat because of
danger of Mongols’ raid.
He kept a vigil eyes on North West frontier.
(4) Construction of Forts
In order to strengthen the north-west frontier Balban got constructed a series of forts on it like Forts of
Bhatinda, Sarsa, Bhate, Abohar.
(5) Appointment pf powerful chiefs
Balban appointed powerful Afghan soldiers for the safety of his frontier.
Sher Khan a cousin of Balban, was appointed in charge of the north-western frontier. He checked the Mongol
invaders with efficiency and valour and terrified them.
The post of the warden of marches was given to Muhammad (Balban’s Son) after the death of Sher Khan in 1270
A.D. The provinces of Lahore. Multan and Uchh were also kept under his supervision while Bughra Khan was
made in charge of Sunam, Samana and Dipalpur.
Muhammad was a competent general. He held under his control a chain of forts at all strategic places. He had lost
life in 1286 AD while fighting Mongols who had attacked Punjab.
(6) Securing the Capital
Balban did not leave unsafe the capital also. He gave up the policy of expansion. However, the Mongols
plundered Punjab and crossed the river Sutlan but they were compelled to retreat by the joint army of Muhammad
and Bughra Khan.
(7) Focus on internal Security

Balban focused on internal security through heavy hand and formed powerful spy system so that he could face
any external challenges without worrying much about internal rebellion.
Conclusion
There were three major invasions of Mongol during Balban era.
(a) Attack on Lahore
(b) In 1279, Mongol attacked and defeated ny Muhammed, Bugra Khan and Mubarak bakhtiyar.
(c) Attack on Punjab in 1285 under Taimur Khan — Defeated by Muhammad — Muhammad died fighting bravely.
Balban did manage to contain the Mongols at the Multan-Dipalpur-Sunam line along the river Beas. But he was not
able to push back the Mongols from the tract beyond Lahore, although he was faced only with second rank Mongol
commanders, the attention of the Mongol rulers being concentrated on Iran, Iraq, Syria etc. Thus, it can be argued
that there was no real threat to Delhi from the Mongols. However, Balban obviously could not take any chances.
The Khaljis and the Mongols:

How did the Mongol invasions affect the Delhi Sultanate and the north-western frontier policy of the Delhi
Sultans? (30) (2012)
Jal-uI-Din and Mongols:

During Jal-ul-Din’s period, the Sultan himself defeated the Mongols near Samana. Hundreds of Mongols were
killed. Many Mongols embraced Islam. The Sultan allowed several Mongols to settle down near the vicinity of
Delhi. The Sultan married his daughter to one of the Mongol officers.
Mongol’s and Ala-ud-Din:
Ala-ud-Din had to face more than a dozen Mongol invasions. They trampled the frontier provinces under the
hooves of their horses. On several occasions, they even reached Delhi. Ala-ud-Din planned to fight offensively
instead of defensively after some of their invasions.
The terror created by Zafar Khan, also called Rustam-a-Hind, one of the most prominent generals of the Sultan Ala-
ud-Din, in the minds of the Mongol soldiers was so great that whenever the horses would not lower their mouths to
drink water, the Mongol soldiers would mockingly shout at them whether they had seen Zafar Khan that they feared
to stake their thrust.
Following were the important measures taken by Ala-ud-Din to check the Mongol invasions:
1. Old forts were repaired and seasoned officers and soldiers posted there.
2. New forts were built and experienced, well trained and well-equipped troops posted.
3. Armament manufacturing factories were set up under skilled technicians and engineers.
4. A separate and permanent army was prepared for the defence of the North-West Frontier.
5. A special governor was appointed for the North-West Frontier.
6. Strong armies were stationed at the frontier areas of Dipalpur, Samanta and Multan.
7. The most experienced generals like Zafar Khan, and Ghazni Malik were entrusted the responsibility of defending
the borders.
8. A strong wall was constructed around the Capital (Siri Fort) so that the Mongols were unable to enter the capital.
9. Ala-ud-Din enforced the price control and market reform regulations in order to supply essentials commodities at
reasonable rates to the army personnel.
As a result of the successful frontier policy of Ala-ud-Din, the danger from the Mongols almost disappeared.
According to Barani and Ferishta, not only did the Mongols cease their aggression against India, but now they also
had to defend themselves against the troops of Ala-ud-Din. Of course, in one of the Mongol invasions, the brave
general Zafar Khan was killed.
Mongols and the Tughlaqs:
Ghias-ud-Din: One Mongol invasion took place during his time but the Mongols were defeated.
Muhammad Tughlaq: The Mongols invaded under Tarmashirin. Historians have differed regard Muhammad
Tughlaq’s policy. According to one version, he defeated the Mongols and himself chased them to drive them out.
However according to another version, Muhammad Tughlaq bribed the Mongols and they went back.
Firoz Tughlaq and his successors:
Timur Lane’s invasion proved very destructive. He massacred the population of Delhi for several days. It paved the
way for Babur’s invasion and the Mughal rule in India.
Effects of the Mongol Invasions:

For meeting the challenge of the Mongol invasions, the Sultans of Delhi had to spend a substantial part of revenue
in raising and maintaining a large army which had an adverse effect on their financial resources. Some of the Delhi
Sultans like Ala-ud-Din Khalji had to increase the land revenue even to the extent of 50 per cent of the produce of
the land. This had an adverse effect on agriculture and the general conditions of the peasants deteriorated.
Balban lost his dear son Muhammad in whose grief he died. Subsequently the slave dynasty fell, yielding power to
the Khaljis.
Ala-ud-Din Khalji, though he was successful in driving away the Mongols, he lost one of his ablest military
commanders namely Zafar Khan.
Jal-ul-Din Khalji allowed hundreds of Mongols to settle in the vicinity of Delhi and these Mongols embraced Islam.
However these new Muslims created many difficulties for Ala-ud-Din Khalji.
LAND REVENUE AND ITS EXTRACTION

Islamic land tax with which the new rulers of India were familiar was kharaj. The kharaj was essentially a share in
the produce of the land and not a rent on the land. During the 13th century, the kharaj took by and large the form of
tribute. This tribute was paid, in lump sum, either by the potentates some arrangement. Alternatively, from the
recalcitrant areas (mawas) where such arrangements were hot possible, the tribute was extorted through plundering
raids. It was thus probably mostly in the form of cattle and slaves.
The sources of Saltanate do not suggest that before the reign of Alauddin Khalji any serious attempt was made to
systematise the assessment and realization of kharaj.
Agrarian Measures of Alauddin Khalji
Attempt was done to increase the revenue collection by enhancing the demand, introducing direct collection and
cutting down the leakages to the intermediaries.
The demand was thus fixed in kind but realization appears to be mostly in cash. Barani informs us that the revenue
collectors were ordered to demand the revenue with such rigour that the peasants should be forced to sell their produce
immediately at the side of the fields. At another place, Barani says that Alauddin Khalji brought the doab into khalisa
and the tax (mahsul) from there was spent on paying the cash salaries to the soldiers.
Yet there is a rather contradictory statement by the same author that the Sultan ordered that the peasant should pay
tax in kind and not in cash. It seems to have reference to only some parts of the khalisa in the Doab. From there the
Sultan wanted to obtain supplies for his granaries. Otherwise the realization was normally in cash.
The system of taxation introduced by Alauddin seems to have lasted for long though Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320-
25) modified it to some extent and exempted the khots and muqaddams from paying tax on their cultivation and
cattle. But he did not permit them to impose any cesses on the peasants.
EXPANSION OF KHALJIS
The first of the Khalji sultan Jalaluddin, did neither have will nor resources to undertake any large-scale expansionist
programme. His six years reign was gripped by reconcile between the policies of the Sultan and the interests of his
supporters. The resolution of problem came in the unfortunate assassination of the Sultan. Alauddin Khalji, his
assassin and successor, had a different imperial design. He was to herald an age of territorial annexation and expansion
of the Sultanate which saw the frontiers of the Sultanate reaching close to the tip of the Southern peninsula by the
middle of the fourteenth century.
West and Central India

Alauddin Khalji, after consolidating his position and firmly establishing himself at Delhi, undertook the first
expedition in the region of Gujarat in 1299. This also happened to be the first project of territorial expansion under
him. possibly Alauddin was attracted by the wealth of Gujarat whose flourishing trade had always lured
invaders.
The imperial army was jointly commanded by Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, two of Alauddin's best army generals.
Gujarat was an easy prey-the province was plundered and the capital Anhilwara was sacked. The administrative
control of Gujarat was entrusted to Alp Khan as governor.
In the control and westward expansion of the empire, the next kingdom to fall was hat of Malwa in 1305, It was an
extensive region and was governed from the capital Mandu by Rai Mahalak Dev. The imperial army was
outnumbered by the forces of Rai but did eventually won and the fort of Mandu was captured. The province of
Malwa, after its fall, was given for administration to Ainul Mulk who was known to have soon brought Ujjain, Dhar
and Chadderi, too, under his control. Malwa was followed by Siwana, a town situated some eighty kilometers to the

south-west of Jodhpur. Alauddin's army had been besieging Siwana for five or six years beginning 1304-05 without
much success. The same year (1309), Jalor was attacked and its ruler Kanhar Dev was killed in the battle and the fort
annexed to the Sultanate under the control of Karnaluddin Gurg.
North-West and North India

Soon after his accession, Alauddin was faced with the problem of suppressing the prospects of revolt by the surviving
member of Jalaluddin's family who had fled to Multan. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan were entrusted with the job of
eliminating Arkali Khan at Multarn. Arkali Khan was made prisoner and escorted to Delhi.
Multan once again came under the control of Delhi. Strictly speaking, Multan expedition was not an act of territorial
expansion but formed part of the policy of consolidation.
Malik Kafur's careful handling of the affair of Devagiri enhanced Sultan's confidence of his abilities as a military
general and he decided to entrust him with the responsibility to make forays in the peninsular region in the South.
Acquisition of wealth from southern kingdoms and not actual territorial annexation seems to have been the prime
motive in sending these expeditions.
On 14 February 1310, Kafur attacked the fort. The war came to an end because Rai Pudra Dev decided to surrender.
He agreed to part with his treasures and pay an annual tribute as token of submission.
Warangal was a success for the Sultanate army: the booty comprised of 20,000 horses, 100 elephants, and an
enormous stock of gold and precious stones. The province was not territorially annexed but accorded the status of a
protectorate. The imperial army came back to Delhi at the beginning of June 1310. Sultan's avarice now knew no
bounds. Since the Sultanate was by this time made secure of Mongol menace and almost the entire country to the
north of the Vindhyas had come under the sway of Alauddin, he planned another military campaign in the far south.
The sight of the Sultan was now set on Dwarasamudra, further south of Warangal.
Malik Kafur was once again commanding imperial army and was instructed to capture nearly 500 elephants besides
the treasures of gold and precious stones. The Port was besieged in February 131 1 and the very next day a message
seeking peace came from Ballala Dev, the ruler of Dwarasamudra. Like earlier cases the terms included parting of
much wealth and a promise for annual tribute. Encouraged by his success in Dwarasamudra, Malik Kafur decided
to move further south. Accordingly, he marched towards Malbar in a little less than a month's time reached-Madura,
the capital of the Pandyas. Sundar Pandya, the ruler, had already fled. The elephants and treasure were captured by
Malik Kafur. There were 512 elephants, 5000 horses and 500 mans of precious stones.
Alauddin's Deccan and southward campaigns were aimed at achieving two basic objectives: (i) a formal recognition
of the authority of Delhi Sultan over these kings, and (ii) the amassing of maximum wealth at the minimal loss of
life. His policy of not annexing the conquered territories but accepting the acknowledgement the Sultan's suzerainty
speaks of Alauddin's political sagacity.
ALAUDDIN KHALJI'S MARKET CONTROL

Assess the impact of the market reforms of Alauddin Khilji on contemporary economy and society (60)
(2001)
Examine critically the agrarian and economic reforms of Alauddin Khalji. How did it strengthen the
Sultanate? (20) (2011)
Analyse the ordinances mentioned by Barani which Alauddin Khalji promulgated for market control.
(10) (2014)
Do you think that the economic measures introduced by the Sultanate rules were beneficial to the common
people as well? Illustrate with examples. (20) (2016)
The economic measures of Alauddin Khalji were aimed at greater political control. Discuss. (10)
(2019)
Alauddin Khalji's measures did not remain confined to rural economy but extended to urban market as well. He is
credited for issuing a set of seven regulations which came to be known as market-control measures. Barani, who is
our main source on this aspect is the only authority who gives these regulations in detail.
The Sultan fixed the prices of all commodities from grain to cloth, slaves, cattle, etc.
(Regulation 1). These prices were really to be enforced since the Sultan carefully made all arrangements for making
the measure a success. A controller of market (shahna-i mandi), barids (intelligence officers) and munhiyan (secret

spies) were appointed (Reg. 2). The grain merchants were placed under the shahna-i mandi and sureties were taken
from them (Reg. 4). The Sultan himself was to receive daily reports separately from these three sources (Reg. 7).
Regretting (ihtikar) was prohibited (Reg. 5). While ensuring strict control in the market, the Sultan did not overlook
the more essential requirement, namely the regular supply of grains and Obviously, the grain merchants could bring
supplies to the market only if they could get the grains and that, too, at sufficiently low prices. It was apparently for
this reason that the Sultan decreed such a rigour in realization of land revenue in the Doab that the peasants should
be forced to sell the grain to the banian (the grain merchants) at the side of the field .
The Sultan established granaries in Delhi. The land tax from the khalisa in the Doab was realised in kind. The grain
went to the state granaries. The Multanis who were cloth merchants were given 20 lakhs of tankas as advance loan
to purchase and bring cloth to the market.
The Sultan succeeded in maintaining low prices and ample supplies in the market as reported by all our authorities.
But there are varying reasons mentioned for why the Sultan introduced the market control and in what region it was
enforced. The poet courtier Amir Khusrau considers the measure to be of immense generosity taken for the welfare
and comfort of all, the elite as well as the public at large. The Chishti divine Nasiruddin Mahmud (Choragi Delhi)
attributes it to the Sultan's effort to do good to all the people. We cannot credit it to Sultan's benevolent intentions but
gives a hard financial reason. The Sultan was anxious to have1 a large army and to take other precautions such as
building of forts at strategic places, fortification wall around Delhi, etc. against the Mongol invasions.
If numerous additional cavalrymen and troops were to be employed at prevailing salaries, the drain from the state
treasury was to exhaust it totally. The salaries could be reduced only if the prices were kept at a sufficiently low level.
Barani's reasoning appears of course, more valid. Since the main army encampment was in Delhi and most of the
royal troops were to be stationed in or around Delhi, the main area of price control was Delhi itself. However, since
the supplies of cheap grain were to be made available to the grain merchants in the surrounding districts, the low
prices ought to be prevalent there as well.
The market control did not survive its enforcer and we do not hear about it after Alauddin Khalji's time. A very
efficient and alert administration was imperative for the success of price control. Therefore, one possible reason for
its not surviving could be the lack of sufficiently competent administration. Irfan Habib, however, offers a different
reason for abandonment of price control by the successors of Alauddin Khalji. Since the prevalence of low prices
implies lower revenues from the low-price zone, the price control was viable as long as the zone of low prices was
restricted and most of the expenditure was concentrated there. With the Mongols no more remaining a threat, the
army and the expenditure was to be dispersed Fore widely and not to be concentrated at and around Delhi alone.
CURRENCY SYSTEM
The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by a considerable growth of money economy which accelerated
particularly in the first half of the 14th century.
Since the growth of money economy in simple words means larger use of currency in transactions (monetization is
another term for this phenomenon), a large scale minting of gold, silver and copper coins that followed the foundation
of the Delhi Sultanate was an attendant process of the monetization of Indian economy.
The period prior to the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by the scarcity of coinage particularly of pure
silver. The early Ghorid conquerors found mints uttering coins of copper with very small silver contents. Except an
increase in the number of coins stamped, no changes were introduced in the beginning. The coins continued to bear
the image of goddess Lakshmi or bull-and-horseman, etc. Only the name of the new ruler in a corrupt form got
inscribed over it in Nagri script. These coins were called Dehliwal.
lltutmish (1210-36) is credited for standardizing the coinage of the Delhi Sultanate. The currency system established
by him in its essentials survived the Delhi Sultanate He introduced gold and silver tankas and a copper jital that was
reckoned at 1/48th of a tanka in North India and 1/50th in the Deccan after the conquest of Devagiri.
A firm ratio of 1:10 between gold and silver appears to have been established.
For studying the currency system we not only have the testimony of the chronicles but also the physical evidence
available in the form of surviving coins (this is called numismatic evidence).
The Sultanate mints generally uttered coins in three metals: gold, silver and billon (copper mixed with very small
quantity of silver). The main coins were tanka and jital but some smaller currencies were also in circulation. Barani
mentions dangs and dirams in use at the capital Delhi. The equation between these currencies in the north has been
worked out as:
1 silver tanka = 48 jital = 192 dangs = 480 dirams

The gold and silver remitted from Bengal was the main source of coinage during the 13th century. The seizure of
treasure hoards in northern India and later in t b Deccan was the other major source of silver and gold for coinage.
The Sultanate mints should not only have coined government money but also minted for foreigners and private
merchants.
The silver currency remained dominant till the reign of Alauddin Khalji. From Ghiyasuddin Tughluq's reign, a decline
in silver coinage in relation to all billon set in. Under Muhammad Tughluq gold coinage overshadowed the silver,
and silver coinage practically disappeared under Feroz Tughluq.
Muhammad Tughluq: Major projects,

The Token Currency System introduced by Muhammad Tughluq (20) (2004)
Experiments of Mohammad Tughluq (20) (2003)
Do you agree that the schemes of Muhammad bin Tughlaq were correctly conceived, badly executed and
disastrously abandoned? Discuss. (15)(2017)
MUHAMMAD BIN TUGHLUQ

Muhammad bi Tughluq was the second ruler of the Tughluq dynasty of the Delhi Sultanate. His reign marked a
watershed in the history of the Sultanate as during his reign, the Sultanate reached its peak in terms of political and
territorial expansion.
It was also during his reign that the decline of the Empire set in. In this context, five of his measures have been
discussed. They include - the establishment of a capital at Deogir, the introduction of token currency, the Khurasan
expedition, the Qarachi expedition and the Doab experiment.
1) Establishment of a capital at Deogir
One of the most grossly misunderstood steps taken by Mauhammad bin Tughalaq was his so-called transfer of capital
to Deogir which was renamed as Dauladabad, and the allege transferring of the masses of people from Delhi to
Dauladabad. Barani places this event in 1326-1327. However, it appears from Isami that the Sultan orders the
transferring of capital faster than the introduction of the token currency. Numismatic currency shows that the currency
was introduced in 1329-1330. The change of the capital may therefore place in 1328-1329.
Different motives have been ascribed by the contemporary historians for his Deccan experiment. Ibn Battuta said that
the shift stemmed from the fact that the residents from Delhi used to throw abusive letters to the palace. The Sultan
could not bear the hostility of the people and asked them to move. However, this does not explain why the Sultan, in
such an atmosphere of hatred, would ask the same people to move to Deogir, instead of leaving them behind. He also
mentions that the Sultan made arrangements for the journey, and paid compensations to the emigrants. Such actions
would not have been carried out had it been the intention of the Sultan to punish the people. Moreover the Sultan was
known to be ruthless, and so could have punished the people itself. Thus, the incident of throwing letters, if at all
true, must have been a reaction, and not the cause, of the exodus.
Isami also gives a similar reason to explain the experiment. He says that since the Sultan was suspicious (badguman)
of the people (khalaq) of Delhi, he thought of driving them out in the direction of the Deccan in order to break their
power. However, there are similar problems with this also. Isami’s narrative is biased as he attempts to show that a
deep animosity existed between the Sultan and the people. Also, Muhammad bin Tughlaq himself spent very little
time in Daulatabad, staying most of the time in Delhi itself.
Barani comes closer to the real motive when he says that the Sultan made Devnagiri his darul mulk (capital) to make
it an administrative center as he had annexed most of the Deccan by this time, and because he thought it was more
centrally situated. But apart from geographical inaccuracy of this statement, it must be noted that if Deogir could not
be controlled from Delhi, then neither could Delhi be controlled from Deogir. Moreover, it would leave the
administrative center in the north in a weak position, making the whole of northern India susceptible to invasions.
Mahdi Husain believes that economic and administrative factors such as central location and communication
difficulties prompted the shift. He also points out to the diminishing fear of the Mongol invasions. Gardner Brown
looks at the economic factors behind the move. Punjab and Delhi has lost their importance due to Mongol devastations
over 100 years. Thus when Muhammad bin Tughlaq embarked upon his Deccan experiment and demanded the
transfer of the capital to a region economically more prosperous to sustain the structure of an all-India empire.
Mohammad Habib said that Muhammad bin Tughlaq decided to shift his capital to enable more direct control over
the Deccan. Peter Jackson suggests that the main intention was to convert Delhi into a military encampment.

However the real reason seems to have political exigencies and the need to achieve political and administrative unity
by integrating the northern and southern regions of the empire. Viewed from administrative act, the measure was a
failure and was eventually abandoned by 1335-36, when the Sultan granted permission to those who wished to return
to Delhi. Its immediate effect was widespread resentment against the Sultan. However, in the long-term, the Deccan
experiment succeeded in breaking the barriers that separated the North from South. Muslim culture also spread there
and many Muslim monuments came up in the Deccan. Also, Muslim strength in the Deccan increased, and when the
disintegration of the Delhi Sultanate began, the Bahmani kingdom arose with Dauladabad as its capital.
2) Introduction of token currency
The only major innovation in the currency system established by Iltutmish was made by Muhammad Tughluq. The
Sultan introduced a coin of copper and brass alloy and reckoned it at the value of a silver tanka. This new currency
whose face value was much higher than its intrinsic value (that is, value of the metal it was made of) is termed as
token currency. The introduction of token currency was already attempted in sister Asian empires. In China, Qublai
Khan (1260-94) had introduced a token currency of paper and the experiment was successful. In Persia, Kaikhatu
Khan (1293), too, tried to introduce a token currency but the attempt failed.
The second experiment of Muhammad bin Tughlaq was the introduction of token currency around 1329-30. It was a
system in which the face value of a coin is more than its intrinsic value. In those days, a silver coin was known as
a tanka, and a copper coin was known as jital. The Sultan issued token currency in place of the silver coin.
From several sources available for this period we can infer that there was a global shortage of silver at this time.
During the reign of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, the demand for silver became much greater, but the supply decreased.
The basic conditions of success for token currency are that firstly, it must be accepted by the government in taxes
and other payments by the people. Secondly, the process manufacture of the token currency should be kept a secret,
to prevent forgery. Thirdly, an extensive police organization is needed for its implementation and very harsh
punishments have to be meted out to unauthorized persons who manufacture the token currency.
However, though the scheme, on the whole, was quite good and statesmanlike, it failed despite the emperor’s good
intentions due to bad execution. According to Barani, “the house of every Hindu became a mint”. He suggests that
the scheme failed owing to the forgery by Hindu chiefs and their agents, who accordingly used them to pay the land
tax. The royal mint worked with precisely the same tools as the ordinary workmen, and the metal used was universally
available.
Muhammad Tughluq's experiment, too, met total failure perhaps owing to the fact that the new currency could easily
be forged. Barani says rhetorically that every 'Hindu' household became a mint. However, the Sultan accepted the
failure with grace and exchanged all the token currency brought to the treasury with pure currency.
People started hoarding silver and made all purchases in token currency, keeping considerable silver out of stopped
bringing their wares to India.
3) The Khurasan Expedition
Another project of Muhammad bin Tughlaq was the controversial Khurasan expedition. This was probably
undertaken in 1330-31. Barani says that the Sultan was keen to conquer Khurasan, but does not mention any of the
motives of the Sultan. For this expedition, he specially raised a huge army, over and above the usual total for the
military establishment. The salaries were paid in cash and in the form of Iqtas. But for many reason put together, the
project was forced to be abandoned. It created frustration, and discontentment among the now unemployed soldiers.
This resentment was fomented by the ulema, the saiyyids and the chief Sufis, who had personal differences with the
emperor.
4) Qarachil Expedition
This project began in 1337-39. It aimed at establishing military control over the the Qarachil region. This place has
been identified as the mid-Himalayan tract of Kulu in the Kangra district in the Kumoan-Garhwal area. Barani
suggested that this project was a part of Khurasan expedition since Qarachil was on the way to Khurasan. Ibn Batuta
suggested that the expedition has been to prevent Chinese encroachments in Rajput regions. Many of the Sultan’s
soldiers died in this expedition due to difficult terrain, etc. This was thus another expedition that failed in its
expedition with a catastrophic result. It led to immeasurable loss in resources and led to discontent and unrest among
the people.
5) The Doab Experiment
The last project of Muhammad bin Tughlaq decided to enhance the revenue of the Doab region, since it was already
very fertile and so had the capacity to pay higher taxes. The project had ruinous effects and the peasants were

impoverished. Barani says that it “broke the back of the peasantry”. It led to failure of the crops and a situation of
famine in the region. This project worsened the already existing situation.
MBT, first extended Alauddin Khalji's system of revenue collection based on measurement to Gujarat. Malwa,
Deccan, South India and Bengal. At a later stage, the scale of agrarian taxation was enhanced considerably. Barani's
statement that the increase amounted to 20 or 10 times is undoubtedly rhetoric but it certainly gives the impression
of an enormous increase. Barani suggests that additional new imposts (abwab) were levied. Of the other taxes. kharaj,
chard and ghari were more rigorously collected. Cattle were branded and cottages counted to avoid any concealment.
More important than these measures was the fact that for assessment of kharaj, wafa-i-farmani (officially decreed
yields) and drkh-i-farmani (officially decreed prices) were used. The statement very clearly implies that the yields
and prices used for calculating revenue were not actual.
One could very well expect that the decreed yields and prices were certainly inflated. Use of inflated yields instead
of actual and prices much-higher than what were prevailing, had the obvious result of overstating the value of produce
and thus the share of the state. This tremendous increase in revenue demand resulted in contraction of area under
plough, flight of peasantry. This caused failure of grain supplies to Delhi and a famine that lasted for about seven
years, from 1334-5 to 1342.
Faced with these problems, Muhammad Tughluq became the first Sultan to attempt to formulate an agricultural policy
for promoting agriculture. He introduced the ' practice of giving agricultural loans named sondhar for increasing the
area under plough and for digging wells for irrigation. Barani says that 70 lakhs tankas were given for experiments.
A new ministry designated diwan-i amir-i kohi was established to promote agriculture. Its two main functions we-
re to extend the area under cultivation and to reclaim the land that went out of cultivation and improving the cropping
pattern. It was recommended that wheat should be replaced by sugarcane and sugarcane by grapes and dates.
The Sultan was so determined to introduce his project of agricultural improvement that when a theologian said that
giving loan in cash and receiving the interest in grain was sin, he executed him.
Barani, however, says that all these measures were almost a complete failure. Feroz Tughluq (1351-88) abandoned
these projects but abolished agrarian cesses, forbade levying of ghari and chard. But he is reported to have imposed
a separate tax – jiziya -distinct from kharaj (land-tax) on the peasants. He also introduced an irrigation tax in Haryana
where he dug canals.
There is little information forthcoming for the intervening period but in all probability the land tax continued to be
collected in cash by whomsoever be the rulers, till the time of Ibrahim Lodi (1517-26). Owing to the scarcity of
currency and cheapening of the grains, he is reported to have ordered collection of land revenue in kind or in
grain.
Thus, after survey of Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s projects, we see that many of his ideas were innovative solutions to
several long-standing problems. However, they were often ill-considered. Habib and Nizami point out, “his ingenious
mind was as quick in formulating new plans as it was slow in understanding the psychology of the people”. He could
never establish a mutual understanding with his subjects, which was so necessary for the successful implementation
of his schemes. In the words of Habib and Nizami again, “his reign of 26 years is a fascinating but tragic story of
schemes and projects correctly conceived, badly executed and disastrously abandoned”.
bureaucracy of Muhammad Tughluq

“The policy of creating heterogeneous nobility by Muhammad Tughlaq started the process of
disintegration of Delhi Sultanate.” Explain. (20) (2018)
Muhammad bin Tughlaq gave great patronage to foreigners whom he called "aziz" or friend, and to whom he gave
lavish gifts. Among the foreigners to whom Muhammad bin Tughlaq gave patronage were Mongols. Many of these
had come to India as soldiers or lower grade officials. The lower grade officers came to be called sadah. Sadah or
hundred (centurian) was the term used in the Mongol military for one who commanded a hundred men. But in India,
the word sadah began to be used as a territorial divisions, to signify a hundred villages. This, apparently, was the
basis of the pargana which emerges as an administrative unit around this time. The sadah amirs were, however, not
all Mongols. Afghans and others were also to be found among them.
Muhammad bin Tughlaq's approach towards the nobility was, however, not based on racial, or on narrow religions
considerations. He welcomed not only those families which had been settled in India for long, and had served previous
rulers but also admitted to the service persons from the artisan or other classes/castes despised by the Turks, such as
gardeners, barbers, cooks, weavers, wine-distillers, musicians, etc. Some of these were converts, and some were
Hindus. Thus, Barani mentions Kishan Bazran Indri who was made governor of Sehwan (Sindh). Barani says that
these people were given high status, offices and territories to govern. Thus, Najba, a singer, was given charge of
Badaun, then Gujarat and Multan; Aziz Khammar, a wine-distiller, was given charge of Malwa. Their elevations to
high posts was deeply resented by the old nobles, and by the aizza. It is not that these people were incompetent, or
were still carrying on their old family/caste professions. They had evidently risen on the basis of merit. But they were
not soldiers. Hence, they failed whenever they had to deal with rebellions.
Barani not only severely critices Muhammad bin Tughlaq for appointing these low, ignoble people, but pours scorn
on "the clerks and grain-merchants (bania) who could not distinguish the front (reins and accoutrements) of a horse
from its tail."
Thus, Muhammad bin Tughlaq's nobility was very heterogeneous in character, and could not be an instrument on
which the sultan could lean in times of difficulty. Even though the low -caste appointees, and many Turkish and
Hindustani nobles, remained loyal, the Mongol and Afghan sadah amirs behaved differently.
Muhammad bin Tughlaq also tried to induct into the administration members of the religious classes, especially the
sufis. Towards this end, he even entered into matrimonial relations with some of them. However, most of the sufis
wanted to keep aloof from the state, and did not welcome this. In anger, Muhammad bin Tughlaq gave drastic
punishments and executed some of them. Barani says that he put many theologians (ulema), shaikhs, saiyyads, sufis
and qalandars (wandering saints) to death. In retaliation, and for his association with the yogis etc., the qazis issued
a fatwa making it legal for anyone to rebel against the Sultan. In order to counter this propaganda, Muhammad bin
Tughlaq decided to seek a formal rescript from the Caliph, making his rule legal in the eyes of the orthodox. He found
out that a relation of the Caliph of Baghdad who had been killed by Halaku, the Mongol chief, in 1258, was living at
Cairo. Representatives of the Caliph, and a descendant of his, reached Delhi in 1339, and were given a lavish
reception. Muhammad bin Tughlaq went so far as to substitute the name of the Abbasid caliph in his coins. Later, he
also received a formal rescript (nianshur) from the Caliph.But all this could hardly change the attitude of the orthodox
elements towards him.
Ibn Battuta’s account

What is your assessment of Ibn Batutah’s Rehla as an important source of Indian history. (20) (2011)
Ibn Battuta and his party reached the Indus River on 12 September 1333. From there, he made his way to Delhi and
became acquainted with the sultan, Muhammad bin Tughluq.
Muhammad bin Tughluq was renowned as the wealthiest man in the Muslim world at that time. He patronized various
scholars, Sufis, qadis, viziers and other functionaries in order to consolidate his rule. As with Mamluk Egypt, the
Tughlaq Dynasty was a rare vestigial example of Muslim rule in Asia after the Mongol invasion. On the strength of
his years of study in Mecca, Ibn Battuta was appointed a qadi, or judge, by the sultan. However, he found it difficult
to enforce Islamic law beyond the sultan's court in Delhi, due to lack of Islamic appeal in India.
From the Rajput Kingdom of Sarsatti, Battuta visited Hansi in India, describing it as "among the most beautiful cities,
the best constructed and the most populated; it is surrounded with a strong wall, and its founder is said to be one of
the great infidel kings, called Tara". Upon his arrival in Sindh, Ibn Battuta mentions the Indian rhinoceros that lived
on the banks of the Indus.
The Sultan was erratic even by the standards of the time and for six years Ibn Battuta veered between living the high
life of a trusted subordinate and falling under suspicion of treason for a variety of offences. His plan to leave on the
pretext of taking another hajj was stymied by the Sultan. The opportunity for Battuta to leave Delhi finally arose in
1341 when an embassy arrived from Yuan dynasty China asking for permission to rebuild a Himalayan Buddhist
temple popular with Chinese pilgrims.
Ibn Battuta was given charge of the embassy but en route to the coast at the start of the journey to China, he and his
large retinue were attacked by a group of bandits. Separated from his companions, he was robbed and nearly lost his
life. Despite this setback, within ten days he had caught up with his group and continued on to Khambhat in the Indian
state of Gujarat. From there, they sailed to Calicut (now known as Kozhikode), where Portuguese explorer Vasco da
Gama would land two centuries later. While in Calicut, Battuta was the guest of the ruling Zamorin. While Ibn Battuta
visited a mosque on shore, a storm arose and one of the ships of his expedition sank. The other ship then sailed
without him only to be seized by a local Sumatran king a few months later.

Afraid to return to Delhi and be seen as a failure, he stayed for a time in southern India under the protection of Jamal-
ud-Din, ruler of the small but powerful Nawayath sultanate on the banks of the Sharavathi river next to the Arabian
Sea. This area is today known as Hosapattana and lies in the Honavar administrative district of Uttara Kannada.
Following the overthrow of the sultanate, Ibn Battuta had no choice but to leave India. Although determined to
continue his journey to China, he first took a detour to visit the Maldive Islandswhere he worked as a judge.
He spent nine months on the islands, much longer than he had intended. As a Chief Qadi, his skills were highly
desirable in the formerly Buddhist nation that had recently converted to Islam. Half-kidnapped into staying, he
became chief judge and married into the royal family of Omar I. He became embroiled in local politics and left when
his strict judgments in the laissez-faire island kingdom began to chafe with its rulers. In the Rihla he mentions his
dismay at the local women going about with no clothing above the waist, and the locals taking no notice when he
complained. From the Maldives, he carried on to Sri Lanka and visited Sri Pada and Tenavaram temple.
Ibn Battuta's ship almost sank on embarking from Sri Lanka, only for the vessel that came to his rescue to suffer an
attack by pirates. Stranded onshore, he worked his way back to the Madurai kingdom in India. Here he spent some
time in the court of the short-lived Madurai Sultanate under Ghiyas-ud-Din Muhammad Damghani, from where he
returned to the Maldives and boarded a Chinese junk, still intending to reach China and take up his ambassadorial
post.
He reached the port of Chittagong in modern-day Bangladesh intending to travel to Sylhet to meet Shah Jalal, who
became so renowned that Ibn Battuta, then in Chittagong, made a one-month journey through the mountains
of Kamaru near Sylhet to meet him. On his way to Sylhet, Ibn Battuta was greeted by several of Shah Jalal's disciples
who had come to assist him on his journey many days before he had arrived. At the meeting in 1345 CE, Ibn Battuta
noted that Shah Jalal was tall and lean, fair in complexion and lived by the mosque in a cave, where his only item of
value was a goat he kept for milk, butter, and yogurt. He observed that the companions of the Shah Jalal were foreign
and known for their strength and bravery. He also mentions that many people would visit the Shah to seek guidance.
Ibn Battuta went further north into Assam, then turned around and continued with his original plan.
Discuss evidence on slavery provided by Ibn Batuta with special reference to female slaves. (10) (2018)
Ibn Batutta’s travelling accounts tell us that slaves were openly sold in the markets like any other commodity and
were regularly exchanged as gifts. When Ibn Batutta reached Sind, he purchased horses, camels and slaves as gifts
for Sultan Muhammad bin Tighlaq. The former has also recorded that the sultan of Delhi was once so happy with the
sermon of a preacher named Nasiruddin that he gifted him a hundred thousand tankas (coins) and two hundred slaves.
It appears from Ibn Batutta’s accounts that there were differentiations among slaves. Some female slaves in Sultan’s
court were experts in music and dance, while some were used for domestic labour. The prices of domestic female
slaves were considerably low. Ibn Batutta found the services of slaves necessary for carrying palanquins.
Ibn Batutta also recorded that the emperor used slaves to spy on nobles. Most female slaves were women captured in
raids and expeditions.
Caliphate and Sultanat

To what extent was the Caliphate the source and sanction to the legal authority of the Sultans of Delhi? (15) (2017)
Caliphate' was the religious and political institution which played an important role in Islamic history. During the
Abbasid Caliphate, the Muslim civilisation reached its height. However, as there is always a rise and a fall of an
empire, the same was the case of the Abbasid Caliphate — it also declined in the 9th century.
Taking advantage of its weakness, provincial governors became independent and adopted the title of 'Sultan'. As a
result of it, there emerged in the eastern part of the Caliphate, which was Central Asia, a political institution known
as 'Sultanate'. These two institutions divided the Muslim world in different political units.
However, their independent rulers recognised the caliph as their spiritual and political sovereign. To show their
allegiance to him, his name was recited in the khutbah and his name was also inscribed on coins. It was the tradition
that every sultan, after his accession to the throne, used to get a certificate of recognition from the caliph.
In theory, the caliph was the supreme leader and the sultan was his deputy, though, in practice, the caliph was too
weak to assert his authority; therefore, he, after getting some costly presents, accepted those who possessed power
and assumed independence in his territories. Mahmud of Ghazni, who was a powerful ruler, declared his allegiance
to the caliph in order to legitimise his rule. It was followed by other rulers later on.
When the Turks established their kingdom in India, the first ruler who sought the recognition of the caliph was
Iltitmush (1221-1226). He also requested the caliph of that time to issue the certificate recognising him as the ruler
of India, although most of the rulers of the Delhi Sultanate did not seek recognition from the caliph as they were
stable and facing no rebellion against them. However, rulers facing political crisis, sought the certificate of
recognition from the caliph in order to satisfy their Muslim subjects.
For instance, when Muhammad Tughluq (1325-1335) faced rebellions against him from all sides, he requested the
caliph to issue him the certificate of recognition to possibly stabilise his position in the eyes of his Muslim subjects.
Ziauddin Barani in Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi writes about the delegation which brought recognition certificate from the
caliph, that when Haji Said Saesae, the ambassador of the caliph came from Egypt to Delhi, he brought for the
sultan the certificate, banner and robe of honour. The sultan welcomed the ambassador along with high ranking
nobles, ulema, sufi saints and government officials and he himself walked bare-footed to receive them. It was
Friday, when the name of the caliph was announced in the khutbah, trays full of tankas (name of coin) were
distributed among the crowed.
Firuz Shah Tughluq (1351-1388) also sent an embassy for the recognition. The purpose of the recognition was to
legalise his rule in order to convince Muslims that as he were accepted by the caliph, they should also obey his
supremacy.
In 1258, Hulagu Khan, the Mongol leader, occupied Baghdad and assassinated the caliph, ending the Abbasid
Caliphate in Baghdad. However, a member of the caliph's family fled to Egypt and declared himself as the caliph.
The last two sultans got their recognition from him.
Lodis
How was the Afghan nobility responsible for the decline of the Afghan empires? Discuss. (30) (2012)
The Lodi dynasty (or Lodhi) was a Pashtun dynasty that ruled the Delhi Sultanate from 1451 to 1526. It was the last
dynasty of the Delhi Sultanate, and was founded by Bahlul Khan Lodi when he replaced the Sayyid dynasty
Bahlul Lodi
Bahlul Khan Lodi (r. 1451–1489) was the nephew and son-in-law of Malik Sultan Shah Lodi, the governor
of Sirhind in (Punjab), India and succeeded him as the governor of Sirhind during the reign of Sayyid dynasty
ruler Muhammad Shah. Muhammad Shah raised him to the status of an emir. He was the most powerful of the Punjab
chiefs and a vigorous leader, holding together a loose confederacy of Afghan and Turkish chiefs with his strong
personality. He reduced the turbulent chiefs of the provinces to submission and infused some vigour into the
government. After the last Sayyid ruler of Delhi, Ala-ud-Din Aalm Shah voluntarily abdicated in favour of him,
Bahlul Khan Lodi ascended the throne of the Delhi sultanate on 19 April 1451. The most important event of his reign
was the conquest of Jaunpur. Bahlul spent most of his time in fighting against theSharqi dynasty and ultimately
annexed it. He placed his eldest surviving son Barbak on the throne of Jaunpur in 1486.
Sikandar Lodi
Sikandar Lodi (r. 1489–1517) (born Nizam Khan), the second son of Bahlul, succeeded him after his death on 17
July 1489 and took up the title Sikandar Shah. He was nominated by his father to succeed him and was crowned
sultan on 15 July 1489. He founded Agra in 1504 and built mosques. He shifted the capital from Delhi to Agra. He
abolished corn duties and patronized trade and commerce. He was a poet of repute, composing under the pen-name
of Gulruk. He was also patron of learning and ordered Sanskrit work in medicine to be translated into Persian. He
curbed the individualistic tendencies of his Pashtun nobles and compelled them to submit their accounts to state audit.
He was, thus, able to infuse vigor and discipline in the administration. His greatest achievement was the conquest
and annexation of Bihar.
Ibrahim Lodi
Ibrahim Lodi (r. 1517–1526), the youngest son of Sikandar, was the last Lodi Sultan of Delhi. He had the qualities
of an excellent warrior, but he was rash and impolitic in his decisions and actions. His attempt at royal absolutism
was premature and his policy of sheer repression unaccompanied by measures to strengthen the administration and
increase the military resources was sure to prove a failure. Ibrahim faced numerous rebellions and kept out the
opposition for almost a decade. He was engaged in warfare with the Afghans and the Mughal Empire for most of his
reign and died trying to keep the Lodi Dynasty from annihilation. Ibrahim was defeated in 1526 at the Battle of
Panipat. This marked the end of the Lodi Dynasty and the rise of the Mughal Empire in India led by Babur (r. 1526–
1530).
Fall of the empire
By the time Ibrahim ascended the throne, the political structure in the Lodi Dynasty had dissolved due to abandoned
trade routes and the depleted treasury. The Deccan was a coastal trade route, but in the late fifteenth century the
supply lines had collapsed. The decline and eventual failure of this specific trade route resulted in cutting off supplies
from the coast to the interior, where the Lodi empire resided. The Lodi Dynasty was not able to protect itself if
warfare were to break out on the trade route roads; therefore, they didn’t use those trade routes. Their trade and
treasury declined, leaving them vulnerable to internal political problems. In order to take revenge of the insults done
by Ibrahim, the governor of Lahore, Daulat Khan Lodi asked the ruler of Kabul, Babur to invade his kingdom.
Ibrahim Lodi was thus killed in a battle with Babur. With the death of Ibrahim Lodi, the Lodi dynasty also came to
an end.
Afghan factionalism
Another problem Ibrahim faced when he ascended the throne in 1517 were the Pashtun nobles, some of whom
supported Ibrahim's older brother, Jalaluddin, in taking up arms against his brother in the area in the east at Jaunpur.
Ibrahim gathered military support and defeated his brother by the end of the year. After this incident, he arrested
those Pashtun nobles who opposed him and appointed his own men as the new administrators. Other Pashtun nobles
supported the governor of Bihar, Dariya Khan, against Ibrahim.[10]
Another factor that caused uprisings against Ibrahim was his lack of an apparent successor. His own uncle, Alam
Khan, betrayed Ibrahim by supporting the Mughal invader Babur.
Rajput invasions and internal rebellions
Rana Sanga, the Hindu Rajput leader of Mewar (r. 1509–1526), rose to be the greatest king of Rajputana. During his
rule, Mewar reached the pinnacle of its glory. He extended his kingdom, defeated the Lodi king of Delhi and was
acknowledged by all the Rajput clans as the leading prince of Rajputana. Daulat Khan, the governor of Punjab region
asked Babur to invade the Lodi kingdom, with the thought of taking revenge from Ibrahim Lodi. Rana Sanga also
offered his support to Babur to defeat Ibrahim Lodi.
Battle of Panipat, 1526
After being assured of the cooperation of Alam Khan and Daulat Khan, Governor of the Punjab, Babur gathered his
army. Upon entering the Punjab plains, Babur's chief allies, namely Langar Khan Niazi advised Babur to engage the
powerful Janjua Rajputs to join his conquest. The tribe's rebellious stance to the throne of Delhi was well known.
Upon meeting their chiefs, Malik Hast (Asad) and Raja Sanghar Khan, Babur made mention of the Janjua's popularity
as traditional rulers of their kingdom and their ancestral support for his patriarch Emir Timur during his conquest of
Hind. Babur aided them in defeating their enemies, the Gakhars in 1521, thus cementing their alliance. Babur
employed them as Generals in his campaign for Delhi, the conquest of Rana Sanga and the conquest of India.
The new usage of guns allowed small armies to make large gains on enemy territory. Small parties of skirmishers
who had been dispatched simply to test enemy positions and tactics, were making inroads into India. Babur, however,
had survived two revolts, one in Kandahar and another in Kabul, and was careful to pacify the local population after
victories, following local traditions and aiding widows and orphans.
Despite both being Sunni Muslims, Babur wanted Ibrahim's power and territory. Babur and his army of 24,000 men
marched to the battlefield at Panipat armed with muskets and artillery. Ibrahim prepared for battle by gathering
100,000 men (well-armed but with no guns) and 1,000 elephants. Ibrahim was at a disadvantage because of his
outmoded infantry and internecine rivalries. Even though he had more men, he had never fought in a war against
gunpowder weapons and he did not know what to do strategically. Babur pressed his advantage from the start and
Ibrahim perished on the battlefield in April 1526, along with 20,000 of his men
THE NATURE OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

The early Mulism Turkish State established itself in north India by virtue of conquests. Since the Turks were far
fewer in number than the indigenous population over whom they sought to govern and since they also lacked
resources, they, of necessity, had to control the resources of the country. This had an important bearing In a theoretical
and formal sense, the Delhi Sultans recognized the supremacy of the Islamic law (sharibh) and tried to prevent its
open violation. But they had to supplement it by framing secular regulations (zawabit), too. A point of view is that
the Turkish State was a theocracy; in practice, however, it was the product of expediency and necessity wherein the
needs of the young state assumed paramount importance. The contemporary historian Ziauddin Barani distinguished
between jawabit and accepted the inevitability of some secular features, because of the contingent situations coming
up. Thus, the needs of the emergent State shaped many policies and practices not always consistent with I Islamic
fundamentalism. For example, during the reign of Sultan Iltutmish (1211- 1236), ashuian group (shajai) of Muslim

divines approached the Sultan and asked him to enforce the Islamic law strictly, that is, giving the Hindus the option
of Islam g h t h . On behalf of the Sultan, the wuzir; 'Junaidi, replied that this could not be done for the moment as
the Muslims were like salt in a dish of food. Barani records a conversation that Sultan Alauddin Khalji had with one
of his leading theologians, Qazi Mughisuddin, over the question of appropriation of booty. While the Qazi pointed
out the legalistic position which prevented the Sultan from taking the major - share of the booty, the Sultan is said to
have emphasized that he acted according to the needs of the State which were paramount. These instances show that,
in practice, the Turkish State was not theocratic but evolved according to its special needs and circumstances despite
the fact that the main ruling class professed Islam;
CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION
The central administrative machinery of the Sultanate consisted of the nobles controlling various offices with the
Sultan at the helm of affairs.
The Sultan
In the early Islamic world, there was no sanction for the position of the Sultan. With the disintegration of the
Caliphate, the Sultan began to appear in the sense of a powerful ruler-an independent sovereign of a certain territory.
The Delhi Sultans could make civil and political regulations for public welfare. Khutba and sikka were recognised
as important attributes of sovereignty. The khutba was the formal sermon following the congregational prayer on
Fridays wherein the name of the Sultan was mentioned as the head of the community.
Coinage was the ruler's prerogative : his name was inscribed on the coins (sikka).
The Sultanate witnessed a rapid rise and fall of dynasties. The Sultan, or a contender to the throne, could only keep
himself in power with the support of the nobles who were themselves divided into numerous groups. Barani says that
Balban stressed the special position of the Sultan as 'shadow of God' (zill a Allah) on earth. Balban emphasized
courtly splendour decorum and etiquette. He also believed in severe exemplary punishments even to the nobles. All
this bore relevance to a situation where the throne was never safe from the ambitions of the nobles, many of whom
felt that they had an equal right to rule. There were many officials to look after the royal household. The wakil-i-dar
looked after the entire household and disbursed salaries to the Sultan's personal staff. The amir-i-hajib functioned as
the master of ceremonies at the court. All petitions to the Sultan were submitted through the latter. There were other
minor officials also.
The Wizarat (Finance)
The wazir, as the head of the diwan-i wizarar, was the most important figure in the central administration. Though
he was one of the four important departmental heads, he exercised a general supervisory authority over others. The
wizarar organised the collection of revenue, exercised control over expenditure, kept accounts, disbursed salaries and
allotted revenue assignments (iqta) at Sultan's order. There were several officials who helped the wizarat such as the
mushif-i mumalik or the accountant-general and the mustaufi-i mumalik or the auditor-general. During the reign of
Alauddin Khalji, the diwan-i mustakhraj was made responsible for the collection of arrears of revenue.
The Diwan-i Arz

The diwan-i arz or military department was headed by the ariz-i mumalik. He was responsible for the administration
of military affairs. He inspected the troops maintained by the iqta-holders. He also supervised the commissariat duties
(supply and transport) of the Sultan's army. During the reign of Alauddin Khalji, some measures were introduced to
maintain a check on recruitment and quality. He ordered a descriptive roll (huliya) of every soldier to be kept and
also ordered the branding (dagh) of horses to be done so that horses of poor quality were not brought by the amirs or
iqta-holders to the muster. It seems that the branding of horses was strictly maintained till the reign of Muhammad
Tughluq.
The army consisted of troops maintained by nobles as well as the standing army of the Sultan. In the thirteenth
century, the royal cavalry, in lieu of cash salary, was assigned the revenue of small villages in the vicinity of Delhi.
Under Iltutmish, the number of such cavalry was about three thousand. Balban tried to do away with these
assignments which led to much dissatisfaction. Alauddin Khalji was successful in doing so, and he started paying his
soldiers in cash-a trooper was paid 238 tanka while one who brought an additional horse used to get 78 tanka' more.
Feroz Tughluq gave up the practice of paying his royal soldiers in cash: instead, he gave them a paper called itelaq -
a sort of draft on whose strength they could claim their salary from the Sultan's revenue officers of the khalisa
("Crown" or "reserve" land).
Other Departments

The diwan-i insha' looked after State correspondence. It was headed by dahir-I mumalik. This department dealt with
all correspondence between the Sultan and other rulers, and between the Sultan and provincial governments. It issued
farmans and received letters from subordinate officials. The barid-i mumalik was the head of the State news-agency.
He had to keep information of all that was happening in the Sultanate. The administrative subdivisions had local
barids who sent regular news --letters to the central office. The barids reported matters of state - wars, rebellions.
local affairs, finances, the state of agriculture etc. Apart from the barids, another set of reporters existed who were
known as munhiyan. The diwan-i risalat was headed by the sadr-us sudur. He was the highest religious officer. He
took care of the ecclesiastical affairs and appointed qazi. He approved various grants like waft for religious and
educational institutions, wazfi and idrar to the learned and the poor.
The Sultan headed the judiciary and was the final court of appeal in both civil and criminal matters. Next to him was
the qazi-ul mumalik (or qazi-ul quzzat), the chief judge of the Sultanate. Often, the offices of the sadr-us sudur and
qazi-ul mumalik were held by the same person. The chief qazi headed the legal system and heard . appeals from the
lower courts. The muhatsibs (public censors) assisted the judicial department. Their task was to set that there was
no public infringement of the tenets of Islam.
Critically evaluate the educational development during Sultanate period (15)(2013)

With the advent of Islam in India the traditional methods of education increasingly came under Islamic influence. Pre-
Mughal rulers such as Qutb-ud-din Aybak and other Muslim rulers initiated institutions which imparted religious
knowledge. Scholars such as Nizamuddin Auliya and Moinuddin Chishti became prominent educators and
established Islamic monasteries. Students from Bukhara and Afghanistan visited India to study humanities and
science.
Islamic institution of education in India included traditional madrassas and maktabs which taught grammar,
philosophy, mathematics, and law influenced by the Greek traditions inherited by Persia and the Middle East before
Islam spread from these regions into India. A feature of this traditional Islamic education was its emphasis on the
connection between science and humanities. Among the centres of education in India was 18th century Delhi was
the Madrasa Rahimiya under the supervision of Shah Waliullah, an educator who favored an approach balancing the
Islamic scriptures and science. The course at the Madrasa Rahimiya prescribed 2 books on grammar, 1 book on
philosophy, 2 books on logic, 2 books on astronomy and mathematics, and 5 books on mysticism. Another centre of
prominence arose in Lucknow under Mulla Nizamuddin Sahlawi, who educated at the Firangi Mahal and prescribed
a course called the Dars-i-Nizami which combined traditional studies with modern and laid emphasis on logic.
Slaves and Karkhanas

Slaves were an important feature of the royal household. Alauddin Khalji owned 50,000 slaves, while Feroz Tughluq
is reputed to have had 1,80,000 slaves. During his reign, a separate department of slaves (diwan-i bandagan) was set
up. The slaves were used for personal service and acted as body-guards (the latter numbering' 40,000). Afif also
records that a large number of Feroz's slaves (12,000) worked as artisans (kasibs). Baradi describes a large slave
market at Delhi, but by the first quarter of the 16th century there is no mention of slave markets.
The needs of the royal household were met through karkhanas which were broadly (kitabikhana) was considered as
karkhana. Under Feroz Tughluq 36 karkhanas run. Each karkhana was supervised by a noble who had the rank of a
malik or khan, and a mutasafi who was responsible for the accounts and acted as the immediate supervisor. A separate
diwan or accounts office existed for the karkhanas.
The karkhanas manufactured articles for Imperial household as well as for military purposes. It is said that
Muhammad Tughluq had employed about five hundred workers in gold brocade and four thousand weavers to
manufacture cloth required by the court and for making robes of honour to be given in gift to the favoured ones. It
must be remembered, however, that articles produced in the royal karkhanas were not commodities, i.e. not for sale
in the market. Nobles, too, maintained their own karkhanas
REVENUE ADMINISTRATION
Discuss in brief the land-revenue system and judicial administration of The Delhi Sultanate. (15) (2015)
Three groups of rural aristocracy khot. muqaddam, and chaudhuri-who collected land revenue (kharaj) from the
peasants on behalf of the state. and deposited the same with the officials of the diwan-i wizarat. For this service, they
were allowed perquisites (haqq-i khoti) as remuneration by the state which consisted of being exempted from the

revenue of a portion of land held by them. Also. they took something from the peasants as their share of the produce
which Barani calls qismat-i khoti. Besides land revenue (kharaj), every cultivator had to pay house tax (ghari) and
cattle or grazing tax collection of the revenue because, according to Ibn Battuta, he was the head of "hundred villages"
(pargana): this inference is reinforced. by the fact that Barani always employs terms 'like haqq-i khoti, but never
haqq-i chaudhrai.
What motivated Alauddin Khalji in introducing stern measures is explained by Barani in detail. In short, the
intermediaries had become intractable-always in readiness for rebellion. The Sultan levelled the following main
charges against them:
a) They did not pay the revenue themselves on that portion of their land which was not exempted from assessment;
rather they shifted their 'burden' onto the peasantry, that is, they realised additional levy from the peasants besides
the fixed demand of the state in order to pay their own dues.
b) They did not pay the grazing tax.
c) The ill-gotten 'excess of wealth' had made them so arrogant that they flouted the orders of the revenue officials by
not going to the revenue office even when summoned to render accounts. -
As a result, the Sultan had to strike at their resources for economic and political reasons. The measures taken by him
were as follows:
i) The magnitude of the state demand was set at half the produce of the land. The land was to be measured (masahat),
and the land revenue fixed on the each unit of the area. Most probably, it was levied separately on the holding of each
individual cultivator.
ii) The intermediaries and the peasants alike were to pay the same standard o f the demand (50%) without any
distinction, be they intermediaries or 'ordinary peasant' (balahar).
iii) The perquisites of intermediaries were disallowed.
iv) The grazing and the house tax were to be taken from the intermediaries also.
It can be seen, then, that one objective was to free the peasants from the illegal exactions of the intermediaries. That
is exactly what Barani means when he says that the sultan.' policy was that the 'burden' (bar) of the 'strong' should
not fall on the 'weak' (zuaja). We know that this 50% demand was the highest in the agrarian history of India. On the
other hand, though the peasants were protected now from the economic oppression of the intermediaries, the former
had to pay a higher rate of taxation than they did earlier. Since the rate was uniform in a sense it was a regressive
taxation. Thus the state gained at the cost of the intermediaries, leaving the peasants in the lurch.
Such peasants as were weak and without resources were completely made prostrate, and the rich peasants who had
resources and means, turned rebels. Whole regions were devastated. Cultivation was totally abandoned. The peasants
of distant regions, hearing of the ruin and destruction of the peasantry of the Doab, fearful that the same orders might
be issued for them as for the latter, turned away from obedience and fled to the judges.
Peasants set fire to the grain heaps and burnt. They drove away cattle from their homes. The Sultan ordered the
shiqqdar (revenue collectors and commanders) to lay waste and plunder the country. They killed many khots and
muqaddams, and many they blinded. Those who escaped gathered bands and fled into jungles; and the country
became ruined. The Sultan in those times went to the district of Baran - . (modern Bulandshahr), on a hunting
expedition; he ordered that the entire district of Baran be plundered. Whoever was captured was killed. Most
(peasants) ran away and fled into the jungles. They (the Sultan's troops) surrounded the jungles and killed every one
whom they found within the jungles.
Iqta System
The initial Turkish conquests in the early 13th century displaced many local chiefs (whom the contemporary sources
refer to as rai and rana). In order to consolidate, the Turkish rulers made revenue assignments (iqta), in lieu of cash,
to their nobles (umma). The assignees collected revenue from these areas, defrayed their own expenses, paid the
troops maintained by them and sent the surplus fawozil) to the centre. lqta is an Arabic word and the institution had
been in force in the early lslamic world as a form of reward for services to the State. It was used in the Caliphate
administration as a way of financing operations and paying civil and military officers. The grant of iqta did not imply
a right to the land nor was it hereditary though the holders of Iqta tended to'-acquire hereditary rights in Feroz
Tughluq's reign. These revenue assignments were transferable, the iqta-holder being transferred from one region to
another every three or four years. Therefore, iqta should not be equated with the fief of medieval feudal Europe,
which were hereditary and non-transferable. The assignments could be large (a whole province or a part).
Assignments even to nobles carried administrative, military and revenue collecting responsibilities. Thus, provincial
administration was headed by the muqti or wuli. He had to maintain an army composed of horsemen and foot soldiers.
COMPOSITION OF THE RULING CLASS

Throughout the thirteenth century, the Turkish armies furthered the political and military control over North India.
By the mid-fourteenth century, it spread to the Deccan. A large alien territory had to be pacified and governed and
the ruling class had to be maintained and sustained. The early Turkish ruling class was very much in the nature of a
co-sharer of political and financial powers with the Sultans. In the beginning, the nobles (amirah) were practically
independent in distant areas of the conquered territories where they were sent by the Centre as governors. The latter
were designated muqti or wali and their territories were known as iqtas. Gradually, the practice began of transferring
muqtis from one iqta to another. The pre-Ghoriarn political structure seems to have continued, with tribute being
realised from the rais and ranas, who were expected to collect taxis as they had done before.
From our contemporary historians, like Minhaj Siraj and Barani, we learn that the most important nobles, and even
the Sultans, in the early stages of the foundation of the Sultanate, were from the families of the Turkish slave-officers.
Many of the early Turkish nobles and Sultans (such as Aibak and Iltutmish) had started their early career as slaves
but they received letters of manumission (khat-i azadi) before becoming Sultans. One such was Qutbuddin Aibak.
On his death in A.D. 1210, Iltutmish, one of his favoured slaves, seized Delhi and set himself up as Sultan. He created
his own corps of Turkish slaves-the Shamsi maliks, called by Barani turkan-i chihilgani.
Iltutmish's nobility also included a number of Tajik or free-born officers. That this element of free-born immigrants
continued to form a part of the ruling class is noted by Minhaj at the time of Nasiruddin Mahmud's accession (1246
A.D.). The problem of succession after the death of lltutmish brought into light the division within the nobles. In spite
of the internal quarrels within the ruling class, there was a basic solidarity which manifested itself in its hostility to
outsiders. For example, Raziya's (1236-1240 A.D.) elevation of an Abyssinian, Jamaluddin Yaqut, to the post of
amir-i akhur ("master of the royal horses') caused great resentment. Similar was the case of Raihan, a Hindu convert
to Islam. Thus, the nobility was seen as the preserver of the certain groups, sometimes under the principle of 'high
birth', as reflected in the policies ascribed to Balban by Barani.
Race and perhaps religion, too, played important role in the formation of ruling groups. Actually, the ruling class was
not a monolithic organization. There were numerous factions and cliques, each trying to guard their exclusive
positions jealously. The Turkish military leaders who accompanied and participated in the Ghurian invasion formed
the core of the early Turkish ruling class: they acquired most of the key-posts at the centre and provinces.
The Khaljies
“The Khalji Revolution”
The Khilji Revolution (20) (2006)
The Khalji Revolution marked the overthrow of the Slave Dynasty and the establishment of the rule of Khalji
Dynasty in the reign of Delhi Sultanate. It was not merely a change in the dynasty but the very nature of the state
was poised for a revolution under the Khiljis. The Khalji Revolution was a revolution in the sense that it heralded
the end of the Turkish supremacy over rule in India. The coming to power of the Khaljis is seen as something new
by contemporary historians. Barani mentions that the Khaljis were a different "race" from the Turks. Modern
scholars like C.E. Bosworth speak of them as Turks, but in the thirteenth century no one considered them as Turks,
and thus it seems that the accession to power was regarded as something novel because earlier they did not form a
significant part. Alauddin Khalji further eroded the power of the older Turkish nobility by bringing in new groups
such as the Mongols (the 'New Muslims, Indians and Abyssinians (for the later, the example of Malik Kafur is
well-known). This trend towards a broadening of the composition 'of the ruling class continued during the rule of
the Tughluqs. It may be incidentally mentioned here that there was a very small group called kotwalion (pl. of
kotwol) at Delhi during the reign of Balban and Alauddin Khalji. Infact, this was a family group, headed by
Fakhruddin who was the kotwol of Delhi. This group appears to have played some political role during and after
Balban's death. The Khaljis ushered in a revolution in the history of the Delhi Sultanate by initiating an
expansionist policy.
Impact of Khalji Revolution :

It was a revolution in real sense that it settled the fact that the state power was not the monopoly of a particular
group of people. The Khalji Revolution was also ushered in by the new administrative measures that were
introduced. Thus, there were the market regulations which fixed the prices of different commodities. Moreover, the
new administrative machinery comprising the officers to oversee the market regulations. The Khaljis proclaimed a
concept of kinship of their own. Khaljis did not recognize any other power center in the administration. The Sultan
need not act under the guidance of Nobles and Ulemas. So, Khaljis heralded a new era in various aspects of Delhi
Sultanate.
The coming to power of the Khaljis is seen as something new by contemporary historians. Barani mentions that the
Khaljis were a different "race" from the Turks. Modern scholars like C.E. Bosworth speak of them as Turks, but in
the thirteenth century no one considered them as Turks, and thus it seems that the accession to power was regarded
as something novel because earlier they did not form a significant part. Alauddin Khalji further eroded the power of
the older Turkish nobility by bringing in new groups such as the Mongols (the 'New Muslims, Indians and
Abyssinians (for the later, the example of Malik Kafur is well-known). This trend towards a broadening of the
composition 'of the ruling class continued during the rule of the Tughluqs. It may be incidentally mentioned here that
there was a very small group called kotwalion (pl. of kotwol) at Delhi during the reign of Balban and Alauddin Khalji.
Infact, this was a family group, headed by Fakhruddin who was the kotwol of Delhi. This group appears to have
played some political role during and after Balban's death.
The Tughlaq
Under Muhammad Tughluq, apart from the Indians and the Afghans, the ruling class, became unprecedentedly more
heterogeneous with the entry of larger numbers of foreign elements, especially the Khurasoni, whom the Sultan called
azziz (dear ones). Many of them were appointed as Amir Sadah ("commander of hundred’? Concerning the non-
Muslim as well as the converted Indians, Barani laments that the Sultan raised the "low-born" to high status. He
mentions musicians, barbers, cooks, etc. why got high positions. He gives the example of Peera Mali (gardener) who
was given the diwan-i wimrot.
The reign of Feroz Tughluq does not give us any clear pattern about the social origins of the nobles. The situation
was fluid with a false veneer of peace between the Sultan and the amir. Certain designations were used with reference
to the nobles - khan, malik and amir. Khan was often used with reference to Afghan nobles, amir came to mean a
commander, malik-a chief, ruler, or king. Along with their titles of honour, the nobles were given some symbols of
dignity designated as morotib which signified privileges-khilot (robe of honour), sword and dagger presented by the
Sultan, horses and elephants that they were entitled to use in their processions, canopy of State and the grant of parasol
(chhotri) and insignia and kettledrums.
It is significant to note that every Sultan sought to form and organize a group of nobles which would be personally
loyal to him. This obviated the necessity of depending upon previous groups whose loyalty was suspect. That's why
we find the contemporary historians employing terms like Qutbi (ref. Qutbuddin Aibak), Shamsi (ref. Shamsuddin
Iltutmish). Balbani and Alai amirs. But one thing was quite certain:
Every group tried to capture the attention of the Sultan-whether weak or strong- because all privileges and power
issued forth from the sovereign. This, in turn, went to a great extent in strengthening gradually the position of the
Sultan himself if he was a man of strong will. The Afghans were frequently recruited into the feudal bureaucracy of
the Delhi Sultanate.
Slavery under the Sultanate

SLAVERY AND SLAVE TRADE -
The Ghorians found slavery in existence in India where it had an ancient history. They certainly had no ethical qualms
about it. Slavery was permitted in Islam and it was prevalent in the Islamic world. The success of a campaign was to
be measured by the number of captives acquired along with gold, silver, cattle and horses. Qutbuddin Aibak captured
20 thousand slaves in his Gujarat campaign and 50 thousand slaves in raid on Kalinjar in 1202. Even after the
establishment of the Sultanat, the enslavement continued through campaigns in yet to be conquerred areas. One of
the main objects of Balbans raid of Ranthambor and Malik Kafur's campaigns in the Deccan was to get slaves.
Another source of getting captives was the plunder raids of rebellious villages (mawas) in the Sultanate that refused
to pay the Khams or tribute. The number of slaves received from these sources was enormous. There were 50,000
slaves in Alauddin Khalji's (1299-1316) establishment. The number increased to 1,80,000 under Feroz Tughluq
(1351-88). Besides the Sultans, nobles had their private large retinues of slaves including large number of concubines.
Even the respectable poor kept slaves.
The slaves were of main use to the new ruling class that needed things fashioned to their taste. At the beginning, it
might have been somewhat difficult for the traditional Indian craftsmen and artisans to adjust themselves to the
demands of the new aristocracy and to new production technology such as spinning wheel, carding bow,
etc. The previously unskilled slaves could be trained in any craft. Feroz Tughluq's slaves included 12,000 artisans.
There was a large slave market. The prices of slaves of the two sexes of various ages fixed under Alauiddin Khalji
are recorded by Barani. The abundance of slaves encouraged continuous export of slaves from India to the Islamic
World. But Feroz Tughluq prohibited the export of slaves.
Economy: Agricultural production

Delineate the state of agriculture during the Sultanate period. (15) (2019)
Crops and other Agricultural Produce
One of the most remarkable feature of the agriculture of the time was the large number of crops grown by the peasants
of the Delhi Sultanate. This has perhaps no parallel in other parts of the world except perhaps in South China. Ibn
Battuta was struck by the multiplicity of crops grown and described in sufficient detail the various
crops grown in the two cropping seasons. He also suggests that in the region around Delhi double cropping was also
practiced, that is, on the same soil both the kharif and the rabi crops were raised. Thakkur Pheru, the mint-master at
Delhi under Alauddin Khalji, lists some twenty-five crops grown under two harvests and ; gives also their yields.
While the yields cannot be comprehended owing to the uncertainty of the units used, one gets a fairly good idea of
the crops raised. Among food crops, he mentions, wheat, barley, paddy, millets - juar, moth etc. arid pulses (mash,
mung lentils, etc,). For cash crops, sugarcane, cotton, oil-seeds, sesamum, linseed, etc. are referred to.
One may perhaps legitimately assume that improved facilities of irrigation would have helped extend the area under
rabi (winter) crops such as Wheat, sugarcane etc.
With the 'Islamic raider' making of wine from sugarcane became widespread and a new rural industry emerged, at
least around Delhi and in the Doab by the 14th century as is evident from Barani's account. Thakkur Pheru
surprisingly omits the dye-crop (indigo) though its production is testified to by the fact that indigo was already an
important item of export to Persia. The probable use of lime-mortar in the indigo-vats by providing approved surface
should have helped the manufacture of dye.
From Ibn Battuta's account, we get information on fruit growing in the Delhi Sultanate. It appears that technique of
'grafting' was not known by peasants. Earlier grapes were grown only at the few places besides Delhi but Muhammad
Tughluq's urging to peasants to improve cropping by shifting from wheat to sugarcane to grapes
and Feroz Tughluq's laying down of 1200 orchards in the vicinity of Delhi to grow seven varieties of grapes seems
to have made them so abundant that the prices of grapes fell.
However, the Indian peasants did not practice sericulture (rearing of silk-worm) at that time and no true silk was
produced. Only wild and semi-wild silks, namely, tasar, eri and muga were known. Ma Huan, the Chinese navigator
in 1432, makes the first reference to sericulture in Bengal.
Canal irrigation and its Impact

Agriculture was generally dependent upon natural irrigation, that is, rains and floods. Since cultivation was largely
based on natural irrigation, the tendency was to grow mostly single, rain-watered kharif (autumn) crop and coarse
grains more. Canal irrigation is described in our sources. The Delhi Sultans themselves got the canals cut for
irrigation. /Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320-25) is reported to be the first Sultan to dig canals. But he cutting of canals
in a much bigger way was undertaken by Feroz Tughluq (1351-88),. Feroz Tughluq cut two canals from the river
Yamuna carrying them to Hissar. one from the Kali river in the Doab joining the Yamuna near Delhi; one each from
the Sutlej and the Ghaggar. Certainly, it was the biggest canal network in India till the 19th century.
Canal irrigation helped greatly in the extension of cultivation in the eastern Punjab. Now there was an emphasis on
the cultivation of cash crops like sugarcane, etc. that required more water than other crops. Afif says that a long
stretch of land of about 80 krohs (200 miles) vast irrigated by the canal. As a result of abundance water available,
peasants in the eastern Punjab raised two harvests (kharif and rabi) where only one was possible earlier. This led to
new agricultural settlements along the banks of the canals. In the areas irrigated by the canals 52 such colonies sprang
up. Afif comments enthusiastically, "neither one village remained desolate nor one cubit of land uncultivated."
AGRICULTURAL TECHNOLOGY
Plough
The use of hoe or hoeing was replaced by plough centuries back. Archaeological evidence from Kalibangan
(Rajasthan) - an Indus valley culture site -for the use of 'ironless' plough is well-known, although the doubt remains
whether it drawn by men or oxen. Plough-cultivation employing oxen during the Vedic Age is, however, an
established fact. The Iron Age, identified with the Aryan settlement in the Gangetic plain, contributed to the
development of the plough in the sense that while the entire frame earlier wa6 of timber, the ploughshare/courter now
was of iron. This metallic piece immensely helped in the tillage of comparatively harder soil. Plough with an ironshare
drawn by two yoked oxen. Unlike Europe, India could not develop horse-drawn wheeled-plough for the reason that
our plough was light in weight suited for the soft soil
Sowing
For sowing, the method of broadcasting was known. The practice was to scatter seeds manually by taking them out
from a cloth-bag slung over shoulders. The time-scale of seed-drill in India is controversial: some would trace it back
to the Vedic Age. At any rate, the only positive evidence for its use along the western coast of India comes from one
Portuguese - Barbosa (c. 1510) - in connection with the wet-cultivation of rice.
Harvesting, Threshing and Winnowing
Harvesting was performed with a sickle, and threshing by using oxen who walked round and round over the ears put
on the threshing floor. "Wind power" was exploited in winnowing in order to separate the chaff from the grain.
Irrigational Devices
There were many sources of water for the purpose of irrigating fields. Rain water was the natural source. Ponds and
tanks received this water which was used for irrigation. Water channels formed by inundation, too, served the same
purpose. But the most .important controlled source was the water of the wells, especially in North India. Almost all
the irrigational devices were oriented towards drawing water from wells. The latter were more often than not masonry
ones with raised walls and enclosures platforms. Kuchcha wells also existed, but these could not have been durable
or strong enough for extensive water-lifting.
Broadly, there were five devices or techniques to raise water from wells:
i) The most simple technique was to draw water with rope and bucket by using hands without any mechanical aid.
Obviously, then, the bucket was small in size and, thus, this operation would not have adequately served to water
large fields.
But we cannot deny the use of rope-bucket technique for irrigating small fields for crops, most probably vegetables
that did not require much water.
ii) The second method was the employment of pulleys (charkhi) combined to the rope-bucket contraption which was,
once again, activated manually.
Undoubtedly, the pulleys needed lesser amount of human energy and, therefore, comparatively larger bags or buckets
could have been attached to the rope. It was also used for domestic purpose, especially by women.
Town dwellers
Medieval Indian towns were merely as extension of villages. Comment (12) (2012)
GROWTH OF TOWNS
Before discussing the evidence of increase in number and size of towns, we must first understand what we mean by
town. There are two simple definitions of a town : (a) the usual modern definition of a settlement of 5000 or above,
and (b) a settlement where an overwhelming majority of population (say above 70%) is engaged in occupations other
than agriculture. The two definitions are not mutually exclusive but While the archaeological evidence available for
earlier period is not forthcoming from the 13th-14th centuries owing to the much less attention paid to medieval
archaeology, the literary evidences testify growth of urban centres. Some major towns mentioned in the contemporary
sources are Delhi (the capital), Multan, Anhilwara (Patan), Cambay, Kara, Lakhnauti and Daulatabad (Deogiri).
Lahore was a big town but decayed after the Mongol invasion in the 13th century. However, in the 14th .century it
flourished again. While not even a guesstimate of the population of any town is available in our sources there are
reliable indications to assume that at least some of these were cities big enough by contemporary standards. Ibn
Battuta, who visited Delhi in 1330,.deseribes it as of enormous extent and population, the largest city in the Islamic
East in spite of the fact that Muhammad Tughluq had shifted much of its population to Daulatabad. He describes the
latter too, as large enough to rival Delhi in size. Some new towns were established during the period, such as Jhain
(Chhain) in Eastern Rajasthan that was named 'Shahr Nau' during Alauddin Khalji's reign (1296-1316).
Factors for Urban Expansion
Rise of urban economy and non-agricultural production,

Identify the main factors that sustained the expansion of urban economy in the Delhi Sultanate. (30)(2009)

Delineate non-agricultural production and urban economy in the 13th and 14th centuries C.E. (20) (2017)
Strength of the invader, of course, lay in combination and not in dispersal in an unfamiliar land and, thus, in initial
stages, it was but natural for the members of the ruling class to prefer to stay at their iqta headquarters along with
their cavalry. These iqta headquarters having the concentration of cavalry, its hangers - on and the retinue and
households thus emerged in the early phase as camp cities. Most of the 13th century towns are infact defined as iqta
headquarters in our sources; for example, Hansi, Kara, Anhilwara, etc. These towns were to be fed and provided for.
In the beginning, the troops had to go for realising kharaj/mal by plundering the surrounding villages; but gradually
by the 14th century, as pointed out by Moreland, cash nexus developed. The revenue was realised in cash from the
peasants who were thus forced to sell their produce at the side of the field. The merchants catered to the needs of
towns giving risk to 'induced trade'.
The ruling class coming from a different cultural milieu had needs of leisure and comforts of a different type; they
wanted songs in Persian and dances of a different style, books, silk to wear and articulate light architecture (not the
stone edifices). Out of the resources that were indeed enormous by contemporary standards at its command, the new
rulers naturally wanted to get luxuries and comforts of their taste which encouraged immigration from Islamic culture
area. These immigrants were not only soldiers, but craftsman, artisans, singers, musicians, dancers, poets, physicians,
astrologers and servicemen as described by Isami. The immigrant master-craftsman most probably introduced new
techniques and articles of technology
URBAN MANUFACTURES
Evaluate the condition of industries in India from 1200 to 1500 CE (20)(2013)
It seems that the urban craft production received a twofold impetus with the establishment of the Delhi sultanate.
First, the Sultanate ruling class remained town-centered and spent the enormous resources it appropriated in the form
of land revenue mainly in towns, either on buying services or procuring manufacturers. Even the money spent on the
service sector partly went to help the urban craft sector through multiplier effect. While the nobility created demand
for high-priced skill-intensive luxury items, its hangers-on in all likelihood created a mass market for ordinary
artisan product.
The second factor that contributed to urban manufacturers was the introduction of a number of technological devices
that reached India with the invaders. In the luxury sector, silk weaving expanded and carpet-weaving came from
Persia. The other notable urban manufacture was papermaking. Perhaps a major sector of urban employment was
building industry.
Barani says that Alauddin Khalji employed 70,000 craftsmen for his buildings. One may well be justified in saying
that there was considerably more masonry per acre of occupied space in the towns of 1400 than in those of 1200.
Organization of Production
It is indeed important to know how production was organized. Whether the town artisans carried out production under
the 'domestic system', that is, they owned their tools, raw material and the end product and also sold their product
themselves; in other words, whether they were self employed or while tools were their own and they worked at their
homes, raw material was provided to them by the merchants, that is whether they worked under the 'putting-out
system'. The contemporary sources shed little light on these aspects. One can, however, legitimately assume that
since the tools of production even after the introduction of new devices were still simple and mainly of wood and
little of iron should have remained cheap. The artisan was thus master of his own tools, though varied forms of labour
organization seem to be prevalent. Certain artisans hawked or hired out their services such as cotton-cards who with
a bowstring on his shoulder, went door to door selling his services as is evident from the account given in Khair-
ul Majalis.
Discuss the advancement made in Textile Technology under the Delhi Sultans. (10) (2018)
The increased craft production along with urban growth was due to the number changes or improvement in the
technology of the period. The population which entered from the North West and west brought with them superior
technology along with the skill to improvise the existing technology.
First to be mentioned is the cotton textile technology. This industry increased its production immensely and this led
to the huge amount of export of the production. The arrival of spinning wheel [charkha] revolutionized the production
of yarn. Isami’s Futuhu-s Salatin in 1350 refers to this devise. He also referred to this important mechanical device

as an instrument in which women should get involved. Lynn White Jr pointed out that spinning wheel was unknown
to ancient India. The verses of Persian poetry mentioned it in the 12th century. China started using it before that. Thus
one could conclude that it came to India from China via Persia or Central Asia in the 13th century and spread rapidly.
Treadles were mentioned definitely in 1469 and may have come to India along with the spinning wheel at the same
time.
Sanskrit lexicons do mention loom but that treadle was not a part of it. Europe saw treadle in the late 12th century.
These two devices increased the cotton textile production in huge amount and changed the export scenario during the
Sultanate.
The manufacturing of silk also underwent a sea change during this time. Sericulture or the rearing of mulberry silk-
worm was introduced during the Sultanate. It was first heard of in Bengal in the early 15th century and in Kashmir
in the mid 16th century. The cost of silk production cheapened and this increased silk export.
It is assumed that carpet-weaving on vertical loom of Persia was also introduced during this time. The evidence of it
though appears only in the Mughal period.
Spinning was done usually by women staying at their homes. The weavers too usually worked at their own looms at
home weaving cloth for sale, out of the yam bought or spun by themselves. They also worked on wages to weave
yarn supplied to them by customers. But if the raw material was expensive such as silk or gold of silver thread, etc.
and the products were luxury items, the craftsmen were to work in karkhanas under supervision. We have definite
information about the Sultans and high nobles maintaining these karkhanas where the production was to cater to
their own needs and contrary to D.D.Kosambi's assumption was not for market. Shahabuddin al Umari records in his
Masalik-ul Absar that in Muhammad Tughluq's karkhanas at Delhi, four thousand silk workers worked as
embroiderers. Feroz Tughluq's karkhanas produced cloth and carpets in a big way. While there is no suggestion in
our sources, we may only conjecture that perhaps merchants also maintained karkhanas where production was for
sale.
Trade and commerce

Examine the increasing importance of maritime trade of India during 13-15 centuries. (30)(2010)
TRADE AND COMMERCE

There emerged some considerably big flourishing towns as well as numerous townships during the 13-14th centuries.
These towns naturally needed to be fed and supplied raw material for craft production. At the same time, there was
growing practice of land revenue realization in cash. By the time of Alauddin Khalji, the cash-nexus came to be well
developed and the-ruling class tended to claim almost the entire peasant surplus by attempting to reduce the share of
rural intermediaries.
Both these factors were conducive to the development of inland trade. To pay the land revenue in cash, the peasantry
was forced to sell its surplus produce while merchants had a market in newly emerged towns for agricultural products.
This trade resulting from the compulsions of land revenue system is termed as 'induced trade'
Inland Trade
The inland trade developed at two levels : (a) the short distance village-town trade in commodities of bulk, and (b)
long distance inter-town trade in high value goods. The village-town trade was a natural consequence of the
emergence of towns and realization of land revenue in cash. The urban centres were dependent for supply of food
grains and raw material for manufactures from the surrounding villages whereas the villages had to sell the
agricultural products to receive cash for meeting the land revenue demand. The peculiar nature of this trade was the
one-way flow of commodities. While the towns received grains and raw material from the villages in the vicinity
they had no need to send their products in exchange to the villages which were by and large self-sufficient. This one-
way trade was owing to the land revenue demand imposed upon villages which naturally led to a continuous drain on
rural sector and made the towns dependent on villages. The turnover of this trade was high in terms of volume but
was low in terms of value. The commodities were food grains, that is wheat, rice. gram, sugarcane, etc. and raw
material.
The inter-town trade was mainly in luxury articles and was thus high value trade. The manufactures of One town
were taken to another : for example Barani reports . that Delhi, the capita] itself, received distilled wines from Kol
(Aligarh) and Meerut. muslin (fine cloth) from Devagiri and striped cloth from Lakhnauti (Bengal) while, according
to Ibn Battuta, ordinary cloth came from Awadh and betel-leaf from Malwa (twenty-four days journey from Delhi).
Candy sugar was supplied to Multan from Delhi and Lahore and ghi from Sirsa (in Haryana).
The long distance inter-town trade also carried goods coming from other countries exit-points. Multan was perhaps
the great entrepot for overland foreign trade and served as a centre of re-export, while Gujarat ports such as Broach
and Cambay were exchange centres for overseas trade
Foreign Trade : Seaborne and Overland

During the Sultanate period, overland and overseas trade were in a flourishing state.
Seaborne Trade
The Khalji annexation of Gujarat must have enlarged trade relations between the Delhi Sultanate and the Persian Gulf
and the Red Sea Gujarat was connected with the Persian Gulf as well as the Red Sea. Hormuz and Basra were the
chief ports for the ships passing through the Persian Gulf, while the ports of Aden, Mocha and Jedda along the Red
Sea were important for Gujarat. Through these ports, commodities moved on to Damascus and Aleppo, on the one
hand, and Alexandria on the other.
Aleppo and Alexandria opened upto the Mediterranean Sea with linkages to Europe. Merchandise of Gujarat were
also carried towards the East - the port of Malacca situated at the Malacca straits and Bantam and Achin in the
Indonesian archipelago.
BUILDING CONSTRUCTION
Lime Mortar
The traditional basic units of construction in Ancient India consisted of clay, stones, wood and occasionally bricks.
The simplest cementing material or mortar was plain earth mixed with water. An improved kind was straw (bhus)
added to a mixture of clay and water which was used for plastering also. But lime mortar was definitely brought by
the immigrant Muslims during the Delhi Sultanate.
The basic ingredients in lime-mortar were lime (chuna) and surkhi (pounded bricks). Lime was of various kinds,
according to the material from which it was extracted. The two major sources of lime were gypsum and gravel
(kankar). The later were first burnt in kilns yielding quicklime. This quicklime was then treated with water to turn it
into slake lime. Surkhi was added to this mix. Afterwards, a number of gelatinous. glutinous and resinous cementing
agents like gum, pulses. jaggery, etc. were added to make the mortar more sticky.
Arch and Domed Vaulted roofing
One result of lime mortar was the extensive use of bricks as it made the brick buildings more durable. Another
important consequence was that lime mortar paved the way for the construction of true arch (mihrab). Actually,, the
very arrangement of bricks or stones in making a true arch demands a strong cementing material to hold the voussairs
together. Lime mortar fulfilled this need. This explains the almost total absence of true arch in Indian buildings prior
to the Turkish advent. The only exception, however, was the Kushana period: excavations at Kausambi (near
Allahabad) have revealed the existence of some arches - over windows (not gates). Kushanas had come from Central
Asia and, therefore they knew arch making. Afterwards, there is not a single evidence of true arches in, India till the
coming of the Muslims. Another form of arch was the corbelled one; in fact, it was a variant of trabeate construction,
that is the pillar-and-beam technique which was the most distinguishing feature of pre-Muslim Indian architecture.
From mihrab to gumbad (vaulted roofing or dome) was a natural development side vaulting or dome was not possible
without a knowledge of how to make a true arch. That is why it is observed that a dome is a true arch turned 360
degrees. In other words, a dome was constructed on the principle of intersecting true arches
Describe the new architectural features added by successive Sultans in the construction of Tombs in India.
(20) (2018)
The tomb architecture of the Slave dynasty was part of a complex and indigenous system; in the Lodi and Mughal
dynasties the scale of the tomb was monumental, set in landscaped gardens and had Persian influence. The Mughal
rulers were powerful and wealthy giving importance to landscaping, with the monument being placed in the Char-
bagh (or four gardens). The tomb of Islamic rulers was generally lavishly decorated and had expensive materials like
marble and sandstone clad over it. In spite of poor economic conditions in the Tughlaq period the practice of tomb
building continued with the builders resorting to inexpensive materials like rubble covered with plaster. Each of the
tomb evolved blending features of the earlier tomb with new ideas. The tomb can be classified in two types the open
and closed, the open consisting mostly of the octagonal type with pillared verandahs and the square tombs being
closed type with the entrance in the form of a central archway.
The tomb is placed diagonally and oriented towards the Mecca and is constructed of red sandstone with the slope of
the wall at an angle of 75 degrees with the ground. The slope could have been made to imitate the nearby fort walls
of Tughlaqabad. The finial at the apex of the marble dome resembles the kalasa and amala of a Hindu Temple. The
exterior is decorated with various elements like merlons, paneled niches and a central recessed arch with spearhead
fringes.The doorway has a slight projection and The tomb of the Iltutmish built during the Slave Dynasty marks the
beginning of the tomb architecture on which later tomb of Tughlaqs and Lodis developed. The tomb is situated at the
North western corner of the Qutb Mosque.The exterior of the building is relatively plain with horizontal bands at
intervals and a decorated central arch. The dome had collapsed due to inexperience of the Hindu builders to construct
a tomb. The basic concept of the Tomb of Iltutmish was the circular dome supported on the square cube, involving
a phase of transition from the square, octagon, a sixteen sided polygon to finally a circle. The domes of Islamic
monuments in India were supported by method of squinches. In the tomb of Iltutmish the squinch took the form of a
half dome with the facing of an elaborately decorated arch. The tomb could also be a place for prayer with western
side that included three mihrabs in the interior face, intricately carved with inscriptions. The tomb of Ghiasuddin
Tughlaq was built on a fortress which stands within an artificial lake is a combination of lintel and arch with a stone
grille in between, the lintel being an indigenous system of construction which loses its structural significance and
becomes ornamental. The arch of the doorway is surrounded by a marble band and also supported by nook shafts on
either side. During the rule of Firuz Tughlaq the tombs constructed were plain devoid of ornamentation with
inexpensive materials like rubble, lime and plaster. There was lack of skilled craftsmen and poor economic conditions
prevailed due to the shifting of the capital from Delhi to Daulatabad by his predecessor, Muhammed Tughlaq. The
plain walls of the tomb of Firuz Shah have a slight slope and is decorated with merlons on two tiers one above the
cube and second above the octagonal dome. On the outer surface the there is a slight projection towards the centre
emphasizing the entrance of the door. On the southern side is a low platform with a stone railing of horizontals and
verticals. The exterior and interior of the tomb has limited ornamentation. The tomb of Telengani, an official of Feroz
Tughlaq is the first octagonal tomb with verandahs on eight sides. On each side of the faces are three arches and a
wide chajja, a typical Hindu element projects on all the faces. The tomb also marks the development of octagonal
tombs of later Sayyids and Mughal Period. The Eklakhi tomb in Bengal is a modified version of the cube and
hemisphere of the Imperial Style with the dome being supported by thick walls instead of squinches. Because of
heavy rains in the regions the roof of the tomb was designed with a slight curve and a heavy cornice to throw of the
excess rain water. The role of the indigenous craftsmen is seen in the exterior surface being decorated with ornamental
panels. The tomb of Sikander Lodi is built without kiosks and has a double dome -a Persian concept – an inner and
outer shell. This creates an imposing exterior and reduces the scale of disproportionately tall interior. On each of the
octagonal side are arched verandahs taking the cue from the earlier tomb of Mubarak Sayyid. The tomb is the focus
of an elaborately landscaped garden within a walled enclosure and gateways on all four surrounding sides. The later
Mughal tombs were based on the idea of double domes and tombs related to landscape. The tomb of Sher Shah
proportions are placed on an artificial lake, connected by means of causeway to the mainland. The form is pyramidal
in five distinct stages not strikingly different from its Sayyid Prototype. The height increases with kiosks at each
angle the plan being octagonal in shape. The lower storey is in the form of a verandah having triple arches in each of
its sides with a projecting chajja and a high parapet with merlon motifs. The shape of the structure changes at each
level from a square basement to octagonal tiers and a circular dome.
PAPERMAKING AND BOOKBINDING

During the Delhi Sultanate, paper was used for many purposes, especially for books. farmans and numerous
commercial and administrative documents. Paper was available on a large scale so much so that sweetmeat-sellers of
Delhi delivered sweets to the buyers in paper packets which is still the practice in India. But it seems that papermaking
centres were few and far between. We know from the 14th century Chinese navigator, Ma Huan, that Bengal produced
paper. However, the bulk of paper needed was imported from Islamic countries. specially Samarqand and Syria.
The practice of writing book on paper was accompanied by the craft of bookbinding which was an innovation in
India, because the technique was different from that followed in India, for putting sheets of writing material together
(palm-leaves and birch-bark).
MILITARY TECHNOLOGY
Stirrup
It is now an established fact that iron-stirrup (rikab) was unknown in India. For that matter, there is no Sanskrit word
for stirrup. Perhaps surcingle, 'big toe stirrup' and 'suspension hooks' were used in India, but stirrup proper was the
contribution of the Muslims. This stirrup was first used in China around 6th century A.D., and later it diffused into

Persia and other Islamic countries during the next century. The history of the user of the horse in battle is divided
into three periods: first, that of the charioteer; second. that of the mounted warrior who clings to his steed by pressure
of the knees: and third, that of the rider equipped with stirrups. The horse has always given its master an advantage
over the footman in battle, and each improvement in its military use has been related to far-reaching social and cultural
changes.
Before the introduction of the stirrup, the seat of the rider was precarious. Bit and spur might help him to control his
mount; the simple saddle might confirm his seat: nevertheless, he was still much restricted in his methods of fighting.
He was primarily a rapidly mobile bowman and hurler of javelins. Swordplay was limited because without stirrups
your slashing horseman, taking a good broadhanded swipe at his foe, had only to miss to find himself on the ground'.
As for the spear, before the invention of the stirrup it was wielded at the end of the arm and the blow was delivered
with the strength of shoulder and biceps. The stirrup made possible - although it did not demand - a vastly more
effective mode of attack: now the rider could lay his lance at rest. held between the upper arm and the body, and
make at his foe, delivering the blow hot with his muscles but with the combined weight of himself and his charging
stallion.
The stirrup, by giving lateral support in addition to the front and back support offered by pommel and cantle,
effectively welded horse and rider into a single fighting unit capable of a violence without precedent. The fighter's
hand no longer delivered the blow: it merely guided it. The stirrup thus replaced human energy with animal power,
and intensely increased the warrior's ability to damage his enemy. Immediately, without preparatory steps, it made
possible mounted shock combat, a revolutionary new way of doing battle.
Horseshoe
Stirrup as a contributory factor to the series of military successes that the Turks achieved in India—at least in the
initial stage of their invasions-horseshoe has been treated as its poor cousin.
Domestication of horse was not enough. With the view of controlling the horse for riding, some equipments were
called-forth: viz., simple bridle, bitted bridle, saddle with pommel and cantle and, of course, the stirrup.
Nailed horseshoe was a late comer;. It is interesting o note that horseshoe is the only equestrian accoutrement which
does not have direct bearing on controlling the animal like other outfits. If so, then, why shoeing was needed? The
answer lies in the hoof, the most vulnerable part of the equine anatomy: The horse's hoof is a constantly growing
horny structure like the human nails, susceptible to breaking, splitting and shelling. In their original natural habitat
horses keep their feet worn down And, hence, trimming is unnecessary. But tamed and domesticated horses when in
use, require shoeing, specially in moist latitudes. A horse with footsore will limp and, hence, of little use to the rider.
Shoeing offer two advantages: first, it gives a better grip on soft ground; and secondly, the hooves get protection on
rough ground. It is in this context that we can appreciate the worldwide axiom of horsemen: "No foot, no horse". A
lame cavalry horse may often be worse than no horse at all.
Horseshoes have not been reported from any archaeological site excavated in India. It is now an incontrovertible fact
that horseshoes were foreign importations, brought by the Turks when they came to India. The Arabic Persian word
for the shoe is naal (the farrier or shoes - this na'lband and shoeing is nalbandi). Sanskrit literature on horses do not
mention shoeing (a case similar to stirrup and spinning-wheel). It is not accident, then, that shoeing in the past was
largely monopolized by Muslim artisans. At any rate, our sources yield information for cold-shoeing only not hot-
shoeing as it was practiced in Europe.
Gunpowder and Fire-Arms
Many decades ago, some scholars, both European and Indian, were keen to prove that gunpowder and fire-arms were
used in Ancient India. Among the Sanskrit sources; the Sukraniti became the focal point from which support was
drawn.
However, sobriety and maturity prevailed when other scholars dismissed their inferences, especially after careful
examination of the Sukraniti. Again, untenable ' attempts were also made to show that the Muslims who came to
India following the invasions of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni used fire-arms.
Gunpowder consists of saltpetre, sulphur and charcoal, and it was first invented in China. Later, it spread to the
Islamic society. The immigrant Turks brought gunpowder to India perhaps in late 13th or early 14th century. But it
must be pointed out that even by the reign of Sultan Feroz Shah Tughluq its only use was for pyrotechnic or fireworks
(atashbazi), not for fire-arms or for propelling cannon-balls. Fire-arms were used for the first time during the second
half of the 15th century in some regions of India like Gujarat, Malwa and the Deccan. At any rate, the use of fire-
arms on a regular basis was introduced by the Portuguese when they came to Calicut in A.D. 1498, and by Babur in
North India in the early 16th century.

Rise of Provincial Dynasties: Bengal, Kashmir (Zainul Abedin), Gujarat, Malwa

RISE OF REGIONAL STATES
Signs of physical disintegration were witnessed for the first time during Muhammad Tughlaq’s reign in 1347 A.D.
with the establishment of the Bahamani kingdom. But the Sultanate remained intact at least nearly for fifty years
when finally the Timurid invasion (1398 A.D.) exposed their weakness. It provided ample opportunity for the nobles
to establish their own areas of influence, independent of the Sultan. Governors like Khwaja Jahan (Jaunpur) in 1394
Khwaja in 1394, Dilawar Khan (Malwa) in 1401, Zafar Khan (Gujarat) in 1407, and some regions in Rajasthan also
declared their independence during the 15th century. Bengal was already .a semi-independent kingdom since the days
of Bughra Khan. The Sultanate practically shrank to the radius of 200 miles around Delhi. It had deep implications.
Loss of the fertile provinces of Bengal, Malwa, Jaunpur and Gujarat curtailed greatly the vast revenue resources of
the state. That, in turn disabled the centre to wage long wars and organise campaigns against the refractory elements.
The situation became so critical under the Sayyaids and the Lodis that even for regular revenue exactions the Sultans
had to send yearly campaigns. For example, forces were sent repeatedly to suppress the Katehar and Mewati chiefs
with frequent intervals from 1414 to 1432 A.D. Similarly, the chiefs of Bayana and Gwalior also showed their
reluctance to pay revenue and, as a result, repeated campaigns followed from 1416 to 1506 A.D. All this shows that
the control of the Sultans during the 15th century remained nominal and only minimum efforts would have sufficed
to overthrow the Sultanate.
MALWA
The decline of the Sultanate paved the way for the emergence of the independent kingdom of Malwa. Dilawar Khan
Ghori, (d. A.D. 1406), the Tughluq governor of Malwa, assumed independence in the year A.D. 1401-2 and declared
himself the king of Malwa. He extended the boundaries of his kingdom by occupying Nimar, Sauyar, Damoh and
Chanderi. Dilawar Khan married his daughter to Ali Sher Khalji, the son of Malik Raja Faruqi of Khandesh, and took
his (Faruqi ruler's) daughter for his son Alp Khan. These matrimonial alliances helped him in safeguarding his
southeastern frontier. By maintaining friendly relations with Muzaffar Shah of Gujarat, he successfully saved Malwa
from attacks, But soon after his death in A.D. 1407, malwa fell a prey to the imperialistic designs of Muzaffar
Gujarati. But in 1408, Hoshang Shah (1406-35) succeeded in regaining control over the Malwa throne. Very soon he
occupied Kherla, and Gagraun. He also had his eyes over Gwalior, but realizing the might of Mubarak Shah, he
finally withdrew in 1423 after causing some damage in the countryside. Hoshang Shah had entered into matrimonial
alliance with the Muslim ruler of Kalpi to use the latter as buffer between Jaunpur-Malwa and Delhi-Malwa.
Hoshang Shah's successor Muhammad Shah proved incompetent. During his brief reign of one year, the court of
Malwa became a hotbed of intrigues leading to disastrous results. The chaos, culminated in his murder (1436) by his
noble Mahmud Khalji. Thus camel the end of the Ghorid rule itself.
At the outset, the position of Mahmud Khalji was threatened by the old Ghorid nobility. In the beginning, Mahmud
followed the policy of appeasement and distributed iqta and high posts to them but he failed to elicit their support.
He had to face a series of revolts of high' ranking nobles. Ultimately, Mahmud Khalji succeeded in tackling the
recalcitrant nobles. After consolidating his internal position, Mahmud Khalji now had the time to look for further
extension.
Mewar was the foremost state to attract his attention. Mewar under Rana Kumbha followed an aggressive policy in
subduing and assimilating the bordering Rajput chiefs into Mewar. This posed a direct threat to the kingdom of
Malwa. Mahmud Khalji had to face the mighty Rana as early as 1437. Rana Kumbha promised Umar Khan, son of
Hoshang Shah, to install him in place of Mahmud Khalji. In the battle of Sarangpur (1437), Mahmud Khalji was
defeated and taken prisoner. Later, Mahmud Khalji took advantage of the confusion that emerged in Mewar after
Ranmal's death : he attacked Mewar in 1442. He destroyed the temple of Banmata, but he had to retreat without much
gains. Since then, Mahmud Khalji undertook almost yearly campaigns against Rana Kumbha. Though Mahmud had
occupied Gagraun (1444) and Mandalgarh (1457), Rana Kumbha was able to keep his territory intact and well-
defended. This rivalry continued unabated. Kalpi was the bone of contention between Malwa and Jaunpur.
BENGAL
The geopolitical conditions of Bengal, especially the long distance from Delhi, met constraints on its cony01 by the
Sultans of Delhi. The governors took full advantage of distance. As the central power weakened or rulers got involved
elsewhere, the nobles used to act almost de facto rulers in the region. Earlier, Iltumish had to march in person to assert
his authority (1225) and it too, almost three years for Balban in crushing the rebellion of Tughril Beg, the governor
of Bengal. To assert Delhi's hold over Bengal, Balban appointed his son Bughra Khan as governor (1281). But after
Balban's death, Bughra Khan decided to stay in Bengal rather than 'contest' the Delhi throne (1287). Later, we see
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq marching towards Lakhnauti. However, it was during Muhammad Tughluq's reign that more
effective policy was adopted latter appointed his trusted nobles, at Lakhnauti, Sonargaon and Satgaon to establish a
balance among various powerful factions. However, Delhi was challenged at various intervals.
Ilyas Shah (1342-57), emerged as a powerful ruler in Bengal, occupied Lakhnauti, and Sonargaon, and marched as
far as Baliaras. Sultan Feroz Tughluq.
Again in 1359, Feroz Tughluq marched against Sikandar Shah (1357-89) to break his power. After Feroz Tughluq's
death (1388). the Sultanate became too weak to subdue the recalcitrant rulers of Bengal.
Sikandar Shah's son Ghiyasuddin Azam Shah (1389-1409) was a popular ruler. He faced the combined attack of the
Rajas of Kamata and Ahom and had to surrender the territory beyond Karatoya river. He established diplomatic ties
with the Chinese rulers when one of their envoys came in 1406.
GUJARAT
The Chalukya hold continued over Gujarat throughout the 13th century in spite of the establishment of the Sultanate.
Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, Khalji's generals, succeeded in overthrowing Raja Karna Baghella, the Chalukya ruler
and thus laid the foundation of the Sultanate rule in Gujarat. The Delhi Sultans enjoyed supremacy over Gujarat
throughout the 14th century. However, symptoms of decline became evident from Feroz Shah's reign onwards who
entrusted the governorship of Gujarat to Shamsuddin Damghani. Timur's invasion (1398) provided the much sought
for opportunity to the governors to break away with the centre. Soon after, in 1407, Zafar khan (who later assumed
the title of Muzaffar Shah), the then Governor of Gujarat, established an independent kingdom in Gujarat. The
Kingdom of Gujarat since its inception had been constantly clashing with its neighbouring territories-Malwa,
Rajputana, Khandesh and the Bahmani kingdoms.
KASHMIR (Zainul Abedin)

Evaluate Jonaraja’s account of the reign of Zain-ul- Abidin (10) (2016)
Assess the rule of Zainul Abedin in Kashmir. (10) (2019)
Ghiyas-ud-Din Zain-ul-Abidin (reigned: 1418–1419 and 1420–1470 was the eighth sultan of Kashmir. He acquired
a halo in popular imagination which still surrounds his name in spite of the lapse of nearly five hundred years. He
was known by his subjects, and indeed still is, as Bud Shah (the Great King).[2]
The first thirty-five years of his reign are described by Jonaraja in the Rajatarangini Dvitiya, while the subsequent
years are described by Jonaraja's pupil, Srivara, in the Rajatarangini Tritiya.
Rise to power
Shahi Khan, a son of Sultan Sikander the ruler of Kashmir, was charged with the rule of the kingdom of Kashmir
when his elder brother, Ali Shah, left the kingdom on a pilgrimage to Mecca. It was at this time that Ali Shah gave
Shahi Khan the title of Zain-ul-Abidin. Although a religious man, Ali Shah was weak-willed and his desire to attain
Mecca buckled under descriptions of the arduous journey ahead. He abandoned his pilgrimage when he arrived at
the court of his father-in-law, the king of Jammu, and raised an army consisting of soldiers from Jammu
and Rajauri in order to regain his throne. The ancient texts vary regarding why it was that Zain-ul-Abidin
relinquished his recently acquired status without a fight but there is no disagreement that this is in fact what
happened.
Retiring to Sialkot, Zain-ul-Abidin sought the support of its chief, Jasrat Khokhar. Ali Shah became angered when
this support was forthcoming and he rashly set out with his army to challenge Khokar. The forces met
at Thanna and Khokhar defeated the challenger, who had ignored the advice of his father-in-law to hold back until
the Jammu army could join him. Zain-ul-Abidin was then able to return to the capital city of Srinagar, where he
was welcomed by his subjects. The fate of Ali Shah is uncertain: he may have died in captivity or have been put to
death by Khokhar.
Reign
Although fundamentally a peaceful man, Zain-ul-Abidin was protective of his territory. He raised and led an army
to stabilise the fractious areas of Ladakh and Baltistan which had originally been conquered by his

grandfather, Shihabu'd-Din, and then had become independent on his death until Sikander reasserted control. With
the arrival of Ali Shah on the throne, the territories had once again begun to assert their independence and Zain-ul-
Abidin recognised that they had an economic and strategic significance which entailed that they could not be
allowed to secede. Similarly, he regained control of Ohind, the chief of which had been overcome by Sikander but
had then announced independence during the period of rule by Ali Shah.
He was on friendly terms with regard to the rulers of territories over which he inherited no historic control. The
ancient records indicate that he gave and received presents to, and also exchanged embassies with, those who
governed over Egypt, Gwalior, Mecca, Bengal, Sindh, Gujarat and elsewhere. Many of the gifts demonstrated the
cultured nature of Zain-ul-Abidin; they included works about music, manuscripts and people who were scholars,
the latter being sent to him when he commented that an original gift of precious stones was of less interest to him
than a gift of a learned nature would have been.
During the last days of his reign, his three sons, Adam Khan, Haji Khan and Bahram Khan rebelled against him but
he took energetic measures to crush them. He was succeeded by his son Haji Khan, who took the title of Haidar
Khan.
Administrative policies
Zain-ul-Abidin enforced the system of responsibility of the village communities for local crimes. He regulated the
price of the commodities. He stabilized the currency which had been debased during the reign of his predecessors.
He was responsible for a large number of public works. He founded several new cities, built many bridges and dug
many irrigation canals. He also prevented the local governors from exacting illegal taxes and gave the peasants
much needed tax relief.
Religious policies
Zain-ul-Abidin earned a name for himself for his policy of religious toleration and public welfare activities. He
abolished Jaziya on the Hindu majority of Kashmir. Although he was a Muslim ruler but he banned the slaughter of
cows but allowed "Satti" the Hindu rite in which Hindu women are burned alive with their dead husbands. He
extended liberal patronage to Sanskrit language and literature. He knew Persian, Sanskrit and Tibetan.
The Mahabharata and Kalhana's Rajatarangini were translated into Persian by his order. He was known for his
religious tolerance. He called back the Hindus who left Kashmir during his father's reign. He allowed the Hindus to
build their temples and follow the personal law according to the Dharmashastras. He stopped the killing of cows by
means of poison and passed some regulations about eating beef. He re-introduced the grant of stipends to the
learned Brahmans.
ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE
Since most of the regional states emerged as a result of the disintegration of the Delhi Sultanate, they copied the
administrative model of their parent state. Though the states of Kashmir developed independently, there, too, the
working was by and large along the Sultanate administrative set-up. In Rajputana and Orissa, however, we find certain
changes in nomenclature. The Ahom kingdom also went through an t entirely different set-up, primarily because of
its tribal nature.
In Malwa, Gujarat, Bengal, Jaunpur and Kashmir, the central machinery was headed by wazir followed by ariz-i
mumalik, shaikh-ul Islam and qazi. Besides, there were hajib, dabir (department of correspondence), amir-i dar
(master of ceremonies), amir- akhur (chief of royal stable), etc. For the maintenance of royal household (haram),
there was a separate administrative machinery. Kingdoms were divided into a number of provinces. In Bengal,
provinces were called iqlim, arsa and diyar. The provincial governors were called sar-i lashkar; wazir (i.e. in them
combined the military and financial powers); while in Kashmir and other regional states-they were known as hakim:
In Kashmir, these hakims were generally recruited from the royal family.
Provinces were further subdivided into shiqs (in Bengal), and paraganas with villages forming the smallest unit. Like
the centre, in the provinces also qazis dispensed justice, muhtasibs looked after morals, kotwal was for the
maintenance of law and order in the towns. while shiqdar was the overall incharge of the provience. At the village
level, there were village headmen (muqaddams) and accountant (patwari). As for their army organisation, the rulers
maintained standing army but they largely depended for the supply of armed personnel on their provincial governors
and 'chiefs'. Infantry and, cavalry was the main fighting force, but elephants. too, had their own role. Them were
constant efforts on the part of the rulers of Malwa and Jaunpur to maintain; regular supply of elephants. In Bengal
'and Gujarat, navy also formed an important wing of the army.
Vijaynagar Empire
ESTABLISHMENT AND CONSOLIDATION
Do you agree that convergence of political vacuum and impact of Islamicate culture and polity in
peninsular India has much to do with the growth of Vijaynagara kingdom? (15)(2018)
An understanding of the Vijaynagara polity requires knowledge about the political conjuncture from which it
originated. After the invasion of Harsha for the next 600 years peninsular India was insulated from political incursion
of northern India. Delhi sultanate did not penetrate south India in the first century of its existence. By 1300 it had
started sending its armies (during the regime of Alauddin Khalji) to the peninsular India. Military successes of the
Delhi sultanate had long standing repercussions on peninsular India. It destroyed the existing kingships - all the four
major kingdoms Yadavs of Devgiri, Hoysalas of Dwarasamudra, Pandyas of Madurai and finally the Kakatiyas of
Warangal fell one after another. Muhammad bin Tughluq vanquished the last remaining ruler of peninsular India -
Prataprudradeva of the Kakatiya dynasty. The political vacuum paved the way for emergence of a new state -
Vijayanagara - established by the indigenous group of warriors. Muhammad bin Tughluqs decision to transfer the
capital to Devgiri also saw major influx of Islamic literati and holy men which helped Islamic culture and religion
taking roots in the region. Convergence of these factors - political vacuum and the impact of the Islamicate culture
and polity inpeninsular India has much to do with the growth of Vijaynagara empire. In the historical literature
generally Vijayanagara state has been projected as a strong military machine - the last bastion of Hindu polity against
the rising tide of Islamicate state. However Vijayanagara’s militarism was largely a result of indigenous
developments, although it was intensifed by competition with more technologically advanced states in an age of
escalating warfare worldwide. Not only the Bahmani & Sultanate but also the Gajapati kingdom of Orissa was a great
rival of Vijayanagara. The rulers of the last mentioned state were Hindu. The Vijayanagara kings did not perceived
themselvees as engaged in mortal combat with the Bahamani rulers for the survival of Hinduism and south Indian
society. The rulers of Vijayanagara did attempt to act as righteous kings preserving dharma mainly as protection of
the social order and most particularly upholding the Brahmin privilege. However increasingly from the eatirly
medieval period onwards notions of royal legitimacy came to rest on linkages with temple deities rather than with
Brahmins. It was in the combined role of servant and patron of the gods that the Vijayanagara kings excelled. The
Sangamas typically signed the name of Virupaksha to royal decrees rather than their own suggesting that he was the
true lord of the realm.
Geographical configurations played an important role in determining the course of political events in south India.
The focus of struggle among the local powers was the Krishna Godavari delta, Kaveri basin, the Tungabhadra doab
and the Konkan region, the latter known for its fertility and access to high seas. During the 8-13th century, the stuggle
was between the Rashtrakutas and the Pallavas while the following centuries saw Vijaynagar and Bahmani kingdoms
locking horns. The Bahmanis compelled the Vijaynagar rulers to expand laterally westward and eastward across the
peninsula from the main centre of their power on the Tungabhadra. The Vijaynagar rulers also found it difficult to
crush the Bahmani power in Raichur and Tungabhadra doab because of latter's alliance with the Velamas of
Rajakonda in Warangal. These circumstances prevented Vijaynagar from advancing towards the north and forced it
to expand laterally eastward and westward across the peninsula and southwards into the Tamil country.
Later however this alliance broke up which enabled Vijaynagar to expand at the cost of Bahmanis.
Krishnadeva Raya, 1509-29

Mention the salient feature. of the polity of Vijaynagar Empire under Krishnadevaraya. (10) (2015)
During this period; the power of the Bahmanis declined, leading to the emergence of five kingdoms: the Nizam-
Shahis of Ahmadnagar; the Adil Shahis of Bijapur; the Imad Shahis of Berar, the Qutb Shahis of Golconda and the
Barid Shahis of Bidar on the ruins of the Bahmani empire. This helped Krishnadeva Raya greatly in capturing
Kovilkonda and Raichur from the Adil Shahis of Bijapur and Gulbarga and Bidar from the Bahamanis. Krishnadeva
Raya also recovered Udayagiri, Kondavidu (south of river Krishna), Nalgonda (in Andhra Pradesh) Telingana and
Warangal were taken from the Gajapatis. By 1510, the Portuguese also emerged as a strong power to reckon with in

lndian waters. Occupation of Goa and sack of Danda Rajouri and Dabhol provided them monopoly in horse trade
since Goa had been the entrepot of the Deccan states for horse trade. Krishnadeva Raya maintained friendly relations
with the Portuguese. On Albuquerque's request, Krishnadeva Raya permitted the construction of a fort at Bhatkal.
Similarly, the Portuguese soldiers played a reasonable role in Krishnadeva Raya's success against lsmail Adil Khan
of Bijapur.
LOCAL ADMINISTRATION
The powers of the territorial assembly (nadu) as well as the village assemblies sabha and ur) were weakened during
the time of the later Cholas. During the Vijaynagar period, these institutions did not completely disappear when the
nagaka and ayagar systems came into prominence.
The Nayankara System
The nayankara system was an important characteristic of the Vijaynagar political organisation. The military chiefs or
warriors held the title of nayaka or amaranayaka. It is difficult to classify these warriors on the basis of definite office,
ethnic identity, set of duties or rights and privileges.
The institution of nayaka was studied in detail by two Portuguese-Fernao Nuniz and Domingo Paes, who visited India
during the reigns of Krishnadeva Raya and Achyut Raya of Tuluva dynasty during the sixteenth century. They regard
the nayakas simply as agents of Rayas (central government). The evidence of Nuniz for the payments made by the
nayaks to the Rayas brings up the question of feudal obligations. The Vijaynagar inscriptions and the later Mackenzie
manuscripts refer to the nayakas as territoriQ1 magnates with political aspirations which at times conflicted with the
aim of the rulers. Vijaynagar empire is a military confederacy of many chieftains cooperating under the leadership of
the biggest among them. He emphasized that the growing threat from Islam led the Vijaynagar rulers to adopt a
military and religious stance. Krishnaswami considers the nayak system as feudal.' But Venkataramanayya feels that
important features of European feudalism such as fealty. homage and sub- infatuation were absent in the nayaka
system. D.C. Sircar similarly refutes the feudal theory; instead he explains it as a kind of landlordism, a variant of
feudalism in which land was allocated to the amaranayakas for military services rendered by them to the king.
Vijaynagar kings tried to establish greater control over coastal markets dealing in horse trade. They attempted to
monopolise the purchase of horses of good quality by paying a high price for them. They also built strong garrisons
fortified with trustworthy soldiers. Thus, on the one hand, the Telugu nayaks were a source of strength for the
Vijaynagar empire and, on the other, they became its rivals.
The Ayagar System

During the Vijaynagar period, autonomous local institutions, especially in the Tamil country, suffered a set-back. In
pre-Vijaynagar days in Karnataka and Andhra local institutions possessed lesser autonomy as compared to Tamil
country. During Vijaynagar period in Karnataka too local territorial divisions underwent a change but the ayagar
system continued and became widely prevalent throughout the macro-region. It spread in the Tamil country during
15-16th century as a result of the declining power of nadu and nattar. The ayagars were village servants or
functionaries and constituted of groups of families. These were headmen (reddi or gauda, maniyam), accountant
(karnam senabhova) and watchmen (talaiyari). They were given a portion of or plot in a village. Sometimes they had
to pay a fixed rent, but generally these plots were manya or tax-free as no regular customary tax was imposed on their
agricultural income. In exceptional cases, direct payments in kind were made for services performed by village
functionaries. Other village servants who performed essential services and skills for the village community were also
paid by assigning plots of land (like washerman and priest). The village servants who provided ordinary goods and
services were leather workers whose products included leather bag used in lift-irrigation devices (kiapila or mohte),
potter, blacksmith, carpenter,. waterman (niranikkar: who looked after the maintenance of irrigation channels and
supervised bankers and money-lenders). The distinguishing feature of the ayagar system is that special allocation of
income from land and specific cash payments were for the first time provided to village servants holding a particular
office.
On the basis of contemporary sources evaluate the system of agriculture and irrigation of the Vijaynagar kingdom
(15)(2013)
The capital city was completely dependent on the water supply systems constructed to channel and store water, and
ensure a consistent supply throughout the year. The remains of these hydraulic systems have given historians a picture
of the prevailing surface water distribution methods in use at that time in South India's semiarid
regions. Contemporary records and notes of foreign travelers describe how huge tanks were constructed by labourers.
Excavations have uncovered the remains of a well-connected water distribution system existing solely within the
royal enclosure and the large temple complexes (suggesting it was for the exclusive use of royalty, and for special
ceremonies) with sophisticated channels using gravity and siphons to transport water through pipelines. The only
structures resembling public waterworks are the remains of large water tanks that collected the seasonal monsoon
water and then dried up in summer except for the few fed by springs. In the fertile agricultural areas near
theTungabhadra River, canals were dug to guide the river water into irrigation tanks. These canals had sluicesthat
were opened and closed to control the water flow. In other areas the administration encouraged the digging of wells
monitored by administrative authorities. Large tanks in the capital city were constructed with royal patronage while
smaller tanks were funded by wealthy individuals to gain social and religious merit.
SOCIETY
Society, culture, literature and the arts in Vijayanagara Empire.
Discuss the social dynamics in the Vijayanagara Empire (20)(2010)
The social structure of the South Indian macro-region (Vijaynagar empire) is a unique variant of the Indian society.
The uniqueness of the social structure was three-fold.
secular functions of the South Indian Brahmans dual division of iower social groups territorial segmentation of the
society.
The Brahmans lived in localities where they controlled land, and their prestige and power was also derived from their
control over those dependent on land. They also , enjoyed prestige due to their sacral functions as a priestly class.
The emergence of a large number of Vedic temples endowed with villages (devadanas) gave the Brahmans as temple
functionaries the power to exercise ritual control over all other castes and religious institutions. As managers of these
religious centres, the Brahmans enjoyed great secular authority.
Territorial segmentation of society implies that social groups in the Tamil country were divided on the basis of
natural sub-region and occupational patterns associated with them. Social groups in South India had less interaction
with groups at some distance from their locality. They gave preference to cross-cousin and maternal uncle-niece
marriages.
Another characteristic of the social structure was the dual division of lower castes referred to by the right and left-
hand designations (Vaishnavas corresponding to the right hand division and the Saivites corresponding to the left
hand castes). In most cases, the right-hand'castes were involved primarily in Agricultural production and local trade
in agricultural commodities whereas left-hand castes were engaged in mobile artisan production and extensive trade
in non-agricultural products. During the Vijaynagar period, the peasant was the basis of the social order, on whom
all other sections of the society depended. The satkams, the Tamil poetic genre, regard the leading peasantry as pure
sat-sudras. They claimed ritual purity and respectable secular raink for them.
Temples played an important role in delineating or determining special space of groupings who were the participants
in the worship of a particular deity. An important characteristic of lineage in the South Indian kingship is marked by
the common devotion to the lineage tutelary. The non-Brahman priests of the peasants' tutelary shrines (e.g. amman)
also participated in the management of great shrines of Siva and Vishnu where the Brahman priests predominated.
The matha the seat of sectarian organisation located at great shrines, consisted of persons of both the Brahman and
non-Brahman orders. Thus, the social organisation of this period comprised of the Brahmans, the left and right-hand
castes which included respectable agricultural castes, namely vellals and lower castes like the weavers.
Art & Architecture

Discuss how Vijayanagar empire became the cultural capital of the south? (10) (2019)
Vijayanagara architecture can be broadly classified into religious, courtly and civic architecture, as can the associated
sculptures and paintings. The Vijayanagara style is a combination of the Chalukya, Hoysala, Pandya and Chola styles
which evolved earlier in the centuries when these empires ruled and is characterised by a return to the simplistic and
serene art of the past.
For the approximately 400 years during the rule of the Western Chalukya and the Hoysalas empires, the most popular
material for temple construction was chloritic schist or soapstone. This was also true for sculpture as soapstone is soft
and easily carved. During the Vijayanagar period the local hard granite was preferred in the Badami Chalukya style,
although soapstone was used for a few reliefs and sculptures. While the use of granite reduced the density of
sculptured works, granite was a more durable material for the temple structure. Because granite is prone to flaking,
few pieces of individual sculptures reached the high levels of quality seen in previous centuries. To cover the
unevenness of the stone used in sculptures, artists employed plaster to give the rough surface a smooth finish and
then painted it with lively colours.
Temple structures
Vijayanagara temples are usually surrounded by a strong enclosure. Small shrines consist simply of a garbhagriha
(sanctum) and a porch. Medium-sized temples have a garbhagriha, shukanasi (antechamber), a navaranga (antrala)
connecting the sanctum and outer mandapa (hall), and a rangamantapa (enclosed pillared hall). Large temples have
tall Rayagopuram built with wood, brick and stucco in Chola style. The term Raya is added to indicate a gopura built
by Vijayanagar Rayas. The top of the gopuram has a shalashikhara resembling a barrel made to rest on its side. Large
life-size figures of men, woman, Gods and Goddesses adorn the gopuram. This Tamil dravida-influenced style
became popular during the rule of king Krishnadevaraya and is seen in South Indian temples constructed over the
next 200 years. Examples of Rayagopuram are the Chennakesava Temple in Belur and the temples at Srisailam and
Srirangam. In addition to these structures, medium-size temples have a closed circumambulatory (Pradakshinapatha)
passage around the sanctum, an open mahamantapa (large hall), a kalyanamantapa (ceremonial hall) and a temple
tank to serve the needs of annual celebrations.
Temple pillars often have engravings of charging horses or hippogryphs (Yali) — horses standing on hind legs with
their fore legs lifted and riders on their backs. The horses on some pillars stand seven to eight feet tall. On the other
side of the pillar are usually carvings from Hindu mythology. Pillars that do not have such hippogryphs are generally
rectangular with mythology themed decoration on all sides. Some pillars have a cluster of smaller pillars around a
central pillar shaft. The bottom supports of these pillars have engravings of Gods and Goddesses. Carvings of
hippogryphs clearly show the adroitness of the artists who created them.
The Mantapas are built on square or polygonal plinths with carved friezes that are four to five feet high and have
ornate stepped entrances on all four sides with miniature elephants or with Yali balustrades (parapets).The Mantapas
are supported by ornate pillars. The 1,000-pillared style with large halls supported by numerous pillars was popular.
The 1,000-pillared Jain basadi at Mudabidri is an example. Larger temples have a separate shrine for the female deity.
Some examples of this are the Hazara Rama, Balakrishna and Vitthala temples at Hampi.
Some shrines in the Vitthalapura area inside Vijayanagara were consecrated specifically for Tamil Alwar saints and
for the great Vaishnava saint, Ramanujacharya. Architecturally they are different in that each shrine has an image
depicting the saint for whose worship the temple was built. Each shrine has its own enclosure and a separate kitchen
and pilgrim feeding hall. The water storage tank inside the royal center, the [stepwell stepped tank] called,
"Pushkarni", is a recent archaeological discovery. The stepped tank is fashioned with finished chlorite schist slabs
arranged in a symmetrical formation with steps and landings descending to the water on all four sides. This is clearly
a Western Chalukya-Hoysala style tank and is seen in many parts of present-day Karnataka. The inscriptions on the
slabs indicate the material was brought from outside the Vijayanagara area.
Palaces
Much of what is known today of Vijayanagara palaces is drawn from archaeological excavations at Hampi as no
royal palace structures have survived. Most palaces stand in their own compound defined by high tapering walls
made of stone or layered earth. Palaces are approached through a sequence of courts with passageways and doorways
requiring multiple changes in direction. All palaces face east or north. The larger palaces have side extensions giving
the complex a symmetrical shape.
Palaces were built on raised platforms made of granite. The platforms have multiple tiers of mouldings with well-
decorated friezes. The decorations can be floral, Kirtimukha shapes (demon faces), geese, elephants and occasionally
human figures. Pillars, beams and rafters inside the palace were made of wood as evidenced by ash discovered in
excavations. The roof was made of brick or lime concrete, while copper and ivory were used for finials. Palaces
commonly consisted of multiple levels with each flight of stairs decorated by balustrades on either side, with either
yali (imaginary beast) or elephant sculptures. The entrance steps into palaces and temple mantapas were similarly
decorated. Water tanks inside the palace complex have decorative water spouts such as the carved torso of the Nandi
with a gaping mouth to allow water flow into the tank. Other structures commonly found inside a palace complex are
wells and shrines.

The courtly architecture generally show secular styles with Islamic influences. Examples are the Lotus Mahal palace,
Elephant stables, and watch towers. Courtly buildings and domed structures were built with mortar mixed with stone
rubble.
The impact of this style of architecture was seen well into the 17th century when the successive Nayaka kingdoms
continued to encourage pillars with hippogryphs and granite became the main building material.
Evaluate the accounts of foreign travelers about the Vijaynagar Empire. (10) (2017)
Persian and European visitors to Vijayanagara provide vivid descriptions of life at the capital during the 15th and
first half of the 16th centuries. Their accounts of the spectacular ceremonies of the nine-day Mahanavami festival to
which the rulers invited them are particularly vivid. The foreigners also reported on the bazaars, temples and palaces
of the city, some of which can still be identified. Their record of local historical traditions has proved invaluable in
piecing together the chronology of the city and empire. Their reports on the precious stones, including diamonds,
textiles and other luxury goods on sale in the markets testify to the role of the capital as one of the greatest emporia
in South India. (Sewell gives translations of these travel accounts in, A Forgotten Empire and see, Fritz and
Michell, Hampi, both listed in the Bibliography).
Nicolo Conti, an Italian, was at Vijayanagara in about 1420, just after the accession of Devaraya I. The first known
foreign traveller, he mentions the fortifications of the city and the thousands of men employed in the army of the
rulers. The next visitor in about 1443 was Abdul Razzaq, an envoy of Shah Rukh, the Timurid sultan of Herat. Abdul
Razzaq noticed seven rings of ramparts protecting the city, but not all these can be traced today. He also gives details
about the ceremonies of the rulers, and the processions of the Mahanavami festival. (Reliefs on the Hazara Rama
Temple in the Royal Centre carved about the same time may portray scenes from this festival.)
The most detailed chronicles of Vijayanagara are those provided by two Portuguese visitors, one a soldier and the
other a trader in horses. (The rulers were always in need of horses imported from the Arabian Peninsula. After the
Portuguese captured this trade from the Arabs in the early 16th century, Portuguese traders frequently visited the
capital.) Domingo Paes was at Vijayanagara in about 1520-22, during the reign of Krishnadevaraya. The visitor
gives invaluable information on the walls, gates, streets and markets of the city, as well as the major temples of the
city, including the Virupaksha at Hampi, together with its colonnaded bazaar. Paes describes the Mahanavami
festival at some length, beginning with the preparations within the king’s palace where ceremonies were held at the
House of Victory, all hung with precious cloths. According to Paes, the festival included numerous processions of
animals, warriors and courtly women, as well as wrestling matches, fireworks and other entertainments. The climax
was the review of the troops that was held at some distance outside the city. The description of the king’s palace with
which Paes’s account concludes seems to apply to Krishnadevaraya’s new residence in what is now Hospet.
Fernao Nuniz, a Portuguese horse-trader, composed his account around 1536-37. He was in the capital during the
reign of Achyutaraya and may have been present at earlier battles fought by Krishnadevaraya. This visitor was
particularly interested in the history of Vijayanagara, especially the foundation of the city, the subsequent careers of
three dynasties of rulers, and the battles that they fought with the Deccan sultans and Orissan Rayas. Nunez, too,
gives details of the Mahanavami festival, noting admiringly the extravagant jewels worn by the courtly women, as
well as the thousands of women in the king’s service.
Cesare Frederici, an Italian traveller who spent seven months at Vijayanagara in 1567, two years after the city was
sacked, suggests that the capital was only partly destroyed and that Tirumala of the Aravidu dynasty intended to re-
establish the Vijayanagara capital there. This attempt turned out to be unsuccessful and the city was eventually
abandoned for good.
RISE OF THE BAHMANI POWER

Bahmanis
The Bahamani Kingdom (20) (2005) (2007)
Most parts of the Deccan were conquered and annexed to the Delhi Sultanate during Muhammad Tughluq's reign.
He made - elaborate administrative arrangements for the Deccan region. Ulugh Khan was appointed as the superior

governor or "viceroy" of the region. The whole region was divided into 23 iqlims or provinces. The most important
of these were Jajnagar (Orissa), Marhat (Maharashtra). Telingana, Bidar, Kampili and Dwarsamudra.
Subsequently, Malwa was also placed under the governor of the Deccan. Each iqlim was divided 'into a number of
rural districts (shiq). Each shiq was divided into hazaris (one thousand) and sadis (one hundred) for collection of
revenue. The main officers were shiqdars, wali, amiran-i hazarah and amiran-i sadah. The revenue 'officials were
called mutsarrifs, karkuns, chaudhris, etc. In this set-up, the most powerful person-was the 'viceroy' of the Deccan
who was virtually the master of it large region with as many as 23 provinces. Another important functionary with
wide powers was amiran-i sadah i.e. the chief of 100 villages.
In spite of this elaborate administrative set-up, the real control of the Sultan was weak mainly because of:
the distance from Delhi, difficult geographical terrain wide powers enjoyed by the 'viceroy' and other officers.
ECONOMY
Mahmud Gawan ordered for systematic measurement of land fixing the boundaries of the villages and towns. Thus,
in this regard he was the forerunner of Raja Todar Mal. All this greatly helped the exchequer. First, the income of the
empire was ensured and became known in advance; secondly, it also curbed the corruption of the nobles to the
minimum, thereby increasing the state income.
1n"the Bahmani kingdom, trade and commerce was in a flourishing state. Nikitin, a Russian traveller, who was in the
Deccan during 1469-74, provides ample information regarding the commercial activities of Bidar. He says that
horses, cloth, silk, and pepper were the chief merchandise. Dabul was well connected not only with the Indian but
also with the African ports. Horses were imported from Arabia, Khurasan and Turkestan. Trade and commerce was
mostly in the hands of the Hindu merchants. Musk and fur were imported from China.
SOCIETY AND CULTURE

The social structure of the Bahmanis was cosmopolitan in character. There were M Muslims, Hindus, Iranians,
Transoxonians, Iraqis and Abyssinians (Habshis). The Portuguese came during the early 16th century. This
heterogeneous character becomes more prominent if we look at its linguistic pattern: Persian, Marathi, Dakhni (proto-
Urdu), Kannada and Telugu languages were widely spoken in various parts of the kingdom.
Broadly, two classes existed in the society. According to Nikitin, there were poor, and the nobles who were
"extremely opulent. He says that "the nobles were carried on their Silver beds, preceded by twenty horses caparisoned
in gold and followed by three hundred men horseback and five hundred on foot along with ten torchbearers." Nikitin
also gives a graphic account of the grandeur of the Bahmani wazir, Gawan. He mentions that everyday along with
him 500 men used to dine. For the, safety of his house alone, everyday 100 armed personnel kept vigilance. In
contrast, the general population was poor. Though Nikitin mentions only two classes, there was yet another class-the
merchants (the so-called middle class).
The sufis were greatly venerated by the Bahmani rulers. Initially, they migrated to the Deccan as religious auxiliaries
of the Khaljis and the Tughluqs. The infant Bahmani kingdom required the support of the sufies for popular
legitimization of their authority. The sufis who migrated to the Bahmani kingdom were chiefly of the Chishti, Qadiri
and Shattari orders. Bidar emerged as one of the most important centres of the Qadiri order. Shaikh Sirajuddin Junaidi
was the first sufi to receive the royal favour. The Chishti saints enjoyed the greatest honour. Syed Muhammad Gesu
Daraz, the famous Chishti saint of Delhi, migrated to Gulbarga in 1402-3.
Sultan Feroz granted large number of villages as inam for the upkeep of his khankah.
But during the later period of his reign dissensions between the two developed on account of the sufi's support for
the Sultan's brother Ahmad as his successor. It finally led to the expulsion of Gesu Daraz from Gulbarga. With the
large influx of the Afaqis in the Bahmani kingdom, the Shias also found their place under Fadullah's influence. Ahmad
I's act of sending 30,000 silver tankas for distribution among the Saiyyids of Karbala in Iraq shows his inclination for
the Shia doctrine. The most influential wazir of Ahmad 111 was also a Shia. Hindu traditions and culture also
influenced the Bahmani court. Sultan Feroz's (1397-1422) marriage with a daughter of the royal family of Vijaynagar
helped greatly in the Hindu-Muslims cultural harmony.
Assess the contribution of Fizor Shah Bahamani and Mahmud Gawan in the field of education. (15) (2016)
Firozshah Bahmani (1398-1422 C.E.) was an accomplished scholar and fond of learning. He sent ships from the
port of Goa to Persia, Turkistan (Turkey), and Egypt carrying special invitations to scholars of Islamic institutions.
They were given important posts and facilities in order to pursue their studies further. Firozshah was drawn to
philosophy and natural sciences. Every fourth day of the week he copied sixteen pages of the Koran, before
engaging in public affairs. He knew Arabic, Turkish, French, Bengali, Gujarati, Telugu and Marathi languages2. It
is told that he had women in his zenāā (the women's quarters within the royal palace) from all these regions and
used to converse with each in her native tongue!
Discussions on botany, geometry and logic were arranged, in which Firozshah actively participated. He spent his
leisure hours in the company of dervishes, poets and reciters of classics. He planned to build an observatory at
Daulatabad, under the guidance of the famous astrophysicist Guilani, but the sudden death of the latter put an end to
the remarkable aspiration. Firozshah's attempt indicates that many experts in astronomy, mathematics and
engineering were in his court and inspired him3. He built a big library at Ahmadnagar.
Mahmud Gawan
He built the great university in Bidar which is known as Mahmud Gawan Madrasa. Almost at the centre of Bidar's
Old Town stand the graceful buildings, which bear testimony to the genius and eclecticism of Mohammad Gawan.
A linguist and a mathematician, he, together with carefully chosen scientists, philosophers and religious seers,
created a distinguished religious school. His extensive library boasted of 3,000 manuscripts.
His three-storey madrasa with a monumental minaret, a mosque, labs, lecture halls and students' cells overlooks an
immense courtyard with arches on every side giving it a graceful facade. Many of the blue tiles on the mosque's
outer walls have been pilfered. The minaret is elegant with Samarkhand-like domes here and there.
Bhakti movement
Evaluate the contribution of Vaishnava saints to the growth of medieval Bhakti literature. (10)(2014)
“Utpanna dravide bhakthi, Karnate vriddhimagata I Sthita kinchit maharashtre gurjare jirnatam gata II –
Padmapurana Account for the emergence of bhakti in Dravida desa. (15) (2018)
BHAKTI MOVEMENT IN SOUTH INDIA

The Nayanar saints and vaishnava Alvar saints of South India spread the doctrine of bhakti among different sections
of the society irrespective of caste and sex during the period between the seventh and the tenth century. Some of these
saints came from the "lower" castes and some were women. The saint-poets preached bhakti. 'in an intense emotional
manner and promoted religious egalitarianism. They dispensed with rituals and traversed the region several times
singing, dancing and advocating bhakti. The Alvar and Nayanar saints used the Tamil language and not Sanskrit for
preaching and composing devotional songs. All these features gave the movement a popular character. For the first
time bhakti acquired a popular base. The South Indian bhakti saints were critical of Buddhists and Jains who enjoyed
a privileged status at the courts of South Indian kings at that time. They won over many adherents of Buddhism and
Jainism both of which by now had become rigid and formal religions. At the same time, however, these poet-saints
resisted the authority of the orthodox Brahmans by making bhakti accessible to all without any caste and sex
discrimination. But the South Indian bhakti movement had its limitations as well. It never consciously opposed
Brahmanis or the varna and caste systems at the social level. It was integrated with the caste system and the "lower"
castes continued to suffer from various social disabilities. There Was no elimination of Brahmanical rituals such as
worship of idols, recitation of the Vedic mantras and pilgrimages to sacred places in spite of the emphasis on bhakti
as the superior mode of worship. The Buddhists and Jains were its main targets, not the Brahmans. This perhaps was
also the reason why the Brahman dominated temples played an important role in the growth of South Indian bhakti
movement. Since the ideological and social foundations of caste system were not questioned by the South Indian
saint-poets, the bhakti :movement of the South in the long run strengthened it rather than weakening it. Ultimately,
after the movement reached its climax in the tenth century, it was gradually assimilated into the conventional
Brahmanical religion. But despite these limitations, the South Indian bhakti movement in its heyday succeeded in
championing the cause of religious equality and, consequently, the Brahmans had to accept the right of the "low-
caste" to preach, to have access to bhakti as a mode of worship and to have access even to the Vedas

Bhakti and the South Indian Acharyas When the popularity of the bhakti movement in South India was on the
wane, the doctrine of bhakti was defended at the philosophical level by a series of brilliant vaishnava Brahman
scholars (acharyas). Ramanuja (11th century) was first among them. He gave philosophical justification for bhakti.
He tried to establish a careful balance between orthodox Brahmanism and popular bhakti which was open to all.
Though he did not support the idea of the "lower" castes having access to the Vedas, he advocated bhakti as a mode
of worship accessible to all including the Sudras and even the outcastes. While propagating bhakti, he did not observe
caste distinctions and even tried to eradicate untouchability. Nimbarka, a Telugu Brahman, is believed to have been
a younger contemporary of Ramanuja. He spent most of his time in Vrindavan near Mathura in North India He
believed In total devotion to Krishna and Radha. Another South lndian philosopher was Madhava who belonged to
the 13th century. Like Ramanuja he did not dispute orthodox Brahmanical restriction of the Vedic study by the Sudras.
He believed that bhakti provided alternative avenue before worship to the Sudras. His philosophical system has based
on the Bhagvat Purana. He is also believed to have toured North India. The last two prominent vaishnava acharyas
Ramananda (late 14th and early 15th century) and Vallabha (late 15th and early 16th century). Since both of them
lived mostly in North India during the Sultanate period and gave new orientation to the vaishnava bhakti.
BHAKTI MOVEMENT IN NORTH INDIA .

There arose during the Sultanate period (13th-15th century) many popular socio-religious movements in North and
East India, and Maharashtra. Emphasis on bhakti and religious equality were two common features of these
movements: As has been pointed out, these two were also the features of the South Indian bhakti movements. Almost
all the bhakti movements of the Sultanate period have been related to one South Indian vaishnava acharya or the
other. For these reasons, many scholars believe that the bhakti movements of the Sultanate period were a continuation
or-resurgence of the older bhakti movement. They argue that there existed philosophical and ideological links
between the two either due to contact or diffusion. Thus, Kabir and other leaders of non-conformist monotheistic
movements in North India are believed to have been the disciples of Ramananda who, in turn, is believed to have
been connected with Ramanuja's philosophical order. Similar claims have been made that Chaitanya, the most
significant figure of the vaishnava movement in Bengal, belonged to the philosophical school of Madhava. This
movement is also believed to have been connected with Nimbarka's school because of its emphasis on 'Krishna'
bhakti.
There are undoubtedly striking similarities between the older bhakti tradition of South India and various bhakti-
movements that florished in the Sultanate and Mughal periods. If we exclude the popular monotheistic movements
of Kabir, Nanak and other4'low" caste saints, the two sets of movements can be shown to have possessed many more
common features. For example, like the South Indian bhakti movement, the vaishnava bhakti movements of North
and Eastern India and Maharashtra, though egalitarian in the religious sphere, never denounced the caste
system, the authority of Brahmanical scriptures and the Brahmanical privileges as such.
Consequently, like the South Indian bhakti, most of the vaishnava movements of the later period were ultimately
assimilated into the Brahmanical religion, though in the process of interaction, the latter itself underwent many
changes. However, the similarities end here. Bhakti movement was never a single movement except in the broad
doctrinal sense of a movement which laid emphasis on bhakti and religious equality. The bhakti movements of
medieval India differed in many significant respects not only from the older South Indian bhakti tradition hut also
among themselves. Each one of them had its own regional identity and socio-historical and cultural contexts. Thus,
the non-conformist movements based on popular monotheistic bhakti contained features that were essentially
different from various vaishnava bhakti movements, Kabir's notion of bhakti was not the same as that of the medieval
vaishnavm saints such as Chaitanya or Mirabai. The historical context of Maharashtra bhakti was different from that
of the Bengal vaishnavism or North Indian bhakti movement of Ramanand, vallabna. Surdas and Tulsidas. During
the later period, when the vaishnava bhakti movement
crystallised into sects, there arose frequent disputes between them which sometimes even turned violent. Among all
the bhakti movements of the period between the 14th and 17th century, the popular monotheistic movements of
Kabir, Nanak, Raidas and other "lower" caste saints stand out fundamentally different.
Popular Monotheistic Movement and Vaishnava Bhakti Movement both these movements arose in Northern India at
the same time, that is, in the centuries following the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate and advent of Islam in
that part of the country. For this reason, the rise of both the movements is quite often attributed to certain common
causes such as the influence of Islam on Hinduism. However, the causes and sources of the two movements and the
factors exerting influence on them were quite diverse.

EMERGENCE OF THE BHAKTI MOVEMENT
Political Factors for the Rise of the Bhakti Movement
It has been pointed out that as the popular bhakti movement could not take root in Northern India before the Turkish
conquest because the socio-religious milieu was dominated by the Rajput-Brahman alliance which was hostile to any
heterodox movement. The Turkish conquests brought the supremacy of this alliance to an end.
The advent of Islam with the Turkish conquest also caused a setback to the power and prestige commanded by the
Brahmans: Thus, the way was paved for the growth of non-conformist movements, with anti-caste and anti-
Brahmanical ideology. The Brahmans had always made the people believe that the images and idols in the temples
were not just the symbols of God but were gods themselves who possessed divine power and who could be influenced
by them (i.e. the Brahmans). The Turks deprived the Brahmans of their temple wealth and state patronage. Thus the
Brahmans suffered Both materially and ideologically. The non-conformist sect of the nathpanthis was perhaps the
first to gain from the declining power of the Rajput-Brahman alliance. This sect seems to have reached its peak in the
beginning of the Sultanate period. The loss of power and influence by the Brahmans and the new political situation
ultimately created conditions for the rise of the popular monotheistic movements and other bhakti movements in
Northern India.
Socio-Economic Factors
It has been argued that the bhakti movements of medieval India represented sentiments of the common people against
feudal oppression. According to this viewpoint, elements of revolutionary opposition to feudalism can be found in
the poetry of the bhakti saints ranging from Kabir and Nanak to Chaitanya and Tulsidas. It is in this sense that
sometimes the medieval bhakti movements are seen as Indian counterpart of the Protestant Reformation in Europe.
However, there is nothing in the poetry of the bhakti, saints to suggest that they represented the class interests of the
peasantry against the surplus-extracting feudal state. The vaishnava bhakti saints broke away from orthodox
Brahmanical order only to the extent that they believed in bhakti and religious equality. Normally, they continued to
subscribe to many basic principles of orthodox Brahmanism. The more radical monotheistic saints rejected orthodox
Brahmanical religion altogether but even they did not call for the overthrow of the state and the ruling class: For this
reason, the bhakti movements cannot be regarded as Indian variant of European Protestant Reformation which was a
far greater social upheaval linked to the decline of feudalism and the rise of capitalism.
This, however, does not mean that the bhakti saints were indifferent to the living conditions of the people. They used
images of daily life and always tried to identify themselves in one way or another with the sufferings of the common
people.
Economic and Social Changes
The widespread popularity of the monotheistic movement of Kabir, Nanak, Dhanna, Pipa etc. can be explained fully
only in the context of certain significant socio-economic changes in the period following the Turkish conquest of
Northern India. The Turkish ruling class, unlike the Rajputs, lived in towns. The extraction of large agricultural
surplus led to enormous concentration of resources in the hands of the ruling class. The demands of this resource-
wielding class for manufactured goods, luxuries and other necessaries led to the introduction of many new
techniques and crafts on a large scale. This, in turn, led to the expansion of the class of urban artisans in the 13th and
14th centuries.
The growing classes of urban artisans were attracted towards the monotheistic movement because of its egalitarian
ideas as they were now not satisfied with the low status accorded to them in traditional Brahmanical hierarchy. It has
been pointed out that some groups of traders like the Khatris in the Punjab, who benefited directly from the growth
of towns, urban crafts production and expansion of markets, were also drawn into the movement for the same reason.
The popularity of the monotheistic movement was the result of the support it obtained from one or
more of these different classes of the society. It is one or more of these sections which constituted the social base of
the movement in different parts of Northern India. In Punjab, the popularity of the movement did not remain confined
to urban classes: it acquired a broader base by the incorporation of the Jat peasants in its ranks. The support extended
by the Jats of the Punjab to Guru Nanak's movement ultimately contributed to the development of Sikhism as a mass
religion. '
Bhakti and Sufi Movements
“The tenets of Hindu and Muslim mystics were similar enough that the ground was ripe for syncretic

movements involving adherents of both the religious.” Elucidate. (60) (2005) (2007)
Chaitanyadeva and Vaishnavism (20) (2005)
Discuss the growth of the Nirguna School of Bhakti Movement emphasizing the contribution of Kabir and
Nanak to it. (60) (2004)
What impact did Kabir and Nanak leave on Indian Society and Culture? (60) (2003)
Evaluate the impact of the Sufi and Bhakti Movements on vernacular languages and life and thought of the
common people (60) (2001)
Sufi and Bhakti thoughts ennobled Indian psyche amidst the vagaries of time. Elucidate. (15) (2019)
MAIN POPULAR MOVEMENTS AND THEIR CHARACTERISTICS
Monotheistic Movements of North India

Kabir (1440-1518) was the earliest and undoubtedly the most powerful fibre of the monotheistic movements that
began in the fifteenth century. He belonged to a family .of weavers (Julaha who were indigenous converts to Islam:
He spent greater part of his life in Banaras (Kashi). The monotheistic saints who succeeded him either claimed to be
his disciples or respectfully mention him. His verses were included in the Sikh scripture, the Adi Granth in large
numbers than those of other monotheists. All this indicate his pre-eminent position among the monotheists.
Raidas (or Ravidas) most probably belonged to the generation next to Kabir's. He was a tanner by caste. He also lived
in Banaras and was influenced by Kabir's ideas. Dhanna was a fifteenth century Jat peasant from Rajasthan. Other
prominent saints of the same period were Sen (a barber) and Pipa.
Guru Nanak (1469-1539) preached his ideas much in the same way as Kabir and other monotheists, but due to
various developments later his teachings led to the emergence of a religion, Sikhism. The basic similarity of his
teachings with those of Kabir and other saints and the basic ideological agreement between them makes him an
integral part of the monotheistic movement. He belonged to a caste of traders called Kham and was born in a village
in Punjab' now known as Nankana Sahib. In his later life he-travelled widely to preach his ideas. Eventually he settled
in a place in Punjab now known as Dera Baba Nanak. There he attracted large number of disciples. The hymns
composed by him were incorporated in the Adi Granth by the fifth Sikh Guru Arjun in 1604.
Common ; Characteristic Features

The teachings of all the saints who are associated with the monotheistic movement have certain common features
which give the movement its basic unity :
1) Most of the monotheists belonged to the "low" castes. Most of them were aware of each other's teachings and
influences. In their verses they mention each other and their predecessors in such a way as to suggest a harmonious
ideological affinity among: them. Thus, Kabir speaks of Raidas as "saint among saints". Raidas, respectfully mentions
the names of Kabir, Namdev, Trilochan and Pipa. Dhanna takes pride in speaking of the fame and popularity of
Namdev, Kabir, Raidas and Sen and admits that he devoted himself to bhakti after hearing their fame. Kabir's
influence on Nanak also is beyond dispute. It is, therefore, not surprising that the later traditions link Kabir, Raidas,:
Dhanna, Pipa, Sen, etc. together as disciples of Ramananda.
The ideological affinity among the monotheists is also clear from the inclusion of the hymns of Kabir, Raidas. etc.
along with those of Nanak by, the fifth Sikh Guru Arjan in the Adi Granth.
ii) All the monotheists were influenced in one way or another and in varying degrees by the concept of bhakti, the
nathpanthi movement and the Sufism. The monotheistic movement represents the synthesis of elements from these
three traditions. But more often than riot they did not accept the element of these traditions in their original form and
made many innovations and adaptations which gave new meanings to old concepts.
iii) For the monotheists, there was only one way of establishing communion with God : it was the way of personally
experienced bhakti. This was also the way of the vaishnava bhakti saints, but there was one fundamental difference
of perceptions, they all have been called monotheists because they uncompromisingly believed in only one God. God
as non-incarnate and formless (nirankar), eternal (akal) and ineffable.
The monotheistic bhakti, therefore, was nirguna bhakti and not saguna –which was the case with the vaishnavites
who believed in various human incarnations of God. 'The monotheists adopted the notion of bhakti from the vaishnava
- bhakti tradition but gave it a nirguna orientation. Quite often Kabir-called God ' by the name, Ram. For this reason
he has been called Ram-bhakta. But Kabir himself made it clear in his utterances that the Ram he was devoted to was
not the one who was born as an incarnation in the house of king Dashratha of Ayodhya or who had killed Ravana,
but a formless, non-incarnate God. In addition to the loneness of God and nirguna bhakti, the monotheists also
emphasised the crucial importance of repetition of divine name, spiritual guru, - community singing of devotional
songs (kirtan) and companionship of saints.
iv) The monotheists followed a path which was independent of both dominant religions of the time-Hinduism and
Islam. They denied their allegiance to either of them and criticised the superstitions and orthodox elements of both
the religions. launched a vigorous ideological assault on caste system and idolatry. They rejected the authority of the
Brahmans and their religious scriptures. Kabir, in his harsh and abrasive style uses ridicule as a powerful method for
denouncing orthodox Brahmanism.
v) The monotheists composed their poems in popular languages. Some of them used a language which was a mixture
of different dialects spoken in various parts of North India. The monotheistic saints preferred this common language
to their own native dialects because they considered it fit for the propagation of their non-conformist ideas among
the masses in various regions. The use common language is a striking feature of the movement considering that saints
belonged to different parts of North India and spoke different dialects.
The monotheists also made use of popular symbols and images to propagate their teachings. Their utterances are
expressed in short verses which could be easy remembered. Thus, for instance, Kabir's poetry is unpolished and has
a rustic, colloquial quality but it is essentially a poetry of the people.
vi) Most of the monotheistic saints were not ascetics. They led worldly life and were married. They lived and preached
among the people. They had aversion to and disdain for professional ascetics.-They frequently refer to professional
caste groups in their verses which would suggest that they continued to pursue their family professions. They were
also not like the medieval European Christian saints who were recognised as "holy" by the Church. The expression
which has been used for them and by which they themselves referred to each other is sant or bhagat. In the adi
Granth, Raidas, Dhanna, Pipa, Namdev, etc. have been listed as bhagat.
vii) The monotheistic saints travelled widely to propagate their beliefs. Namdev, a 14th-century saint from
Maharashtra travelled as far as Punjab where his teachings became so popular that they were later absorbed in the
Adi-Granth.
Kabir, Raidas and other saints are also believed to have travelled widely.
viii) The ideas of Kabir and other monotheists spread to Various regions and became popular among the "lower"
classes. The popularity of the monotheists broke territorial barriers. This is clear from the high position accorded to
Kabir in the Sikh tradition and in the Dadu panthi tradition of Rajasthan. Their continuing popularity even almost
two hundred years after their time and in a distant region is clear from the way a mid-17th century Maharashtra saint
Tukaram looks upon himself as an admirer and follower of Kabir, Raidas, Sen, Gora, etc. A 17th century Persian
work on comparative religion Dabitan-i Mazahib testifies to the continuing popularity of Kabir among the people
of North India.
ix) Despite the widespread popularity that the teachings of monotheists enjoyed among the masses, the followers of
each one of the major figures in the monotheistic movement like Kabir, Raidas and Nanak gradually organized
themselves into exclusive sectarian orders called panths such as Kabir panth, Raidasi panth, Nanak panth, etc. Of
all these panths, the Nanak panth alone eventually crystallised into a mass religion while most of the others continue
to survive till today but with a vastly reduced following and a narrow sectarian base.
Chaitanya (1486-1533) was the most prominent vaishnava saint of Bengal. He popularized Krishna-bhakti in many
parts of Eastern India. His popularity as a religious personality was so great that he was looked upon as an avatara
(incarnation) of Krishna even in his life. The advent of Chaitanya marks the shifting of the focus of the Bengal
vaishnava bhakti from devotional literary compositions to a full-fledged reform movement with a broad social base.
Chaitanya disregarded all distinctions of caste, creed and sex to give a popular base to Krishna-bhakti. His followers
belonged to all castes and communities. One of his most favourite disciples was Haridas who was a Muslim. He
popularized the practice of sankirtan or group devotional singing accompanied by ecstatic dancing.
However, chaitanya did not give up traditional Brahamanical values altogether. He did not question the authority of
the Brahmans and scriptures. He upheld the caste prejudices of his Brahman disciples against the "lower" caste
disciples.
Sanskrit-knowing Brahman Goswamins who were sent by him to Vrindavan near Mathura established a religious
order which recognized caste restrictions in its devotional practices and rituals. These Goswamins gradually distanced
themselves from Chaitanya's teachings and from the popular movement that had grown around him in Bengal.
But Chaitanya's movement had a great impact on Bengali society. His disregard for -caste distinctions in the sphere
of devotional singing promoted a sense of equality in Bengali life. In Bengal and in Puri in Orissa, his movement

remained popular. In these places, his followers were not always scholarly Brahmans but included, common people.
They wrote in Bengali, propagated his bhakti and looked upon Chaitanya as the living Krishna or as Radha and
Krishna in one body.
Regional cultural specificities

Bhakti and Mysticism of Lal Ded emerged as a social force in Kashmir. Comment (10)(2013)
Lalleshwari, Lal Ded, or simply Lalla, as many like to call her, is not just a medieval woman poet in whose verse
we hear the first heart-beats of Kashmiri poetry-she is easily the most popular and most powerful symbol of
Kashmir's civilizational ethos. While her 'vaaks' or verse-sayings continue to dazzle us with their high wattage
incandescence, her role as a spiritual leader who resolved the crisis of her times caused by a clash of two belief and
value systems-one indigenous and the other alien cannot but be regarded as momentous, whether or not history
recognizes its true significance. In both these capacities it was her intervention that ensured continuity and saved
indigenous cultural structures from a total collapse at a time when the advent of Islam in Kashmir was accompanied
by an unprecedented political and social upheaval.
If Lal Ded's immense impact on the Kashmiri mind has practically remained undiminished despite the passage. of
almost seven centuries, it is essentially because of the fusion of the poet and the saint in her, or, to use the words of
Dileep Chitre (which he has used for another great Bhakti poet, Tukaram), because of "a poet's vision of spirituality
and a saint's vision of poetry" that she presents in her verses. We are amazed at her deep sense of compassion, her
mystical insights and spiritual vision, her profound awareness of the human condition and her Shaiva-world view
which makes her look at existence as manifestation of one, indivisible, consciousness. More than anything else, we
are indebted to her for shaping the Kashmiri language in a way that it formed the basis for the Kashmiris to forge
their indigenous cultural identity.
Images and metaphors relating to the concept of Shiva's self-luminosity abound in Shaiva devotional poets, and the
Bata or "darkness" that Lal Ded refers to is the dark Mystical Night of anguish and suffering which ultimately leads
to the Night of Undifferentiatedness.
Lala Ded expresses her mystical feelings-the pangs of separation from Shiva, the passionate urge to unite with Him,
the desperate quest and the frustration of losing the direction, the difficulties of the path, the intensity of suffering
which only strengthens her determination to seem Him face to face and possess Him, the total surrender of will and
the ecstasy of the final beatitude-in imager and metaphors that are powerful and stunningly beautiful:
The first step in this "mystical progression" is, according to Silvia Silburn, self-annihilation or destruction of all
doubt and dualism, and the culmination is communion with the divine, which in Shaiva triadic terminology is self-
realization of one's Shiva-nature, a stage in which nothing remains but Shiva-consciousness-"soruy suy to boh no
kenh" (He is everything, and I am nothing). The ultimate mystical selfrealization in Lal Ded, therefore, means
absorption in Shiva.
But Lal Ded does not remain hovering in the high heaven of mystic experience alone. She has her feet firmly
planted on the earth. There is no tendency in her to separate the experiences of mystical life from the experiences of
ordinary life. Instead of disregarding everyday experiences she elevated herself through it to the ultimate
experience of liberation, which in Trika metaphysics means swatantrya or absolute freedom of will, which is the
nature of Supreme Shiva Himself. Abhinavagupta explains it as expansion of one's self to include the whole
universe. Kashmir Shaivism, it should be noted, does not reject the phenomenal world as unreal or illusory but
regards it to be the self-expression of Shiva-His poem, His work of art, His projection of Himself on a screen which
is also Shiva. Lal Ded's expression of her longing to attain oneness with transcendence, therefore, should be taken
to mean expression of her feeling of unity with Shiva's immanent form also. If "Shiva is all", then to her, He is not
different from the ordinary man we find on the streets-he who laughs and sneezes and coughs and yawns:
Whether or not Lal Ded had a social reformer's zeal, she was strongly egalitarian in her views and was more aware
than most devotional poets about the prevailing social conditions of her times. And, contrary to the generally held
belief that she was unaware of what was happening around her, there is enough evidence in Lalla's vaaks to show

that she was very much conscious of what was going on around her, including the sweeping political changes that
were taking place during her time.
Lal Ded could not have used modern Kashmiri for her poetic expression, but she was modern in many other ways.
She had in her the characteristic modern self-reflectiveness, the insistence on accepting as authentic only what she
herself could experience directly, the broad catholicity of outlook that called for tolerance of diverse views and
made her define her relationship to God in terms of oneness of all existence, the deep existential anguish she felt
while reflecting on the human condition. She was modern in the universality of her concerns, in her choice of
metaphor and image, in her rejection of every kind of sham and pretence, in her fearless assertion of what she saw
as truth. Indeed, at times it appears that she is more modern then most of the contemporary Kashmiri poets.
Lal Ded's struggle as a woman has been largely overlooked. She may not have been a conscious feminist in the
sense the term is understood today, but she did show the courage of resisting the oppressive structures of patriarchy
and refusing to play the traditional role of a submissive daughter-in-law. Rebelling against social tyranny, she broke
the shackles that bind a woman even before her birth, and asserted her right of taking her own decisions. She
challenged the orthodoxy and threw the rigid codes of dress and decorum followed by the medieval society of her
times to the winds and roamed about with barely any clothes on like the great Kannada Shaivite poetess,
Mahadeviakka. Perhaps it was her last act of defiance against a social set-up whose arbitrary and gender
discriminatory rules she did not find acceptable.
Influence of Islamic Ideas

Many scholars have argued that all the variants of the bhakti mov ement and the doctrine of bhakti itself came into
being as a result of Islamic influence both before" and after the 12th century. This claim has been made on the
basis of many similarities between Islam and the bhakti cults. On the other hand, it is pointed out that bhakti and
bhakti movements had indigenous origins. It has been noted above that bhakti as a religious concept had developed
in the religious traditions of ancient India.
Islam did influence the bhakti cults and, in particular the popular monotheistic movements in other ways. Non-
conformist saints such as Kabir and Nanak picked up some of their ideas from Islam. These include their
noncompromising faith in one God, their rejection of incarnation, their conception of nirguna bhakti and their
attack on idolatry and the caste system. The vaishnava bhakti movements, on the other hand, cannot be
interpretation in terms of ouch an influence of Islam as they neither denounced idolatry and the caste system nor the
theory of incarnation. They believed in saguna bhakti. The relationship between monotheistic bhakti movement
and Islam seems to have been one of mutual influence and sufism provided the common meeting ground. Sufi
concepts of pir and mystic union with the "beloved" (God) coincided in many respects with the non-conformist saints'
concepts of guru and devotional surrender to God. Kabir is even believed to have had affiliations .
with Chishti sufi saints, though concrete historical evidence is lacking. Guru Nanak's encounters with sufis are
described in the janam-sakhis. Though the sufism and the monotheistic movement were historically independent of
each other, t here was remarkable similarity in many of their basic ideas, including their common rejection of Hindu
and Muslim orthodoxies. The interaction between them, however indirect, must have given impetus to both of them.
SALIENT FEATURES OF SUFISM

There developed a number of sufi orders Or silsila in and outside India. All these orders had their specific
characteristics. However, there were a number of features which are common to all sufi orders .
i) Sufism as it developed in the Islamic world came to stress the importance of traversing the path (tariqa) as a method
of establishing direct communion with divine reality (haqiqat).
ii) The novice has to pass through a succession of "stations" or "stages"(maqamat) and changing psychological
conditions or "states" (hal) to experience God.
iii) The sufi path could be traversed only under the strict supervision of a spiritual director (sheikh, pir or murshid)
who had himself successfully traversed it and consequently established direct communion with God.
iv) The disciple progressed through the "stages" and "states" by practising such spiritual exercises as self
mortification, recollection of God's name to attain concentration (zikr) and contemplation.
v) The practice of sama was intended to induce a mystical state of ecstasy.

vi) Yet another feature of sufism is the organisation of the sufi into various orders (silsilah). Each of these silsilah
e.g. suhrawardi, Qadiri, Chishti, etc. were founded by a leading figure who lent his name to it. A silsilah consisted of
persons who had become disciples of a particular sufi.
vii) The hospice (khanqah) was the centre of the activities of a sufi order. It was the place where the imparted spiritual
training to his disciples. The popularity of the khaqah and its capacity to attract disciples depended on the reputation
of the pir.
GROWTH OF SUFISM IN INDIA

“Sufis and medieval mystic saints failed to modify either the religious ideas and practices or the outward
structure of Islamic/Hindu societies to any appreciable extent. (20) (2015)
Hujwiri d.c. (A.D. 1088) was the earliest sufi of eminence to have settled in India. His tomb is in Lahore. He was the
author of Kashf-ul Mawub. However, various sufi orders were introduced in India only after the establishment of
the Delhi Sultanate in beginning of the 13th century. India not only provided a dew pasture ground for the propagation
of sufi ideas but also became the new home of the sufi who along with many other refugees fled from those parts of
the Islamic world ,which had been conquered by the-Mongols in the thirteenth century. During the 13th and 14th
centuries, khanqahs sprang up in various parts of India. The sufi introduced various orders in India from the Islamic
world, built up their own organizations. By the middle of the century, the entire country from Multan to Bengal and
from Punjab to Deogiri had come under the sphere of their activity. According to the observation of an early 14th
century traveller, there were two thousand sufi hospices in Delhi and its neighbourhood.
Sufism in India originally stemmed from the sufi thought and practice as it developed in various parts of the Islamic
world, especially in Iran and Central Asia.
However, its subsequent development was influenced more by Indian environment than by non-Indian variants of
sufism. Once the sufi orders took root in different parts of India, they followed their own phases of growth, stagnation
and revival. These were determined largely by indigenous circumstances, though the influence
of developments in sufism outside India cannot altogether be discounted.
SUFI ORDERS IN INDIA DURING THE SULTANATE PERIOD
The Suhrawardi Silsilah

The Suhrawardi silsilah was a major order of the Sultanate period. Its founder in . India was Shaikh Bahauddin
Zakariya (1182-1262). He was a Khurasami and was a disciple of Shahabuddin Suhrawardi who had initiated the
silsilah in Baghdad and was directed by the latter to proceed to India. He made Multan and Sind the centres of his
activity. Thus, one of the oldest khanqahs in India was started by him at Multan. Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya as
critical of Qubacha's administration and openly sided with Iltmish in his conflict against the Multan ruler's overthrow.
Bahauddin Zakariya received from lltutmish the title of Shaikh-ul Islam (Leader of Islam) and endowment. Contrary
to the chishti saints of time, he followed a worldly policy and built up a large fortune, He accepted-State patronage
and maintained links with the ruling classes.
However, during the later period many independent sufi lines stemmed from him and some of them came to be
known as ‘beshara’ (illegitimate orders).
In addition to Shaikh Bahuddin-Zakariya, many other Khalifas were designated by Shaikh Shahabuddin Suhrawardi
to spread the Suhrawardi silsila in India. One of them was Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi. After his initial stay in Delhi,
where he failed to establish his supremacy, he went to Bengal. He established his khanqah there and made many
disciples. He attached a linger (centre for the distribution of free meals) to his khanqah. He is said to have played an
important role in the process of Islamization in Bengal.
During the Sultanate period, Punjab, Sind and Bengal became three important centres of the Suhrawardi activity.
Scholars are generally of the opinion that the Suhrawardi sut5s converted Hindus to Islam and in this task they were
helped by their affluence and connections with the ruling class. In this connection, a sharp contrast is drawn between
their attitude and that of the Chishti sufies whose teachings did not aim at conversion.
The Chishti Silsilah

The growth of the Chisti order in India during the Sultanate period took place in two phases. The first phase ended
with the death of Shaikh Nasiruddin (Chiragh-i- Delhi) in 1356. The second phase is marked by its initial decline

during the later part of the 14th century followed by revival and expansion in various parts of the country during the
15th and l6th centuries.
First Phase
Evaluate the Malfuzat texts sources of medieval history (10)(2013)
The Chishti order which later became the most influential and popular sufi order in India, originated in Herat and
was introduced in India by Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti (d. 1236) who was born in Sijisian in c. 1141. He came to
India at the time of the Ghori conquest. finally settled in Ajmer about 1206 and won the respect of both Muslims and
non-Muslims. No authentic record of his activities is available.
During the later period, many legends projected him as an ardent evangelist. However, he was not actively involved
in conversions and his attitude towards non-Muslims was one of tolerance. His tomb in Ajmer became a famous
centre of pilgrimage in later centuries.
The successor of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti in Delhi was Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki (d. 1235). Shaikh
Hamidduddin Nagauri (d. 1274), another Khalifa of Shaikh Muinuddin (Chishti, made Nagaur in Rajasthan centre
of his activity. Shaikh' Hamiduddin Nagauri established the silsilah in Nagaur where he lived like an ordinary
Rajasthani peasant and dissociated himself from those in authority. He was a strict vegetarian. He and his successors
translated many Persian sufi verses in the local language called Hindavi : these are earliest examples of translations
of this kind.
Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki was succeeded in Delhi by his Khalifa, Khwaja Fariduddin Masud (1175-1265)
known as Ganjshakar and more popularly as Baba Farid. Baba Farid left Delhi for Ajodhan in Punjab and lived in
his khanqah there.
He despised association with the ruling class and rich persons. Nathpanthi yogis also visited his khanqah and
discussed with him the nature of mysticism. His popularity in Punjab is clear from the fact that more than three
hundred years after his death, verses ascribed to him Were included in the Adi Granth compiled by the fifth Sikh
Guru, Arjun, in 1604. His tomb at Pakpatan soon developed into a centre of pilgrimage.
The most celebrated disciple of Baba Farid and the greatest sufi saint of the 14th century was Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya (1236-1325). He made Delhi the most famous centre of the Chishti order. Two historians Ziauddin Barani
and Amir Khusrau, who were his contemporaries, testify to his eminent position in the social and religious life of
India during the late 13th and early 14th centuries. Later. his successors spread the Chishti order in various parts of
the country. His teachings and conversations (malfuzat) are recorded in Fawaid-ul Fuwad written by Amir Hasan
Sijzi. This work serves more as a guide to practical aspects of Sufism than as a treatise on its metaphysical and
theosophical aspects. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya saw the reigns of seven successive Sultans of Delhi. But he always
avoided the company of the kings and nobles and never visited the court. The langar (an alms-house for the
distribution of free food) of his khanqah was open to Hindus and Muslims alike. In his khanqah, he had many
conversations with the Nathpanthi yogi visitors. He adopted many yoga, breathing exercises and was called a sidh
(perfect) by the yogis. Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) was a devoted disciple of Shaikh Mizamuddin Auliya.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya had many spiritual successors or Khlifas. One of them was Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib
(d. 1340) who was one of those sufis who were forced by Sultan Muhammed Tughalaq to migrate to the Deccan. He
made Daulatabad centre of his activities and introduced the Chishti order there.
The most famous of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya's Khalifas and his successor in Delhi was Shaikh Nasiruddin
Mahmud (d. 1356) who came to be known as Chiragh-i Delhi (Lamp of Delhi). He and some of his disciples
discontinued some of those practices of early Chishtis which could clash with Islamic orthodoxy and, in turn;
persuaded the ulema to soften their attitude towards the Chishti practice of sama.
Decline of the Chishti Order in Delhi During the Later Tughluq and Saiyyid Periods Some scholars hold the
view that the decline of Delhi as a centre of the Chishti order was due to the attitudes and policies of Sultan
Muhammad Tughluq. However, it must be pointed out that the Sultan was not opposed to the sufis per se.
Second Phase
The second phase in the history of the Chishti silsilah during the Sultanate period began with its decline in Delhi
following the death of Shaikh Nasiruddin and its subsequent dispersal in various regional kingdoms. Though the sufis
had begun to arrive in the Deccan from the late 13th century, it was Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib who introduced the
Chishti order there during the reign of Muhammad Tughluq.
Later, several Chishti sufis migrated to Gulbarga, the capital of the Bahmani kingdom (1347-1538). In Gulbarga,
these sufis developed close relations with the court and accepted state patronage, thus causing a change in the attitude
of the Chishti order towards the state. The Bahmani kings, on their part, purchased the political loyalty of these sufi
and gave land grants to them. The most prominent of these Chishtis was Muhammad Banda Nawaz, Gesudaraz. (c
1321-1422). He left for the Deccan and received land grant of four villages from Bahmani Sultan, Feroz Shah
Bahmani (1397-1422). He was an orthodox sufi and declared the supremacy of lslamic law (Shariat) over all sufi
stages. Gesudaraz discontinued many practices of early Chishtis which clashed with the attitudes of orthodox ulema.
Unlike the early Chishti masters, he was a voluminous writer on tasawwuf. After his death, the
Bahmani Sultans continued the land grants in favour of his family descendants. His tomb or dargah in Gulbarga later
developed into a popular place of pilgrimage in the Deccan. But the transformation of his descendants into a landed
elite and their indifference towards Chishti teachings led to the decline of living Chishti tradition in Gulbarga. The
change of Bahmani capital from Gulbarga to Bidar in 1422 also contributed to the decline of the Chishti order in
Gulbarga. It has been pointed out that the Bahamani Court at Bidar, owing to its pro-foreigner and anti-Deccani bias,
encouraged the immigration of foreign sufis and did not patronise the Chishtis who were considered "pro Indian".
However. the Chishti tradition began to thrive again in the Deccan from the end of the 15th century and it continued
to grow during 16th and 17th centuries. Its new centre was a place popularly known as Shahpur Hillock, just outside
the city of Bijapur-the capital city of the Adil Shahi Sultans.
What was the role of Sufi Folk literature in the diffusion of Islam in India in general and in Deccan in particular.
(15) (2018)
The sufi poetry in particular acquired the form of popular songs or work songs sung by women in the villages while
performing domestic chores. Interestingly, an important characteristic of vernacular sufi poetry is the use of feminine
voice by the male sufi poets. In particular, it is found in Punjabi, Sindhi, early Urdu poetry composed in Deccan, as
well as Rekhti ghazals (love songs) from Lucknow. In many of such poems, the woman is taken as a symbol of the
human soul. Moreover, the sufi poets employed the trope or literary motif of virahini (a women separated from her
husband or beloved and longing to be united with him), which symbolized the yearning human soul longing to be
united with the Divine. The motif of virahini was borrowed from Hindi-Sanskrit literary traditions. The sufis took
advantage of the popularity of this motif, and employed it in varied forms within the complex sufi context. By
employing this motif, the sufis “indigenized their poetry to the literary tastes of their local Indian audiences.” The
vernacular sufi literature greatly contributed to the dissemination of the teachings, values and ethics of Sufism and
Islam among the common people. The sufi folk literature including poetry provided a vital link between Hindus and
Muslims, since the abstract sufi doctrines were translated in easily comprehensible and appealing form through this
literature, which became popular among the illiterate Hindus and Muslims alike. In addition, the sufi folk literature
played a vital role in the expansion of Islam. In premodern times, poetry was “practically the only vehicle for
influencing the illiterate masses. . . Poetry was the daily bread for millions of people who formed their Weltbild
according to the picture presented to them by the poets.” These sufi poets played a crucial role in influencing and
molding the worldview of the common people, who internalized the sufi teachings and ethics through the sufi verses
orally transmitted to them.
Hindavi represented the assimilation and social integration of various social groups and classes. Realizing that they
could not reach the common people through Persian or Arabic, the sufis employed the local languages and dialects,
including the Hindi and Hindavi, for dissemination of the message of Islam and Sufism. So the literary compositions
by the sufis played an important role in linguistic indignization.
Dakhani Dakhani, written in Perso-Arabic script, is the vernacular dialect of early Urdu spoken in Deccan particularly
by the Muslims. The renowned Chishti sufi of Bijapur, Shah Miranji Shams al-Ushshaq (d. 1499) and his successors
“established the Dakhani language as a recognized medium of sufi literature,” and were “credited with contributing
to the respectability and standardization of an evolving vernacular language.” Miranji’s poetic works include Maghz-
i Marghub, Khush-nama and Khush Naghz. His son, Shah Burhan al-Din Janam (d. 1597) and Burhan al-Din’s
khalifa, Shaykh Mahmud Khush Dahan (d. 1617), and a later Chishti sufi, Mahmud Bahri (d. 1717-18) used Dakhani
for composing poetical works. Vernacularization of Islam and Sufism
The folk poetry composed by the sufis in Dakhani include chakki-nama (songs sung by women while grinding food
grains at the grindstone/millstone or chakki), charkha-nama (songs sung by women while spinning thread at the
spinning wheel or charkha), lori-nama (lullaby), shadi-nama (wedding song), and suhagan-nama (married-women’s
song), etc. These songs were sung by women while performing their domestic chores, but these songs also
disseminated the sufi doctrines in a simple manner among the illiterate masses. Referring to the Chakki-nama
attributed to Khwaja Bandanawaz Gesudiraz, in which chakki or millstone is employed as a metaphor, the daily
chores become “a means of understanding abstract values and higher reality.” It is important to note that long before
the advent of Islam in the Deccan plateau, the tradition of folk poetry related to domestic works performed by the
women already existed.
It would not be incorrect to assert that literary genres such as kafi, doha or dohra and chakkinama as well as devotional
songs in vernacular languages including Sindhi, Punjabi and Dakhani were generally composed by the sufis. These
literary contributions of the sufis not only disseminated sufi doctrines but also played a crucial role in cultural
rapprochement among various sections of the Indian society.
SOCIAL ROLE OF THE SUFIS

The Sufis and the State
The exception of the early Chishti sufies and the Chistis of the Shahpur Hillock in the Bijapur Kingdom, the sufis,
be ongoing to most, of the other silsilah, including the later Chistis, were involved in the affairs of the state and
accepted state endowments. There are instances of expression of disagreement by Chishti sufis over the policies
pursued by individual Sultans as during the reign of Muhammad Tughlaq. While the sufis belonging to other sufi
groups served the state machinery by becoming an integral part of it, the early Chishtis created a milieu in which
people belonging to different classes and religious communities could live in harmony. The sufis, including the great
Chishti masters of the early period, never questioned the existing political system and the class structure. At the most,
they advised the state officials to bow leniency in collecting land revenue from the peasants. On the other hand, they
did not forbid their ordinary followers from seeking state favours and involvement in the affairs of the court. It was
perhaps due to these limitations of the otherwise radical sufi order that the later transition within the Chishti silsilah
to the acceptance of, state patronage and involvement in court politics was a smooth
Sufis and the Ulema
The attitude of mutual distrust between the two continued during the Sultanate period, though orthodox sufi orders
such as the Surawardi, the Qadiri, etc. pandered to the ulema. The ulema were in particular hostile to the early
Chishti s u b and their practices. He pronounced against the Chishti practice of -a and objected to the Chishti quest
for religious synthesis. However, Chishti sufis such as Shaikh Nasiruddin (Chiragh-i Delhi) and Gesudaraz gave an
orthodox , orientation to the Chishti order to mitigate the hostility of the ulema towards the Chishti practices. It
appears that as the Chishtis began to involve themselves in court politics and accept state endowments, they adopted
doctrinal attitudes similar to those of the ulema.
Sufis and Conversions
The sufis of the Sultanate period have been generally considered as propagators of Islam in India. Several traditions
and legends of the later medieval period also represented the sufis as active missionaries. The later histographic
accounts of the life of Shaikh Muinuddin Chishti showed him as being actively involved in the conversion of non-
Muslims to Islam. Similarly, the first sufis who entered the Deccan in the late 13th century and early 14th century
have been portrayed in the later legends as militant champions of Islam who waged a jihad (war against non-
Muslims). There were certain active evangelists among the Suhrawardi sufies. Mir Saiyyid Ali Hamadan and his
followers who entered Kashmir in the 14th century were also imbued with proselytizing zeal though they did not
achieve much success in their mission. However, it must be pointed out that conversion of non-Muslims to Islam was
not a part of the activities of all the sufies. Shaikh Muinuddin Chishti was not an evangelist and was not actively
involved in conversions. His attitude and that of his spiritual successors towards non-Muslims was one of tolerance.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia on one occasion observed that many Hindus considered Islam a true religion but did not
accept it. He was also of the view that every religious community had its own path and faith and its own way of
worship. Also, there is little historical evidence to show that the early sufis in the Deccan were warriors fighting for
the expansion of Islam.
However, large number of non-Muslims, especially from the low castes, were attracted to the sufis and later to
their dargahs where they belonged to the wider circle of devotees. There they gradually came under the influence of
Islamic precepts which eventually led to their Islamization. Later, the descendants of many groups which were
Islamized claimed that their ancestors were converted to Islam by one or another medieval sufi. Such a claim seems
to have been motivated by their desire to establish their long association with the dargah of the sufi and their long
standing in Islam.
THE SUFI AND THE BHAKTI MOVEMENTS AND CULTURAL SYNTHESIS

“Bhakti and Sufi movements served the same social purpose.” Discuss. (15)(2017)

The interaction between the two is clear from the remarkable similarities between the two. These similarities included
emphasis on monotheism, on the role of the spiritual guide (pir or guru) and on mystical union with God.
Moreover, both the Bhakti saints and many orders were critical of the orthodox elements in Hinduism and Islam
respectively. One prominent example of the influence of the bhakti movement on sufism is offered by the Rishi order
in Kashmir. Here, the non-conformist ideas of the famous 14th century women, bhakti-preacher, Lal Ded, exercised
profound influence on the founder of the order Shaikh Nuruddin.
The interaction between the Chishti sufis and the nathpanthi during the Sultanate period is a well established fact.
The movement of the nathpanthis had attained considerable' popularity in Northern India, in particular among the
lower sections of the society, during the 13th and 14th centuries. The nathpanthi yogi’s frequently visited the
khanqahs. Chishtis' approved some of the ethical values of the nathpanthi yogis. Like the Chishtis, the nathpanthis
had opened their doors to all sections of society, irrespective of caste distinctions. The common outlook of the two
popular movements provided basis for mutual understanding between Muslims and non-Muslims.
The adaptability of the Chishtis in the non-muslim environment of India released syncretic forces and add to cultural
synthesis. Many early spoke Hindawi and composed versed in it. The sufi folk literature of the later times was a mix
of the simplest precepts of Islam and same terminology and the existing popular imagery and idiom and, thus,
contributed to the growth of eclectic religious life, particularly in the rural areas. The Chhisti practice of sama
provided the basis for a syncretic musical tradition such as the repertoire of religious songs called qawwali which is
said to have begun with Amir Khusrau.
ARCHITECTURE
The most important source for the study of architecture is the surviving remains of buildings themselves. Through
these enable us to grasp architectural techniques and styles peculiar to our period, it offers little help in understanding
other related aspects of architecture such as the role of the architects and the drawings and
estimates and accounts of the buildings.
New Structural Forms
Arch and Dome : we observe that the incidence of masonry building-including civilian housing in towns-increases
significantly after the 13th century. This was primarily possible due to the use of lime-mortar as the basic cementing
material. The building of true arch required stones or bricks to be laid as voussoirs in the shape of a curve and bound
together firmly by a good binding material. The binding material was lime-mortar.
The result of the introduction of the new technique was that the pre-Turkish forms;' lintel and beam and corbelling,
were replaced by true arches and vaults and the spired roofs (shikhad) by domes. Arches are made in a variety of
shapes, but in India the pointed form of the Islamic world was directly inherited. And sometime in second quarter of
the 14th century, another variant of the pointed form, the four-centred arch, was introduced by the Tughluqs in their
buildings. lt remained in vogue till the end of the Sultanate
The pointed arch was adopted in the Islamic world quite early due to its durability and ease of construction. The usual
method of raising a pointed arch was to erect a light centering and place one layer of bricks over it. This layer
supported another thin layer of flat bricks over which radiating voussoirs of the arch were fixed in mortar. These two
bottom layers of brick-work would, if needed, act as permanent shuttering for the arch. It may be noted here that the
employment of bricks instead of an all-wood centering was a feature typical of regions deficient in reserves of wood
such as West Asia and even India.
But the construction of dome demanded especial techniques. The problem was to find a suitable method for
converting the square or rectangular top of the walls of the room into a circular base for raising a spherical dome. The
best way to overcome this problem was to convert the square plan into a polygon by the use of squinches across the
corners. Later, in the fifteenth century, stalactite pendentives came to be used for the same purpose
Building Material : It is a curious fact that there are very few instances of early Turkish buildings in India where
newly quarried material has been employed by the architects. The fashion was to use richly carved capitals, columns,
shafts and lintels from pre,-Turkish buildings. In India, towards the beginning of the 14th century when the supply
of such material had exhausted, buildings were raised by using originally queried or manufactured material. In the
masonry work, stone has been used abundantly. The foundations are-mostly of rough and small rubble or, wherever
it is available, of river boulders, while the superstructure is of dressed stone or roughly shaped coarsed stonework.
However, .in either case, the buildings were plastered all over. In the buildings of the Khalji period a new method of
stone masonry was used. This consisted of laying stones in two different courses, that is headers and stretchers. This
system was retained in subsequent buildings and became a characteristic of the building technique of the Mughals.

The material commonly used for plastering buildings was gypsum. Apparently lime-plaster was reserved for places
that needed to be secured against the leakage of water, such as roofs, indigo-vats, canals, drains, etc. In the later
period, i.e. around 15th century, when highly finished stucco work became common, gypsum mortar was preferred
for plaster work on the walls and the ceiling living beings was generally frowned upon, the elements of decoration
were, in most cases, limited :
a) calligraphy, b) Bebetry, and c) foliation.
It was by their contribution that a rich and sumptuous effect was obtained in the Sultanate buildings. characteristically
enough no one type of decoration was reserved for a particular type of building; on the contrary, these pan-Islamic
decorative principle8 were used for all kinds of buildings in the Delhi Sultanate. Calligraphy is an important element
of the decorative art in the buildings of this period. The Qurania sayings are inscribed on buildings in an angular,
sober and monumental script, known as kufi. They may be found in any part of the building-frames of the doors,
ceilings, wall panels, niches etc, and in variety of materials-tone, stucco and painting
Painting
The history of painting in the Sultanate period is obscure compared with its architecture. This is due primarily to the
non-availability of any surviving specimens for at least the first hundred years of the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate. Equally surprising is the absence of illuminated books, an art carried to supreme height in the Islamic
world by 1200. We now know that not only book illumination but murals too were executed during the Sultanate
period.
MUSIC
The development of music as an art form in Delhi Sultanate took a back seat compared with the growth of architecture
and painting. Moreover. the history of music during this period suffers from a serious handicap- the lack of
documentation. Historical references are scattered and scanty and most of the modern day writings are speculative
rather than historically substantive. They are replete with fables and legends about music in the Sultanate period.
The 14th century is perhaps the most important period in the history of the Delhi Sultanate from the point of view of
music, That music in some form was practiced in the courts of the early Sultans is, however, not improbable.
Kaiqubad had built for himself a magnificent palace at Kilugarhi. The courtly 'revels included dancing and singing
of Persian and Hindi songs by beautiful girls. But it was Amir Khusrau who has left an enduring mark on the music
not only of the Sultanate but of India as a whole. Amir Khusrau was the disciple of the great sun saint Shaikh
Nizamuddin Aulia of Delhi. He was also the court poet of Alauddin Khalji who was himself very fond of music. The
genius of Amir Khusrau in the sphere of music was mainly utilised in innovating new compositions as well as in
assimilating different forms of music prevalent in his time. He is credited with having introduced the qawwali mode
of singing into the countryside for the first time. several of our modem rags like Zilaph, Sazgiri and Sarparda, etc.,
produced by combining Persian and Indian tunes.
Khayal form of singing by abandoning the traditional dhrupad. a new musical instrument called sitar by combining
the old Indian vina and the Iranian tambura.
Modifications in the conventional percussion instrument mridang to bifurcate it into two and call the tabla.
The changes introduced by Amir Khusrau had far-reaching social consequences in bringing together people of two
divergent creeds.
Provincial architecture
REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE
'The regional styles of architecture came into vogue usually after these states had thrown off the allegiance to Delhi
and proceeded to develop a form suiting their individual requirements. They were distinct from the Indo-Islamic style
practiced at Delhi and often displayed definitely original qualities. In the areas which had a strong indigenous tradition
of workmanship in masonry, regional styles of Islamic architecture produced the most elegant structures. On the other
hand where these traditions were not so pronounced, the buildings constructed for the regional states
were less distinctive. In some cases totally novel tendencies, independent of both the indigenous and the imperial
Sultanate traditions. are also visible.
Eastern India
It is interesting that the development of the earliest regional style in architecture should have taken place at the other
end of the subcontinent, in eastern India. In fact there did emerge two major strands of architectural style in this
region viz., in Bengal and in Jaunpur, both of which witnessed the rise of regional states.

Bengal : The establishment of an independent Muslim power in Bengal rook place within a gap of five year since
the capture of Delhi by the Turks. But an independent building style, distinct from the one prevalent at Delhi,
developed at the beginning of the fourteenth century and lasted for a period of nearly 250 years.
Bengal style spread in all parts of the region, but most of the prominent buildings were located within the boundary
of the Malda district which had been the strategic centre of the region due, to the confluence of the two rivers, the
Ganga and the Mahananda. Here lie the remains of the two principal cities - Gaur and Pandua - which, in turn, enjoyed
the status of the capital seat of the regional ruling power. In our effort to understand the distinctive features of the
architectural style of this region we have to depend mostly on the buildings extant in these two cities and a few
important examples elsewhere.
The building art of Bengal is generally divided into the following three phases of which the first two are considered
preliminary stages and the third its ultimate development into a specific style.
The first phase is from A.D. 1200-1340 (During most of this time Gaur was the capital seat. Only in later years it was
shifted to Pandua). The second extended from A.D. 1340 to 1430, and The .third phase fro7 A.D. 1442 to 1576 when
the Mughals captured the province. During this phase the capital was shifted back to Gaur.
Similarly, the second phase is also deficient in data as it is represented by a solitary example. But this building
Adina Masjid at Pandua (built 1364) - surpasses all other Islamic structures) in Bengal in size. It introduces two new
features in the architectural style :
the "drop" arch, having span greater than its radius, and centres at the import level, and the method of raising the roof
in a system of arched-bays. The bricks in these pendentives were set diagonally in each alternate course in such a
manner that their homers project and help in the transition from a square to a circular base.
Gujarat : This regional style flourished for a period of some two hundred and fifty years beginning early the 14th
century. The founders of Gujarat style of Indo-Islamic architecture were in fact the governors of the Khalji Sultans
of Delhi.
There were three different phases of the Gujar style :
The first phase lasting for the first half of the 14th'century marked by the demolition of the Hindu temples and their
reconversion into muslim buildings.
The second phase prevailing mostly during the first half of the 15th century and showing signs of maturity of a
distinctive style. Here it is important to remember that the Gujarat style of architecture is the most indigenous in
character. In some of the finer examples of this style considerable portions of the buildings are in fact adaptations
from either Hindu or Jain temples.
The essence of Gujarat style will be easily understood if you envisage a scheme of construction where the structure
of a temple is fitted into the sanctuary of the mosque in the form of central compartment. Almost all the mosques
from the second and third phase are composed in this manner.
Central India
In Central India, the development of Indo-Islamic architecture remained confined within the Malwa region which
became an independent kingdom at the turn of the 15th century. But, unlike other regions, the Muslim rulers of Malwa
did not inherit any strong tradition of visual art. The result was that, to carry out their building projects skilled and
experienced artisans were summoned from as distant a place as Delhi who incorporated various styles prevalent at
Delhi. It was only in the later period that original elements of architecture were developed and decorative motifs of
their own were adopted in the buildings of the Malwa rulers which gave them a distinctive appearance.
Deccan
The Indo-Islamic architecture that developed in the Deccan from 14th century onwards under the Bahmanis acquired
a definitely regional character quite early in its growth. But this architecture followed a different pattern in evolution
than other regional styles. As opposed to the growth of regional styles in Northern India, architecture in the Deccan
seems to have ignored to a very large extent the pre-Islamic art traditions of the region.
In practice, the Deccan style of architecture consisted basically of the fusion of :
a) the architectural system in vogue at Delhi under the Sultans, particularly the Tughluq form, and
b) an entirely extraneous source that is, the architecture of Persia. The architectural developments in the Deccan may
be divided broadly into three phases corresponding on each occasion to a change in the seat of the government. The
first phase begins in 1347 at the capital city of Gulbarga. Second phase begins in 1425 when the seat of power is

transferred to the city of Bidar. And finally, with the change of capital again in 1512 to the city of Golconda, begins
the third phase lasting till 1687, the year of Mughal conquest.
a) Gulbarga : Gulbarga became the seat of an independent kingdom in 1347 under Alauddin Bahaman. With this
began the first phase of architectural development in the Deccan. The early structures, however, did not as yet
represent a distinctive style of the Deccan Islamic architecture. For the most part they followed the contemporary
Tughluq architecture of the North. The Jami Masjid (1367) inside the Gulbarga fort was, however, different and
unique. The central designing idea lay in reversing all the architectural principles of mosques with a courtyard. Thus,
in the Jami Masjid of Gulbarga the conventional design of the courtyard was filled with small cupolas supported by
arches placed close together. But this design was never repeated. Possibly the unorthodox plan of this mosque did
not find favour with the traditionalists.
b) Bidar : The Bahmani capital was transferred to Bidar, a fortress town, in 1425 by ruler Ahmad Shah. Soon the
new capital saw a flurry of building activity as within its walls sprang up palaces with large audience halls and
hammams, mosques, a madrasa, and royal tombs. Moreover, this change of capital largely ' eliminated the
architectural influence of Delhi. The new buildings show a strong contemporary Iranian influence. The substantive
style of architecture was now composed of forms very largely borrowed from Iran, but modified and adopted to suit
local conditions. They did not, of course, abandon the Indo-Islamic traditions altogether. Some important features of
Bidar style may thus be listed below : Since colour was the characteristic feature of Iranian architecture, palaces at
Bidar show a brilliant scheme of the use of coloured tiles and the mural painting. The glazed tiles which cuffed the
exteriors were imported by sea from Iran. There is a distinctive /change in the shape of some of the domes in the
buildings at Bidar. They are constricted in the lower contour and thus become the fore-runners of bulbous domes of
the Mughals. The drums of these project the domes in full view.
Vijaynagar has an extraordinary history. It was born out of the incursions into the Deccan and even further south of
the Delhi Sultanate. The capital, the famous Vijaynagar, was founded in about 1336 on the banks of the river
Tungabhadra.
Vijaynagar, now desert, is one of the most important historical and architectural sites as it is the only Hindu city from
the pre-modern period of which extensive remains still exist. The Vijaynagar style of architecture was
distributed throughout south India, but the finest and most characteristic group of buildings is to be seen in the city
of Vijaynagar itself. This city, in fact, had a great advantage as a site for large scale building activity in that it abounds
in granite and a dark green chlorite stone, both used extensively as building material. The use of monolithic multiple
pier in the temple at Vijaynagar testify this fact. The expanse of the city of Vijaynagar at the height of its glory
measured some 26 sq. km., and it was enclosed with a stone wall. Besides palaces and temples, the city had extensive
waterworks and many secular buildings such as elephant stables and the Lotus Mahal. The basic dements of
Vijaynagar style are listed thus :
The use of pillars for architectural as well as decorative purpose is on an unprecedented scale.
Numerous composites are used in raising the pillars, but the most striking and also the most frequent is one in which
the shaft becomes a central core with which is attached an unpraised animal of a supernatural kind resembling a horse
or a hippogryph Another distinguishing feature is the use of huge reverse-curve eaves at the cornice. This feature
has been borrowed into the style from the Deccan and gives the pavillions a dignified appearance.
As noted above, pillars form an integral part of Vijaynagar architecture, almost all of which have ornnamental
brackets as their capitals. Usually this bracket is a pendant known as bodegai in local parlance. This pendant, in
Vijaynagar style, is elaborated into the volute terminating in an inverted lotus band. The occurrence of this pendant
is a index reliable of the building in the Vijaynagar group.
SANSKRIT LITERATURE
It is generally believed that the loss of official patronage caused the decline of Sanskrit literature during the Sultanate
period. While it is true that Persian replaced Sanskrit as the official language, there was no quantitative decline in the
production of Sanskrit literary works as such. The period is remarkable for the immense production of literary works
in different branches of Sanskrit literature kavya (poetical narrative), religion and philosophy, grammar, drama,
stories, medicine, astronomy, commentaries and digests on the Law Books (Dharamashastras) and other classical
Sanskrit works. Nor was the loss of official patronage to Sanskrit absent for there were sf111 many kings who
patronized Sanskrit poets--especially in South India and Rajastan. But while sanskrit works continued to be produced
in large number, there seems to be a marked decline in the quality of these works. This decline had set in before the

establishment of the Sultanate and became more pronounced during the sultanate period. There was not much
originality in most of the Sanskrit works that appeared during this period. Much of the Sanskrit writing was
wearisomely repetitive, artificial and forced. Sanskrit works on religious themes were often characterised by
metaphysical speculations. Biographical works were mainly in the form of heroic ballads which contained
hagiographical details and stories of romance. Sanskrit lost the patronage of the new Persian speaking ruling - class
but the Sultanate did not interfere with the independent production of Sanskrit literary works. In fact, the introduction
of paper during the Sultanate period gave an impetus to the literary activity of reproduction and dissemination of
already existing Sanskrit texts such as Ramayana and the Mahabharata.
South India, Bengal and Western India played the leading role in the production of Sanskrit 'literary works. The
Vijaynagar kings patronised Sanskrit poets. The Jain scholars in Western India also contributed to the growth of
Sanskrit literature. The most famous Jain scholars of Sanskrit literature in Western India was Hemachandra Suri who
belonged to the 12th century. Mithila in northern Bihar developed into yet another centre of Sanskrit. Later, towards
the end of the Sultanate period and during the Mughal period, the Chaitanya movement in Bengal and Orissa
contributed to the production of Sanskrit works in several fields - drama, champu (a mixed form of verse and prose),
grammar, etc. Many Rajput rulers patronised Sanskrit poets. These poets wrote the family histories of their patrons
in the classical form of a Sanskrit eulogy. The writings of these family histories followed a set formula and became
an established trend during this period. Some of the Sanskrit works such as Prithvirajavijaya and
Hammirmahakavya are well known. A number of historical poems are on Muslim rulers, e.g., Rajavinoda -- a
biography of Sultan Mahmud Begarha of Gujarat written by his court poet, Udayaraja. Kalhan's Rajatarangini (12th
century), which presents the history of Kashmir kings, was followed in the Sultanate period by a second
Rajatarangini by Jonaraja who wrote the history of Kashmir kings from Jayasimha to Sultan Zainul Abedin (1420-
1470). A third Rajatarangini was written by Srivara who wrote the history of Kashmir down to A.D. 1486. All these
works present eulogistic: accounts of their patrons but they contain useful historical material, too. In addition to these
historical kavya, a large number of semi-historical texts prabandhas were also written. On the whole, however, it
must be pointed out that despite voluminous production, the Sanskrit literature of the Sultanate period had lost much
of its original vitality and creativity, and the bulk of this literature remained unaffected by the intellectual
developments of the age.
PERSIAN LITERATURE
Early Phase
A new language - Persian -was introduced in India during the period of Ghaznavi rule in the Punjab. There was
remarkable growth in Persian literature in Iran and Central Asia from the tenth century onwards. Some of the great
poets of Persian language such as Firdausi and S'adi, composed their works during this phase, before growth of
Persian literature in Iran and Central Asia. Lahore -which was the centre of Turkish political authority in India before
the beginning of the 13th century - attracted many Persian poets from the Islamic countries of Iran and Central Asia.
The works of only a few of the early writers of Persian literature in India have survived. One of them was a poet
Masud Sad Salman whose compositions reflect a sense of attachment for Lahore. However, by and large, the Persian
literature written in India before the establishment of the Delhi sultanate was derivative in character and adopted
literary forms and imagery which were prevalent in Iran.
It was after the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate that Indian influence began to exert itself on Persian works
written in India as is evident from the literary compositions of Amir Khusrau.
Contribution of Amir Khusrau
The reign of the Khaljis was a glorious period from the viewpoint of growth of Persian literature in India. According
to Ziauddin Barani, "there lived at Delhi scholars of such eminence and caliber as were not to be found in Bukhara,
Samarqand, Tabriz and Isfahan, and in their intellectual accomplishments they equalled Razi and Ghazali. Under
every stone lay hidden a precious gem of literary excellence". The most outstanding of the Persian scholars and poets
of the period was Abul Hasan, usually known by this pseudonym of Amir Khusrau. Later, in the Mughal period, the
historian Badauni, and contemporary of Akbar praised Amir Khusrau's contribution to Persian literature. He wrote
"after the appearance of-the cavalcade of the king of poets, the poetry of his predecessors became bedimmed like
stars at the rise of the sun". Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) was one of those few Indian writers of Persian poetry whose
works have been read and admired beyond their own country. His works represent the beginning of a new trend in
Indian-based Persian literature - the trend of the growing familiarity with Indian literature and influence of Indian
literature on Persian writings in India.

Amir Khusrau was the Indian born son of a Turkish immigrant. He began his career as a courtier and poet during the
reign of Sultan Balban. He became a disciple of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, the famous sufi saint of the Chisti order.
He wa the court-poet during the reigns of Jalaluddin Khalji and Alauddin Khalji. Later, Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughluq
also patronised him. He lived through the reigns of six Sultans of Delhi and was connected with their courts.
Amir Khusrau was a prolific and versatile writer and is said to have composed half a million verses and ninety-nine
works on different themes. His poetry consisted of a great variety of forms - lyric, ode, epic, and elegy. His poetry
was essentially Indian in sentiment though he followed Persian models in technique. Thus he created a new .
style of Persian which came to be known as sabaq-i Hindi or the Indian style. Some of the works composed by Amir
Khusrau have been lost. Five literary masterpieces composed by him are Kutla-ul Anwar, Shirin Khusrau, Laila
Majnun, Ayina-I Sikandari and Hasht Bihist. He dedicated all of them to Alauddin Khalji. These compositions show
the great lyrical talent of his poetry. Amir Khusrau also wrote historical masnavis (narrative poems) which have
great literary and historical value.
He was not a historian in the actual sense of the term-but since he enjoyed the patronage of successive Sultans of
Delhi and since he selected historical themes for his masnavis, the historical content of his writings is of great interest
to the students of the history of his times. In Qiran-us Sa’dain, Amir Khusrau describes the quarrel
and reconciliation between Sultan Kaiqubad and his father Bughra Khan. Miftah-Ul-Futuh deals with the military
successes of Sultan Jalauddin Khalji. 'Ashiqa' is the story of romantic love between Khizr Khan, the eldest son of
sultan Alauddin Khalji and Deval Rani, daughter of Rai Karan, the Raja of Gujarat
Historical works in Persian

One of the important contributions of Persian literature during the Sultanate period (and later during the Mughal
period) was in the sphere of history writing. Many historians wrote the story of the period in Persian language. For
the history of the Sultanate, we have to depend largely on the accounts provided by the court chroniclers of this
period. There are many methodological and chronological flaws, in the historical writings of these chroniclers and
most of them are not free from a personal and ideological prejudise. Nevertheless, they are of indispensable value
for the study of the history of the Sultanate period. The most important of these historians were Minhaus Siraj (author
of the Tabsqat-i Nasiri), Isami (author of the Futuh-us Salatin), Shams Siraj Afif (author of the Tarik-i Feroz Shah).
Among . the Sultans. Feroz Shah Tughluq wrote the Futuhat-i Ferozshahi. But the greatest historian of this period
was Ziauddin Barani. His Tarikh-i-Ferozshahi is the most valuable work of history written during the period. Barani
completed this work in 1357. Moreover, his personal, ideological, social and sectarian prejudices often colour his
interpretation of various historical events. These shortcomings of his-work notwithstanding, Barani's contribution to
the writing of history was unparallel during the period. He broke new grounds in history writing and did not confine
himself to rulers, courts and campaigns. He described and analyzed administrative matters and economic phenomena.
He provides an analytical study of conflicts between various social groups during his period. Barani wrote another
book, Fatwa-i Jahandari which deals with political theory.
Evaluate the contents of the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri as a source of medieval history. (10) (2016)
Tabaqat-i Nasiri, named for Sultan Nasir-ud-Din, is an elaborate history of the Islamic world written in Persian
by Minhaj-i-Siraj Juzjani and completed in 1260. Consisting of 23 volumes and written in a blunt straightforward
style, Juzjani devoted many years to the creation of this book even providing references for his information. Although
a large portion of the book is devoted to the Ghurids, it also contains a history of the predecessors in Ghazna before
the Ghaznavid Sebuktigin took power. Juzjani's "tabaqat" would initiate the form of writing for dynastic history in
centuries to come.
The purpose of the Tabaqat-i Nasiri was to account for the Muslim dynasties that originated in Iran and Central
Asia. It starts with the prophets and explains their piety and morality. This continues up to Abdullah, father of the
prophet Muhammad, at which point a history of the prophet's life is told. Within his Tabaqat-i Nasiri, Juzjani tells
of his religious views and his historiographical approach to Islam and Muslim rulers.
The Tabaqat-i Nasiri is the only source for the Khaljis rebellion in Bengal against the sultan of Delhi from 1229-
1230.
Volume XI: Is a history of the Ghaznavids from Sabuktigin to Khusrau Malik.
Volume XVII: Gives an historical account of the Ghurids and their rise to power in 1215 to their end with Sultan
Alauddin.

Volume XIX: Is a history of the Ghurid sultans Saifuddin Suri to Qutbuddin Aibek.
Volume XX: Is a history of Aibek and the first four rulers of Laknauti until their demise by Iltutmish in 1226.
Volume XXII: Is a biographical volume of courtiers, generals and provincial governors within the sultanate from
1227 until the early history of wazir Balban.
Volume XXIII: Gives indepth information concerning Genghis Khan, his successors up to 1259, and the atrocities
committed by the Mongols against Muslim
LITERATURE IN THE REGIONAL LANGUAGES OF NORTH INDIA

The Development of Hindi Literature
What is today known as Hindi developed in various forms in the medieval period. The dialects of Hindi included
Brajbhasha, Awadhi, Rajasthani, Maithili, Bhojpuri, Malwi, etc. In our period the literature of Hindi language
developed in these dialects. In addition to these dialects, a mixed form of Hindi, known as Khari Boli (originally
meaning a rough, crude and raw speech) was also developing.
First Phase
Scholars have placed the origin of the Hindi language between 7th and 10th centuries -it was in this period that Hindi
was evolving out of Apabhramsa. The period between 7th-8th centuries and 14th century (before the rise of the
bhakti poetry) is characterised as 'Veergatha Kala' (age of Heroic Poetry)'by scholars. Another name used for
describing this period is Adi Kala (early period). Much poetry of this period was composed by bards who were
patronised by various Rajput rulers. The bards glorified such virtues of their patrons as chivalry and bravery. They
also highlighted the element of romance in their poetical narratives. In its essence, this literature symbolises the values
and attitudes of the Rajput ruling classes. The bards who composed this literature were not concerned with the
aspirations of the common people. Most of the bardic poetical narratives were composed in the Rajasthani dialect of
Hindi. The most famous of them is the Prithviraja Raso which is attributed to Chand Bardai, the court ministerial
of Prithviraja; the last Rajput king of Delhi. Other heroic poetical narratives include Visaldeva Raso, Hammir Raso,
Khumana Raso etc. The authenticity of most of these raso narratives in their existing forms is open to grave doubts
and it seems that their contents were expanded during the later centuries. Thus for instance, it is only the nucleus of
the Prithviraja Raso which was written during this period (12th century), and interpolations were made later in the
original draft.
Not all the Hindi literature of the period between 7th-8th centuries and 14th century belonged to the genre of bardic
poetry. The Buddhist siddhas and later the nathpanthi yogis composed religious poetry in an archaic form of Hindi.
In Western India, the Jain scholars also composed religious poetry in Rajasthani highlighting various aspects of
religious and social life of the people. The contribution of Amir Khusrau to Persian literature has already been
mentioned. But he also composed poems in mixed form of Hindi which ultimately developed into Khan Boli or
Hindustani. He called this language hindavi. Some of his Hindi verses are found in his Khaliq Bad which is often
ascribed to him but which in all likelihood was written much later.
Second phase in the growth of Hindi literature began in the 14th-15th centuries.
Various streams of the bhakti movement exercised profound influence on the Hindi literature of this phases. This
phase of Hindi literature has been characterised Bhakti Kala (Age of devotion) and it continued till the Mughal period.
This phase, which began with Kabir marked the richest flowering of Hindi literature. The bhakti poets of the period
were two-fold: the saguna poets (who believed in god with human form and attributes) nirguna poets (who believed
in non-incarnate Absolute God). Kabir was the leader of the nirguna bhakti poets most of whom belonged to lower
cages of the society and were poop and illiterate. Kabir's own mother-tongue was Bhojpuri but he composed in a
mixed dialect which could be understood by people in various parts of North India. Kabir's language is characterize
by what has been termed 'rough rhetoric'. What is important from literary point of view is Kabir's use of a langueage
which combines bluntness of style with potency and eloquence. He used his strong and rough verses to present a
powerful denunciation of various rituals. Another important characteristic of Kabir's short poetical utterances is the
use of ulatbasi or 'upside-down language' which consisted of a series of paradoxes and enigmas. It has been pointed
out that Kabir inherited the ulatbasi tradition from the nathpanthis and adapted it for an effective rhetorical and
teaching device. Kabir and other "low-caste" monotheistic poets (Sen, Pipa, , Dhanna, Raidas, etc.):expressed
themselves in oral style. The poetry they composed forms a part of oral literature. Their verses were compiled much
later. Earliest instance of their written compositions are in the Adi Granth in 1604. Being illiterate, they had indirect
access to the Sanskrit literature. They expressed themselves in the local languages of the people. In short, the efforts
of Kabir and other saints of the 15th century played the most important role in transforming the Hindi vernaculars
into a 'literature’ language.
The poets belonging to the conventional vaishnava bhakti movement in North India were mostly Brahmans and were
familiar with Brahmanical scriptures and Sanskrit texts. The vaishnava pets believed in the concept of devotion to a
personal God. The Rama bhakti poetry in Hindi flourished mainly during the Mughal period. Its greatest exponent
and perhaps the greatest poet of Hindi literature was Tulsidas (A.D. 1532-1623) who wrote {he famous Ram Charit
Manas in the Awadhi dialect of Hindi. Among the Krishna bhakti poets, Vidyapati composed verses about the Radha
and Krisha in Maithili Hindi. The influence of his lyrical poetry was felt in Bengal and some Bengali poets imitated
his songs. Vrindavan near Mathura emerged as a centre of Vaishnava bhakti poetry by the end of the Sultanate period.
These poets were devotees of Krishna and composed their verses in Braj bhasha. The greatest of these poets was
Surdas (c. 1483-1563). Another great name in the Vaishnava bhakti poetry was that of Mira Bai (c. 1498-1543):She
was a Krishna devotee and composed her songs in Rajasthani but many of these songs were later incorporated in
other Hindi dialects and also in Gujarati.
Make an estimate of Rana Kumbha as a patron of literature and art. (20) (2015)
Rana Kumba (1438-68) was a great ruler of Mewar in medieval period. He was a great patron of literature and art.
An estimate of Rana Kumbha as a patron of literature and art:
Music
He had a keen interest in music and he was a great musician himself. He was a great Veena player.
He wrote works like Sangit Raj, Sangit Mimansa, ‘Sangit Ratnakar’ and Sudprabandh.
Architecture
Rana Kumba gave patronage to many craftsmen and sculptors. He gave special attention to military architecture.
He strengthened the defences of of Chittor and constructed a road running through its seven doors. He built 32
forts and laid the foundation of Kumbhalgarh fort.
The greatest architecture during his reign was Kirti Stambha (Tower of Fame) built by him at Chittor in
commemoration of his victory over Malwa.
He erected a Victory Tower (Kumbha Stambh) at Chittor as a mark of victories and conquests. The tower is
covered with exquisite sculptures of Hindu Gods and Goddesses and depicts episodes from the Ramayana and the
Mahabharata. There are many inscriptions on the Stambha
He constructed the city of Basantpur. He built several inns, palaces, ponds, schools, and temples.
Literature
He was proficient in Vedas, Upanishads, smiritis, Mimansas, Vyakaranas etc.
He wrote commentry on Jaydeva’s Gita Govinda and an explanation of Chandisatakam.
He was an author of four dramas in which he used Sanskrit, Prakrit and three vernaculers.
He also patronised great scholars. During his reign, the scholar Atri and his son Mahesa wrote the prashasti (edict)
of the Chittor Kirti Stambha.
THE NEW RULING CLASSES

Ideological Composition of the New Ruling Classes The head of the new ruling class was the Sultan. He was
considered to be synonymous with the State. From the very beginning of their rule in India, the Turkish Sultans
considered themselves to be politically independent but culturally a part of the Islamic world.
The lifestyle of the new ruling class was comparable to the highest standard of luxurious living in the entire Islamic
world. This was consciously adopted mainly to maintain a distance between themselves and the common people
whose surplus they appropriated.
POSITION OF WOMEN
Women
There was almost no change in the lifestyle of the upper caste Hindu women during this period. Women were
subordinate to men in every walk of life - as daughter, wife and even after her husband's death (under her eldest son's
care). Birth of a daughter was looked down upon, since they were considered as symbol of dishonor for the father.
Their main duty was to produce progeny, especially the male child. They were strictly kept in the 'antahpura' (inner
sanctum). The ancient rules enjoining early marriages for girls and the wife's duties to her husband and his kula
(lineage) were continuously stressed.

Annulment of marriages took place in special circumstances such as desertion, disease or mental disorder. Even then
all Hindu theologians do not agree to this. Position of Muslim women was also very much similar to their Hindu
counterpart.
As for female education, the women of poor classes did not have a chance for education, but the higher strata women
seem to have received education and training. We do hear names of Dewalrani, Rupamati, Padmavati, etc. The
example of Raziya shows that Muslim aristocracy did impart education to their daughters as well. Regarding both,
widow remarriage and sati, there are a number of controversies. A number of travellers, specially Ibn Battuta, mention
with horror of a woman burning herself on the funeral pyre of her husband..He mentions, however, that prior
permission for one wanting to be a sati had to be taken from the Sultan. But with the available evidence, it is unlikely
that the Rajputs or even other Hindus would have complied with this injunction. At any rate, the practice of sati was
confined to the upper strata of the society. The degraded position of widow seems to be the most important factor
that encouraged sati among the Rajputs.
Practice of jauhar was also prevalent. In the event of an imminent defeat their women were set on fire.
The commentators uphold the widow's right to the property of a sonless husband, provided the property was not
commonly held. The widow was not merely the guardian of this property by but had the full right to dispose it off.
Though in the face of these commentaries, it seems that property rights of women improved in the Hindu society, but
this could have hardly applied in a uniform manner all over the country. An interesting misconception that persists
today is regarding the evolution of the 'purdah system'. Custom of purdah was not the novelty of the Muslims, as it
is generally considered. customs prevailed even much before. However, the present 'elaborate' an institutionalized
form of purdah can certainly be credited to the Muslim rule. At a rate, purdah became a privilege of upper classes.
Both Hindu and Muslim autocracy guarded their women by keeping them hidden within
the walled space of the antahpura and the harem while the poor (Muslim) women used burqa to cover their body.
Malik Muhammad Jayasi and Vidyapati do refer to purdah. But till Muhammad Tughluq's reign no attempt was made
by the state to impose any restriction in this direction.
SLAVES AND SERVANTS

Evaluate critically the conditions of labour from 1200 to 1500 CE on the basis of historical sources (15)(2013)
The master-slave relation formed a category by which the authority in the Sultanate society expressed itself. Most
noblemen referred to themselves as the slave of the Sultan.
The slaves in India can be graded into two groups :
i) Those who were bought in an open salve market.
ii) Those who were first prisoners of war and then made slaves.
The position of these different types of slaves have also been discussed in the Hindu shastras. Both the Indians and
the Turks had a long tradition of maintaining slaves. Open slave-markets for men and women existed in West
Asia as well as India.
Slaves were generally bought for domestic service for their special skills. Feroz Shah Tughluq who had a special
penchant for slaves collected about 180,000 of them.
Many of them were employed in handicrafts. The rest formed the personal bodyguards of the Sultan. A special type
of male slaves who were castrated in childhood were trained to be the guards of the harem. These were known as
khwajasara (eunuchs). In the 13th century, Bengal was a flourishing centre for the buying and selling of eunuchs in
particular. Women slaves were. generally graded into two groups : (i) for domestic service and (ii) for entertainment
and pleasure. The first were generally ordinary ' women while the second group was composed of beautiful women
who could sing, dance and carry on conversation.
Not only nobles, but any prosperous householder found it impossible to run house without slaves. Thus, keeping
slaves became a special mark of prosperity, and nobles vied with each other over the possession of a comely boy or
a girl slave. It is now an accepted fact that slaves in the Sultanate India were treated better then servants :,the master
by taking on the obligation of owning a slave usually looked after their material comfort.
URBAN LIFE
During the 13th-14th centuries, a number of towns and ports flourished in North India. Broach, Cambay, Lakhnauti,
Sonargaon and Multan flourished as trading centres. Ibn Battuta gives a detailed description of Delhi ; It was one of
the largest cities in the Islamic world with a mixed population of merchants from India as well as Iran, Afghanistan,
It is said that overland trade with West Asia was in the hands of Multanis, who were mostly Hindus. The Gujarati
and Marwari merchants. were extremely wealthy and some of them, particularly the Jains, spent large sums in the
construction o temples. They also had large residential buildings. Their houses were surrounded by orchards and fruit
gardens which had many tanks. Cambay was a fine part-city where there was an agglomeration of wealthy merchants.
Not only did they live in fine houses, they consumed good food and wore fine clothes. Men dressed themselves in
cotton and silk garments, anointed themselves with sandalwood paste and wore rings, gold-earrings studded with
precious stones and golden girdles. women wore long flowing cloth (sari) and silken blouses. Women’s jewellery
were made of gold and silver metals. They wore earrings, anklets and plenty of rings on fingers and toes. The Muslim
merchant who usually came from Central Asia dressed themselves in embroidered garments covered with gold and
silver works. They also wore thick boots coming up to their knees.
Many of these towns were also centres of craft production. The towns of Bengal and Gujarat were famous for the
production of fine clothes. Cambay was also famous for gold and silver works1 There were many other luxury crafts
such as leather works, metal work, carpet weaving, etc. Many of these were exported to the Red Sea,
Persian Gulf and South East Asian Countries.
As for, Ziauddin Barani mentions the Multanis and Sahas of Delhi, deal of wealth from the resources of maliks and
amirs who overdraft over their iqta'
Another mercantile soup was that of the brokers (dallals) who first make their appearance in the commercia1 history
of the Delhi Sultanate. They operated between merchants and customers raising prices when they could. Alauddin
Khalji was specially harsh them but since theywere needed in any large market, they could never be dispensed with
entirety. Sarrafs or money changers constituted yet, another mercantile group were quite prosperous. Apart from these
distinct groups, there were a large number of smaller artisans, shopkeepers and vendors who lived in the cities. Except
for the regional songs and folk tales, very little historical details can be gleaned about their daily lives.
RURAL LIFE
The towns needed to be fed and supplied with finished and raw materials from the countryside. The high level of
taxation and the cash-nexus in combination ensured that the peasants would have to sell much of their produce in
order to pay land revenue. Barani informs us how the high pitch of demand under Alauddin Khalji forced the peasants
of the Doab to sell grain by the side of the fields to the karwanis who took it to Delhi for sale.
The towns, on the other hand, had little to send back to their villages since the taxation system assured all the time a
heavy balance of payments in favour of the towns, which were the headquarters of the Sultan and members of the
ruling classes.
Peasant
A vast majority lived in villages. Cultivation was based on individual peasant. farming and the size of land cultivated
by them varied greatly from the large holding of the 'khots' or the small plots of 'balahars' or village menials. Below
them have existed a group of landless menial castes but little is known about them in this period.
Peasants generally had a pair of oxen and the plough. Land was abundant. Wells were probably the major source of
artificial irrigation. Muhammad Tughluq advanced loans to peasants for improving agriculture. The peasants raised
water by various means from t wells. Since peasants owned implements needed for cultivation and sold their crop for
payment of revenue in cash, there must have been differentiation among the peasantry. Barani designates men of the.
highest stratum among the peasants as khots and muqaddams. Before Alauddin Khalji adopted the measures, the
khots are alleged to have been exempted from three major taxes. Furthermore, they levied a cess of their own on the
villagers (qismat-i khoti). When Alauddin prohibited them from levying the cess, they became quite poor and their
wives worked as maidservants in the houses of Muslims. The khots and muqaddams were peasants, but peasants who
stood on the borderland of the rural aristocracy. When prosperous, they imitated the ways of-higher chiefs, i.e., rode
horsed, wore fine clothes and chewed betel-leaves. In the reign of Feroz Shah Tughluq, a chronicler describes the
general prosperity of the khots. Everyone had large amount of gold and silver and countless goods; and none of the
women of the peasantry remained without ornaments. In every peasant's house there were clean bed-sheets, excellent
bed-cots and many other articles.
- Mughal Empire, First phase: Babur and Humayun
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MUGHAL POWER

Babur, had invaded with some success the border areas of the north-west frontier, launched a well planned attack'
with the help of his political allies in India.
In 1526, Babur and his Indian allies fought against Sultan Ibrahim at Panipat. The artillery used by Babur for the first
time in north India helped him achieve easy victory. lbrahim Lodi was killed in the battle and the road to Delhi and
Agra was cleared for Babur.
When Babur supplanted the Lodi rule by his own his Indian allies were disappointed. The dissatisfied Afghan and
non-Afghan nobles accepted Prince Mahmud Lodi as their Sultan and decided to carry an armed struggle against the
Mughals. The fifteen years of combined rule Babur and Humayun rule is to be treated as an interregnum between the
fall of the Lodis and the foundation of Sher Shah Sur's Empire.
Babur (d. 1530) and Humayun adopted the same state system in India that they found existing under the Lodi Sultans.
For example, the policy they followed towards the zamindars was the age-old tradition set by the Delhi Sultans. Babur
mentions that the rays and rajas were found on all sides and quarters of Hindustan, obedient as well as disobedient to
the Muslim ruler. In fact, he was satisfied when the rajas paid nominal allegiance to him as they did in the past. The
Baburnama clearly shows that Babur assigned the charge of territories to the nobles, granting them the right to collect
land revenue and carry on the government there on his behalf as was the prevalent system. The shiqqdars were posted
in the parganas under khallsa. In short, Babur or Humayun do not seem to have made any important change in the
political system in North India.
The Afghan and non-Afghan nobles who fought against Babur and Humayun under the nominal leadership of Sultan
Mahmud Lodi, failed to achieve success. This was primarily due to rivalry and dissensions among themselves. Their
defeat in 1531 by Humayun finally sealed the fate of the old Afghan nobility. Thereafter the leadership of the anti-
Mughal Afghans was taken over by Sher Khan Sur who, by now, had established his control over the fort of Chunar
and the region of south War. The old Afghan nobles fled to Gujarat. This they did to join the service of Sultan Bahadur
Shah who wanted to capture Delhi.
Sultan Baha6ur Shah of Gujarat was financially as well as militarily the most powerful of the lndian rulers. Some of
the coastal towns in Gujarat had already emerged as emporium of international trade. These port-towns were visited
by merchants from different foreign countries. Thus, this trade yielded huge revenue to the state exchequer through
customs dues. He also possessed a strong artillery.
Soon after his victory of Gujarat, Humayun received the alarming news of the rebellion of Sher Khan Sur who had
declared himself as Sher Shah Sur. He seized vast land from the Sultan of Bengal and raided the eastern territories
held by the Mughals. Humayun left his brother Askari alongwith other Mughal nobles in Gujarat and retreated to
Agra. On Humayun's departure, Gujarat rose in revolt against the Mughals. Bahadur Shah came back from Diu and
chased the Mughals out from Gujarat and Malwa.
Meanwhile, Humayun made war preparation in a haste and started towards Chunar, a stronghold of Sher Shah. About
this time Sher Shah took the impregnable fort of Rohtas from its Raja. Humayun conquered the Chunar fort, and
entered Bengal without meeting any serious resistance put by the Afghans. In Gaur (Bengal) there was a period of
inactivity on the part of Humayun. Sher Shah took full advantage of the situation. He closed the line of communication
between Agra and Gaur and attacked the Mughal forces in the eastern territories. informed about the deteriorating
circumstances, Humayun started on the journey back to Agra. He met the Afghan army near Chausa in 1539 and was
defeated with heavy losses. In 1540 Humayun met the Afghan forces under Sher Shah at the battle of Kannauj. He
was defeated and fled to Kabul.
THE SECOND AFGHAN EMPIRE

The Sur Empire: Sher Shah’s administration
Bring out the main features of the administrative system under Delhi Sultanate during Turko-Afghan
period (60) (2006)
Finally, after expelling Humayun, Sher Shah became the Emperor of North India from the lndus to the Bay of Bengal
in the east and from Himalaya in the north to Malwa in the south. The Biloch chiefs of Multan and upper Sind and
Maldeo in western Rajputana and Bhaiya Puran Mal of Raisin were defeated. A centralized political system was
again revived by Sher Shah Sur.
With Sher Shah Sur, a new era began in the history of North India, Certain important changes took place in the realm
of ideas and institutions.
The sarkar comprised a number of parganas, each pargana consisting of a number of villages. The village was the
primary fiscal unit.
The noble posted as incharge of sarkar or wilayat was not given unlimited powers. He was regularly directed through
royal farman to implement new rules and regulations. The spies informed the king about the conduct of the officers.
Anyone who was found failing in his work was punished, Khizr Turk, the governor of Bengal, was dismissed and
'thrown into prison because he married the daughter of the ex-Sultan of Bengal without Sher Shah's permission and
acted independently.
Similarly, Sher Shah's policy with regard to the planting of Afghan colonies in the territories known for recalcitrant
inhabitants also demonstrates the nature of kingship under him, for example, Gwalior was one of the places colonised
by the Afghans during Sher Shah's reign.
In organizing his nobility, Sher Shah took people belonging to different ethnic groups in such a way that his dynastic
interest could be safeguarded. No group was strong enough to assume the shape of a pressure group. We find the
non-Afghan nobles, Khawwas Khan, Haji Khan and Habib Khan Sultani holding the charge of important provinces
with .large iqtas. This shows that the establishment of a pure Afghan nobility was never a consideration with Sher
Shah.
On Sher Shah's death, his second son Prince Jalal Khan ascended the throne under the title of Islam Shah. He
overpowered and eliminated many senior and experienced nobles who supported his elder brother Adil Khan. After
their elimination, Islam Shah was free to translate his political ideas into practice. He shifted his capital from Agra to
Gwalior and also brought his father's treasures from Chunar. Thus Gwalior became the centre of Indo-Muslim Delhi
culture.
It is also worth mentioning that Islam Shah went a step further from Sher Shah in centralizing the polity of the Empire.
He took away the iqtas of the nobles and brought the whole Empire under khalisa. The officers were paid in cash
instead of 'iqtas. The nobility and army were reorganized into new grades. Officers were appointed from among them
to look after and inspect the proper maintenance of soldiers and necessary army equipment by the nobles. The nobles
were also denied the possession of war elephants.
ECONOMY
The contemporary and pear contemporary writers praise the affluence and low prices of the essential commodities
during Sikandar's reign. Foodgrains, cloth, horses, sheep, gold and silver which people needed for comfortable living
were available in plenty and at low rates.
Agrarian Structure
The political system depended on the state's share in the surplus of agricultural produce. Sultan Sikandar Lodi
formulated a definite agricultural development oriented policy. This he did because his was a landlocked Empire in
which only the reclamation of land for cultivation could augment his financial resources. There was abundance of
arable land which could be brought under plough only if the peasants accepted to enjoy the fruits of their toil. In an
attempt to encourage the peasants to extend cultivation, the Sultan introduced important changes in the administrative
system. He prohibited the system of begar (forced labour) that the peasants had to render to the landlords and the
government officers. The peasants were also encouraged to bring new lands under the plough through other
concessions.
Even an inch of land was not left lying uncultivated. The state share in the agricultural produce was one-third and it
was collected with the assistance of the village officials the patwari, (hereditary village officials) khot and muqaddam
(village headman). The zakat tax (Sales and transit tax) was abolished.
The Sultan also allowed the peasants in the Empire to accept freely any one of the three modes of assessment prevalent
in those days. The three modes of revenue assessment were crop-sharing (batai) measurement (called zabt system)
and the kankut (appraisal). The first two methods were common in north India. The third one also seems to have
continued during the Lodi period. Sultan Sikandar was particular about a standard measurement system for its merits.
He is said to have introduced the gaj-i- Sikandari of thirty-two digits for the convenience of the amin and patwari. It
was used at the time of harvest. The patwaris were charged with the duty of maintaining the accounts of per bigha
yields and the measured area of the fields under cultivation.
Sher Shah and Islam Shah also introduced important changes in the agrarian system. They overhauled the revenue
administration of the Lodi Apart from appointing new revenue officials at the pargana and sarkar level, Sher Shah
curtailed the powers and privileges of the land assignees (i.e. wajahdars and muqtas). The unruly zamindars, who
often took to robbery and withheld the payment of land revenue due to the king, were forced into submission. They
were also made accountable for every crime committed within the boundaries of their zamindari.
The governors (for the muqtas) in the provinces, sarkar and wilayats) were denied a free hand in adopting any of the
known methods of revenue assessment at the time of harvest. The methods of crop-sharing and revenue farming

were abolished and that of zabt (measurement) was enforced everywhere. The extra taxes called jaribana and
muhassilam (fee for measuring the land and revenue collection) were also abolished. The offenders among the
officials were punished.
Sher Shah ordered the land under cultivation to be measured every year at the harvest time. The state's share in the
produce was determined according to the royal regulation. This system was prevalent throughout the Empire except
for the combined provinces of Multan and Sind. The territory of Multan had been ruined by the oppressive Biloch
rule. Therefore, Sher Shah directed its governor to develop the region and realize from the cultivators only one-fourth
of the produce in accordance with the crop-sharing method. This system had prevailed under the early local rulers
i.e. the predecessors of the Biloch chiefs. The state revenue demand in other provinces was one-third of the
agricultural produce.
Abul Fazl tells us that Sher Shah on the basis of fertility of soil divided the lands into three categories, the good,
middling and bad. An average produce of these three types of soil was taken as standard yield per bigha. One third
of this standard yield was fixed as state share. A rai (schedule of crop-rates) was prepared for the convenience and
guidance of the revenue collectors. The state share now could be easily converted into cash rates, according to the
market prices. Abul Fazl testifies to Sher Shah's achievements in this regard. According to Abul Fazl, "The revenue
demand levied by Sher Khan (Sher Shah), which at the present day is represented in all provinces as the lowest rate
of measurement generally obtained, and for the convenience of the cultivators and the soldiery, the value taken in
cash money." Thus, it is clear that the state's share was fixed in kind per bigha but collected in cash after it had been
commuted according to the prevailing prices in the area.
FACTORIES, FORTRESSES AND COMMERCIAL ARRANGEMENTS

The Italian merchants had established warehouses (factories) in Cairo and Alexandria to carry on trade and commerce.
Following this example the Portuguese, too, founded factories on the coastal regions of India and certain other places
in Asia. Factory could be defined as a commercial organisation having an autonomous existence set up within the
country with which another country had commercial relations. Each factory had an officer called factor who was
assisted by a number of persons appointed by the Portuguese king. He was the agent of the Crown to promote
economic, financial and administrative activities of all sorts. In all situations Portuguese national interests were
paramount considerations. Factories also required protection from hostile elements. Therefore, to consolidate and
strengthen their power the Portuguese also attempted to fortify their factories. A chain of factories and fortresses
came into existence for the support of the maritime trade conducted by the Portuguese. These fortified centres were
expected to serve the Portuguese to check the movements of vessels owned by the others and to function as areas for
the reserve of military and naval forces. The system of factories had a great role to play in the commercial
arrangements in the period beginning with the sixteenth century till the mid eighteenth century.
Western India
In the Malabai region the Portuguese established their first factory in 1500 at Calicut. However, it had a short-lived
existence. The Zamorins also did not allow the Portuguese to fortify their factories there. In 1525, finally, the
Portuguese abandoned their construction at Calicut. However, in the other regions of Malabar coast, factories were
established at Cochin (1501). Cannanore (1503). Quilon (1503). Chaliyam (1531). Rachol ( 1535). Crangannore (1
536), Mangalore and Honaver ( 1568) and Bhatkal by the Portuguese. All of these factories were fortified in due
course. Nizamul Mulk of Ahmednagar also permitted the Portuguese to have a factor at Chaul in the second decade
of the 16th Century.
In the north-west, Cambay (Khambayat) was the main port of call on the route from Malacca connecting Calicut, the
ports of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf with the ports of the Mediterranean. Besides Cambay, the Portuguese also
established their factories at Diu (1509, 1535). Bassin (1534), Surat, Daman (1599) and Bhavnagar.
Thus almost the entire coastal belt of Malabar, Konkan and north-west India was brought under the Portuguese
influence.
Eastern India
Direct contacts began to be established with the Eastern coast of lndia in the wake of the capture of Malacca and the
beginning of the Portuguese settlement there. The Portuguese navigators came across several merchants from the
Eastern coast of lndia who had trade relations with Malacca and other South East Asian centres. The Portuguese
collected textiles and other commodities from various port-towns of the Coromandel coast like Masulipatnam, Pulict,
San Thome, Pondicherry, Cuddalore, Porto Novo, Nagapatnam, etc. The latter was an important port for the
Portuguese in their trade with Porto Novo, Malacca, Manila and other region of the east.

Meilapore known as San Thome to the north of Nagapatnam, had also a Portuguese settlement which was surrounded
by walls. The Portuguese also established a fortress at Manar in 1518 on the western coast of Ceylon. This fortress,
though not on the main land of lndia, could contribute to the movement of vessels to the East from the
western side of the subcontinent.
The Portuguese also tried to establish commercial contacts with Bengal from A.D. 1517. The first effort in this
direction was made at Chittagong, the chief port of Bengal during this period. After much maneuvering, they at last
obtained permission from Mahmud Shah, the king of Bengal, to erect factories at Chittagong and Satgaon in 1536.
The second settlement at Hugli was granted to the Portuguese by Akbar in 1579-80. The third one was established at
Bandel through a farman of Shahjahan in 1633. Yet, on the eastern coast during the 16th Century there were no
fortresses as on the western coast. Still the settlements, with a few artillery, were able to oversee the movement of
vessels carrying commodities.
South-East Asia
With a view to having an exclusive domination over the trade in the Indian Ocean regions, the Portuguese found it
necessary to bring under their control the important trade centres in South East Asia. The: well-known maritime’
centre of Malacca was their target which they acquired in 1511. They established a few fortresses at Colombo,
Batticola, Jafnapatam, etc. all in Ceylon. Subsequently, contacts with Java, Siam, Moluccas, Martaban and Pegu were
established. From 15 18, the Portuguese started a settlement in China on the island of Sancheu. It was here that St.
Francis Xavier, a Christian missionary, died in 1552.
The starting of factories in various parts of the subcontinent of lndia and neighbouring Asiatic kingdoms provided an
environment suitable for long distance trade to the Portuguese.
COMMODITIES OF EXPORT AND IMPORT
The chief aim of the Portuguese in discovering the sea-route connecting the East - with Portugal was to collect spices
directly from the places of production rather than from the hands of the intermediaries like the Italian or the Muslim
traders. Pepper became a necessary ingredient in European food. The demand for pepper went on
increasing, especially for the sake of preserving meat. Besides, ginger, cinnamon, cardamom, mace, nutmeg and
several exotic herbs from the east had a market in Europe. A special variety of textiles like Muslin, chintz, etc. and
few animals like elephants, too, found their way to Portugal.
The Portuguese did not have enough commodities to exchange for those available in the East. Their commodities had
a limited market, among the eastern nobility. Hence precious metals, especially silver, minted or in bullion; were
brought to the East from the West for buying goods.
Malabar and Konkan Coasts
Pepper occupied the first place among the commodities traded from Malabar and the Konkan coasts. Towards the
second half of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth, pepper from Canara began to be exported
in larger quantity than before. It is estimated that the Portuguese exported from Malabar about 25,000 to 30,000
quintal of spices of all sorts annually to Lisbon in the first decade of the sixteenth century. By the end of the century,
the contractors were given a targeted export of 30,000 quintals of pepper from the Malabar coast to Lisbon. The
records of the first half of the sixteenth century show that 36,664 quintals of pepper was 2ent to Portugal from the
Malabar and Konkan coasts in 1546.
Ginger constituted another bulk item of trade from the Malabar coast. It was available as conserve, too, for export.
Cinnamon was another commodity exported from Malabar, though its quality was not as good as that from Ceylon.
White and red sandalwood also found their way to Portugal from the Malabar coast.
Besides these Myrobalans of all sorts were collected from Malabar, Dabul, Vijaynagar and Deccan in general for
export to Portugal. Similarly sealing wax, indigo, spikenard, tamarind, arecanut, textiles, ivory and turmeric were
other items that were exported in varying quantity to Portugal from the Malabar and Konkan coasts. Slaves, too,
became a commercial commodity for export.
The request made by the Zamorin of Calicut in 1498 to Vasco da Gama gives a clue to the commodities that were
imported into the Malabar and’ Konkan coasts. He had asked for gold, silver, coral and scarlet. Alfonso de
Albuquerque, the Portuguese governor of Goa, gave a list of commodities to the king of Portugal in 1513 that
could be marketed in India. This included items like coral, copper, quicksilver, vermilion, brocades, velvet, carpets,
saffron, rose-water and cloths of various kinds. All these items were not from Portugal, but the Portuguese started
procuring them from various places, like Flanders, Germany, England and other European countries.
For example, damask, lead, cinnabar, gold from Soffala, French and English linen clothes, alum stone, tin, opium,
steel, Genwa velvet, scarlet from Florence, red cloth from London, cloths from Holland, raw and worked corals, etc.
were brought to India. Minted coins of various denominations were included in this list. These were brought to Cochin

which was the commercial headquarter of the Portuguese in India. From there they were later sent to various parts of
India. When the Portuguese headquarter was shifted to Goa, most of the important articles like gold, silver and cash
were taken there and distribution was done from there.
North-Western India
Indigo, textiles of various types, silk and curious items like handicrafts made of tortoise shells, etc. were collected
from the North-western lndia for export to Portugal. Satin, chintz, malmal, striped cotton cloths, cambric-muslin, silk
scarf, Golkonda muslins and various other varieties of silk products available in Chaul, Dabhol and the ports of
Gujarat were exported to Portugal. Among these items silks were produced in places like Burhanpur and Balaghat,
chintz in Cambay, calico in the vicinity of Daman and Cambay and Balaghat. The volume of textile products increased
in the seventeenth Century.
Copper, broadcloths and cash in various denominations were sent-to the Northwestern coast. In addition to this, a
few products such as pepper and other spices from the South were also taken to North-Western India for the purchase
of textiles.
Eastern Coast
Textiles of various kinds constituted the chief export from the eastern coast of India. Sandalwood from the
Coromandel was an important item of export to Portugal. Spikenard was cultivated in Bengal and this was brought
to Cochin to be exported to Portugal. The most expensive item of export from this region, was pearl, chiefly collected
from the pearl fishery coast. Cotton and silk textiles and embroideries from Bengal were exported by the Portuguese.
Ginger in conserve, myrobalans, butter, oil, wax and rice were the other commodities that were collected from Bengal.
The Portuguese brought to Bengal. brocades, damasks, satins, taffetas, cloves, nutmegs, mace, camphor, cinnamon,
pepper, chests, writing desks, valuable pearls and jewels. Most of these were from Malacca, China, Borneo, Ceylon
and MaIabar coast. Sea-shells or cowries from Maldives, white and red sandalwood from Solor and Timor were also
taken to Bengal by the Portuguese.
South-East Asia
Various types of spices were collected from Ceylon and other South-East. Asian regions; Moluccas produced good
variety of cloves. The best sort of cinnamon was furnished by Ceylon for export to Lisbon. Timor and Tennaserim
produced good variety of sandalwood which was carried by the Portuguese to Lisbon. Sumatra provided sealing wax
for Portuguese consumption. Borneo, Sumatra and China furnished good variety of camphor for export to Lisbon.
Benzoin from Pegu was also taken by the Portuguese to Portugal. Rhubarb was carried by the Portuguese from China
and musk from Pegu.
NATURE OF THE PORTUGUESE TRADE WITH INDIA

Portuguese Colonial enterprise
Significance of arrival of Portuguese in India (20) (2008)
How was cartaz system used by the Portuguese to maintain their control over the oceanic trade?
(10) (2014)
Right from the time Portuguese arrived at Calicut they had demanded that other merchants, Indian as well as foreign,
should be ousted and a complete monopoly over trade be granted to them. Portuguese ships equipped with arms and
ammunitions threatened other merchants and confiscated their merchandise and vessels. By 1501 the Portuguese king
assumed a grandiloquent title evincing his proprietary right over the Indian Ocean regions. The title proclaimed him
Lord of Navigation, Conquest and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India. In 1502, the Portuguese
demanded an exclusive right over trade at Calicut to which the Zamorin, the king of Calicut, did not yield. The Vasco
da Gama declared war on a ships plying in the Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean. He introduced an expedient under
which those ships which carried a cartaz duly signed by the Portuguese authorities, namely the royal factor, were not
to be attacked. This certificate was first issued in 1502.
lndian merchants, rulers and all those engaged in maritime trade, had to take cartaz from the Portuguese. While
issuing such passes, it was specifically mentioned that certain items like pepper, horses, ginger, coir, ship pitch,
sulphur, lead, saltpetre, cinnamon, etc. were not to be loaded on their ships. All these were monopoly items of the
Portuguese Routes and destinations of such ships were also sought to be controlled. Rulers like Akbar, and his
successors, Nizam Shah of Ahmednagar, Adil Shah of Bijapur, kings of Cochin, the Zamorins of Calicut and the
rulers of Cannanore purchased passes from the Portuguese to send their ships to various places.
Monopoly Trade
Till the end of the fifteenth century, merchants from various quarters of the world were found on the coastal regions
of India engaged in trade and commerce. As Vasco da Gama reported in 1498, there were merchants from Mecca,
Tenasserim, Pegu, Ceylon, Turkey, Egypt, Persia, Ethiopia, Tunis and various parts of India at the port of Calicut. It
is well-known that Chinese merchants as well as merchants from the Red Sea areas used to frequent the Indian ports.
There is no record of any group of merchants demanding exclusive right of trade in general, nor of any attempt made
to declare a few or all commodities set apart for anybody. But, with the arrival of the Portuguese, this state of affairs
underwent considerable change.
Kings were pressurized to forbid other merchants from trading with their ports. Similarly, certain commodities were
declared forbidden to be traded by others.
In other words, the Portuguese demanded monopoly of trade. The treaties concluded with the Indian rulers
specifically mentioned this. The setting up of Portuguese fortresses at strategic places, surveillance by their patrolling
vessels, and the insistence on passes for other ships were the attempts made to establish monopoly of trade in Asian
waters.
Trade of the Indian Rulers and Merchants
The Portuguese attempts at establishing total monopoly did not bring about a situation in which trade conducted by
the Indian rulers and merchants was totally uprooted. The king of Cannanore, for instance, used to collect passes
from the Portuguese to send his vessels laden with commodities to Cambay and Hormuz. He imported horses from
the above mentioned places though this was identified by the Portuguese a monopoly item. Sometimes such vessels
ran the risk of being confiscated by the Portuguese. The same was the case with the kings of Tanur, Challe and Calicut
on the Malabar coast. The nobles of Gujarat continued their trade despite the Portuguese monopoly. Malik Gopi,
Malik Ayaz, Khwaja Sofar and others interested in trade plied their ships with or without passes from the Portuguese.
Besides, the local and foreign merchants settled in lndia carried on their trade with or without cartaz. It was estimated
that out of the 60,000 quintals of pepper produced annually in the area between Calicut and Cape Comorin, only
15,000 quintals were delivered to the Portuguese factories and the remaining three-fourths were taken to other ports.
This was termed illegal by the Portuguese. The Portuguese were not willing to enhance the price of pepper agreed
upon in 1503 even after several decades. Hence, the producers of pepper did not have any alternative other than
supplying it to the merchants who might buy it and send it to other centres of trade without the knowledge of the
Portuguese. Moreover, several Portuguese officials conducted their own private trade in various commodities without
the knowledge of their government. In fact, Portuguese monopoly was never effective in the Red Sea zone.
Trade and Production
Overseas trade conducted in the sixteenth century in Asia in general and India in particular was, by and large, of long-
distance in nature involving the Asiatic ports on the one side and the Atlantic ports on the other. The commodities
exported from lndia reached various parts of Europe. There were a number of elements in the
pattern of this trade, as explained earlier, which distinguished it from just "peddling trade.
In view of the greater demand for pepper, the cultivators strove to increase the production. It is calculated that the
production of pepper in the Malabar area went up by 200 to 275 % in the period between 1515 and 1607. As there is
no reliable account of the volume of production before the arrival of the Portuguese, it is rather difficult to make a
comparison and assert with certainty the exact percentage of increase in production. At any rate, it is reasonable to
conclude that the production of pepper in lndia increased after the Portuguese advent. But it must be borne in mind
that the internal demand for pepper from the Mughal Empire and the external one from the Safavi Empire also might
have contributed to the increase in pepper production in India.
FOUNDATION OF MUGHAL RULE IN INDIA

Much before the final showdown at the battle of Panipat (1526), Babur invaded India four times. These skirmishes
were trials of strength of Mughal arms and Lodi forces.
The first to fall was Bhira (1519-1520), the gateway of Hindustan, followed by Sialkot (1520) and Lahore (1524).
Finally, Ibrahim Lodi and Babur's forces met at the historic battlefie1d of Panipat. The battle lasted for just few hours
in favour of Babur.
The battle shows Babur's skill in the art of warfare. His soldiers were less in number but the organisation was superior.
Ibrahims forcest though many times greater in number (approximately 1,00,000 soldiers and 1000-500 elephants as
compared to Babur's 12,000 horseman) faired badly. Babur successfully applied the Rumi (Ottoman) method of
warfare.

Comment on the Turko-mongol theory of sovereignty. To what extent was it adopted by Babur and
Humayun? (30)(2010)
Turco-Mongol Concept of Sovereignty
Although it is said that Chingiz had borrowed his divine theory of sovereignty from the Uyghur’s, the Mongols
themselves seem to believe in absolute power of the Khan which is evident from the following words of a Mongol
Khan: "In the sky there can only be one sun or one moon; how can there be two masters on earth". Nonetheless,
division of the Empire among the ruler's sons for facilitating administration with all its rigours and satiating the
desires of governance among princes was the cardinal principle of Mongol concept of sovereignty. But Timur
followed the concept of absolute sovereignty who pronounced that "the whole expanse of the inhabited part of the
world is not worthy of two kings: since God is one, therefore, the vicegerent of God on earth should also be one."
Babur also confirms that "partnership in rule is a thing unheard of.
Despite these assertions, a controversy has existed among the historians about the tradition of absolute monarchy
entertained by Timur who had accepted the nominal overlordship of a descendant of Chingiz Khan. Timur himself
never used any title higher than amir. Though Timur's successor Shahrukh assumed the title Padshah and Sultan-ul
Azam, the idea of the nominal overlordship of the Khan remained alive down to the time of Abu Saeed Mina.
However, the existence of puppet Khans was a political necessity for Timur. Timur did not belong to the royal family
of Chingiz in the given situation "only men of the tribe of Chingiz could claim the title Khan". , Timur's right to
accession was likely to be challenged by the Mongols.
These Khans were kept confined to a particular locality and the only royal prerogative enjoyed by them was the
manshurs (orders) and certain coins of Timur carried the names of these "prisoners". Nevertheless, Timur continued
to maintain his supremacy over the Khans. No sooner had he acquired necessary power and secured enough support
from the Chaghatai nobles than he proclaimed himself sovereign in 1370 with the title of sahib-i qiran (a title given
to a ruler who had ruled for forty years) he coronation ceremony was held with all royal grandeur for Timur alone.
Timur never "rendered honours to the Khans in the presence of the troops and in solemn surroundings. Honours due
to the monarch were always personally received by Timur".
Being a firm believer in absolutism, Timur never attached undue importance to the consultative assembly (qwltai).
Besides, he considered himself to be the temporal as well as spiritual leader. Concept of sovereignty was stretched
by him to its logical end. He announced that he "received direct revelations from the Almighty", thus giving divine
sanctions to his enterprise. Thus, the practice of installing puppet Khans was 'merely a political game which had been
played by Timur and his successors to mobilize the support of Mongol forces and to use them finally to establish
their own power and to legitimize their rule over a territory which was actually usurped by them from the Mongols.
At any rate, after the death of Mahmud in A.D. 1402, Timur did not care to appoint any other Khan
Babarnama as a source of history (20) (2002)
It’s not clear what inspired Babur to write his memoirs. Historical accounts were popular in the Islamic world of his
time, but there was no tradition of royal memoirs. His choice of language was also unusual. Babur was perfectly at
home writing Persian, the literary language of Central Asia at the time. But he chose to write the Baburnama in
Chagaty Turkish, the language spoken by himself and his people.
The memoir is lively, personal and direct. Babur begins the story when he inherited the throne at the age of twelve
and ends in mid-sentence in September, 1529, a year before his death. He paints a picture of a warrior who partied
as hard as he fought. He loved wine, melons, and gardens. He hated India, which was, in his opinion, lacking in all
three. He was proud of his ability to write Persian poetry–and pleased to recite it at a party. (Poetry was a courtly
skill and popular party game in the Central Asia kingdoms of the fifteenth and sixteenth century, just as it was in
Elizabethan England and eighteenth century France.) He tells us what he did, thought and saw–not to mention how
much he drank and how sick he was afterwards. He details who was at each event and why their presence was
important. He outlines his military strategy at important battles. He complains about India, which he described as “a
place of little charm”, but describes its animal and plant life with careful, loving detail.
How does Tuzuk-i-Babri testify that Babar had been a cultured man? (10) (2015)
Tuzuk-i-Baburi is the autobiography of Babur, the founder of the Mughal empire in India. On the instruction of
Akbar, Tuzuk-i Baburi was translated into Persian named, ‘Baburnamah’ in 1589 by one of his nobles, Mirza

Abdur-Rahim.
The Tuzuk-i-Baburi is a faithful description of the world the author had lived in, and of the people he had come into
contact.
Following facts in Tazuk-i Babri testifies Babar as a cultured man:
(1) Literary Taste
Babar had a fine literary test. He was a great writer and poet. He made beautiful verses. Tuzuk-i Babri is written in
beautiful and chaste language and is a delightful reading.
(2) Interest in architecture
He had built many buildings in Samarqand and also tried the same in India but he did not have much time due to
uncosolidated nature of Empire. He disliked non-symmetrical buildings of India.
(3) Interest in music, dance and painting
Babur wrote books on music and had deept interest in it. In his wine parties, music and dance, witticism and recital
of poetry were common. He had interest in painting.
(4) Love for nature
Babur was a passionate lover of nature who found pleasure in streams, meadows and pasture lands of his own
country; springs, lakes, plants, flowers, and fruits all had charm for him. This love of nature gave him the poetic
genius.
About India, he mentions about mountains, rivers, jungles, and streams and about various kinds of foodstuffs, fruits
and vegetables. He gives a minute account of the flora and fauna of Hindustan.
(5) Truthfulness
He writes about his own success and failure or about his shortcomings with candour, which greatly impresses the
reader.
With great regard for truth, Babur recorded historical events exactly as they had occurred. There was no hypocrisy.
It is said: “If ever there were a case when the testimony of a single historical document, unsupported by other
evidence, should be accepted as sufficient proof, it is the case with Babur’s Memoirs. No reader of this prince of
autobiographers can doubt his honesty or his competence as witness and chronicler.”
(6) Liberal nature
There was less sectarianism in him and less religious bigotry. Though he did show ruthlessness and destroyed
temples in several occassions.
Humayun
The situation under Humayun was quite different. Like Babur he did not command the respect and esteem of the
nobility. Moreover, the Chaghatai nobles were not favourably inclined towards him and the Indian nobles, who had
joined Babur's service , deserted the Mughals at Humayun's accession. Muhammad Sultan Mina, a descendant of
Timur; Muhammad Zaman and Mir Muhammad Mahdi Khwaja, brother-in-law of Babur, were considered worthy to
aspire to the throne; especially Amir Nizamuddin Ali Khalifa, a grandee of Babur, hatched a conspiracy which failed.
To sustain imperial power and hegemony, Humayun had to contend against the Afghans both in the east and the west
which was supported by a large social base. But, most dangerous of all, was Humayun's brother Kamran Mirza. The
situation was further aggravated by the existence of two centres of power within the empire - Humayun at the centre
and Kamran's autonomous control over Afghanistan and Punjab. Humayun decided to deal, at first, with the western
Afghans
A number of factors had contributed in Humayun's debacle against Sher Shah. These include:
i) He faced hostility of his brothers. On many occasions he dealt with them too kindly.
ii) Sometime he reacted lethargically when the situation demanded swift action. This can be seen well in his Gujarat
and Bengal campaigns.
iii) He was also victim of an 'inexorable fate'. For example Mahmud Shah of Bengal kept him unnecessarily involved
in Bengal politics. This provided an opportunity to Sher Shah to gain strength.
iv) Humayun also lacked financial resources for continuous warfare: This weakness became very much evident when
in Bengal he got stranded and lacked money and supplies (1539).
v) Besides, Sher Shah had the courage, experience and organising abilities; he was also skilled in exploiting political
opportunities. Humayun could not match his capabilities.
Hemu Vikramaditya (20) (2001)

Hemu was a Hindu general and Chief Minister of Adil Shah Suri of the Suri Dynasty during a period in Indian
history when the Mughals and Afghanswere vying for power across North India. He fought Afghan rebels across
North India from the Punjab to Bengal and the Mughal forces of Humayun and Akbar in Agra and Delhi, winning
22 battles for Adil Shah.
Hemu claimed royal status after defeating Akbar's Mughal forces on 7 October 1556 in the Battle of Delhi and
assumed the ancient title of Vikramaditya that had been adopted by many Hindu kings in the past. A month later,
Hemu was wounded by a chance arrow and captured during the Second Battle of Panipat. Akbar's regent, Bairam
Khan beheaded him shortly thereafter.
Rise to prominence
Details of Hemu's early career are vague and involve much speculation. Following his start as a seller of saltpetre,
he is said to have been a trader or a weighman in the market.
Hemu's battles
Hemu, besides being a highly capable civil administrator, was also the finest military mind on the Afghan side after
the demise of Sher Shah Suri. He is reputed to have waged and won as many as 22 battles against the opponents of
Adil Shah. Many of these battles were against Afghans who had rebelled against Adil Shah. One of these was Taj
Khan Karrani, a member of Islam Shah's court who, rather than serving Adil Shah, decided to flee with his
followers from Gwalior towards the east. He was overtaken by Hemu at Chibramau and defeated, but somehow
managed to escape and plundered and robbed his way to Chunar. Hemu gave chase again and fought Karrani at
Chunar and was victorious once more. However, just as at Chibramau, Karrani gave him the slip again. Hemu
asked Adil Shah—who had accompanied him—to remain at Chunar and proceeded to chase Karrani all the way to
Bengal. After the victory of Humayun over Adil Shah's brother-in-law, Sikandar Shah Suri, on 23 July 1555, the
Mughals finally recovered Delhi and Agra. Hemu was in Bengal when Humayun died on 26 January 1556. His
death gave Hemu an ideal opportunity to defeat the Mughals. He started a rapid march from Bengal and drove the
Mughals out of Bayana, Etawah, Sambhal, Kalpi, and Narnaul. In Agra, the governor evacuated the city and fled
without a fight upon hearing of Hemu's invasion.
Hemu's most notable victory took place shortly thereafter against the Mughals at Tughlaqabad.
After winning Agra, Hemu, who had set off in pursuit of the city's governor, reached Tughlaqabad, a village just
outside Delhi where he ran into Tardi Beg Khan's forces.
As Raja Vikramaditya
After taking control of Delhi, Hemu claimed royal status and assumed the title of Vikramaditya (or Bikramjit), an
appellation used by a number of Hindu kings in India's ancient past. What this signifies is, however, a subject of
speculation among historians.
Historians such as Satish Chandra do not believe that this implies that Hemu had declared himself to be
an independent king. He reasons that, for one, none of the Mughal authors of the time explicitly say so in their
histories. In the Akbarnama, Abu'l-Fazl writes that after Hemu's victory at Tughlaqabad, "the ambition of
sovereignty" was stirring within him. According to Bada'uni, Hemu took on the title of Bikramjit like a great Raja
of Hindustan. Another contemporary historian named Nizamuddin Ahmad merely states that Hemu took on said
title, but refrains from saying anything more. Secondly, it would have been an ill-advised move as Hemu's military
force was composed almost entirely of Afghans. According to Bada'uni, there were also some murmurings against
Hemu amongst the Afghans who were "sick of his usurpation … prayed for his downfall".
Whether he had set himself up as an independent king or not, Hemu Vikramaditya's reign was to be short-lived as
he would again clash with the Mughals only a month later. This time the battlefield would be at Panipat, not far
from the site where Akbar's grandfather, Babur, had been victorious against the Lodis 30 years earlier.
Second Battle of Panipat
On hearing the disastrous news from Tughlaqabad, Akbar immediately set off for Delhi. Ali Quli Khan Shaibani
who had been sent ahead with 10,000-strong cavalry force chanced upon Hemu's artillery which was being
transported under a weak guard. He was easily able to capture the entire train of artillery. This would prove to be a
costly loss for Hemu.
On 5 November 1556, the Mughal army met Hemu's army at the historic battlefield of Panipat. Akbar and Bairam
Khan stayed in the rear, eight miles from the battleground. Hemu led his army himself into battle, atop an elephant
named Hawai. It was a desperately contested battle but the advantage tilted in favour of Hemu. Both the wings of
the Mughal army had been driven back and Hemu moved his contingent of war elephants and cavalry forward to
crush their centre. Hemu was on the cusp of victory when he was wounded in the eye by a Mughal arrow and

collapsed unconscious. This triggered a panic in his army which broke formation and fled. The battle was lost; 5000
dead lay on the field of battle and many more were killed while fleeing.
The spoils from the battle at Panipat included 120 of Hemu's war elephants whose destructive rampages so
impressed the Mughals that the animals soon became an integral part of their military strategies.
AKBAR'S RELATIONS WITH THE RAJPUTS

Rajput policy
“Akbar built the Mughal Empire by enlisting the support of the Rajputs, Aurangzeb destroyed it
by alienating the Rajputs.” Discuss critically. (60) (2007) (2003)
Do you think that Akbar’s Rajput policy was a conscious attempt to incorporate the Indian ruling elite with the
Mughal Imperial System? (15) (2017)
We can perceive three phases in the shaping of Akbar's Rajput policy. During the first phase, which ended in 1569-
70, Akbar continued with the policy followed by the Delhi Sultans; in the second phase, Akbar tried to develop and
extend the alliance with, Rajputs but certain components of the earlier policy were retained; the third and last phase
is marked by Akbar's break with Muslim orthodoxy.
The First Phase

There has been a lot of debate on Akbar's relations with the Rajputs. Some argue that his policy initiated a system in
which there would be no discrimination on the basis of religion in public appointments. Others hold that it was a
caliberated attempt to exploit the martial attributes of the Rajputs for the expansion of the Empire and also to play
them against each other thereby ensuring that they would not unitedly pose a threat to the Empire. It is also stated
that Akbar's Rajput policy was a part of a broad policy of wooing the zamindars and martial classes which included
the Rajputs and Afghans. Majority of the zamindars were Hindus and specially Rajputs. It is pointed out that the
policy was aimed at using the Rajputs to counter the power of the Uzbegs and other disaffected nobles. Faithfulness
of Rajputs was legendary.
They could serve as important buttresses both within the court and outside.
Rajputs had made an impression on Akbar's mind way back in 1557 when a Rajput contingent under Bhara Mal, the
ruler of Amber, had demonstrated its loyalty to Akbar. This led to a matrimonial alliance between Bhara Mal's
daughter and Akbar in 1562. But this matrimonial alliance was not unique and such alliances were a common feature
before Akbar's time also. These marriages were in the nature of political compromise and did not imply conversion
to Islam and break with Hindu traditions. Bhara Ma1 had submitted to Akbar by personally paying homage to him in
1562. By encouraging this practice, Akbar was trying to establish intimate relations with those chieftains who
submitted to him personal: A personal relationship, it was felt, would best ensure political a1legiance. Akbar's period
thus ushered in an era of personal fidelity. Matrimonial alliances did not lead to any kind of special bond between
Rajputs and Mughals. Nor were these alliances with Rajputs intended to be aimed at countering recalcitrant elements
or using the Rajputs for military gains. The fact that Rajputs did participate in Mughal wars against their compatriots
was not unprecedented. The libral measures such as 'abolition of jiziya, remission of pilgrim taxes, etc. which Akbar
introduced between 1562-64, strengthened people's faith in Akbar as a liberal ruler. But these measures did not create
an atmosphere of total peace between :he Mughals and Rajputs. The war with Chittor, is an apt example. The Rajputs
offered firm resistance despite the presence of Bhagwant Singh with Akbar. Akbar on the other hand proclaimed the
conflict as jihad and martyrs as ghazis giving the whole affair a religious colour. He ascribed his victory to God's
will, thereby emphasizing the religious dimension of the conflict.
The Second Phase

Analyse how the political processes of state information of Mewar, from 10th to 15th century CE was challenged in
the 16th century CE by imperialist policy of Akbar. (15)(2013)
Towards the end of 1570, the relations with Rajputs were further established. Rai Kalyan Mal of Bikanar submitted
to Akbar by paying homage personally along with his son. Rawal Har Rai of Jaiselmer and Kalyan Mal's daughters
were married to Akbar. Both were firmly entrenched in their principalities and enrolled in the Imperial service. The
Gujarat expedition of Akbar was an important landmark in 'the evolution of Mughal-Rajput relations. The Rajputs
were enlisted as soldiers systematically. Thus, the Rajputs were deployed outside Rajasthan for the first time and
were given significant assignments and posts. During the Gujarat insurrection of the Mirzas, Akbar depended largely

or Rajpute Kachawahas Man Singh and Bhagwant Singh. Akbar also had to deal with the Mewar problem. The Rana
of Mewar did not agree to personal submission and wanted to regain Chittor. Akbar remained firm on the principle
of personal homage. In the meantime Marwar was subdued by Akbar.
The battle of Haldighati between the Rana of Mewar and Akbar was not a struggle between Hindus and Muslims. As
important groups from among the Rajputs sided with the Mughals, this struggle cannot be termed as a struggle for
independence from foreign rule. It can to some extent be characterized as the pronouncement of the ideal of regional
independence. In the 16th century India, the feelings of local and regional loyalty were very powerful which could
be further strengthened by emphasis on conventions and traditions. However, this catchword could not be very helpful
in the long run since there was no supreme regional power amongst the Rajput states.
They were vulnerable to internecine warfare and its disastrous' consequences. The states located along the borders of
Mewar submitted to Akbar and entered into matrimonial alliances. These states had close relations with Mewar but
had always pursued a practical policy of allying with whosoever was the dominant power in the area. The ruler of
Bundi and Marwar, who were in league with the Rana, were subdued. Thus, the Rena’s power suffered a severe jolt
and Rajputs were transformed from mere collaborators into allies of the Mughals.
The Third Phase
The reimposition of jiziya by Akbar in 1575, which was a step in preparation for war with Mewar, shows that Akbar
had to rely on religion for serving political ends. The fall from power of the chief sadr Abdul Nabi and the
proclamation of the mahzar are important events which constitute the starting point of Akbar's break with orthodoxy.
During the invasion on Punjab by Akbar's brother Mirza Hakim (the ruler of Kabul) in 1580, Akbar relied upon
Rajput such as Man Singh and Bhagwant Singh who' displayed considerable valour during the siege and successfully
resisted it. Akbar rewarded them by making Bhagwant Das the governor of Lahore and Man Singh the commander
of the Indus region. An important consequence of Mirza Hakim's invasion was that from now onwards the Rajputs
became the sword-arm of the Empire and became actively involved in Mughal administration.
A group among the nobility displayed fear over the ascendancy of Rajputs. However Akbar was strong enough to
brush aside such feelings and continued to rely on the Rajputs.
Akbar tried to forge close relations with the Rajput ruling houses. The Kachhawaha family occupied a special position
in the gamut of Mughal-Rajput relations. In 1580, Man Bai, the daughter of Bhagwant Das, was married to Prince
Salim. In 1583, Jodhpur which was a part of khalisa was bestowed upon Mota Raja Udai Singh (Marwar) and his
daughter was married to Salim. Rai Kalyan Singh's (Bikaner) daughter and Rawal Bhim's (Jaisalmer) daughters were
also married to Salim. Prince Daniyal was married to a daughter of Raimal of Jodhpur.
These marriages reveal Akbar's desire to compel1 his successor to the throne to carry on the policy of maintaining
close relationship with the Rajputs. In 1583-84, Akbar initiated a new policy of selecting loyal Muslim and Hindu
nobles for performing administrative tasks. Thus, the son of Bhara Mal and Rai Lonkaran Shekhawat were to look
after armour and roads; household management was placed under Raisal Darbari (Kachhawaha); Raja Askaran
Kachhawaha of Narwan was assigned the task of supervising the property of minors; Jagmal Panwar, associated with
Raja Bhagwant Das and Man Singh, was incharge of the department of jewels and other minerals; Rai Durga Sisodia
of Rampura and Raja Todar Ma1 were assigned administrative tasks in the revenue department and Rai Sujan Hada
wits to bring matters' relating to religion and faith to Prince Daniyal. Raja Birbal was a close associate of Akbar and
was responsible for justice. It cannot be said with certainty to what extent this policy of deploying Rajputs for carrying
out administrative tasks was successful. Abul Fazl gives the impression that it was not properly implemented.
The year 1585-86 marks an important landmark in the administrative sphere when the subas were given an
administrative shape. Each sub was to have two amirs or sipahsalars as well as a diwan and a bakshi. The
Kachhawahas got the largest share of appointments among Rajputs. Lahore. was given to Raja Bhagwant Das and
Rai Singh of Bikaner, Kabul to Man Singh, Agra to Raja Askaran Shekhawat. Ajmer to Jagannath (son of Bhara
Mal). The Rathors and Sisodias were also employed in the administrative set up but not on a very large scale.
By 1585-86, the alliance with Rajputs had become steady and stable. The Rajputs were now not only allies but were
partners in the Empire. Conflict with the Rana of Mewar did not lead to bitterness in relations with other Rajput states
of Rajasthan. Finally, the dispute with the Rana was settled and he spent the rest of his life in Chawand in South
Mewar (his capital).
Among the Rajputs enlisted in the Imperial Service, the Kachhawahas reigned supreme. In the mansabdari (ranking
system) which was developed by Akbar the Kachhawahas held a dominant position. In the list of mansabdars, as
given in the Ain-i Akbari of the 24 Rajputs 13 were Kachhawahas. Among Kachhawahas only members of Bhara
Mal's family held ranks of 1500 zat or above. The only non-Kachhawaha Rajput who held a high rank and important
posts was Rai Singh of Bikaner.

Rajput states were sort of a loose confederation in which a region was held by a clan or khap by one or more family
which had close kinship ties with the clan. A member of the leading family was called rao/rai-rana. There was no
definate law of succession both primogeniture and the will of the ruler prevailed. But the deciding factors were the
support of Rajput sardars (chieftains) and military might. A clan held a region relying on the support of Rajput
warriors. The leading family of a clan held only a few parganas or mansab under direct control in a region and the
rest were assigned in patta to individual members of the family who erected their own fortresses or places of residence
called basi or kota. Holders of these fortresses were called dhani or thakur. These holdings were hereditary. In these
circumstances the Rana tried to extend the holding at the expense of the tikanedars (clan brothers) whereas the clan
attempted to gain at the cost of neighbouring clans.
When a Rajput raja was enrolled in the Imperial service, he was given jagir against his mansab which consisted of
mahals where the clan members lived. The mahals were a part of one or more parganas with a fort or garhi where the
raja resided with his family. This region was the real watan of the raja though, occasionally, the term was extended
to mean the entire tract held by the raja and his clansmen. Jahangir refers to this as riyasat. The term watan jagir came
into vogue only at the end of Akbar's-reign. Jagirs in close proximity to watan were considered a part of the watan
and were not transferrable except in case of rebellion, etc. These watan jagirs were granted for life within Rajasthan.
Outside Rajasthan, jagirs were transferrable. The term watan jagir is not referred to by Abul Fazl and other
contemporary historians. The first reference to this is contained in a farman of Akbar to Raja Rai Singh of Bikaner.
By Jahangir's time the concept of watan jagir was firmly entrenched. Areas held by clan members and other clans
were brought under the control of the raja. Watan jagirs allowed the rajas to consolidate their position vis-a-vis the
pattayats which was a step towards the evolution of a stable and centralised state structure. Watan and riyasat at times
overlapped.
When a raja died all the parganas controlled by him as watan jagir were not inevitably inherited by his successor. His
successor was given a few parganas according to his mansab which was lower than that of his predecessor. Thus,
jagir rights in a pargana were partitioned. This was a means of exercising control over the Rajput rajas.
Dispute among the Rajputs for control of certain territories was a problem in which Akbar also got entangled. For
example, Pokharan was claimed by the Bhatis of Jaisalmer and rulers of Bikaner and Jodhpur. Akbar had assigned it
to Mota Raja, later to Suraj Singh, but the Bhatis continued to resist and dispute could not be settled in Akbar's time.
The Mughals did not try to create dissensions among the Rajputs but they were aware of dissensions among the
Rajputs on the basis of clan and personal holdings and took advantage of these differences for their own ends. For
example, they transferred disputed parganas from one to another. The Mughal control over an autonomous raja was
determined by the Mughal concept of paramouncy. Attitudes of traditional ruling elites and political expediency. In
Akbar's time Chittor and Ranthambhor forts were under Mughal appointees. The rajas assessed and collected land
revenue according to their custom and norms. but imposition of certain taxes was disallowed. However, there was no
machinery to enforce these prohibitions which were often ignored by small rajas, Marwar was under direct Mughal
rule from 1563 to 1583. Parts of Mewar were directly controlled by the Mughals from 1568 to the early years of
Jahangir's reign.
The Rajput rajas were granted jagirs outside their watan in neighbouring subas or in subas where they served. The
jagirs were situated either in productive areas or in zortalab (rebellious) areas. The proportion of jagirs granted in
Rajasthan and outside differed from case to case. Additional income from jagirs outside traditional holdings was
important. Jagirs in Rajasthan were a more attractive proposition for the Rajputs as they carried a lot of prestige and
enabled them to maintain their links with the clan which was the foundation of their power.
The establishment of a sort of Pax Mughalica (Mughal peace) was important if the Rajput rajas were to serve in
different parts of the Empire without being bothered about their homelands. This meant regulation of inter-state
disputes and disputes among the Rajput rajas and sardars. The Mughal policy of conferring honour on anyone was a
part of the process of weakening the aristocracy by instigating the middle and lower strata to assert their independence
from aristocracy. Therefore, the Mughals enlisted in the Imperial service many minor feudatories of the Rajput rajas
themselves.
The issue of succession had invariably caused fratricidal civil wars in Rajput states. The concept of Mughal
Paramouncy implied controlling succession to the throne in these states. This was not an easy task: it depended on
the strength of the Mughal ruler. Akbar had pronounced that the grant of tika was the prerogative of the Mughal
Emperor and could not be claimed as a matter of right. The fact that the Mughal Emperor could give tika to sons of
the deceased raja or his brother or brother's son could lead to conflicts. But, at least, the issue could be settled without
a civil war due to Mughal intervention.

As the mansab system developed, Akbar tried to encourage nobles to maintain mixed contingents consisting of ethnic
groups like the Mughals, Rajputs etc. However this was not acceptable to many and exclusive contingents of Rajputs
and Mughals were still maintained. The Rajput soldier was paid a salary lower than his Mughal counterpart but how
far this encouraged nobles to employ Rajputs is not known. Akbar tried to promote heterogeneous contingents to cut
across the ethic-religious 'distinctions.
But we find that under Akbar and his successors ethnic-religious ties could not be weakened. Many nobles disliked
the importance given to the Rajputs in the Imperial service. The Rajputs, too, found it difficult at first to adjust to the
discipline in the Mughal service.
Akbar's alliance with the Rajputs began as a political coalition but later, it developed into an instrument of closer
relations between Hindus and Muslims which formed the basis for a broad liberal tolerant policy towards all,
irrespective of faith. Around this time, the concept of justice also became extensive. It was stressed that justice should
be dispensed to all irrespective of religion, faith, caste and race. Thus Mughal-Rajput relations were seen as the
beginning of a secular, non-sectarian state in which all sections of people would have some interest in its continuation.
But this was not in accordance with the social and political reality. The Rajputs were generally orthodox in their
social and religious outlook. They refused to enroll themselves in Akbar's tauhid llahi and also did not support Akbar
in opposing sati. Like the Rajputs, the Mughal elite was also generally orthodox, The Mughal elite and ulema feared
that a broad liberal policy would be detrimental to their dominant position. Their opposition could be put down only
by furthering the Mughal-Rajput alliance supported by powerful non-sectarian movements stressing common points
between followers of the two religions. These movements were limited in their influence and the Mughal-Rajput
alliance having no powerful bulwark became strained and collapsed.
Akbar
Evolution of religious and social outlook, theory of Sulh-i-kul and religious policy
Religious Tolerance of Akbar (20) (2006)
Trace the evolution of the religious views of Akbar. Write a note on his policy of Sulh-i-kul. (60)
(2002)
Implications of Akbar’s notion of Sulh-i-kul. (20)(2009)
“In medieval Indian history Akbar was unique for his religio-political ideas and policies.” Analyse
this statement. (20) (2015)
“Akbar wished to assert his strong belief in God, but his concept of the way god is to be
worshipped was independent of either orthodox Islam or Hinduism.” Comment. (10) (2018)
OF ALL the aspects of Akbar's life and reign, few have excited more interest than his attitude toward religion. There
is every indication that he began his rule as a devout, orthodox Muslim. He said all the five prayers in the
congregation, often recited the call for prayers, and occasionally swept out the palace mosque himself. He showed
great respect for the two leading religious leaders at the court, Makhdum-ul-Mulk and Shaikh Abdul Nabi. Makhdum-
ul-Mulk, who had been an important figure during the reign of the Surs, became even more powerful in the early
days of Akbar. Shaikh Abdul Nabi, who was appointed sadr-ul-sadur in 1565, was given authority which no other
holder of the office (the highest religious position in the realm) had ever enjoyed. Akbar would go to his house to
hear him expound the sayings of the Prophet, and he placed his heir, Prince Salim, under his tutorship. "For some
time the Emperor had so great faith in him as a religious leader that he would bring him his shoes and place them
before his feet."
Further indication of Akbar's orthodoxy and of his religious zeal was shown in his devotion to Khwaja Muin-
ud-din, the great Chishti saint whose tomb at Ajmer was an object of veneration. He made his first pilgrimage to the
tomb in 1565, and thereafter he went almost every year. If there was a perplexing problem or a particularly difficult
expedition to undertake, he would make a special journey to pray at the tomb for guidance. He always entered Ajmer
on foot, and in 1568 and 1570, in fulfillment of vows, walked the entire way from Agra to Ajmer.
It was probably devotion to Khwaja Muin-ud-din that was responsible for Akbar's interest in Shaikh Salim
Chishti, a contemporary saint who lived at the site of what was to become Akbar's capital at Fathpur Sikri. It was
there that he built the Ibadat Khana, the House of Worship, which he set apart for religious discussions. Every Friday

after the congregational prayers, scholars, dervishes, theologians, and courtiers interested in religious affairs would
assemble in the Ibadat Khana and discuss religious subjects in the royal presence.
The assemblies in the Ibadat Khana had been arranged by Akbar out of sincere religious zeal, but ultimately
they were to drive him away from orthodoxy. This was partly the fault of those who attended the gatherings. At the
very first session there were disputes on the question of precedence, and when these were resolved, a battle of wits
started among the participants. Each tried to display his own scholarship and reveal the ignorance of the others.
Questions were asked to belittle rivals, and soon the gatherings degenerated into religious squabbles. The two great
theologians of the court, Makhdum-ul-Mulk and Shaikh Abdul Nabi, arrayed on opposite sides, attacked each other
so mercilessly that Akbar lost confidence in both of them. His disillusionment extended to the orthodoxy they
represented.
Shaikh Abdul Nabi, although not personally accused of graft, is said to have had corrupt subordinates. He was a strict
puritan, and his hostility toward music was one of the grounds on which his rival attacked him in the discussions in
the House of Worship. The petty recriminations of the ulama disgusted the emperor, but probably a deeper cause for
his break with them was an issue that is comparable in some ways to the conflict between the church and the state in
medieval Europe. The interpretation and application of Islamic law, which was the law of the state, was the
responsibility of the ulama. Over against this, and certain to come in conflict with it, was Akbar's concentration of all
ultimate authority in himself. Furthermore, with Akbar's organization of the empire on new lines, problems were
arising which the old theologians were unable to comprehend, much less settle in a way acceptable to the emperor.
Akbar's attitude towards religion and religious communities is generally evaluated on the basis of the measures which
he took between 1560-65 and which primarily affected the non-Muslim population of the Empire. During this period
the Emperor established matrimonial relations with the Rajputs, abolished the pilgrimage tax, prohibited the
conversion of prisoners of war to Islam and abolished jiziya. These measures seem to have given Akbar the image of
a "secular" emperor. In his personal beliefs, however, Akbar was a devout muslim. The works like Gulzar-i Abrar
and Nafais-ul Maasir, suggest that the emperor showed deep respect to the ulema and bestowed upon this group
abundant favours. Encouraged by emperor's bounty some of them persecuted even the non-Sunni sects of the
Muslims. The suppressive measures taken against the Mahdavis and the Shias pass almost unnoticed in the chronicles
of this period.
Akbar's "liberalism" has been explained in several ways. It is suggested that his upbringing and various intellectual
influences moulded his personal beliefs. Likewise there is another view which finds Akbar having forsaken Islam
and being hypocritical in his tolerant attitude. The current opinion, however, favours the view that these measures
were political concessions. In. the absence of any reliable Muslim support Akbar had little alternative but to seek
alliance with the Rajputs and Indian Muslims. These measures were infact concessions given to the non-Muslims to
win their support.
A change however appears in his attitude after 1565. There is "a marked retrogression in his attitude in matters
pertaining to religion". A document signed by his wakil Munim Khan (August-September 1566) refers to the order
regarding the collection of jiziya in the vicinity of Agra. In 1568, Akbar issued the famous Fathnama which is full of
terms and idioms that can be compared with any other prejudiced and bigoted declaration. He declares his war against
the Rajputs as jihad, takes pride in destroying temples and in killing the kafirs. Then we have Sharaif-i Usmani which
tells that the Emperor ordered Qazi Abdul Samad of Bilgram to check the Hindus from practicing idol-worship there.
To crown all this, in 1575, according to Badauni, Akbar reimposed jiziya though it did not work.
An interesting aspect of this phase was that despite "an atmosphere of religious intolerance" most of the Rajput
chieftains joined his service during the years 1566-73 Religion, thus, was not the main concern of the Mughal
Emperor. The significant issue before Akbar was to subdue the local chieftains. Religion was used only as a tool to
attain political goals. When this strategy did not yield substantial gains, Akbar dropped it.
Another interesting aspect deserving consideration is the establishment of the Ibadat khana (in 1575). It was
established with the aim to have free discussion on various aspects of Islamic theology. But the Emperor got
disillusioned the way Muslim jurists used to quarrel over questions of jurisprudence. In the beginning only the Sunnis
were permitted to take part in the discussions. But, from September 1578, the Emperor opened the gates of Ibadat
khana to the sufi, shias, Brahmins, Jains, Christians, Jews, Parsis, etc. The discussions at Ibadat Khana proved to be
a turning point as they convinced Akbar that the essence of faith lay in "internal conviction" based on 'reason'. Akbar
made an attempt by proclaiming himself mujtahid and declaring himself as Imam-Adil, to claim the right to interpret
all legal questions on which there existed a difference of opinion among the ulema. This led to violent protests from

a section of the Mughal society, but Akbar succeeded ultimately in curbing the predominance of the orthodox
elements.
Was Din-i-Ilahi ‘a monument of Akbar’s folly’? (20) (2004)
Akbar's Tauhid-i Ilahi (mistakenly called Din-i-Ilahi ) is another significant measure of this reign. R.P. Tripathi had
examined this theme in detail. It is appropriate to quote him at length: "Shrewd as Akbar was, he must have felt that
it was neither possible to melt all religions down into one, nor to launch a new religion which would have added one
more to others. But he felt himself caned upon to propagate this ideas among those who cared to listen to them The
sect had no sacred books or scripture, no priestly hierarchy, no sacred place of worship and no rituals or ceremonies
except that of initiation.. . a member had to give a .written promise of having. .. accepted the four grades of entire
devotion, viz., sacrifice of property, life, honour and religion. .. [(it)] was not a religion and Akbar never intended to
establish a church ... neither force nor money was employed to enlist disciples.. . It was entirely a personal matter,
not between the Emperor and the subjects, but between Akbar and those who chose to regard him as their pir or guru."
What seems to us is that Akbar wanted to build up a devoted band of people around him, acting as their spiritual
guide. Thus tauhid-i Ilahi had nothing to do with Akbar's religious or political policy.
In conclusion we may say that Akbar, in the interest of political consolidation, did not generally resort to religious
discrimination. Yet he never hesitated in taking strong measures against those who threatened his position or exceeded
the limits of social or ideological values regardless of their faith or creed. It should also be noted that stern actions
were taken against individuals, and not against the religious groups as such.
Jahangir
Religious policies of Jahangir, Shahjahan and Aurangzeb
Dara Shukoh (20) (2006)
Jahangir on the whole made no departure from his father's liberal attitude. Jahangir "was more orthodox than his
father and less than his son Khurram". It is alleged that he took harsh steps against the Sikhs, Jains and Sunnis. Here
it may be noted that the victims of his wrath were only individuals viz. Guru Arjan Singh, Man Singh Sun and Shaikh
Ahmad Sirhindi not the religious group per se. On the other hand, Jahangir visited Jagat Gosain three times and
discussed with him Hindu philosophy.
We find that Jahangir sometimes got provoked by the sectarian opinions of other persons. This trait had led him to
imprison the Sunni religious leader Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi mujahid ali sani for three years at the Gwalior fort. The
Shaikh had claimed that once in his "dream" he came closer to God than the Caliphs in the past.
Jahangir abhorred this statement. Many other Muslims, namely, Kaukab, Abdul Lateef and Sharif were imprisoned
for expressing some opinion disliked by the Emperor.
It is noteworthy that the percentage of the Hindu mansabdars did not decrease during Jahangir's reign. He never
launched a policy of the destruction of Hindu places of worship. He also did not reimpose jiziya, nor believed in
forcible conversion to Islam.
Shah Jahan
By the time Shah Jahan ascended the throne in 1627 a change in the climate of tolerance and liberalism seemed to
have set in. Islamic precepts now began to exercise some control over the affairs of the state as was evident from a
change in the practice of paying salute to the emperor. Akbar had introduced in his court the practice of sijda or
prostration, but Shah Jahan abolished it since this form of veneration was deemed fit for the Almighty. Shah Jahan
substituted taslim for sijda. Moreover the author of Amal Salih informs us that seventy six temples in the region of
Banaras were demolished at the order of the Emperor. The argument was that "new idol houses" (taza sanamkbana)
could not be constructed. However, the old ones built before Shah Jahan's accession were left untouched.
Significantly the Muslim orthodoxy could not exercise its influence on the Emperor in regard to the patronage given
to Music and painting. Dhrupad was the Emperor's favourite form of vocal music. The best Hindu Musician Jaganath
was much encouraged by the Emperor, to whom the latter gave the title of Maha Kavi Rai. The art of painting also
developed during Shah Jahan's reign. Patronage to music and painting was a state policy since Akbar's time. His
grandson, too, followed this tradition.
What is remarkable, however, is the fact that in spite of deviation in some respects from the norms laid down by
Akbar and followed by Jahangir Shah Jahan did not impose jiziya on the non-Muslims. Nor did the number of the
Hindu mansabdars fall below the number under his predecessors.
Aurangzeb

In what ways were Aurangzeb’s Rajput and religious policies different from those of his
predecessors? What were the consequences of the changes made by him? (60) (2004)
Aurangzeb's reign is shrouded in controversy. The opinion of scholars is sharply divided especially on matters
pertaining to religion.
We have divided Aurangzeb's measures in two parts: (a) minor inconsequential ordinances, and (b) major ones that
could be considered as part of, "state" policy.
As for the first, the following may be taken note of:
i) Aurangzeb forbade the kalima (Islamic confession of faith) from being stamped on his coins lest the holy words
might be desecrated under foot or defiled by the non-believers.
ii) Nauroz (the New Year's Day of the Zoroastrian calendar) celebrations going on since his predecessor's times were
abolished.
iii) Old mosques, etc, neglected earlier, were ordered to be repaired, and imams and muezzins, etc. were appointed
on a regular salary.
iv) A Censor of Morals (Muhtasib) was appointed "to enforce the Prophet's Laws and put down the practices
forbidden by Him" (such as drinking spirits, use of bhang, gambling and commercial sex).
v) The ceremony of weighing the Emperor against gold and silver on his two birthdays (i.e. according to the lunar
and solar calendars) was stopped.
vi) In 1665, the Emperor instructed the governor of Gujarat that diwali and holi should be celebrated outside the
bazars of the city of Ahmadabad and its parganas. The reason given for the partial ban of holi was that Hindus "open
their mouths in obscene speech and kindle the holi bonfire in chaklas and bazar, throwing into fire the faggot of all
people that they can seize by force and theft".
vii) The practice of jharokha darshan was discontinued after the eleventh year of his reign. The Emperor took it to be
unIslamic because the groups of the darshanias regarded their sovereign as their earthly divinity (and therefore they
did not eat anything before they had the darshan of the Emperor).
viii) Aurangzeb forbade the court musicians to perform before him "as he had no liking for pleasure, and his
application to business left him no time for amusement. Gradually music was totally forbidden at court". However,
the musicians were given pension. On the other hand, naubat (the royal band) was retained.
Concequances of religious policies

During his reign the mughal Rajput relation got strained due to Aurangjeb’s intereference with the internal affairs of
the Marwar’is rule of succession after the death of Jaswant singh. But during this time relation of Mughal with other
Rajput sates except Marwar and Mewar were as usual. During the Aurangjeb’s reign the percentage of Rajput
mansabdar in the Mughal army was greater in comparison to his predecessors.
Many temples were also destroyed that time. It was earlier found that long standing temple should not be demolished
but no new temples allowed to be built. But later on it was found that many temples were demolished. And this was
so because Aurangzeb started fearing for his political existence because there was some temple where both Hindu &
Muslim used to go and learn teachings and Aurangzeb thinking that this kind of practice may hamper therefore, there
should be stopped so demolishment took place.
There been several bad impacts of Aurangzeb’s policies. Some historians had said that Aurangzeb’s policies made
Mughal very weak. Earlier there was no respect left for Islam and its adherents; mosques were without splendor,
while idol-temples flourished; the requisites of canonical practice remained closed under bolts, while the gates of
irreligious practices were flung open.
That time Aurangzeb was the defender of the truth faith, converts to Islam were made much of. Many temples were
given order of destruction and instead mosques built. But now because of this religious policy Mughal State had
failed to yield the expected dividends. Now Aurangzeb faced difficult task of bringing under Imperial control the
extensive country extending up to Jinji, populated by Hindu population and simultaneoudy he had to deal with
Marathas.
And situation became so worst that there seem like Aurangzeb need to make some modification in his policy. His
attitude towards Hindu temples also varied from time to time according to circumstance that is political exigencies.
And his attitude towards Marathas also varied. But policy was not changed. During that time many festivals &
ceremonies banned and all practice, which is found against Islamic spirit, were also banned. Jizyah’s impact was
also very bad.

Aurangzeb’s religious policy should be seen in a wider context. Aurangzeb was orthodox in his outlook and tried to
remain within the framework of Islamic law. But this law was development outside India in a vastly dissimilar
situation, and could hardly be applied rigidly to India.
AN ASSESSMENT OF THE MUGHAL POLICY IN THE DECCAN
The above survey makes one thing clear that personal whims or religious considerations of the Mughals did not
dictate their policy towards the Deccan states. It is better to look at these changes keeping in view the overall socio-
economic and administrative situation of the Mughal empire. Akbar's basic concern in the Deccan was to establish
Mughal authority there and to protect the 'Surat hinterland'. He was aware that it was not possible to achieve this
objective through military conquest only, so he took recourse to diplomatic manoeuvres also. Jahangir was in favour
of maintaining the position that Akbar achieved by the treaty of 1600 in the Deccan and Jahangir's reading of the
situation in the Deccan and the internal problems-of the Empire influenced him to adopt this policy. Violation of the
Treaty of 1600 by Ahmednagar compelled Shah Jahan to take an aggressive posture against Ahmednagar and the
Treaty of 1636 settled the Deccan problem at least for the next 20 years. Again, the growing expansion of Bijapur
and Golkonda in the Karnatak region and the financial crisis of the Empire persuaded Shah Jahan to change his policy.
Even Aurangzeb who, before his accession, was a staunch advocate of forward policy in the Deccan was not in favour
of outright conquest of Bijapur and Golkonda. The rising power of the Marathas, threat of an alliance between the
Marathas and Bijapur-Golkonda as well as the internal crisis of the Empire compelled Aurangzeb to conquer Bijapur
and Golkonda in the 1680s. All these point to the fact that the Deccan policy of the Mughals was determined by the
needs of the contemporary situation rather than by mere personal desire of the rulers.
Foreign policy of Mughals

Identify the broad contours of the Mughal foreign policy and their impacts on the Mughal Empire. (20) (2016)
The foreign policy of the Mughals was related to the interaction with the three great powers of the period namely
the Uzbek empire of Central Asia, the Safaid empire of Persia (Iran) and the Ottoman empire of Turkey.
The Mughals’ original home was in Central Asia. They were driven out by the Uzbeks. The Uzbeks were Sunni
Muslims.
The Safaid rulers of Persia were Shia Muslims and they considered themselves supreme and true successors of the
Prophet Muhammad. The Muslims rulers of Turkey claimed themselves to be the true representatives of the Khalifa
of Baghdad. They were Sunni Muslims.
The foreign policy of the Mughals was guided by the following objectives and principles:
1. To safeguard India from foreign invasions.
2. To maintain balance of power among the Uzbeks, the Safaids and the Turks (Ottoman empire).
3. To increase trade and commerce with other countries.
4. To conquer their ancestral land in Central Asia—homeland from where Babur had been turned out.
5. To check the power of the Afghan tribes, that lived in the mountain region between Punjab and Kabul.
Relations of the Mughals with the Uzbeks in Central Asia:
Before analyzing the relations among the three powers, it would be desirable to understand their location.
Central Asia included Trans-Oxina:
Trans-Oxina (the region in which the Amu Darya) earlier called Oxus river flowed, Badakhan, Balk, Bukhara,
Samarqand etc. The Uzbek empire, a land of desert land scapes was in the heart of Central Asia. It was north of
Persia and Afghanistan. Its western frontier touched the Turkish empire and south-western touched the Persian
empire. Turkey is between the Black sea and the Mediterranean Sea and Persia is between Turkey and Afghanistan.
Although both the Mughals and the Uzbeks were Sunni Muslims, their political interests clashed.
Babur and the Uzbeks:
Babur’s homeland was Fargana. He was defeated by the Uzbeks and was deprived of Fargana and Samarqand.
After leaving his homeland, Babur moved towards Kabul and he captured Kabul and Kandhar. The Uzbeks had
friendly relations with Turkey. Persia’s borders and the newly created kingdom of Babur were linked.
Persia had been defeated by Turkey. The Uzbeks had friendly relations with Turkey. To maintain balance of power,
Babur leaned towards Persia. However, Babur’s efforts to capture Fargana and Samarqand failed. Babur occupied
Kandhar and there was not much opposition from Persia.
Humayun:
Humayun, in his wanderings took shelter with the Shah of Persia who helped him in regaining India.
Akbar:
The Uzbek ruler wanted that Akbar should have no friendship with Persia. This proposition was not acceptable to
Akbar and he politely declined.
Akbar and the Uzbek ruler entered into a treaty which included the following terms:
(a) The Mughal ruler not to take any interest in Badakshan and Balkh.
(b) The Uzbek ruler not to interfere in Kabul and Kandhar.
Jahangir:
During the reign of Jahangir, Persia snatched Kandhar from the Mughals and Baghdad from the Turks. Then
Jahangir, the Uzbeks and the Turks collaborated together to start a triangular fight against Persia. This collaboration
was short-lived.
Shah Jahan:
Shah Jahan sent several expeditions to conquer Bukhara from the Uzbeks but had to suffer heavy losses. In the
beginning of the campaigns prince Aurangzeb had an upper hand and he had even captured Bukhara. But on his
return journey, his victory was turned into a rout. The Mughal forces suffered grievous losses—in men and money.
It exposed the hollowness of Shah Jahan’s power.
Aurangzeb:
Aurangzeb made no attempt to recapture the areas occupied by the Uzbeks. He maintained friendly relations with
them. There was frequent exchange of ambassadors and gifts from both sides.
The Mughals and Persia:
The relations between the Mughal rulers and Persia hanged on the superiority over Kandhar which was situated on
that passage which linked India with Persia and countries of Central Asia.
Each party asserted an exclusive claim over it on account of the following reasons:
1. Kandhar was very rich and had fertile land.
2. For the Mughals from the political point of view the possession of Kandhar was important as from it they could
easily check the foreign invaders to India.
3. Kandhar occupied a very strategic position from the point of view of Persia also.
4. With the possession of Kandhar, it was easy to exercise check on the Afghans, the Baluchis and the hill tribes.
5. The passage of Kandhar had great significance for the pilgrims going to Mecca.
6. Economically the control over Kandhar was important as it was the starting point of traders from China and the
Mediterranean sea ports.
7. The possession of Kandhar was claimed by both powers for consideration of prestige and sentiments.
Babur and Persia:
Kandhar had been once ruled by Babur’s cousin. In the beginning of the 16th century Kandhar was ruled by semi-
independent rulers who according to their convenience sided with the Mughals or Persia. Babur conquered Kandhar
before becoming the ruler of India. He pacified the ruler of Persia by addressing to him a very conciliatory letter.
Humayun and Persia:
Humayun received great help from the ruler of Persia after his defeat at the hands of Sher Shah. The Shah of Persia
gave him shelter and help on the condition that after his victories is Hindustan, Humayun would hand over Kandhar
to him. However, Humayun after his victories did not hand over Kandhar to Persia. After the death of Humayun,
Persia captured Kandhar.
Akbar and Persia:
Akbar made no attempt to capture Kandhar till the Uzbeks posed a threat to it. An opportunity came when the
Uzbeks attacked Kandhar. The governor of Kandhar failed to get any help from Persia. The governor of Kandhar
surrendered Kandhar to Akbar after getting some concessions. Nevertheless the relations between Persia and the
Mughals remained cordial.
Jahangir and Persia:
Jahangir and the Persian ruler exchanged ambadassors and valuable gifts for several years. However the Mughal
ruler neglected the defence of Kandhar and Persia all of sudden captured Kandhar to the great surprise of Jahangir.
The ruler of Persia tried to make out that Kandhar belonged to Persia and Jahangir himself should have restored it
Persia. On account of the revolt of prince Khurram, Jahangir lost Kandhar.
Shah Jahan and Persia:
Shah Jahan made several efforts to conquer Kandhar but without any success. Only for a very short period he could
exercise control over Kandhar. Kandhar remained in the hands of Persia. Kandhar campaigns caused a great loss to
the Imperial Treasury of the Mughals.
Aurangzeb and Persia:

There was no conflict worth mentioning between the Mughal ruler and the ruler of Persia. Aurangzeb made no
serious attempt to take Kandhar.
CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION: ITS EVOLUTION
The Mughal Empire had pan-Indian character. Babur and Humayun for reasons of their brief reign and that of being
busy in military matters could not concentrate on establishing a definite system or pattern in administration. By the
end of Akbar's reign. we find establishment of elaborate offices with assigned functions to the heads of offices. The
rules and regulations guiding both their public and private conduct had all been fixed so that the officers were
converted into what can be termed the Apparatus of the Empire.
The Emperor
The ancient Indian traditions had always supported a strong ruler. The Muslim jurists and writers also held the same
view. Thus, the concept of divine origin bf monarchy could easily find credence among the Indian people. It is not
surprising that the Mughals publicised their jharokha darshan with great deal of pomp and show in which the Emperor
appeared at an appointed hour before the general public, the myth being that a mere look of his majesty would redress
their grievances.
With such popular perception of the ruler, it is obvious that all oficers in Mughal administration owed their position
and power to the Emperor. Their appointment promotion, demotion, and termination were subject to the ruler's
personal preference and whims.
Wazir
The institution of wizarat (or wikalat since both were used interchangeably) can be traced back to the Abbasi Caliphs.
Under the Delhi Sultans the wazir enjoyed both civil and military powers. But under Balban his power were reduced
when the Sultan bifurcated the military powers under diwan. As for Sher Shah. this office remained almost in
abeyance under the Afghans.
The position of the wazir revived under' the early Mughals. Babur's wazir Nizamuddin Muhammad Khalifa enjoyed
both the civil and military powers. Humayun's wazir Hindu Beg also virtually enjoyed great powers.
The period of Bairam Khan's regency (1556-60) saw the rise of the wakil-wazir with unlimited powers under Bairam
Khan. In the 8th regal year (1564-65). Akbar took away the financial powers of the wakil and entrusted it into the
hands of the diwan kul (Finance Minister). Separation of finance gave a jolt to the wakil's power. However, the wakil
continued to enjoy the highest place in the Mughal bureaucratic hierarchy despite reduction in his powers.
Diwani Kul
We have already seen how Akbar strengthened the office of the diwan by entrusting the revenue powers to the diwan.
The chief diwan (diwani kul) was made responsible for revenue and finances. His primary duty was to supervise the
imperial treasury and check all accounts.
He personally inspected all transactions and payments in all departments. He maintained direct contact with the
provincial diwans and their functioning was put under his vigil. His seal and signatures were necessary for the
validation of all official papers involving revenue. The entire revenue collection and expenditure machinery of the
Empire was under his charge. No fresh order of appointment or promotion could be affected without his seal. To
check the diwan's power, the Mughal Emperor asked the diwan to submit the report on state finances daily.
The central revenue ministry was divided into may departments to look after the specific needs of the Empire. For
example: diwani aalisa, diwani tan (for cash salary), diwani jagir, diwani buyutat (royal household), etc.
Each branch was further subdivided into several sections manned by a secretary, superintendents and clerks. The
mustaufi was the auditor, and the mushrif was the chief accountant. The khazanadar looked after the Imperial treasury.
Mir Bakhshi
All orders of appointments of mansabdars and their salary papers were endorsed and passed by him. He personally
supervised the branding of the horses (dagh) and checked the muster-roll (chehra) of the soldiers. On the basis of his
verification, the amount of the salary was certified. Only then the-diwan made entry in his records and placed it before
the king. Mir bakhshi placed all matters pertaining to the military department before the Emperor. The new entrants,
seeking service, were presented before 'the Emperor by the mir bakhshi. He dealt directly with provincial bakhshis
and waqainavis. He accompanied the Emperor on tours, pleasure trips, hunting expeditions, battlefield, etc. His duty
was to check whether proper places were allotted to the mansabdars according to their rank at the court. His darbar
duties considerably added to his prestige and influence.
The mir bakhshi was assisted by other bakhshis at central level. Besides, there were separate bakhshis for the ahadis
(special imperial troopers) and domestic servants of the royal household (bakhshi-i shagird pesha).
Mir Saman

The mir saman was the officer incharge of the royal karkhanas. He was also known as khan saman. He was the chief
executive officer responsible for the purchase of all kinds of articles and their storage for the royal household. Another
important duty was to supervise the manufacture of different articles, be it weapons of war or articles of luxury. He
was directly under the Emperor but for sanction of money and auditing of accounts he was to contact the diwan.
Under the mir saman there were several officers, including the diwani buyutat and tahvildar (cash keeper).
Sadr-us Sudur
The sadr-us sudur was the head of the ecclesiastical department. His chief duty was to protect the laws of the shariat.
He was also connected with the distribution of charities both cash (wazifa) and land grants (suyurghal, in'am, madad-
i ma'ash).
Initially as the head of the judicial department, he supervised the appointment of qazis and muftis. Before Shah
Jahan's reign, the posts of the chief qazi and sadr-us sudur were combined and the same person held the charge of
both the departments. However, under Aurangzeb, the post of the chief qazi (qazi-ul quzzat) and the sadr-us sudur
got separated. It led to sharp curtailment of sadr's power. Now in the capacity of sadr, he supervised assignment of
allowances and looked after the charitable grants. He also looked into whether the grants were given to the right
persons and utilized properly. He scrutinized applications for all such grants, both fresh and renewals, and presented
before the Emperor for sanction. Alms were also distributed through him. The chief qazi was known as qazi-ul quzzat.
He was the head of the judiciary. (We have already mentioned that prior to Aurangzeb's reign his powers was
combined in sadr-us sudur.) His principal duty was to administer the shariat law both in civil and criminal cases.
In the capacity of the chief qazi, he looked into the appointment of the qazis in the suba, sarkar, pargana and town
levels. There was a separate qazi for army also. Besides the qazi-ul quzzat, another important judicial officer was
amir 'adl. Abul Fazl emphasized the need to have a mir 'ad1 in addition to qazi, for the qazi was to hear and decide
the while amir 'adl was to execute the orders of the court.
The muhtasibs (censor of public morals) was ensure the general observance of the rule of morality. His job was to
keep in check the forbidden practices- wine drinking use of bhang and other intoxicants, gambling, etc. In addition,
he also performed some secular duties examining weights and measures, enforcing fair prices, etc.
Peshwas Administration
Compare the Peshwas bureaucratic management with that of the Imperial Mughal administration. (15)
(2015)
Maratha Administration
Maratha kingdom consisted of Swarajya and Mughalai. Swarjya referred to the areas of Maratha system of
administration while the Mughalai fell outside the Swarajya and was subjected to Maratha and other external raids
from time to time.
To protect people living in the Mughalai areas chauth and sardeshmukhi were imposed.
Central Administration
The king was the head with all powers-executive, legislative, military and judicial concentrated in his hands. A
council of eight ministers assisted him- Ashtapradhan system.
1. The Peshwa or the prime minister- duty was to look after general welfare and interests of the state.
2. The Amatya or Finance minister- in-charge of checking and countersigning all public accounts of the kingdom.
3. The Mantri- maintained a detailed account of the king and his court.
4. The Sumant or dabir- to advise king on the external affairs, war and peace.
5. The Sachiv-to look after the correspondence of the king and checked the accounts of parganas.
6. Danadhyaksha-the Ecclesiastical head-judge of canon law and censor of public morals.
7. The Nyayadhish or Chief Justice- responsible for dispensing civil and military justice.
8. The Senapati- the commander-in-chief in charge of recruitment, organization and discipline in the army.
Local Administration
The kingdom was divided into 4 provinces and each was placed under a provincial governor.To assist him, there
was a council of ministers based on the central model.
The provinces were divided into a number of regions called prants. Each prant was subdivided into parganas and
tarafs. The viilage was the lowest unit of administration,run by the village headman known as the patel.Over a
group of villages there were officers known as deshmukhs and despandes.
TOWN, FORT AND PORT ADMINISTRATION

To administer the cities and ports, the Mughals maintained separate administrative machinery.
Kotwal
For urban centres, the imperial court appointed kotwals whose primary duty was to safeguard the life and property of
townsmen. He may be compared to the present day police officer in the towns and cities. The kotwal was also to
maintain a register for keeping records of people coming and going out of the town. Every outsider had to take a
permit from him before entering or leaving the town. The kotwal was to ensure that no illicit liquor was manufactured
in his area. He also acted as suprintendent of weights and measures used by the merchants and shopkeepers.
Qil'adar
The Mughal Empire had a large number of qilas (forts) in various parts of the country. Many of these were located
at strategically important places. Each fortress was l i e a mini township with a large garrison. Each fort was under
the officer called qil'adar. A cursory survey of the persons appointed as qiladars reveals that mansabdars with high
ranks, generally wore appointed. He was incharge of the general administration of fort and the areas assigned in jagir
to the qiladar. Sometimes, the qiladars were asked to perform the duties of the faujdar in that region.
Port Administration
The Mughals were aware of the economic importance of the sea-ports as these were the centres of brisk commercial
activities. The port administration was independent of the provincial authority. The governor of the ports was called
mutasaddi, who was directly appointed by the Emperor. Sometimes the office of the mutasaddi was auctioned and
given to the highest bidder. The mutasaddi collected taxes on merchandise and maintained a custom-house. The
shahbandar was his subordinate who was mainly concerned with the custom-house.
NATURE OF MUGHAL ADMINISTRATION
Centralization is manifested in the efficient working of land revenue system, mansab and jagir, uniform coinage, etc.
Mughal Empire was 'patrimonial bureaucratics. For them, everything centred around the imperial household and the
vast burocracy. Even in the 17th century the Mughal Empire was not very centralised. For him. the centralized
structure controlled through the efficient working of jagirdari seems to hold little ground. Jagir transfers were not as
frequent as they appear, and the local elements at the periphery were quite successful in influencing the policies at
the centre.
The extent to which the Mughal Empire was centralised in practice can be a matter of debate. However, theoretically
the Mughal administrative structure seems to be highly 'centralised and bureaucratic. The Emperor was the
fountainhead of all powers, and bureaucracy was mere banda-i dargah (slaves of the court).
In spite of the vast range of powers enjoyed by the central ministers, they Were not allowed to usurp and interfere in
each others' jurisdiction nor to assume autocratic powers. The Mughals through a system of checks and balances
prevented any minister or officer from gaining unlimited powers.
MANSAB SYSTEM
Establishment of Jagir and Mansab systems
Mansabdari System (20) (2002)
Examine the mansab and jagir system by Akbar and its subsequent failure in the 18th century. (30) (2011)
Critically analyse whether the success of the Mughals is to be credited to their robust Jagirdari and
Mansabdari system. (15) (2019)
The word mansab means a place or position and therefore it means a rank in the mansab system under the Mughals.
During Babur's time, the term mansabdar was not used; instead, another term wajhdar was employed. The latter
differed in some ways from the mansab system that evolved under the Mughals after Babur.
Akbar gave mansabs to both military and civil officers on the basis of their merit or service to the state. To fix the
grades of officers and classify his soldiers, he was broadly inspired by the principles adopted by Chingiz Khan. The
latter's army had been organised on decimal system. The lowest unit was often horsemen, then came one hundred,
one thousand and so on. Abul Fazl states that Akbar had established 66 grades.
of mansabdars ranging from commanders of 10 horsemen to 10,000 horsemen, although only 33 grades have been
mentioned by him.
Mansab denoted three things:
i) It determined the status of its holder (the mansabdar) in the official hierarchy.
ii) It fixed the pay of the holder.
iii) It also laid upon the holder the obligation of maintaining a specified number of
contingent with horses and equipment.

The Dual Ranks: Zat and Sawar
Initially a single number represented the rank, personal pay and the size of contingent of mansabdar, In such a
situation if a person held a mansab of 500, he was to maintain a contingent of 500 and receive allowances to maintain
it In addition, he was to receive a person & pay according to a schedule and und- other obligations specified for that
rank. After some time, the rank of mansabdar instead of one number, came to be denoted by two numbers zat and
sawar. This innovation most probably occurred in 1595-96.
The first number (zat) determined the mansabdar's personal pay (talab-khassa) and his rank in the organisation. The
second number (sawar) formed the number of horses and horsemen to be maintained by the mansabdar and,
accordingly, the amount he would receive for his contingent (tabinan).
There has been controversy about the dual rank. William Irvine thought that the double rank meant that the
mansabdars had to maintain from his personal pay two contingents of troops. Abdul Aziz, close to modem point of
view, held that the zat pay was purely personal with no involvement of mops. He rejected the theory of Irvine by
stating that it meant the maintenance of one contingent and not two.
First number (zat) placed the mansabdar in the appropriate position among the officials of the state and, accordingly,
the salary of the mansabdar was determined. The second rank (sawar) determined the number of horses and horsemen
the mansabdar had to furnish.
The Three Classes of Mansabdars
In 1595-96, the mansabdars were classified into three, groups :
a) those with horsemen (sawar) equal to the number of the zat;
b) those with horsemen half or more than half of the number of the zat, and
c) those whose sawar rank was less than half of their zat rank.
The sawar rank was either equal or less than the zat. Even if the former was higher, the mansabdar's position in the
official hierarchy would not be affected. For example, a mansabdar with 4000 zat and 2000 sawar was higher in rank
than a mansabdar of 3000-3000, although the latter had a higher number of horsemen under him.
But there are exceptions to this rule particularly when the mansabdar was serving in a difficult terrain amidst the
rebels. In such cases, the state often changed the sawar rank without altering the zat rank. Obviously the system was
not a static one. It is changed to meet the circumstances. Thus reforms were undertaken without modifying the basic
system. One such reform was the use of conditional rank (mashrut), which meant an increase of sawar rank for a
temporary period. This was an emergency measure adopted in the time of crisis, that is, the permission to recruit more
horsemen at the expense of the state.
Another development that took place was the introduction of do aspa sih aspa under Jahangir. Mahabat Khan was the
first to get it in the 10th year of Jahangir's reign. According to this a part or full sawar rank of mansabdar was made
do aspa sih aspa.
For example, if a manasabdar held a mansab of 4000 zat 4000 sawar, he may be granted do aspa sih aspa (all two-
three horses), In this case the original sawar rank would be ignored, and the mansabdar will maintain double the
number of do aspa sib aspa (here 4000 + 4000 = 8000). Again, if the rank was 4000 zat 4000 sawar of which 2000
was do aspa sih aspa, then it would mean that out of the original sawar rank of 4000,
Jahangir, after becoming emperor, wanted to promote nobles of his confidence and strengthen them militarily, but
there were some practical problems. Generally the sawar rank could not be higher than zat rank. In such a situation,
any increase in sawar rank would have meant an increase in zat rank also. The increase in the latter would have led
to additional payment thereby increasing the burden on treasury. Moreover, there would have been an upward
mobility of the noble in the official hierarchy which was likely to give rise to jealousy among the nobles.
In fact do aspa sih aspa was a way out to grant additional sawar rank without disturbing the zat rank or mansab
hierarchy. It also meant a saving f a the state by not increasing the zat rank.
Appointment and Promotion of Mansabdars

The mir bakshi generally presented the candidates to the Emperor who recruited them, directly. But the
recommendation of the leading nobles and governors of the provinces were also usually accepted. An elaborate
procedure involving the diwan, bakshi and others followed after which it went to the Emperor for confirmation. The
farman was then issued under the seal of the wazir. In case of promotion the same procedures were followed.
Granting of mansab was a prerogative of the Emperor. He could appoint anybody as mansabdar. There was no
examination or written test as it existed in China Generally, certain norms seems to have been followed. A survey of
the mansabdars appointed during the reigns of the Mughal Emperors show that some groups were more favoured
than the others.

The most favoured category were the sons and close kinsmen of persons who were already in service. This group
was called khanazada. Another group which was given preference was of those who held high positions in other
kingdoms. The main areas from which such people came was the Uzbek and Safavi Empires and the Deccan
kingdoms. These included Irani. Turani, Iraqi and Khurasani. The attraction for Mughal mansab was such that Adil
Shah of Bijapur in 1636 requested the Mughal Emperor not to appoint mansabdars from among his nobles.
The rulers of autonomous principalities formed yet another group which received preferential treatment in recruitment
and promotions. The main beneficiaries from this category were the Rajput kings.
Promotions were generally given on the basis of performance and lineage. Manucci, writing during the last years of
Aurangzeb's reign. says: 'To get the hazari or the pay of one thousand, it is necessary to wait a long time and work
hard. For the kings only grant it sparingly, and only to those who by their services or their skill in affairs have arrived
at the stage of deserving it. In having this rate of pay accorded to you, they give you also the title of Omera (Umara)
that is noble." However, in actual practice racial considerations played important role in promotions. Unflinching
loyalty was yet another consideration.
JAGIR SYSTEM
How was lqta system of the Sultans different from the Jagir system under the Mughals? (15) (2014)
Revenue assignments were made by the Delhi Sultans which were termed iqta and its holder iqtadar. The system was
developed to appropriate the surplus from the peasantry and distribute it among the nobles, This also included the
administration of the area by the assignee.
The Mughal Emperors, too, did the same. These assignments were given in lieu of cash salaries. The areas assigned
were generally called jagir, and its holders jagirdar. It must be made clear that it was not land that was assigned, but
the income/ revenue from the land/area was given to the jagirdars. This system developed over a period of time and
underwent many changes before stabilising. However, the basic framework was developed during Akbar's reign.
The Early Phase
Babur, after his conquest, restored to the former Afghan chieftain; or conferred upon them assignment of
approximately more than one-third of the conquered territories. The holders of such assignments (wajh) were known
as wajhdars (wajh means remuneration). A fixed sum was assigned as wajh out of the total revenue of the area The
rest of the revenue of the territories was deemed to be a part of the khalisa. The zamindars continued in their respective
areas, but in other conquered areas Babur ruled through hakims (governors). The same pattern perhaps continued
under Humayun.
Organisation of Jagir System
During Akbar's period all the territory was broadly divided into two: khalisa and jagir. The revenue from the first
went to Imperial treasury. and that from jagir was assigned to jagirdars in lieu of their salary in cash (naqd) according
to their rank. Some mansabdars got cash salary, and, hence, they were called naqdi. A few were given both jagir and
cash. The bulk of the territory was assigned to mansabdars according to their rank. The estimated revenue was called
jama or jamadami as it was calculated in dam (a small copper coin, 1/40th of the silver rupaya on the average). The
jama included land revenue, inland transit duties, port customs and other taxes which were known as sair Jihat.
Another term used by the revenue officials was hasil, that is, the amount of revenue actually collected. You must
understand these two terms jama and hasil - which you will come. across frequently. The revenue officials used yet
another term, that is, paibaqi. This was applied to those areas whose revenue were yet to be assigned to mansabdars.
In the 31st year of Akbar's reign, the jama of the khalisa in the province of Delhi, Awadh and Allahabad amounted
to less than 5% of the total revenue. Under Jahangir, almost 9/10 of the territory was assigned in jagir and only 1/10
was available for the khalisa. The ratio of jagir and khalisa kept fluctuating. Under Shah Jahan, it rose to 1/11th and,
by the 20th year, it was nearly 1/7th. The trend continued in the next reign; in the 10th year of Aurangzeb, the jama
of the khalisa amounted to almost one-fifth of the total. However, in the later part of Aurangzeb's reign, there was a
great pressure on the khalisa as the number of claimants for jagir increased with the increase of the number of
mansabdars.
Another important feature of the jagir system was shifting of jagir-holders from one jagir to another for administrative
reasons. This system of transfers checked the jagirdars from developing local roots. At the same time, its disadvantage
was that it discouraged the jagirdars from taking long term measures for the development of their areas. They were
merely interested in extracting as much revenue as possible in a short time.
Various Types of Jagirs
There were generally four types of revenue assignments:
a) jagirs, which were given in lieu of pay, were known as jagir tanka;
b) jagirs given to a person on certain conditions were called mashrut jagirs;
c) jagirs which involved no obligation of service and were independent of rank were called Warn jagirs, and
d) jagirs which were assigned to zamindars (chieftains) in their homelands, were called watan jagirs. Under Jahangir
some Muslim nobles ware given jagirs resembling to watan jagir called al-tamgha.
Tankha jagirs are transferable every three or four years, watan jagirs remained hereditary and non-transferable.
Sometimes watan jagir was converted into khalisa for a certain period as Aurangzeb did in case of Jodhpur in 1679.
When a zamindar or a tributary chief was made a mansabdar, he was given jagir tankha, apart from his watan jagir,
at another place if the salary of his rank was more than the income of his watan jagir. Maharaja Jaswant Singh,
holding watan jagir in Marwar, held jagir, tankha in Hissar.
Management of Jagirs
The jagirdar was allowed to collect only authorised revenue in accordance with the Imperial regulations. He employed
his own officials (karkun) like amil (amalguzar), fotadar (treasurer), etc. who acted on his behalf. The Imperial
officials kept watch on the jagirdars. The diwan of the subha was supposed to prevent the oppression on the peasants
by the jagirdars. From the 20th year of Akbar, amin was posted in each province to see that the jagirdars were
following Imperial regulations regarding collection of revenue. The faujdar often helped the jagirdar to collect
revenue whenever difficulties arose. It appears that from the period of Aurangzeb, bigger jagirdars were having
faujdari powers, too.
METHODS OF LAND REVENUE ASSESSMENT

Condition of peasants,
The major cause of revolts against the Mughal Empire during the latter half of the 17th century
were economic, rather than religious.” Discuss. (30)(2009)
Under the Mughals assessment was separately made for kharif and rabi crops. After the assessment was over a written
document called patta, qaul or psulqarar was issued in which the amount or the rate of the revenue demand was
mentioned. The assessee was in return supposed to give qabuliyat i.e. 'the "acceptance" of the obligation imposed
upon him, stating when and how he would make the payments.
We will discuss here a few commonly used methods:
1) Ghalla Bakhshi (Crop-sharing): In some areas it was called batai. The Ah-i Akbari notes three types of crop-
sharing:
a) Division of crop at the threshing floor after the grain was obtained. This was done in the presence of both the
parties in accordance with agreement.
b) Khet batai: The share was decided when the crop was still standing in the fields, and a division of the field was
marked.
c) Lang batai: The crop was cut and stacked in heaps without separating grain and a division of crop in this form was
made.
In Malikzada's Nigamama-i Munshi (late 17th century) crop sharing has been mentioned as the best method of
revenue assessment and collection. Under this method, the peasants and the state shared the risks of the seasons
equally. But as Abul Fazl says it was expensive from the viewpoint of the state since the latter had to employ a large
number of watchmen, else there were chances of misappropriation before harvesting. When Aurangzeb introduced it
in the Deccan, the cost of revenue collection doubled simply from the necessity of organising a watch on the crops.
2) Kankut/Dhanbandi: The word kankut is derived from the words kan and kut. Kan denotes grain; while Lot means
to estimate or appraisal. Similarly, dam means grain while bandi is fixing or determining anything. It was a system
where the grain yield (or productivity) was estimated. In kankut, at first, the field was ' measured either by means of
a rope or by pacing.
After this, the per bigha productivity from good, middling and bad land was estimated and the revenue demand was
fixed accordingly.
3) Zabti: In Mughal India, it was the most important method of assessment. The origin of this practice is traced to
Sher Shah. During Akbar's reign, the system was revised a number of times before it took the final shape.
Sher Shah had established a rai & per bigha yield for land which were under continuous cultivation (polar), or those
land which very rarely allowed to lie fallow (parouti). The rai was based on three rates, representing good, middling
and low yields and one third of the sum of these was appropriated as land revenue. Akbar adopted Sher Shah's mi.
Akbar introduced his so-called Karori experiment and appointed Karories all over North India in 1574-75. On the
basis of the information provided by the karoris regarding the actual produce, local prices, productivity, etc. In 1580
Akbar instituted a new system ain a Dehsala, where the average produce of different crops as well as the average
prices prevailing over the last ten years (15-24 R.Y. of Akbar) were calculated. One third of the average produce was
the state's minimum share. Under karori experiment, measurement of all provinces took place. Bamboo rods with
iron rings called tanab were used instead of hempen ropes. On the basis of productivity and prices prevailing in
different regions they were divided for revenue purpose. The rates of assessment in cash for each crop in every dastur
was decided, and the demand was forced accordingly. The main features of the system as it finally came into operation
under Akbar were:
i) measurement of land was essential;
ii) fixed cash revenue rates for each crop.
iii) all the collection was made in cash.
Nusq was not an independent method of assessment; it was subordinate to other methods. It was a method or
procedure which could be adopted whatever be the basic method of revenue assessment and collection that was in
force. When it was applied under zabti the annual measurement was dispensed with and previous figures were taken
into account with certain variations. Since jabti system involved annual measurement, the administration and revenue
payers both wanted to replace it.
Annual measurement was, therefore, set aside with some modifications.
Urn system or revenue fanning was another feature of the revenue system of this time. When peasant did not have
resources available for undertaking cultivation or where owing to some calamity cultivation could not be done, were
farmed out on Uwa. The revenue officials or their relatives were not supposed to take land on Uwa . It was expected
that revenue farmers would not extract more than the stipulated and revenue from the peasants. But this was hardly
the case in actual practice.
Revenue assignees Ijara farmed out their assignments in lieu of a lump sum payment, generally to the highest bidders.
During the 18th century Ijara system became a common form of revenue assessment and collection.
MAGNITUDE OF LAND REVENUE DEMAND

Abul Fazl says that no moral limits could be set for the demand of the ruler from his subjects; "the subject ought to
be thankful even if he were made to part with all his possessions by the protector of his life and honour," He adds
further that "just sovereigns" do not exact more than what is required for their purpose which, of course, they would
themselves determine.
Aurangzeb explicitly mid that the land revenue should be appropriated according to rules, i.e., not more than one half
of the total produce. "Revenue demand accompanied by other taxes and regular and irregular exactions of officials
was heavy burden on peasants". Sher Shah formed three crop rates on the basis of the productivity of the land, and
demand was fixed at 1/3 of the average of three rates for each crop. Abul Fazl comments that under Akbar, Sher
Shah's 1/3 of revenue demand formed the lowest rate of assessment. Recent studies show that revenue demand under
the Mughals ranged between 1/3 to 1/2 of the produce, and sometimes even 3/4 in some areas.
For Ajmer subha, we find different rates of revenue demand. In fertile regions of eastern Rajasthan ranged from one-
third to one-half of the produce. In the desert regions. proportion amounted to one-seventh or even one-eighth of the
crop. In Central India, rates varied from on half, on third to two-fifth. In Deccan, one-half was appropriated from the
ordinary lands while one-third was taken from those irrigated by wells and one-fourth was taken from high grade
crops.
Aurangzeb's farman to stipulates that when the authorities took recourse to crop-sharing, usually in the case of
distressed peasantry, the proportions levied should be one-half, or one-third or two-fifths. Rates under Aurangzeb
were higher than that of Akbar. Perhaps it was due to the fact that there was a general rise in agricultural pries and,
thus, there was no real change in the pitch of demand. In the case of Rajasthan it is reported that revenue rates varied
according to the class or caste of the revenue payers. It may be safely assumed that in general the rate of revenue
demand was from 1/2 to 1/3 of the produce. Since, the revenue was imposed per unit of area uniformly irrespective
of the nature of the holding, it was regressive in nature--those who possessed large holdings felt the burden less than
those who possessed small holdings.
The Empire and the Zamindars

THE ZAMINDARS
Discuss the working of Zamindari System under the Mughal rulers. Also describe the role played

by the Zamindars in the agrarian economy of Mughal India. (20) (2018)
The zamindar were present in practically every part of the Mughal Empire and held the most significant position in
the agrarian structure of Mughal India. The word zamindar is derived from two Persian words-zamin (land) and dar
(holder). During the pre-Mughal period, the word zamindari has been used in the sense of the chief of a territory. The
fact that a chief had acknowledged the supremacy of a superior sovereign power made no difference to his position
within his own domain, so long as he was allowed to retain it. From Akbar's time onwards, this term was officially
used for any person with any hereditary claim to a direct share in the peasant's produce. The early local terms such
as khot and muqaddam in the Doab, bhomi in Rajasthan and banti or vanti in Gujarat were replaced by the term
zamindar. However, many of these terms continued to be used interchangeably with zamindars in contemporary
accounts. The areas without zamindar were termed niyati (peasant held).
Nurul Haran divides the zamindars into three categories.
a) Primary zamindars who had some proprietary rights over the land;
b) Secondary zamindars who held the intermediary rights and helped the state in collecting land revenue; and
c) Autonomous chiefs-had autonomous rights in their territories and paid a fixed amount to the Mughal State.
Zamindari Rights
Zamindari did not signify a proprietary right in land. It was a claim on the produce of the soil, co-existing in a
subordinate capacity, with the land revenue demand of the state. Yet, like any article of private property, it could, and
was, freely bought and sold. It was also inheritable and divisible, that is, the heirs of a zamindar could divide the
fiscal claims and perquisites of their inherited zamiadar, in accordance with the law of the land.
The zamindar acquired his rights by virtue of the historical tradition of control he and his kinsmen exercised over the
inhabitants of particular villages. At some time, the zamindar had settled villages and distributed its land among the
peasantry. In eastern Rajasthan, wasidar (a category of peasants) were settled by the bhomia
(zamindar as known there) in the village to undertake sometimes the cultivation of his personal lands. The zamindari
rights, therefore, were not created by the ruling classes, but preceded them. The king, however, could create zamindari
in villages where none existed. He could also dislodge a zamindar, but this was a right he exercised only in case of
sedition or non-payment of revenue.
The medieval rulers recognised the rights of the zamindar, but were equally insistent on treating them as agents of
the government for revenue collection. When the zamindar took this form, that is, it came to assist the government in
the collection of revenue, for the service so rendered, the zamindar was entitled to a percentage of the total revenue
collected. This percentage in official documents is stated to be 10% and is described as nankar ("allowance").
In Gujarat, this claim of the zamindar was described as banth or vanth, but unlike malikana in Northern India, it was
considerably higher. Like malikana, it was paid in the form of cash. In the Deccan, it was called chauth (lit. "one
fourth"), and as the name suggests, stood at one-fourth of the revenues collected. Sardeshmukhi, another fiscal claim
of the zamindar in the Deccan, was equivalent to 10% of the revenues.
Under the Marathas, the cesses of chauth and sardeshmukhi came to be realised not through a legal claim based on
actual zamindari right, but by the sheer use of force. Under Shivaji, while the claim of the comprised one-fourth of
the chauth and the whole of surdeshmukhi, the other three-fourths of the chauth was to be retained by the Maratha
feudatory barons.
Besides their principal fiscal claim, the zamindars also exacted a number of petty perquisites from the peasantry.
Some of the well-known cesses so realised were (dastar shumari) (turban tax), house tax (khana shumari), cesses on
marriage and birth, etc. The zamindars used to collect taxes from weekly markets also in their areas. At times, they
are found collecting toll tax on merchandise passing through their territories. The amount that the zamindars realised
through these petty perquisites is quite difficult to estimate; in all probability, in relation to their principal fiscal claim,
it was not quite considerable. We have so far been discussing about the primary and intermediary zamindars, that is,
those who resided in the directly administered territories, and of whom .the administration was anxious that they be
reduced to the status of mere 'rent gatherers'. Apart from them, there were chiefs or chieftains-the rajas, raos, ranas
and rawatas-who were more or less autonomous in their estates, governing them without any interference from the
imperial administration. Their obligation to the king did not go beyond paying him a fixed amount as tribute
(peshkash). Their share in the surplus produce of the peasant, therefore, amounted to the difference between what
they collected from the peasants and what they paid to the king as peshkash. The Imperial administration recognised
their semi-autonomous status, and exercised no control over their internal administration once they had paid the usual
peshkash. According to Irfan Habib, the difference between the zamindars and autonomous chiefs "lay most clearly

in the relationship with the imperial power which allowed autonomy to the chiefs, but made ordinary zamindar mere
propertied subjects of the Emperor".
Military Strength of Zamindars
The zamindars employed their footmen and cavalry. These troops helped them in the realisation of land revenue and
subjugation of peasantry. Almost all zamindars had their own small or big qilachadgarhi or forts. According to the
Ain-i Akbari, the troops of the zamindars in the whole Mughal Empire exceeded forty four lakhs. In Bengal they
possessed thousands of boats.
PEASANTRY
Assess the condition of peasantry during 13 th to 17 th centuries C.E. (15) (2017)
Though the agriculture class had a number of strata within it, for the convenience of study we are including all of
them under one nomenclature.
The peasants constituted the primary class in rural society and the revenue collected from them sustained the whole
state apparatus. The peasant had to pay a large part of their produce as land revenue. It appears that the bulk of the
peasantry lived on the subsistence level of existence.
Land Rights of Peasantry
There has been a long debate among historians regarding the rights of the peasantry over land, Peasant's claim to land
was not disregarded by the state, yet he was never allowed the right to free alienation. It appears that peasants had all
the rights over land as long as he cultivated it. The zamindar or state had no right to evict the peasant as long as he
cultivated the land and paid the revenue. It seems that proprietary rights in land were not quite developed during the
Mughal period. However, the most important aspect of the period is the varying claims over the produce of the land.
In contemporary accounts we come across a number of references to the fight of the peasantry from villages because
of oppression or other problems. A number of instances are available about peasants settling individually or in groups
in various regions. The mobility of the peasant was an established practice in Mughal India. This mobility was more
pronounced in cases of their oppression in one region or natural calamities like floods and famines.
Stratification of Peasantry
The peasantry was not a homogenous class. The stratification was due to inequalities in wealth and social status.
Peasants with large resources cultivated bigger plots of land, and even employed labourers on his fields. They could
acquire head-ship of a village muqaddam or patel and enjoy a superior share in the produce of other peasants.
One major reason for this can be found in the wide prevalence of cash-nexus. Since land revenue in the larger part of
India had to be paid in cash, peasants and cultivators were forced to carry their produce to the markets or sell it to
merchants or moneylenders on the eve of harvest. In such a situation, those peasants who could cultivate cash crops
would be placed. in a better position, because of the higher prices they fetched in the market than those who, owing
to their scarce resources, could only cultivate food crops for which the prices were comparatively low. Not all peasants
could shift to cash crop cultivation since it involved much expenses (good seeds, better fertilizer, irrigation or
facilities, and also more productive soil). The requirement of the payment of land revenue in cash would thus cause
a widening gulf between the relatively better-off peasants whose resources allowed them to shift to cash crop
cultivation and the poor peasants who found even the cultivation of food crops an arduous and expensive business.
The regressive nature of land revenue demand was another major factor that caused and intensified divisions within
the peasantry. The incidence of land revenue demand being uniform for both the rich and the poor peasants, in actual
fact it fell more heavily on the latter than on the former. The village organisation, or what has often loosely been
described as the "village community", further perpetuated these divisions by levying lower revenue rates on the
peasants, and calling upon the rent ri'aya to meet the deficit thus arising in the total revenue claim.
Economic inequalities were not the only basis of divisions within the peasantry. They were also divided between the
permanent residents of the village (Khudbsht Northern India, mirasdar in Maharashtra) and the temporary residents
(pai in Northern India; upari in Maharashtra). Caste associations and kinship ties (bhaichara), even as they served as
linkages that afforded supra-local relations. Their number or their proportion to caste peasantry is almost impossible
to estimate, yet, in all probability, they did constitute a significant portion of the rural population of India. They are
described in the contemporary literature as chamam, balahars, thoris and banuks, etc. They were a cheap source of
labour for the peasants and zamindars to work on their fields during the sowing and harvest seasons. It was, therefore,
in the interest of both of them (i.e., the peasants and zamindars) to suppress and exploit them. The creation of a huge
reserve of labour force for agricultural production reduced the cost of production, which enhanced the "surplus"

produce of the peasant, and thus allowed a greater exploitation of land revenue by the ruling power. In the suppression
of the menial workers, the state, the zamindars and the peasants were equal collaborators.
Village Community
Generally the peasants of a village had a majority of the same caste. Such villages were established historically by
one clan or family. Apart from the peasants of the dominant caste of a village, there were menial workers who came
from lower castes. From the contemporary accounts it appears that in many activities these villages functioned as a
community. It should not be taken to mean that there were any communal land holdings. The fields were definitely
held by individual peasants. The revenue officials found it convenient to treat village as a unit for revenue assessment
and collection. The description of the patwari as a village official supports this. It is reported that the patwari was
supposed to keep the account of individual peasants production and revenue liability. The payment to state was made
by the village as a unit. The revenue from the individual peasants was put in a pool whose incharge was the patwari.
From this pool, land revenue, fees and perquisites of certain officials and sundry common expenses of the village
were paid. Even the loan taken from the moneylenders was paid back out of the village pool.
The dominant group of people in a village constituted the village panchayat. The latter used to decide village affairs
regarding dispute over land rights, disposal of waste land, etc. It was also responsible to the state for arresting
criminals, compensating for the value of goods stolen or tracing them. These panchayats were not above the state.
The latter allowed it to discharge its traditional role in the village society only if its activities were not hampering the
basic interests of the state. Some social groups in the, village were not directly involved in the agrarian production,
but they played some role' in the agrarian activities. The mahajans acted as middlemen between the state and peasants
and had considerable control over the rural society and economy. They would advance loans to individual peasants
and village. collectively for buying seeds and equipments or pay revenue or for social needs.
The village had artisans attached to it to provide their services and were paid at the harvest. The system was very well
organised in Deccan and Maharashtra. These were called balutedars. This form of village community, panchayats or
balutedars was not uniformly applicable to all the villages of the Mughal Empire. There were different types of
structures in different regions. Most villages had some sort of community structure, though varying in degrees of
control on their members.
Shivaji : Early Life

Shivaji and the early Maratha Kingdom.
How did Shivaji organize his administration and finances to consolidate his power? (30)(2010)
Give social background to the rise of the Maratha movement during the seventeenth century. (12)(2012)
Born at Shivneri (10 April, 1627), Shivaji was the youngest son of Shahji and Jija Bai. in his early childhood there
was hardly any interaction between Shahji and Shivaji for the former was busy most of the time in his Karnatak
campaign as Bijapur noble (1630-36). In 1636, with Shahji's surrender of Shivneri, one of the seven forts surrendered
by Shahji, Shivaji along with his mother had to shift to Poona under the guardianship of Dadaji Konddev. Shivaji got
married to Sai Bai Nimbalkar and Shahji entrusted the charge of his Poona jagir to him but under Dadaji Konddev's
guardianship. After Dadaji Konddev's death, Shivaji became the sole incharge of his Poona jagir as Shahji's agent.
Shivaji at first befriended the Maval chiefs on the west of Poona district and it were they who formed the backbone
of Shivaji's army in the years to come. The Mavle chieftains Jedhe nayak of Kari and Bandal nayak were the first to
join Shivaji.
Shivaji wanted to occupy all the possessions of Shahji, (which the latter held in 1634 but had to surrender in 1636)
as a matter of legitimate right. After Dadaji Konddev's death, Shivaji with definite plans, decided to recover them.
However he had to restrict himself (as early as 1648) owing to Shahji's arrest by Mustafa Khan, the Bijapuri
commander. Shivaji unsuccessfully tried to pressurise Adil Shahi ruler for .the release of his father through an alliance
with the Mughals (1649). Shahji was ultimately released (16 May, 1649) after surrendering Bangalore and Kondana
to Bijapur.
In the meantime (1648),.Shivaji occupied the fort of Purander This provided an impregnable defence to the Marathas
in the years to come. The next in line to fall was the fort of Javli (1656). Kt was the stronghold of the famous Mavle
chieftain Chandra Rao More. With its occupation, he got another stronghold Rain (later renamed Raigarh) which was
to assume the status of the Maratha capital. shortly after. The conquest of Javli not only opened the gate for further
expansion towards south and west Konkan but it also increased Shivaji's military strength with Mavle chieftains of
More territory joining him.
Shivaji was not merely a military conqueror but also was an enlightened ruler. Discuss. (15) (2019)
Dr. R.C. Majumdar writes of him, “He was not merely a daring soldier and successful military conqueror but also an
enlightened ruler of his people.” Shivaji was readily accessible to his all subjects. He was a popular monarch. He kept
a close watch on the administrative affairs of the state. All powers were concentrated on him but he ruled with the
advice of his ministers. The common people regarded him with great devotion. They considered him as their greatest
benefactor.
General features of Shivaji’s administration:

1. He employed members of all castes and tribes to maintain balance among them.
2. He assigned separate responsibilities to the ministers and each of them was made responsible for his work to him.
3. He made no office hereditary.
4. In general he did not assign jagirs to his civil and military officers.
5. He gave special attention towards the administration of the forts.
6. In matters of administration, he gave superior position to his civil officers as compared to military officers.
7. He established Ryotwari system in revenue administration. The state kept direct contact with the farmers.
Shivaji took special care to make his administrative system responsive to the needs of the people. In the words of Dr.
Ishwari Prasad, “The institutions which he established were an improvement upon the existing order and were well
adapted to the well-being of his subjects.”
Central Administration:
He had a council of ministers (Asht Pradhari) to advise him on the matters of the state but he was not bound by it. He
could appoint or dismiss them. This appointment was subject to their efficiency. The Peshwa was the first among
ministers. The word Peshwa stands for leader or senior one.
Shivaji’s Asht Pradhan (Council of Eight Ministers):
Excepting the Senapati, all other ministers were Brahmans.

All excepting the Pandit Rao and Nyayadish were expected to command the army whenever needed.
Provincial administration:
Shivaji divided his kingdom into four provinces. Each province was under the head called Mamlatdar or Viceroy.
Each province was divided into several districts and villages. The village was an organised institution.
The chief of the village was called Deshpande or Patel. The head used to run the affairs of the village with the help
of the Village Panchayat.
Like the centre, there was a committee or council of eight ministers with Sar-i- ‘Karkun’ or the ‘prantpati’ (Head of
the province)
Fiscal system or Revenue system:

Important features were:
(1) Land in every village was measured and the produce was roughly assessed.
(2) On the basis of assessment, the cultivators were asked to pay 40 per cent of their produce as land revenue.
(3) The Ryotwari system was introduced in which the revenue was directly collected from the farmers.
(4) Wherever possible, Shivaji abolished the jagirdari system.
(5) The farmers had the option to pay land revenue in cash or kind.
(6) The peasants could pay the revenue in installments.
(7) The accounts of the revenue officers began to be thoroughly checked.
(8) In the event of famine of natural calamity, the state offered loans to the peasants.
(9) Shivaji introduced the collection of two taxes called the Chauth and ‘Sardeshmukhi’.
‘Chauth’ and ‘Sardeshmukhi’:
Historians differ as to the exact nature of these two taxies levied by Shivaji. According to Ranade, ‘Chauth’ was not
merely a military contribution without any moral or legal obligation but a payment in lieu of protection against the
invasion of a third power and he compares it with Wellesley’s Subsidiary Alliance System. Sardesai holds that it was
a tribute exacted from hostile or conquered territories.
J.N. Sarkar is of the opinion that Chauth was only a means of buying off one robber and not a subsidiary system for
the maintenance of peace and order against all enemies. Thus ‘Chauth’ was a military contribution paid toward off
any attack of the Marhatas. It was, in theory, ¼ of revenues of the district invaded but in practice it was sometimes
much more than that. Sardeshmukhi was an additional tax of 10% which Shivaji claimed as the hereditary
Sardeshmukhi or overlord of Maharashtra.
Judicial administration:
Judicial administrative system was rather simple, crude and primitive. The highest court was ‘Hazar Majils’ or the
court of the king. The day-to-day administration was carried on by the village Panchayats and the village ‘Patel’
decided criminal cases.
Shivaji’s army administration:
Shivaji’s army organisation was very efficient. His army was very patriotic, well trained, efficient and extremely
mobile.
Shivaji introduced the following reforms in the army:

1. Regular army:
He maintained a regular army. In the traditional military organisation, the soldiers served army for six months and
thereafter, they worked in their fields. Now the soldiers were to serve around the year.
2. Cash payment: He paid the soldiers in cash.
3. Patriotism: He inspired the soldiers with patriotism.
4. Merit: He recruited the soldiers on merit.
5. Branding of horses:
He introduced the system of branding the horses and keeping the identification of the soldiers.
6. Discipline: He enforced strict discipline.
7. Guerilla warfare: He trained his soldiers in the guerilla warfare.
The guerilla warfare was very suitable in the geographical location of most territories in Maharashtra. He believed in
the surprise attacks on the enemy, killed or looted it and disappeared into the forest.
8. Forts:
He paid particular attention to the maintenance of forts. Old forts were repaired and new forts built. The forts also
served as military cantonments. About the sanctity of forts it is said that the “people were taught to regard them as
their mother.” There were about 280 forts. The inhabitants of the surrounding villages took protection in these forts.
The families of the deceased soldiers were looked after carefully.
9. Muslim soldiers: Shivaji had about seven hundred Muslim soldiers.
Divisions in the army:

Army had six divisions namely, cavalry, infantry, camel battalions, elephant battalions, artillery and navy.
1. The cavalry:
The cavalry formed the main part of the army. Its number was 40,000. There were two categories of horsemen:
(i) Bargis: They were paid from the state exchange.

(ii) Silhadars: They were casual soldiers and they numbered about 50,000.
Discipline in the army:

Shivaji was very strict in maintaining discipline in the army. To kill or torture ladies and children, to loot the
Brahmans, to spoil cultivation etc. were punishable offences even during the course of war. Elaborate rules for the
maintenance of discipline were rigorously enforced. No soldier was allowed to take his wife in the battlefield.
Liberal Religious policy:
Shivaji was a cultured and a tolerant Hindu ruler. He proclaimed to be the protector of the Hindus, the Brahmans and
the cows. He showed respect to religious texts of all religions. He did not destroy a single mosque. He protected
Muslim ladies and children even during the course of war.
He gave financial help to Muslim scholars and saints. He employed Muslims in civil and military departments. When
Aurangzeb issued a fresh order reimposing the jizya on all the Hindu population, it was an open challenge as much
to Shivaji as to many Rajput chiefs.
Shivaji wrote a strong letter of protest to Aurangzeb. He wrote “God is the Lord of all men and not of the
Muhammadans only. Islam and Hinduism are only different pigments used by the Divine Painter to picture the human
species.” At the same time Shivaji was never actuated by a hatred of the Muslims. He respected the personal honour
of a Muslim.
Provincial Administration
The country was divided into mauzas, tarfs and prants. All these units were already existing under the Deccani rulers
and were not the innovation of Shivaji. But he reorganised and renamed them. Mauza was the lowest unit. Then were
the tarfs headed by a havaldar, karkun or paripatyagar. The provinces were known as prants under subedar, karkun
(or mukhya desbadhikari). Over a number of prants there was the sarsubedar to control and supervise the work of
subedars. Each subedar had eight subordinate officers: diwan, mazumdar, fadnis, sabnis, karkhanis, chitnis, jamadar
and potnis. Later, under the peshwas tarf, pargana, sarkar and suba were indiscriminately used.
Under Shivaji none of the officers was permanant and hereditary. All officers were liable to frequent transfers. But
under the peshwas, the office of kamavisdar and mamlatdars became permanent. To check the mamlatdars, there
were darkhdars (fee men) who were hereditary provincial officers. They served as a check on mamlatdars and other
naval an4 military officers. Neither the mamlatdars could dismiss them nor compel them to perform any particular
job if not specified. None of the eight provincial level officers derived their power from mamlatdar. Instead, they
served as a check on his power.
To sum up, Satish Chandra has rightly pointed out that Aurangzeb's failure was his "inability to comprehend the
nature of Maratha movement". To consider Shivaji a mere bhumia was his mistake. The Marathas had a popular base
and the support of the local landed elements (watandars). His attempt to impose Mughal administrative practices
created chaos among the local elements and brought suppression of the peasantry. The Mughal mansabdars found it
almost impossible to collect their due from their Deccani jagirs. Sambhaji's execution was even a greater folly.
Aurangzeb's idea of creating terror among the Marathas proved futile. He could neither suppress Marathas nor could
he dictate terms to Shahu in his confinement.
REVENUE SYSTEM: MARATHAS AND THE DECCAN STATES

The land revenue system of the Deccan states owes much to Malik Ambar-the Nizam Shahi Prime Minister. It was
he who For the first time adopted the most scientific methodology to assess and collect the revenue. He, in turn, was
influenced by Todar Mal's regulations. All the Deccan states (Bijapur, Golkunda and Ahmednagar), including the
Marathas, copied his regulations with minor modifications.
Mode of Assessment
Under Malik Ambar, it was based on the assessment of actual area under cultivation and the cash value of the crop
produced. But he actually did not order for the survey of the land and the assessment was done not by actual
measurement but by observation. Assessment was done with the help of hereditary village officials deshmukhs and
patils.
But Shivaji paid foremost attention to the measurement of land. Seeing the inaccuracy of rope (which was liable to
variations in different seasons). Shivaji substituted it by a kathi (a measuring rod). Twenty kathis constituted a bigha.

But local variations in the bigha size existed. Annaji Datto was entrusted the task of systematic assessment in 1678.
Annaji also took the help of pargana and village officials for this survey work. But he did not rely wholly on those
officials. To counteract and check their assessment, he himself did the spot assessment of one hilly, one marshy and
one black soil area within a tapa. In many cases he made 25 to 100 % enhancements over the assessments of local
officials. Besides, the villagers were also consulted regarding the assessment of their holdings.
Malik Ambar classified the land broadly into two categories: bagbayat (garden land) and drayat (cultivated land).
The latter was further divided into four categories. In Shivaji's time this member increased to twelve. Waste land was
generally excluded from the assessment. But, when the pressure on land increased, more and more cultivable waste
land was brought under cultivation. Malik Ambar followed the system of progressive assessment for the assessment
of these new reclaimed lands. In the Nizam Shahi dominions when such land was reclaimed, no revenue was imposed
for the first two years, but from the third year onwards, the state started claiming small share in the produce. In the
8th year revenue was claimed at the full rate.
However, under the Marathas land tax was imposed from the very first year. Every year its rate was gradually
enhanced and finally by the 8th year, it was assessed at full rate. Under the Marathas, sometimes these lands were
assessed by the number of ploughs (hai) and not by the bigha. Sometimes, even 6-7 bighas were assessed as one bigha
for revenue purpose. Revenue assessment also varied on the basis of the fertility of the soil. It was also assessed at
various rates on the basis of the nature of the crops sown, e.g., sugarcane, pulses, cotton, etc. Even when the second
crop was sown (other than the principal one), it was assessed at a lower rate. According to the, fertility of the soil and
the estimated produce, the demand was footed once for all. Assessment was done on individual peasants separately,
but for the realization purpose the entire village was treated as a single unit.
MEANS OF CULTIVATION AND IRRIGATION

Means and Methods of Cultivation
Tillage was performed by harnessing a pair of oxen to the plough. The latter was made of wood with an iron
ploughshare. Unlike in north neither horse nor bullock-drawn wheeled plough nor mould board were ever used in
India, Regional variations, in a sprawling country like India, in the size and weight of ploughs must be expected-from
a light plough that could be carried by the tiller upon his shoulders, to the heavy one meant for harder soil. Again, for
soft soil, the iron ploughshare or coulter wood have been dispensed with, more so as the price of iron was high. Many
contemporary European travellers noted with surprise that Indian plough just turned the soil and that deep digging
was not done, it seems that this
suited to Indian conditions because deep digging would result in the loss of moisture in the soil. Moreover, it was
only the upper layer which was more fertile.
A separate devise was used for breaking the lumps of earth. This was done with. the help of wooden boards called
patella in parts of north India. Like plough this flat board was also harnessed to a pair of oxen. Generally a man would
stand on the board to provide weight. The patella was dragged on the field by oxen.
The sowing of seeds was generally done through scattering by hand. In 16th century Barbosa also refers to the use of
a sort of seed drill in the coastal region for sowing rice.
Efforts were made to increase the fertility of the soil through artificial means. In South India flocks of goat and sheep
were widely used. Generally flocks of these cattle were made to spend a few nights in the agricultural field for their
droppings were considered good manure. It was assumed that if a flock of 1000 spend five or six nights in one kani
of land (1.32 acres) it was enough to keep land fertile for 6 to 7 years. The same practice was commonly used in
Northern India also. Fish manure also seems to have been used in coastal areas.
Rotation of crops was used for the optimum utilisation of land throughout the year.
It was also considered good to maintain the productivity of the soil. Peasants through the experience of generations
had acquired some knowledge of using rotation of crops for the good of the soil. They would decide which crop to
be replaced by another in a particular field for a better yield.
A semi circular sickle was used for cutting the crop.
The harvested crop was spread on the ground for threshing. Our sources refer to two methods: in the first method the
crop was beaten with sticks; in the second method the animals were made to move on the spread out crop. The weight
and movement of the animals treaded the grain.
The threshed out matter was put in open baskets and the contents were thrown outside the basket at a controlled
speed. The chaff got scattered by the wind and the grain fell on the ground.
Means of Irrigation

Indian agriculture was heavily dependent on rains for irrigation needs. The major criterion for selecting the crops for
sowing was availability of rain water in a particular region. Apart from rain water, a number of devices were used for
artificial irrigation. Well-irrigation was the most common method employed throughout the length and breadth of the
country. A number of methods were used to lift water from wells depending on the watertable and technology
available.
In the Northern plains both masonry and non-masonry wells were dug. The non-masonry wells were not durable and
some digging was required every year. The masonry wells were durable and were suitable for fixing better water
lifting devices. The masonry wells had raised walls and enclosures or platforms. Both bricks and stones were used to
construct wells. These wells were usually set inside with terracotta rings. These are also known as ring wells.
A number of devices were used for lifting water from the wells.
i) The most simple method was to draw water with rope and bucket by hand without any mechanical aid. Due to its
limited capacity this device could not have been used for irrigating large fields.
ii) The second method was the employment of pulleys over the wells. The same rope and bucket was used over the
pulley to lift the water. With the help of pulley larger amounts of water could be drawn with less effort than our first
method. Both the above devices were used for the supply of water in domestic use or for irrigating small plots.
iii) In the third method the rope-pulley was used with the addition of the employment of a pair of oxen. The use of
animal power in this method helped in irrigating larger areas.
iv) The fourth device worked on a lever principle. In this method a long rope is lashed to the fork of an upright beam
or trunk of a tree to put it in a swinging position. The bucket was fastened to rope tied on one end of the pole. The
pole's other end carried a weight heavier than filled bucket. One person is required to operate it.
v) The fifth method required the use of a wheel. In its earlier form the pots were attached to rims of the wheels which
was to mate with the help of animal power. It was used to lift water from shallow surface and was of no use for wells.
The use of wheel for lifting water from well was also made. In this form a garland of pots was used with 3 wheels, a
gear mechanism and animal power. With the help of this device regular supply of large amounts of water could be
ensured for irrigating large fields. This was also helpful for lifting water from deep wells. The complex machine and
animal power would have made the device expensive. It therefore would have been accessible to the peasants with
substantial means.
Lakes, tanks and reservoirs of water were also used uniformly in all parts of the country. In South India, this was the
most prevalent method used for irrigation. He the dams were made over the rivers. Construction of such reservoirs
was beyond individual means. It was therefore the responsibility of state, local chiefs and temple management to
create such facilities. The massive Madag lake built by Vijaynagar rulers is a marvel of civil engineering of the time.
It was built on the Tungabhadra with three earth embankments to bridge the gaps in the hills. When full, this lake
was 10-15 miles long. Each of the three embankments had sluices built of huge slabs of hewn stones. Rajasthan is
another region where large reservoirs for storing water abound.
The Dhebar lake in Mewar, according to the Ah-i Akbari, has a circumference of 36 4 miles. The Udaisagar is said
to have a circumference of 12 miles; Rajsamand and Jaisamand were other important lakes built in Mewar in the 17th
century. Similar reservoirs created with the help of dams in Marwar and Amber regions were Balsan and Mansagar
respectively.
Almost every cluster of villages had smaller reservoirs and lakes where rain water was stored. Our sources inform us
that in the 1650s, Mughal administration proposed to advance Rs. 40,000 to 50,000 to the cultivators in Khandesh
and Berar for erecting dams for irrigation. It is interesting to note that a wide network of such small dams in Khandesh
is still in use, and they cover the basins of the five major rivers in this region, viz., Mosam, Girna, Ken, Panjra, and
Shivan.
In Northern plains, canals figure prominently as a means of irrigation. The Nahr Faiz built during Shah Jahan's reign
was around 150 miles in length. It carried the water from the Yamuna to a large area. Another canal, around 100
miles long, was cut from the river Ravi near Lahore. Remains of a number of canals are available in the whole Indus
delta. Irfan Habib is of the opinion that the main deficiency of Mughal canals was that they did not often run above
the surrounding plain, and so the water that could be obtained from them for irrigation was limited to what could be
lifted from them. The network of canal in the region kept on increasing. Canals are not reported from south India.
AGRO-BASED PRODUCTION
craft production
Delineate the striking features of agriculture and crafts production during 16 th and 17th centuries in India. How
did they impact the social fabric of the country? (60) (2008)
Discuss the different types of Karkhanas in Mughal India. How was the production organized in the different
Karkhanas? (20)(2010)
Will it not be correct to say that the rural economy in Mughal India was relatively self-sufficient? (15) (2015)
“An important feature of agriculture in Mughal India has been the large number of crops raised by the
peasants.” Illustrate by giving examples. (15) (2018)
The term agro-based industries in the present time is used altogether for a different type of industries. The most wide-
spread production of commodities during the period of our study was in a sector where the basic raw material was
obtained from agricultural produce. India had a high level of production of cash crops like cotton, sugarcane, indigo,
tobacco, etc. It was, therefore, natural that crafts related to these would flourish.
Textiles
Cotton
Cotton textiles were manufactured practically all over the country since with the exception of sub-Himalayan region,
cotton could be grown almost everywhere. Abul Fazl gives a list of important centres of production of cotton textiles.
Gujarat emerges as one of the important region of textile manufacture. Here the main centres were Ahmadabad,
Broach, Baroda, Cambay, Surat, etc. In Rajasthan we could mention Ajmer, Sirohi and many small towns. In U.P.,
Lucknow and a number of small towns around it. Banaras. Agra, Allahabad, etc. were prominent centres.
Other areas in the north like Delhi. Sirhind, Samana, Lahore, Sialkot, Multan produced textiles of good quality. In
Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, Sonargaon and Dacca. Rajmahal, Qasimhazar and a number of towns, Balasore, Patna and
a number of small towns around it were famous textile centers.
However, the most common cotton cloth much in demand was superior quality white calico cloth called by different
names such as Ambartees (in Bihar, Bengal etc.), Bafta in Gujarat, etc. Other famous varieties were fine muslin of
Bengal called Khasa, Chintz, a printed cloth and fabric made with mixing silk yam. Ahmadabad acquired fame for
its printed cloth known as chintz .
In Deccan. Burhanpur and Aurangabad produced cotton cloth of a fine variety. On the western coast of Maharashtra
Chaul and Bhivandi had a flourishing weaving industry. The Qutab Shahi kingdom was also famous for its textiles.
Masulipatnam and Coromandal also produced cotton textiles. In the South. Coimbatore and Malabar were also known
for production of good quality cotton.
Many centres specialised in producing only yam which was taken to weaving centres and even exported. Spinning of
yam thus became a specialised occupation. In and around all the major centres of textile production. many peasants
and women took it up as an additional source of earning and supplied yam to weavers.
Women in large number spun yam in Mysore. Vizagapatam and Ganjam. Broach, Qasimbazar and Balasore were
prominent markets for selling yam. Gujarat supplied yam to Bengal in the second half of the seventeenth century.
The fine yam required for Dacca muslin was spun by young women with the help of takli or spindle.
There was a considerable variation in quality. Hameeda Naqii has listed forty-nine varieties of clothes, produced in
five major production centres of the Mughal Empire. The European accounts mention more than one hundred names.
It is very difficult to list all the varieties of cotton textiles produced in the country. Every region had their own
specialities.
A few important varieties may be explained here. Baf'ta is described in the Ain-i Akbari as a type of high quality
calico normally white or of a single colour. The word calico was commonly used by Europeans for all kinds 6f cotton
cloth. It also meant white cloth of a thick variety. Tafta was a silk cloth sometimes inter-woven with cotton yam.
Zartari was a cloth which was inter-woven with gold or silver thread. Muslin was a very fine quality of thin cloth.
Chintz (Chheent) was cotton cloth with floral or other patterns printed or painted. Khasa was a kind of muslin. It was
expensive cloth of a fine quality.
Some clothes were named after the place of production, such as Dariabadi and Khairabadi, Samianas (Samana),
Lakhowries (Lakhowar near Patna), etc Some regions specialised in a particular variety, Bafta from Gujarat and
muslin from Sonargaon and thereafter from Dacca in Bengal are examples of this specialization.
In the seventeenth century, significant changes were noticed due to the intensified activities of the European trading
companies whose numbers now increased with the arrival of the English, Dutch and French East India Companies,
etc.
The manufacture of cotton textiles involved a number of steps. The first was ginning, that is, separating seeds from
cotton. Later, the carder (dhuniya) cleaned cotton with the bowstring. Next, yarn was spun on the spinning wheel.
The yarn was used on looms by the weavers. The most common loom was horizontal, the pit-loom with foot treadles.

The cloth thus woven was as yet in a raw state. The next step was to get it bleached or dyed before being used. These
functions were performed by a separate group of people. Though these processes were performed everywhere, some
centres became prominent. Broach in Gujarat was supposed to be the best bleaching place because of the special
quality of its water. The English East India Company sent baftas purchased in Agra, Lahore, etc. to Broach and
Nausari (Gujarat) for bleaching before exporting them. Ahmadabad, Surat, Patna, Sonargaon, Dacca, Masulipatam,
etc., were other towns where textiles were bleached in large quantities.
Bleaching involved soaking of cloth (as in fine fabrics) or boiling it in a special solution. After this it was washed
and dried. Indigo was used for bleaching (whitening).
Dyeing and printing also became specialized profession. Rangrez (dyers) had specialised in it and were considered a
separate caste. Vegetable dyes were generally used. Red dye was produced by chay or lac and blue by using indigo.
Silk
Silk was another important item for the manufacture of textiles. Abul Fazl mentions Kashmir where abundant silk
textile was produced. Patna and Ahmadabad were known for silk fabrics. Banaras was equally famous. In the
seventeenth century, Bengal produced the largest amount of raw silk which was exported abroad as well
as to other parts of India. In Bengal silk fabrics were manufactured at Qasimbazar and Murshidabad. Around the
middle of the 17th century, the total annual production was estimated around 2.5 million pounds. Around .75 million
pounds were carried away in raw form by the Dutch alone. In 1681, the London silk weavers petitioned to the British
Parliament to ban its import by the English East India Company. The import of Bengal silk fabrics was stopped in
1701. Nevertheless, Bengal remained the premier centre in India for producing silk textiles and raw silk.
Wool
Wool was another important material used for manufacturing textiles. The most famous was the Kashmiri shawl,
exported all over the world. The fine wool used in these shawls was imported from Tibet. Akbar promoted its
manufacture at Lahore but it could not match the quality of Kashmiri shawls. Finer varieties of woolen textiles were
generally brought in by the Europeans for the upper classes. Blanket were made from wool almost all over North
India. Other textile items included cotton durries, carpets (of silk and wool), tents and quilts, etc. Carpet weaving was
yet another branch of textile production. Bihar (Daudnagar, Obra, etc.), Delhi, Agra, Lahore and Mirzapur were
famous centres in the north. Warangal in the south was also famous for carpet weaving. The carpet weaving was also
done in Masulipatam along the Caromandal coast. The output of carpet weaving was not very large and Persian
carpets continued to be in use. Akbar took special interest in developing the manufacture of silk carpets in the royal
Karkhana after the Persian variety.
The tents used mostly by royal establishment and nobles were also manufactured. Abul Fazl mentions eleven types
of tents. Their size varied a great deal. Embroidery on all types of textiles with cotton, silk or silver and gold thread
was also an allied craft. Large number of craftsmen were involved in it.
Indigo
The demand for it in the country and for export was very high. The cultivation of indigo was widespread.
Except for the hilly regions, indigo was available in all parts of the country. The best variety was secured from
Bayana, near Agra. The next best variety was from Sarkhej near Ahmadabad. Being a basic dye (blue), it was in great
demand in India as well as abroad.
In Gujarat, other centres where indigo dye could be had were Jambussar, Broach, Baroda, etc. In North India, Agra
and Lahore were two other cities where indigo dye could be purchased in vast quantities. On the Coromandal coast,
Masulipatam was another important mart for this dye.
The process of extracting was simple. The stalks of plants were put in water. After the dye was dissolved, the water
was taken to another vat where the dye was allowed to settle at the bottom. It was strained and dried in the form of
cakes. The process as done mostly in the villages by peasants.
Sugar
Since sugarcane was cultivated widely, sugar was also manufactured all over the country. Generally, we get
references to three types of sugarcane products; the gur or jaggery; the powder sugar and the finer quality grains
called candy. The jaggery was made in all sugarcane producing areas and was mainly consumed locally. The other
two qualities were manufactured mainly in Bengal, Orissa, Ahmadabad,
The method of extracting sugarcane juice involved the cane-press which was operated manually or with animal
power. The jaggery or finer quality was obtained by boiling it over in pans or open furnace. It was during the process
of boiling that different qualities were obtained: Bengal sugar was considered the best and was in great demand for
export to Europe and Persia.

Extraction of oil was also mostly a village-based industry. The oilseeds were put to a simple oil-press operated
manually or by animal power. The residual product was used for animal feed.
PERSONNEL OF TRADE
Indian mercantile classes, banking, insurance and credit systems
Give your opinion on the urban development in India during the Mughal times (60) (2005)
Increasing commercial activities attracted a large number of people to these professions. However, the above trading
groups were not necessarily divided into watertight compartments. At times the same person did two or more tasks
at the same time.
Merchants
Theoretically, vaisyas were supposed to indulge in commercial activities, but in actual practice people from a wide
range of background could and did participate in it. During the period of our study we notice that certain groups and
castes dominated in particular regions.
In our sources we get innumerable references to the banjaras as a trading group who carried on trade between villages
and between villages and towns in a region and even at inter-regional level. They were an important link for rural-
urban trade. The Banjaras confined their trading activities to some limited commodities like grain, pulses, sugar, salt,
etc. They procured a number of animals (mainly oxen to carry the load) and moved from place to place buying and
selling goods. Jahangir in his Tuzuk-i Jahangiri records: "In this country the Banjaras are a fixed class of people, who
possess a thousand oxen, or more or less, varying in numbers. They bring grain from the villages to the towns, and
also accompany armies". The Banjaras generally moved with their families and household in groups. These groups
moving together were called a Tanda. Each Tanda had its chief called Nayaka. At times a Tanda could have upto
600-700 persons (including women and children), each family having their oxen. The Banjaras were both Hindus and
Muslims. Some scholars divide them into four groups on the basis of commodities they traded in: grain, pulses, sugar,
salt, and wood and timber.
The Banjaras operated in many parts of North India, but there were other similar traders known by different names.
The Nahmaris was one such group of traders operating in Sindh. Another such nomadic traders were the Bhotiyas
operating between the Himalayas and plains.
Merchants in Different Regions
An important vaisya subcaste, that is, the Baniyas were the leading merchants in North India and Deccan. They
belonged to the Hindu and Jain (mainly in Gujarat and Rajasthan) communities. Their counterparts were the Khatris
in Punjab and Kornatis in Golkunda.
The word Baniya is derived from a Sanskrit word vanik meaning merchant. Many of the Baniyas carried surnames
pointing to the place of their origin. The Agarvals came from Agroha (in present Haryana) and the Oswals from Osi
in Manvar. Marvar gave probably the highest number of traders who are generally referred to as Marwaris.
They were to be found in all parts of India and were the most eminent merchant group during the period of our study.
There was a close caste bond between these merchants. They had their councils (mahajan).
Contemporary European travellers (Linschoten, 1583-89; Tavernier, 1656-67) marvelled at the skills of the Baniyes
as merchants and had all praise for their accounting and book-keeping. The Baniyas unlike Banjaras were involved
in all sorts of trading activities. At the village level, they traded in grain and other agricultural produce. They also
acted as moneylenders, giving loans to peasants and other people including state officials and nobles. In towns they
dealt in grain, textiles, gold, silver, jewels, spices and sundry other commodities. Some of them possessed assets of
millions of rupees. They owned ships also. The community as a whole was known for simplicity and frugality.
In the region of Punjab, the Khatris were a major trading community. Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikh religion, was
also a Khatri. Many of them were converted to Islam. This community had in its fold Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs.
The Multanis were an important trading community of Delhi, parts of Punjab and Sindh in the 13-17th centuries. We
get occasional references to them in the period of our study also.
The Bohras were important merchants of 'Gujarat. They were mostly Muslims. They were an urban community
mainly based in Gujarat and other western parts. Apart from Gujarat, they had some settlements in Ujjain and
Burhanpur. The Bohra merchants like Mulla Muhammad Ali and Ahmed Ali had assets of millions of rupees. Among
Muslims, other merchant communities operating on the western coast wert Khoja and Kutchi Memons of Gujarat.
Moneylenders and Sarrafs

In large parts of Northern India, the traditional merchants played a dual role as traders as well as moneylenders. In
villages we hear of traditional Baniya lending money to individual peasants to pay land revenue. In towns and bigger
places also merchants acted as moneylenders.
Another category among the personnel of trade which played a significant role was that of the sarrafs. They performed
three distinct functions: (i) as money-changers; (ii) as bankers, and (iii) as traders of gold, silver and jewellery. The
first two functions need some elaboration.
As money-changers, they were considered as experts in judging the metallic purity of coins as well as their weight.
They also determined their current exchange rate.
According to Tavernier, "In India, a village must be very small indeed if it has not a money changer called "Cherab"
[Sarrafi, who acts as banker to make remittances of money and issue letters of exchange".
The sarraf was also a part of Mughal mint establishment. Every mint had a sarraf who would fix the purity of bullion.
He also verified the purity of coins after minting.
As bankers, they would receive deposits and give loans on interest. They used to issue bills of exchange or hundis
and honour the ones issued by others.
Brokers
Dallals or brokers as specialised mercantile professional trading group seem to have been active in the wake of the
Turkish conquest of North India. They worked as middlemen in various commercial activities and transactions. With
increasing inter-regional and foreign trade they became crucial. Merchants from foreign lands and distant regions
heavily depended on them. The foreign merchants, who were unacquainted with the centres of production, pattern of
marketing and language had to depend on the native brokers for their trading
transactions. The need for brokers in India was mainly due to (i) centres of production for the same commodities
were scattered all over the country; (ii) individual output of these centres was small (some centres specialised in
particular commodities only), and (iii) large number of buyers competing for the same commodities in the same
markets. We get innumerable references to the transactions done through broker. The English East India Company
records refer to brokers being employed at their different factories. Fryer (late 17th Century) says that "without
brokers neither the natives nor the foreigners did any business". "For buying and selling company's goods brokers
are appointed who are of the bania caste and are skilled in the rates and value of all the commodities".
There were around 600 brokers and middlemen at Patna. Their number might have been much larger in bigger
commercial centres like, Surat, Ahmadabad, Agra and other coastal towns.
Indian brokers were to be found in foreign ports also. They were operating at Gombroon (Bandar Abbas), Basra,
Bandar Rig, etc. Sometimes, the whole family worked as brokers in partnership. Bhimji Parakh, a prominent broker,
had a joint business with his brothers. He had 8 shares, Kalyandas 5, Kesso and Vithaldas 4 each. Ali Jan Qaisar
divides brokers into 4 categories: (i) those employed by companies or merchants, (ii) those who worked for several
clients, (iii) those who worked on an adhoc basis as broker-contractors, and (iv) state appointed brokers at commercial
centres to register sale and purchase of article.
The brokers operating independently can be divided on the basis of their areas of partnerships. Some dealt only in
one specific commodity like silk, saltpeter, cotton, textile, indigo, etc. Others dealt in more than one commodity.
Some worked as sub-brokers or under brokers for a well-established broker. Brokers' fees or commission was not
strictly fixed. It depended on the commodity and the efforts of the broker to strike the deal or the labour involved in
procuring the commodity. In ordinary dealings, the brokerage was two % of the value of transaction. 1 % was charged
from each of the parties (buyers and sellers). Brokers who were in regular employment were paid fixed salaries and
also some commission in some deals. We do not have much information on their total emoluments. However, a few
references in English Company records show the salaries of their brokers between Rs. 10 and 38 per month.
Besides helping their clients in procuring and selling goods, the brokers played a key role in the organisation of
production. Most of the money advanced (dadni) to the artisans were made through brokers.
COMMERCIAL PRACTICES
Bills of Exchange (Hundi)
During this period hundis or bills of exchange became an important form of money transaction. Hundi was a paper
document promising payment of money after a period of time at a certain place. To begin with, the practice started
because of the problems involved in carrying large amounts of cash for commercial transactions. The merchants
interested in carrying cash to a particular place would deposit it with a sarraf who would issue a hundi to the merchant.
The merchant was to present it to the agent of the sarraf at his destination and encash it. This started as a safe and

convenient method of transferring money. In due course, hundi itself became an instrument of transaction. It could
be presented against a transaction. It could also be freely bought or sold in the market after endorsement.
According to Irfan Habib "the negotiability of hundi led to a situation in which large number of hundis were simply
drawn and honoured against other hundis without the intermediation of actual cash payments". In this process, it
became a medium of payment.
The use of hundi was so widespread that even the imperial treasury and state were using it. In 1599, the state treasury
sent Rs. 3,00,000 to the army in Deccan through a hundi. Tributes paid by Golkunda (Rs. 10,00,000) and Ghakkar
Chief (Rs. 50,000) to the Mughal Emperor were also transferred through hundi.
We get quite a few references where provincial officials were instructed to transfer the revenue through hundis. Even
the senior nobles would take the help of the sarrafs to transfer their personal wealth. Muqarrab Khan, the governor of
Bihar, when transferred to Agra, gave Rs. 3,00,000 to the sarrafat Patna to be delivered at Agra.
Many big merchants also issued hundi. Such merchants and sarrafs had their agents at important commercial centres.
At times, members of one family (father, son, brother, nephew) worked as agents for each other. Big firms had their
agents even outside the country.
A commission was charged by the sarrafs on each hundi. The rate of exchange depended on the rate of interest
prevalent and the period for which it was drawn. The period was calculated from the date of issue to its presentation
for redemption. The rate fluctuated as it also depended on the availability of money at the time of issue and maturity.
If money supply was good, the rate would drop. In case of scarcity, the rates rise. According to Irfan Habib, "a sudden
spurt of payment in any direction might create pressure upon the sarrafs for cash at one place, while leaving more in
their hands at another, a situation that they could rectify by discouraging remittances from the former to the latter and
encouraging reverse remittance by modifying the exchange rate".
To give you a rough idea a few rates are provided. In normal times 7-8 % was charged for hundi from Patna to Surat.
Banking
The sarrafs, apart from issuing bills of exchange, also received money for safe deposit. This was returned to depositor
on demand. The depositor was paid some Interest on his deposits. The rate of interest payable to depositors kept
changing. The rates available for Agra, for 1645 and Surat for 1630 works out around nine and half
% per annum. The bankers in turn would give money on loan to the needy on a higher rate of interest. We get a
number of references where state officers gave money from treasury to these bankers and kept the interest with them.
Their rise to financial eminence was partly due to the access they had to the Bengal treasury as a source of credit.
Sujan Rai (1694) says that the sarrafs who accepted deposits were honest in dealings. Even strangers could deposit
thousands for safe keeping and demand it any time.
Usary and Rate of Interest
Moneylending for personal needs and commercial purposes was an established practise. Much of trading was
conducted through the money taken on interest. Generally the sarrafs and merchants both indulged in moneylending.
Sometimes the moneylenders were called Sah, a distinct category. The loans were taken for various purposes. The
money was taken on loan by peasants for paying revenue and repaid at harvest. Nobles and zamindars would take it
for their day-to-day expenses and repay it at the time of revenue collection. Moneylending for business purposes was
also very common.
The rate of interest for smaller loans is difficult to ascertain. It depended mainly on the individual's need, his credit
in the market and his bargaining power. Tapan Roy Chaudhuri shows that peasants took loans at a high rate of 150
% per annum in Bengal in the eighteenth century. For commercial loans, the rate of interest differed from one region
to another. Our sources generally refer to interest rates per month. Irfan Habib says that the rate of interest expressed
for the month suggests that the loans were generally for short periods.
The rate of interest for Patna in 1620-21 is given as 9 % per annum, while around 1680 it seems more than 15 %. At
Qasimbazar (Bengal) the rate of interest in 1679 is given as high as 15 % per annum while the rates for the
corresponding period for Madras (8 % per annum) and Surat (9 % per annum) were much less. The English factory
kept a vigilant eye on the interest rates and would supply money to their factories in various regions after taking loans
from the places where interest was lowest. The rates at Agra and Surat during the 17th century ranged between 6 and
12 % per annum. On the Coromandal coast much higher rates (18 to 36 %) seem to have prevailed. The difference in
interest rates in various regions suggests that the integration of financial market had not taken place.
Bottomry
A number of uncertainties and risks were involved in long distance sea voyages. These uncertainties gave rise to a
new practice called 'avog' or bottomry. It was a type of speculative investment which was quite popular during the
period of our study. In Bottomry money was lent at high rates ranging between 14 to 60 %. The money was lent to

be invested in a cargo for a particular destination. The rate of interest depended on the risks involved. The lenders
were to bear all the risks of voyage.
Partnership
in partnership, the merchants pooled their resources to carry on trade. Some persons formed joint ventures for
overseas trade. We hear of two nobles, Nawab Qutbuddin Khan and Nawab Qilich Khan having built a ship and taken
to trading jointly during Akbar's reign. Banarsidas described his partners trade in jewels during 1611-16. Even brokers
at times carried their joint ventures. In 1662, two brokers Chhota Thakur and Somaji of Surat, bought a ship
(Mayflower)in partnership and fitted her for a voyage.
Insurance (Inland and Marine)
Another important commercial practise prevalent in India on a limited scale was that of insurance or bima. In many
cases. the sarrafs used to take responsibility for the safe delivery of goods. The English factory records also refer to
the insurance of goods, both inland and overseas. At sea, both the ship and the goods aboard were insured. The rates
for insurance are also quoted in factory records. By the 18th century, the practice was well-established and widely
practiced. The rates are also available for different goods for different destinations. The rates for sea voyages were
higher than goods going through land.
Analyse the Mughal monetary system and examine their policy of minting of coins. (20)(2014)
The broad outlines of the Mughal monetary system and its characteristics are reasonably well understood.
We know that the imperial coinage was of an unprecedented quantity and quality. Surviving coins attest to
the continuing fineness and standards of the imperial coin: especially the silver rupee standardized at about
eleven grams. We know that these standards were maintained from the reign of Akbar in the mid-sixteenth
century until the break-up of the empire in the first half of the eighteenth century. We know from
contemporaries as well as from the testimony of numerous hoards that imperial currency circulated freely
and uniformly from Kabul to Dacca and from Surat to Madras. Imperial mints located throughout the empire
struck coins to the same standard. As the empire expanded so also did the area of circulation for the rupee
and its copper and gold counterparts. Mughal currency easily and quickly superseded virtually all preceding
currencies and local and regional coinages.
The sytem of ‘free’ minting, open to all who wished to have coin struck from non-official coin or bullion,
has been often described. The system of discounting older coins in favour of the coin dated in the current
regional year has been a subject of study. The strange persistence of a regional trade-oriented currency in
western India’s port cities is the object of several earlier studies. The location and periods of operation of
the various mints have been listed and analysed.
Like the state which created it, the Mughal monetary system was powerful, flexible, pervasive, and long-
lived. One measure of this lies in the sheer numbers of coins in circulation or retained in private and public
coffers. By comparison with preceding regimes— Indo-Muslim or Hindu—the number of Mughal copper
coins and silver rupees minted and released was very large indeed. By comparison with contemporary
regimes, such as Safavid Iran, the quantity of Mughal coin was prodigious. Imperial mints turned out silver
rupees in numbers sufficient for expanding trade and commerce, the meeting of tax demands, as well as for
royal and noble hoarding in treasuries and for conspicuous consumption. The number of silver rupees in
existence must have run into tens of millions. This enormous mint output over two centuries occurred in a
region lacking any significant output of silver and gold and with only limited copper production.
In the first instance the Mughal currency relied upon stocks of treasure released after conquest. From the
1561 annexation of Malwa to the conquests of Bijapur and Golconda in 1686-7 the royal treasuries of
regional kings yielded stocks of coin and bullion to the imperial mints. Thereafter Mughal moneyers relied
upon imports. From both east and west, over both land and maritime routes, India had always attracted
precious metals. The export of textiles and spices among other products, aided by the skills and capital of
Indian traders and shipowners and caravan operators, ensured a favourable commodity balance of trade. By
the late sixteenth century this inflow of precious metals was enhanced by the vast streams of New World
silver and gold that began to arrive in India. The long-standing drift of gold and silver from the
Mediterranean into the Indian Ocean region through innumerable trade transactions intensified in this
period. A lesser, but similar flow can be seen from South-east Asia. By 1600 these flows were enhanced by
the direct India to Europe traffic of textiles and spices exchanged largely for precious metals by the East
India Companies.
Most of the silver and gold entering Mughal India legally through port or overland customs stations was
converted into imperial coin. Tavernier, commenting on the severity of customs control at Surat in the 1660s
states: You may carry all sorts of silver into the Empire of the Great Mogul, because there is a mint in each
of the frontier towns, where it has to be refined to the highest standard, as Is all the gold and silver in India,
by order of the King, and it is coined into money of the country. Foreign coins that somehow escaped this
procedure did not circulate readily or profitably in Mughal towns and cities. The universal medium of tax
collection for the Mughal treasuries was imperial coin. Foreign coin was not acceptable. It was to the interest
of the moneychangers and bankers to initiate the conversion of foreign currency at the mints. The profits to
all concerned in this practice were considerable. In other words, the policies of the state were designed to
ensure that the imperial mints absorbed the inflow of silver and gold and placed this in circulation as silver
and gold coin of standard issue. Mughal currency circulated within the borders of the empire. Limited
quantities did travel within the wider Indian ocean region also. Subventions and donations went to Mecca.
Trading capital accompanied Indian merchants in their overseas ventures. But the Mughal rupee did not
serve as a major trading currency beyond the subcontinent. The absence, beyond India, of hoards containing
large numbers of Mughal coin suggests that those coins which left soon returned. Mughal India was a
receiver of precious metals.
Indian goods were in such demand that the empire did not have to export specie for needed imports. In
short, imported silver and gold augmented the coinage stocks of Mughal India. Unlike the situation in
Safavid Persia or Onoman Turkey at the same period, these imports were not counterbalanced by a drain of
exported coin. We may explain the enormous volume of Mughal coinage in part by official policies and in
part by the dominant economic position of India In the Indian Ocean region. Decade after decade the
Mughal state put more and more coin into circulation in its territories. To some extent these were neutralised
by offcial and quasi-official hoardmg. Some losses by wear and other causes also occurred. But these were
small beside the sustained level of mint production and its cumulative effect on imperial monetary stocks.
Growing stocks of coin did not long remain sterile in hoards. The institutions and practices of the empire
favoured the exchange of coin rather than commodities.
As we have noted, the land tax demand was expressed in money terms. Unlike its contemporary empire in
Ming China, the Timurid Indian empire did not collect, store and disburse large amounts of food grains.
The expanding imperial land tax system acted as a constant stimulus to market activity. State requisition of
a large share of production thus increased the demand for money. As has been frequently observed, the
system encouraged all parties, from the producing peasant to the highest grandee, to support and facilitate
the conversion of agricultural produce into money. This was indeed a commercialized agriculture. Proceeds
from sales of produce, and official and unofficial loans and salary payments moved money from city to
countryside. Instalments paid on the land tax moved money from countryside to city. The Mughal empire
paid its officials and military in cash, not in commodities. True, some officials (i.e. mansabdars) obtained
their pay by means of salary assignments jagirs) rather than in cash. This practice reduced the number and
amounts of direct disbursements by the central imperial treasury. The mansabdar in receipt of one, or more
likely several, jagirs held a claim to payment in cash of a specified sum that represented the land tax on a
village or pargana. Local officers made direct payments to his agent who forwarded the receipts to his
master in service elsewhere. The treasury was bypassed, but the net effect was to increase the number of
monetary transactions and hence the demand for coin. At the receiving end each mansabdar paid his
stipulated cavalry troopers, foot, and other followers in cash as well.
Expenditure on monument building, lavish living and charitable largess also flowed from the noble's
treasury. Successful Mughal officials and nobles accumulated vast fortunes in the course of their careers.
The basis of such wealth lay, of course, in the rewards of officeholding and its immense perquisites. By and
large this was not a class of landed aristocrats directly receiving rents from peasant or tenant population.
Mughal grandees, instead, augmented their massive official incomes by investment in trade. Guided by
their business managers and agents they provided commercial capital to traders and merchants engaged in
longdistance trade. At the highest level noble venture capital even went to finance shipbuilding and trading
voyages in the burgeoning Indian Ocean trade.
In short, both the expanding state and the burgeoning market relied upon a growing and flexible imperial
monetary system. The interests of the ruler, the noble and the trader lay in a cash nexus. Huge and growing
stocks of coin provided the means for a growing emphasis on market exchange on a cash basis. One result
of this seems to have been a deepening level of monetization within the empire. The land tax demand, and
commodity sales in an intensifying network of markets must, together, have increased the number and
velocity of coin in circulation. Only the most remote and backward tracts could have been immune to this
process.
The new imperial currency consisted of copper, silver and gold coin. Billon (copper mixed with traces of
silver) issues, long the standard for exchange, ended with the Mughal conquests in North India. Copper
became the coinage for popular use in the second half of the sixteenth century under Akbar.
According to Habib's analysis the imperial currency was trimetallic: i.e. ‘a system where the mints [freely].
, . receive and coin gold, silver and copper,, . . [and] where there are no legally fixed ratios between metals.’
As a result, in this system, coins of each metal enter circulation according to the demand for each based
upon relative cost and ‘efficiency in performing different monetary functions’. Copper gained in value
relative to silver between 1620 and 1670—partly in response to the new industrial utility of copper in
manufacturing bronze cannon. As it rose in price, the copper price of silver cheapened, making its use in
coin more attractive.
By and large the Mughal territories were on a silver standard in contrast to the gold standard of South India.
MERCHANTS, TRADING ORGANISATIONS AND THE STATE

The emergence of early capitalism in the Mughal period was primarily due to urbanisation and
commercialisation. Comment. (20) (2019)
The taxes charged by the state on trading activities. The merchants were also charged customs and toll: taxes on
movements of goods. However, the income from these sources was very small as compared to land revenue.
Since towns were the centres of commercial activities, the administrative officers there looked after the smooth
conduct of trade. The maintenance of law and order and providing peace and security were important for better
business environment.
This was the responsibility of the kotwal and his staff in the towns. The rules and laws governing the day-to-day
business were generally framed by the business community itself. Merchants had their own guilds and organisations
which framed rules. We get references to such organisations in our sources. In Gujarat, these were called maw an. In
the first quarter of the 18th century, we get evidence of 53 mahajans at Ahmadabad. The mahajan was the organisation
of traders dealing in a specific commodity in a particular area irrespective of their castes. The term mahajan was at
times used for big merchants also probably because they were the heads of their organisation. There were separate
caste based organisations also. The most influential and wealthy merchant of the town was called nagar seth.
Sometimes it was treated as hereditary title, Nagar seth was a link between the state and the trading community.
If there were certain disputes among the merchants, the mahajans resolved them. Generally their decisions were
respected by all. The Mughal administration also recognised these mahajans and took their help in matters of conflicts
and disputes or to seek support for administrative policies. The merchant organisations were strong and fought against
high-handedness or repressive measures of the officers of town and ports. We get a number of references where
traders organisations gave calls for hartal (closing business establishments and shops) against administrative
measures. The huge loss of revenue made administrators respond to the protest. One such serious conflict arose in
Surat in 1669. Here a large number of businessmen along with their families (a total of 8000 people) left Surat to
protest against the tyranny of the new governor. They settled at Broach and sent petitions to Emperor Aurangzeb.
The trading activities in the town came to a halt. The Emperor quickly intervened and the problem was resolved. In
1639, Shah Jahan invited Virji Vohra.
one of the biggest merchants of Surat, to enquire into the grievances of merchants against the governor of Surat.
During the war of succession among Shah Jahan's sons, Murad raised Rs. 5,50,000 through Shantidas, the nagar Seth
of Ahmadabad. After Murad's death, Aurangzeb owned the responsibility for paying it. The merchants in spite of
huge resources did not take much interest in politics. While merchants kept away from court politics, the nobles did
venture into trading. Many big nobles used their official position to corner the profits from trade. Shaista Khan tried
to monopolise a number of commodities, especially saltpetre. Mir Jumla, another prominent noble, was a diamond
merchant. A number of subordinate officers at local level also indulged in business activities using coercive methods.
EUROPEAN TRADING COMPANIES IN INDIA: 1600-1750

commerce with Europe through Dutch, English and French companies : a trade revolution
Examine the factors which were responsible for opening and development of European trade in India
during the 16th and 17th centuries (60) (2006)
Give a scatch of Indian trade with Europe during Mughal period (10)(2013)
The Dutch East India Company

Formed in 1602 through a charter. The Dutch were primarily interested in spice trade. Therefore, .they paid more
attention to the Far East. India was just a trading depot for them. They established their first factory at Petapuli in
North Coromandal in 1606, followed by another at Masulipatam in the same year. Gradually, they realized that Indian
textiles could be the best commodity for exchange with the spice islands (Indonesian Archipelago). This necessitated
expansion of their network in India. They established their factories at Pulicat (1610), Cambay (1620), Surat and
Agra (1621), Hariharpur (1633), Patna (1638). Dacca (1650), Udaiganj (1651), Chinsura (1653), Qasimbazar,
Baranagore, Balasore and Negapatam (1659-60).
The rising power of the Dutch was looked upon as a threat by the English to their own vested interests. When the
English established a factory at Masulipatam and opened trade at Petapuli, the Dutch interest lay in not allowing
English to have a share in the Pulicat trade. This conflict of interests continued. However, in 1619 the Dutch managed
to have a truce with the English and both agreed to become copartners in Indian trade. The English Company was
allowed to share the Pulicat trade provided they bore half the maintenance cost of the Dutch fort and garrison there.
But it did not last long. In 1623 and again in 1653-54, the Dutch attacked the English ships. Between 1672-74 the
Dutch again tried to obstruct English settlements at Surat and Bombay and captured an English vessel in the Bay of
Bengal. The English realized the supremacy of the Dutch over the Eastern Islands. They decided to drive them away
from their Indian possessions. To fulfill their designs, the English joined hands with the Portuguese in India. Finally,
they succeeded in defeating them at Bedara (1759) which weakened the Dutch opposition in India greatly. Since then
the Dutch confined themselves to "country trade" in India. Whatever small
possessions they had at Nagore and Negapatam were surrendered in 1773. By 1795, the English succeeded in
expelling the Dutch completely from their Indian possessions. Even their hold on the Cape of Good Hope loosened
in favour of the British.
The English East India Company
In 1599 the 'English Association of the Merchant Adventurers' was formed to trade with the East. This company
(popularly known as the East India Company) got a Royal Charter with her trade monopoly in the East by Queen
Elizabeth on 31 December 1600. In 1608 the English merchants decided to open their 'first' factory Surat. By 1619,
they succeeded in establishing factories at Agra, Ahmadabad and Broach.
Conditions were more favourable to establish a factory in the South as there was no strong Indian state in that part.
Vijaynagar had faded away ever since their defeat in 1565. In the South, the English opened their first factory at
Masulipatam in 1611. In 1626, another factory was opened at Aramgaon. In 1639, they got Madras on lease from the
local Raja. Soon, they fortified it which came to be known as Fort St. George. They acquired the island of Bombay
in 1668 and fortified it soon after. It was soon to supercede Surat (by 1687) as the headquarters of the Company on
the west coast.
The English penetration in the East was comparatively late. They established their first factory in Orissa at Hariharpur
and Balasore in 1633. In 1651, they got permission to trade at Hugli. Soon they also opened their factories at Patna
(Bihar) and Qasimbazar (Bengal). In 1690, an English factory was opened at Sutanati which was later fortified. In
1698, the English acquired the zamindari of Sutanati, Kalikata and Govindpur, where they built the Fort William.
Soon it grew into a big city and came to be known as Calcutta.
The French East India Company
The French were late comers to the Eastern trade. The French East India Company was founded in 1664. The first
French factory was establish at Surat in 1668. This was the place of prime importance to the English. But the Mughal-
English armed clash at Hugli caused a serious setback to the English possessions and trade in India. It also provided
an opportunity to the French to strike roots in India.
In 1669, the French established their second factory at Masulipatam. In 1673, they got Pondicherry, and in 1674 the
Nawab of Bengal granted them a site near Calcutta where in 1W92 they built the town of Chandranagore.
The French, had to face the Dutch and English rivalry very soon. The Dutch merchants convinced the ruler, of
Golconda about the aggressive designs of the French. Thus, Golkunda in coordination with the Dutch power, decided
to expel the French from St. Thome (1674). Finally, the French had to surrender St. Thome.
Later, in the early 1690s. when the war broke out between France and the Netherlands, their Indian counterparts also
raised their arms against each other. In 1693 the Dutch captured Pondicherry from them. The Dutch blocked the
French commercial activities at Hugli. By 1720, the French control over Bantam, Surat and Musulipatam got
loosened: "even it started selling its licenses to others." But a revival came about in 1721. A new Company was
reconstructed soon (1725) at Mahe (on the Malabar coast). In 1739, they opened their factory at Karikal. There was
fierce rivalry between the English and the French. Clashes in India began with the war between the two countries
(France and Britain) in Europe in 1742 leading to the three 'Carnatic wars' (1746-48; 1749-54; 1758-63). The decisive
battle was fought at Wandiwash (January, 1766). The French were defeated and lost almost all their possession in
India.
Now the English supremacy over other European Companies was complete. The Portuguese had to be content with
Goa, Daman and Diu, while the French were confined to Pondicherry, Karikal, and Mahe. The scene was now left
open for English aggrandizement
FACTORIES AND THEIR ORGANISATION

European trading Companies established their factories in the East. These factories were not manufacturing depots:
they were warehouses. They were often fortified..
The Dutch
The Dutch East India Company's chief administrative centre was at Batavia. This establishment was headed by the
Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies and a Council. It controlled all the Dutch factories in Asia. The Council
was responsible to the Central Board of Directors known as "Gentlemen” who met for six years in succession at the
Chamber of Amsterdam followed by two years at the Chamber of Zeeland.
A 'factor' was appointed at each station (factory). These factors used to send regular reports to Batavia regarding
trading activities of the region, the list of ships, commodities exported and imported, etc.
The Dutch factories at Coromandal were administered by a Directorate headed by a Director (designated as governor
in 1615) at Pulicat. Prior to 1655 the Dutch factories in Bengal were controlled and administered by the Coromandal
'factor'. However, in 1655 a separate 'Directorate' independent of the 'government' at Pulicat was formed at Hugli.
This gave great impetus to the Dutch trade in Bengal. In the 1690s, the seat of the Dutch administrative machinery in
Coromandal also shifted from Pulicat to Negapatnam.
In India each factory was administered by a Council consisting of the director, a senior factor, the incharge of the
Company's trade-books, a law enforcement officer, the incharge of the warehouses, the incharge of the loading and
unloading of the ships and six junior factors, one of whom acted as secretary to the Council. Their salaries were not
very lucrative.
The English
As for the internal management of the English Company it was administered by a 'Court of Committees' whose
nomenclature later was changed to 'Court of Directors' in 1709. It consisted of a governor, a deputy governor, and 24
members to be elected annually by a general body of the merchants forming the Company. Besides, there was a
secretary and a treasurer. Its members were known as Directors. The Company's superior body 'Court of Directors'
was based in London while its subordinate body was in Asia. The directors were to be annually elected by the
shareholders of the Company meeting in a 'Court of Proprietors'. Each shareholder, irrespective of the value of the
share, had only one vote. The membership of the Company was not confined to shareholders only. But it could be
secured through inheritance or presentation by paying an entrance fee through apprenticeship, services, etc.
The Company enjoyed extensive powers to issue orders and to make laws in accordance with the laws and customs
of the realm. The Company also possessed judicial powers to punish its servants for their offences by imprisonment
or fine.
In India, each factory was administered by a Governor-in-Council. The governor was the President of the 'Council'
with no extra privileges. Everything was decided in the 'Council' by majority votes. The members of the 'Council'
consisted of senior merchants of the Company.
While the 'Court of Directors' was the supreme authority in framing policies for the Company, the rights of its
presidencies in Asia were limited. Generally, various day-to-day matters were directly referred to the sub-committees

unless the matter was for the consideration of the Court. The Presidents and the members of the Council in Asia could
communicate directly with the 'Court' or the Secretary of the Company at home (London). But this freedom and
privilege were rarely given to the factories under the authority of the presidencies. As measure of check, the Court at
London encouraged the senior officials to report separately on various subjects. Thus, information generally got
duplicated and discrepancies could be checked.
The maintenance and implementation of the policies of the Company obviously rested upon the Company's President
and Council in India.
The administration of the English factories of the Eastern coast was governed from Fort St. George (Madras) having
their President and Council stationed there. The Council advised the governor in administrative matters.
In 1700, English factories in Bengal were placed under the separate control of a President and Council located at
Calcutta.
The French
The French East India Company's headquarters in India was at Surat which was later shifted to Pondicherry. The
supreme body was known as 'Superior Council of the Indies' and headed by a Director-General. He was the overall
incharge of the French affairs in India. The Supreme Council composed of five members was presided over by the
governor. The entire administration was in his hands. Though laws were enacted in the name of the French king, the
governor and the counselors could be removed Without any reference to the French king. All the colonial officers
were subordinate to the Council.
One notable feature of the French East India Company was the constant quarrels and jealousies of the French officials
in India which ultimately affected the smooth development of French interests in India. In the 1670s' Caron got
envious of the remarkable success of his fellow Frenchman Marcara. Though, ultimately Marcara succeeded in
convincing the French government about baselessness of the charges, the seeds of conflicts and clashes thus sown
from the very inception of the French. factories in India proved harmful. Similarly, in 1726, Dupleix was suspended
from his office and it was only in 1730 that the suspension order was withdrawn and he was appointed 'Intendant' or
Director of Chandranagore.
Population,
Estimates of population of Mughal India. (20)(2009)
ESTIMATES OF POPULATION OF MUGHAL INDIA
It was, however, hard to rest content with an admission that a definitive demographic history of India from c. 1601
to 1872 is impossible. No phase of economic history can be studied without allowing for demographic factor. For
pre-modern societies, population growth is often considered as a major index of economic growth. It is, therefore,
legitimate to attempt estimating the Indian population on the basis of quantitative data or diverse kind that are
available to us.
On the Basis of the extent of Cultivated Area made the first attempt to estimate the population with the help of the
data of the Ain-i Akbari. He tried to determine population of Northern India on the basis of the figures given in the
A'in. This work gives figures for arazi (measured area) which he took to represent the gross cropped area. Comparing
the arazi with the cultivation at the beginning of this century and assuming a constant condition between the extent
of cultivation and the size of the population right through the intervening period, he concluded that from "Multan to
Mongiyr" there were 30 to 40 million people at the end of the 16th century.,
Applying Civilian: Soldier Ratio
For the Deccan and South India, Moreland took as the basis of his calculations the military strength of the Vijaynagar
Empire and Deccan Sultanates. Taking a rather arbitrary ratio of 1:30 between the soldiers and civilian population,
he estimated the population of the reign at 30 millions. Allowing for other territories lying within the pre-1947 limits
of India but not covered by his two basic assumptions, he put the population of Akbar's Empire in 1600 at 60 millions,
and of India as a whole at 100 millions.
These estimates received wide acceptance. Nevertheless, Moreland's basic assumptions (and therefore his figures)
are questionable. For estimating the population of Northern India he makes the assumptions that (a) measurement
was made of the cultivated land only; and (b) it was carried out by the Mughal administration to completion in all
localities for which any figures are offered.
It has been shown on the basis of textual as well as statistical evidence that the arazi of the A'in was area measured
for revenue purposes which included, besides the cultivated area current, fallows and some cultivable and
uncultivable waste.

Moreover, measurement by no means was completed everywhere. Thus, Moreland's estimate of the population of
Northern India loses much of its credibility. It is weaker still for Deccan and South India. The army: civilian ratio is
not only arbitrary but undependable; the comparison with the pre-World War I France and Germany seems, in
particular to be quite inept, since the military: civilian ratios maintainable in modern states and economies are so
variable. Any of these can by no stretch of the imagination be used to set limits for the range of military: civilian
ratios in pre-modern regimes in the tropical zones. This is apart from the fact that Moreland's count of the number of
troop in the Deccan kingdoms was based on very general statements by European travellers.
However, Moreland has given inadequate weight to the areas outside the two regions. To make an appropriate
allowance for these regions, Kingsley Davis raised Moreland's estimate for the whole of India to 125 millions.
Making allowance for cultivable and uncultivable waste included in the arazi and establishing the extent of
measurement in various parts of the Mughal Empire, The area under cultivation in Mughal Empire in 1601 was about
55 % of the cultivated area in the corresponding region in 1909-10.
i) The total cultivation in 1601 was 50 to 55 % of what it was during the first decade of the present century.
ii) The urban population was 15 % of the total and, thus, the rural population was 85 % of the total population.
iii) The average agricultural holding in 1601 was 107 % larger than in 1901. She gives the estimate of the population
of India in the 17th century as between 140 and 150 millions
COMPOSITION OF THE POPULATION : RURAL AND URBAN

There is again no direct data about the proportion of urban population. Ifran Habib has made an .attempt to estimate
urban population on the basis of the pattern of consumption of agricultural produce. The Mughal ruling class tended
to lay claim on one half of the total agricultural produce, but all of it was not taken away from the rural sector.
Assuming that about a quarter of the total agricultural produce was reaching towns, and, making allowance for the
higher ratio of raw material in the agricultural produce consumed in the towns, he assumes the urban population to
be over 15 % of the total population.
Estimated Population in Various Towns
Nizamuddin Ahmad in his Tabaqat-i Akbari (c. 1593) records that in Akbar's Empire there were 120 big towns and
3,200 townships. Taking the total population of Akbar's Empire to be nearly 100 million and the urban population as
15 % of it, the average size of these 3,200 towns works out at about 5000 each. However, in the Mughal Empire there
were quite a few big towns.
SOCIAL LIFE
Social life in rural India is sparsely documented. However, a reconstruction may be attempted on the basis of scattered
information gleaned from contemporary literature as also from stray references in the chronicles of the period.
Family Life
In India joint family has traditionally been the most important institution of domestic life. For the peasants, the
availability of additional lands in a family contributing to the agricultural production had an added economic
significance. Some of the broad features of family system may be listed as below :
In most parts of India, the family system was mainly patriarchal in character. The senior male member was the head
of the family.
'There was no individual property within the family. Members enjoyed only a right of maintenance from the property.
Women members were generally subject to the dictates of the males of the family. Families gave distinct preference
to male over female. Thus a son was preferred to a daughter, and among the sons, preference was given to the first-
born.
On the whole, the family system developed the feeling of mutual dependence and joint relationship and thus the
consciousness that without each other's help life would be difficult.
Social Institutions and Customs
Marriage was the most notable social institution in rural India. The responsibility of marrying sons and daughters
vested primarily with the parents. Though there did not exist any fixed limit for the age of marriage, the common
practice was in favour of an early marriage. We know on the authority of Abul Fazl that Akbar attempted to fix a
minimum age for marriage-sixteen years for males and fourteen years for females. But we are not certain about the
execution of this order. If references to marriage in contemporary literature are any index, this attempt of Akbar
remained confined on paper only. Different customs of marriage were followed among the Muslim and non-Muslim
segments of rural population. For instance, marriage among the Hindus was a sacrament as against a contract among
the Muslims. However, girls in both cases were unable to exercise their own choice. Similarly, dowry was a bane
common to both the segments.

Festivals and Amusements
Among the rural folk, a variety of festivals and amusements were popular. Although based on different religions
affiliations different kind of festivals were celebrated by the Muslim and non-Muslim population, there is no reason
to believe that these two segments of rural population did not participate in each other's festivities.
Most of the festivals of the non-Muslims coincided with particular seasons. Their timing was such that the peasantry
was in a state of comparative leisure, and thus in a mood for enjoyment. The most popular of these festivals were
Basant Panchami, Holi, Deepavali and-Shivratri. Basant was the time of spring and was celebrated by singing and
dancing. Holi, a more important festival, was celebrated just before the onset of harvesting season. Huge bonfires,
popular songs and scattering of red powder, were the conspicuous features of this festival. Deepavali was a festival
of lights and was celebrated soon after the harvesting of the kharif crops. Shivratri was more of a religious festival
observed in night-long prayers.
The Muslim festivals, too, by this time (i.e., 16th-18th century), had become influenced by the Indian environment.
'Id, Shabbarat and Muharram were the most popular festivals among the Muslims in the rural areas. Shabharat, in the
opinion of K.M. Ashraf was one festival probably copied from the Shivratri. '"The distinguishing features of popular
celebration", says he, "were the extensive use of fireworks and the illumination of homes and mosques".
As compared with Shabbarat and 'Id, Muharram was observed with modesty. The first ten days of Muharram were
spent in reading the account of the martyrdom of Imam Husain. Later, the tazias (imitation of their mausoleums) were
taken out in procession and buried in local graveyards.
Dancing and singing were the most popular forms of amusement among the rural masses. Occasions like the festivals
of Holi called for gatherings at common places in the villages where 9opular ballads were sung and folk dances
performed.
Hindi and other religious literature

Write a short essay on the development of literature during the Mughal period. (60) (2006)
Why should the sixteenth century be regarded as the period of the Indian Renaissance? (15) (2015)
Hindi
Hindi language as known to-day developed over a long period of time. A number of dialects spoken in various regions
of northern India contributed to its development. The main dialects' from which Hindi emerged are Brajbhasa,
Awadhi, Rajasthani, Maithili, Bhojpuri, Malwi, etc. Khari Boli, a mixed form of Hindi, also came into existence in
the 15th-16th centuries.
The origins of Hindi date back to 7th and 10th centuries. It was during this period that Hindi was evolving out of
Apabhransha. The early period of Hindi poetry is called Virgatha kala (age of heroic poetry). During this period, the
exploits of Rajput kings and chieftains were narrated in poetic form. Some of the famous poems are Prithviraj Raso,
Hamir Raso, etc.
The form of poetry which developed during the subsequent period was devotional (Bhakti). Kabir was the most
famous exponent of this form. The same tradition continued during the 16th and 17th centuries.
Derived from a broken form of Sanskrit known as "Maghadi-Prakrit", the Hindi literary language bloomed under the
pervasive influence of the Bhakti movement The new poetry found its best creative expression in the writings of
Gosvami Tulsidas. The poet born in eastern UP. around 1523 became a mendicant and began to write his masterpiece
Ramcharita-Mansa in 1574 . The popularity of this work rested on its language which closely resembled Tulsidas'
native Awadhi dialect. Tulsidas took up the life of Rama as that of an ideal man and built around it his philosophy of
'Bhakti'. His observations touched the lives of common men.
Among the many works that Tulsidas wrote Vinaya-Patrika or a prayer book brings out his philosophy best. Though
he preached pure devotion to an almighty God, in his personal life he clung to a single deity investing him with all
the necessary attributes of a cult figure. Tulsidas inspired a number of other writers - like Agradas and Nabhajidas –
who composed the Bhakta - a well-known account of the Vaisnava saints dating back to the Ancient period.
Devotion to Krishna rather than Rama as the highest incarnation of the Supreme Being was propagated by another
set of poets who were known as Ashtachapa. These eight men were all disciples of Vallabhacharya among whom
Surdas who wrote between 1503-1563 was considered the best. A Rajput princess turned into a mendicant, Mira
herself became the heroine of many ' romantic legends. Her songs addressed Krishna as a lover and portrayed the
final subjugation of a 'bhakta' to the Supreme Being. These songs originally composed in the Marwari dialect of

Rajasthan were altered through usage of Brajabhasha which was popular mainly in Gujarat and parts of Northern
India.
The Awadhi dialect of Hindi was enriched by a number of Sufi poets who used popular tales to explain their mystic
messages. Mostly these dealt with themes of love. Among the writers in this genre were Maulana Daud the author of
Chandayan, and Kutaban the composer or Mrigavati. The greatest was, however, Malik Muhammad Jayasi whose
famous work Padmavati was composed between A.D. 1520-1540. It is a detailed mystic analysis of the popular
legend of queen Padmini of Chittor and Alauddin Khilji. The work, though better known for its theme, should also
be acclaimed for the excellence of the Awadhi language in which it was composed.
Literature in Brajabhasa flourished under the patronage of Akbar and was enriched by poets and musicians and his
court including Tansen and Abdur Rahim Khan Khanan who composed lyrics on the 'leela' of Krishna.
Urdu
The word derived from the Turki 'Urdu' meaning a military camp came into existence as a dialect among Muslims
who ruled in the Deccan and South India from the 14th century onwards. The literary speech arising out of it was
known as 'Dakkeni' and can be traced to the 15th century. This language though retaining traces of pre-Muslim
dialects developed mainly by drawing its form and themes from the current Persian literature. This continued till the
end of the 17th century even as the script continued to be Perso-Arabic. The major centres of Dakhni literature were
Gujarat, Bijapur, Golconda, Aurangabad and Bidar. The oldest writer in this Muslim Hindi tradition was the famous
Sufi poet Sayyid Banda Nawaz Gesudaraz (author of the Me'raj ul Ashiqi) who played an important role in the politics
of the Bahmani kingdom in 1422.
Two important poets of this literary dialect flourished in Gujarat, Shah Ali Mohammad Jan and Sheikh Khub
Muhammad. The major patrons of Dakhni literature were the Qutab Shahi Sultans of Golconda. Among them
Muhammad Quli Qutab Shah (1580-1612) was both a poet and the romantic hero of a love poem by his court poet
Mulla Wajhi.
Ibrahim Add Shah I1 (1580-1626) the Sultan of Bijapur, was a great patron and himself an author of a book on music
in Dakhni. Local events often featured in the works of the Dakkni poets as seen in the work of Hasan Shawqi who
wrote a poem commemorating the battle of Talikoe (1565)
Court patronage of art and technology

Give an estimate of Akbar as a promoter of technology. (30)(2009)
Assess the development of science and technology in the Mughal period (15)(2013)
AGRICULTURAL TECHNOLOGY
We do not find any radical change during the Mughal period in so far as the plough, iron ploughshare, irrigational
devices, methods of sowing, harvesting, threshing and winnowing are concerned. However, for sowing, apart from
broadcasting and seed-drill, we get evidence for dibbling also. This method was employed especially for cotton
cultivation; a whole was made into the ground with a pointed leg, the seed was put into it and covered with earth. As
for threshing, besides using oxen, corn ears were also beaten with stocks.
One remarkable development during this period was the introduction of some new crops, plants and fruits. Many of
these were brought by Europeans, especially the Portuguese. The Mughal elite had started growing Central Asian
fruits in India from the days of Babur. Tobacco, pineapple, cashew-nuts and potato were the most important crops
and fruits that came from America. Tobacco led to huqqa-smoking. Besides, tomato, guava and red chilies were also
brought from outside. Maize is not listed in Abul Fazl's Ain-i Akbari. It seems that this, too, was introduced by
Europeans from Latin America The seeds of numerous varieties of melons and gapes gown around Agra were brought
from Central Asia.
Fruits of better quality were grown by seed propagation. It is doubtful whether the art of horticulture was extensively
practised during the Delhi Sultanate. Grafting became prevalent in India only after A.D. 1550. This skill was well
known in Persia and Central Asia. However, mangoes of the best quality were exclusively produced in Goa through
grafting by the Portuguese. Some European travellers to India paid glowing tributes to the delicious mangoes of Goa
called Alfonso, our Lady, Joani Perreira, etc. Alfonso is still a celebrated variety in India. Among the Mughal
Emperors, Shah Jahan alone takes the credit for getting two canals dug.
TEXTILE TECHNOLOGY

“India had been for hundreds of years the Lancashire of the Eastern world.” Critically examine this
view. (15)(2014)
The section took note of numerous processes, e.g., ginning, carding, spinning, weaving, dyeing, painting and printing.
Spinning-wheel was brought to India by the Turks. In fact, no radical addition or improvement seems to have been
made during the seventeenth century. However, two developments must be highlighted; first, carpet-weaving under
Akbar's patronage at Lahore, Agra and Fathehpur-Sikri; and second, production of silk and silk fabrics on a large
scale.
The Europeans did not bring their own textile techniques to India, at any rate during the first half of the seventeenth
century. Actually, they did not possess any superior technology in this area during this period, except perhaps to the
English Company to send silk dyers, thrusters and weavers to Qasimbazar in Bengal. Italian silk were introduced into
India in the 1770s.
MILITARY TECHNOLOGY .
Firearms were used sporadically for the first time during the second half of the 15th century in some regions of India
like Gujarat, Malwa and Deccan. But fire-arms of a regular basis developed through the agency of the Portuguese
from A.D. 1498 in South India, and by Babur in the North in A.D. 1526. Babur used guns and cannons against the
Rajputs and Afghans.
These guns were actually matchlocks. Europe knew of two more devices to fire a gun: wheel-lock (1520s) and flint-
lock (1620s) in which matchcord was dispensed with. Abul Fazl claims the manufacture of handguns without
matchcord in /Akbar's arsenal, but he is silent on the alternative mechanism. This could be a flint-lock because wheel-
lock even in Europe was employed for pistols. At any rate, these handguns (flint-locks) were produced on a limited
scale, most probably for Akbar's personal use only because we are told that Indians in North India were scarcely
familiar with this technique during the early decades of the seventeenth century. In fact, Mughal paintings regularly
depict matchlocks down to Aurangzeb' s times.
European pistols were available for sale as early as A.D. 1609. Sometimes Europeans gave pistols in gifts to Indians.
But the Indians did not learn the art of wheel-lock. Cannons of various sizes were manufactured in India for the Indian
rulers.
SHIPBUILDING
The entire vessel in medieval times everywhere was constructed of wood. Various methods were employed to join
the planks. One of these was rabbeting which was widely practised in India. This was basically on the tongue-and-
groove principle: the 'tongue' of one plank was titted into the 'groove' of another. The next step was to smear the
planks with ingenious pitch or tar, and lime with the double purpose of stopping up any fissures and preserving the
timber from sea worms. Fish-oil was also used for doubling the planks. The Indians did not adopt tile European
method of caulking - a technique for making joints or seams of the planks tight or leak proof by forcing oakum (made
of loose fibre or untwisted old ropes, etc. mixed with melted pitch) between parts that did not fit tightly. The reason
was caulking did not have any technical superiority over the indigenous method for performing the same task.
Moreover, caulking was more expensive than the Indian practice.
Prior to the European advent, the planks of ships and boats were joined together by stitching or sewing them with
ropes made of coir, or sometimes with wooden nails. The Europeans were using iron nails and clamps which made
their vessels stronger and durable. India's lost no time in adopting the new technique. Around A.D. 1510, Varthema
noticed “an immense quantity of iron used" in Indian ships at Calicut. Abul Fazl informs us that for a ship of Akbar
468 mans (maund) of iron were used. Some Mughal paintings establish the presence of iron nails, strips and clamps
for constructing vessels. Similar positive response for European iron anchors is evidenced during the seventeenth
century. Earlier, anchors were made of big stones.
The Indians used buckets to bail out the leaked water in the ships. However, the European iron chain-pumps started
to be used in India, though not widely, during the second half of the seventeenth century. But these were not
manufactured in India: they were purchased or borrowed from Europeans.
METALLURGY
Main features of metallurgical practices in India:
i) The fuel for smelting consisted of wood charcoal (coal was not known). Thus, smelting was generally carried out
at places which were near the source of wood supply.
ii) The smelters used small furnaces which perhaps did not have refractory or heat-resistant clay.
iii) The' bellows were ribless and small which did allow efficient air-blast to generate very high temperature in the
furnaces to reduce the ore to a totally liquified state.
iv) In case of iron and bronze, the metal was melted in diverse small furnaces (sometimes eight in number) wherefrom
the molten material went to the mould. Since the quality of the molten metal in each furnace was not necessarily the
same, the fabricated object could not have always been of high quality.
Abul Fazl describes the technique of making iron cannons and handgun barrels at Akbar's arsenal. Perhaps these
techniques were newly invented. We do not know whether improvements were made during the subsequent period.
Cannons were made of bronze, brass and iron.
Zinc metallurgy seems to have started in India somewhere around twelfth century A.D. Abul Fazl mentions Jawar
(modem Zawar) in Rajasthan where zinc was procurable.
Archaeological studies near Zawar have revealed the presence of sealed clay retorts for zinc distillation (which,
condensed, cooled, yielded the metal).
Copper mines were located at Khetri in Rajasthan. Tin was not a natural product of a country: it was imported from
other Asian regions. Bronze was in use right from the days of the Indus valley culture. Alloys like brass (copper and
zinc or tin) were fabricated in India.
One must mention here the production of the true "wootz" roll in India from c. 400 B.C., especial1 y in Andhra
Pradesh. Probably "woolz' ' is a corruption of the Telugu word "ukku". It was exported to centres of sword making
like Damascus in Syria (called Damascus swords).
GLASS TECHNOLOGY
Glass is a complex artificial industrial substance. We should not confuse it with crystal, quartz, obsidian glass, glaze
and faience. That glass was not scarce in India, but Indian glass objects "did not range or go beyond the manufacture
of tit-bits like beads and bangles"
With the arrival of Muslims, pharmaceutical phials, ,jars and vessels of glass cane to India from the Islamic countries,
but there is no evidence to show that Indians had started fabricating these objects in imitation.
During the 16th and 17th centuries, a variety of glass articles were brought to India by the Europeans. All these were
new for us: for example, looking-glasses (mirrors made of glass).
We known how to make mirrors of metals (bronze and copper) but not of glass. Another object was spectacles made
of glass lenses. The Europeans gave these things to Indians as gift and, sometimes, they also sold them (but the market
was very limited). Thus, the Indians started using European glass articles without manufacturing them during the
period under study.
It seems that the technique of fabricating sand or hour-glass was known in India during the 15th century, but the
Mughal paintings exhibit European made sand-glasses only, which were brought to India by the Europeans.
Apart from these, we got from Europe drinking-glasses, magnifying or burning glasses and prospective glasses
(telescopes). Since the later were made of glass lenses like the spectacles, there was no question of their indigenous
manufacture during the seventeenth century.
PRINTING PRESS
It is 'amazing that the Chinese knowledge of wooden-block printing did not evoke even a ripple of response in India
in spite of frequent communication between the two countries in the past. European movable metal types were
brought to Goa around A,D. 1550 by the Portuguese. The latter started printing books on Christian saints, Sermons,
grammars; books in the Marathi and Kokani languages and dialects, but in Roman script rather than in the Devanagari
script.
Emperor Jahangir is once reported to have expressed doubt about types being cast in Persian or Arabic scripts during
a discussion with the Jesuits, whereupon the latter promptly showed copy of the Arabic version of the gospel,
probably printed at Vatican in A.D. 1591.
This topic was not brought up again by Jahangir. In A.D. 1670s, Bhimji Parekh, the chief broker of the English
Company at Surat, took a keen interest in this technology. A printer was sent to India in A.D. 1674 at Bhunji's request,
along with a press at the latter's expense. Bhimji intended to contrive types in "banian characters after our English
manner", but it could not be feasible since the English printer did not know type-cutting and founding. No type cutter
was sent from England to assist Bhimji. Nevertheless, Bhimji persisted in this endeavour to realize his dream of a
printing-press with Devanagari fonts. He employed his own men, obviously Indians, to do the job. The English factors

at Surat testify that, "we have seen some paper printed in the banian character by the persons employed by Bhimji
which look very well and legible and shows the work feasible". But then, at that crucial moment, Bhimji lost heart.
TIME-RECKONING DEVICES
The history of horology unfolds a variety of devices adopted by mankind in different countries. Among them,
gnomons, sundials, clepsydras (water-clocks), sand-glasses, mechanical clocks and watches stand out as the most
significant contrivances for time-reckoning with varying degrees of accuracy.
In India, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, clepsydras of the sinking-bowl variety appear to have been
the most commonly used device for measuring time, at any rate, in urban centres. The Persian term for the bowl was
tas, while tas gharial denoted the whole mechanism (bowl and gong). The Indian word ghurial is derived from the
ghat that was struck with a mallet to announce the time indicated by the sinking-bowl. Water-clock is mentioned
during the Delhi Sultanate in Afif s Tarikh-i Feroze Shahi which related the installation of a the ghurial by Sultan
Feroze Shah Tughlaq at Ferozabad during the second half of the fourteenth century. Babur also describes the
mechanism in the Baburnama.
Abul Fazl, too, takes note of the details.
Much before the Mughals, the Europeans had invented the two most essential features of an ordinary mechanical
clock the weight-drive and escapement. Europeans' clocks anti watches were often given in gift to Indians, especially
the elite groups (Jahangir was presented a watch by Sir Thomas Roe, but the Emperor's memoirs does not mention
this fact). The Jesuit church at Agra had a public clock-face with a bell whose "sound was heard in every part of the
city". Notwithstanding the exposure of a substantial cross-section
of Indians to European mechanical clocks and watches for a long time, there is no evidence to indicate its acceptance
among any social group of Indian society for general use. These were mere toys, and novelties for the Indians who
received them "diplomatic" or ordinary gifts. The one important reason for non-acceptance was the incompatibility
of the Indian time-reckoning system with that of Europe at that time. In Europe, the system of twelve equal double-
hours prevailed, while the Indian system consisted of 4 quarters (pahr) in the Further, each pahr was divided into
gharis of 24 minutes each. Thus, the Indian system had 60 "hours" (of 24 minutzs) to the full day, and the European
consisted of 24 hours of 60 minutes each.
MISCELLANEOUS
i) True Arch, dome and lime-mortar were already introduced in the India by the Turks. No significant development
took place in building technology during the seventeenth century. However, we may take note of one practice, that
is, preparation of a sort of "blue print" of the building to be constructed. It consisted of drawing on a thick sheet of
paper by employing "grid of squares" (graph sheet) for indicating proportions. We may also mention that Indian
buildings did not have window-panes and chimneys which
Europeans used back home.
ii) The Indians did not employ metallic (copper) boilers to refine saltpetre like the Europeans; the former continued
with earthen pots to do the job.
iii) Oxen-drawn carts were in common use, especially for transporting commercial goods. Horse-drawn carriages
were very rare: they were meant only for passengers. Sir Thomas Roe presented to Jahangir an English coach drawn
by four horses. The Emperor enjoyed a ride in it (he called it rath furangi). The sovereign, and some nobles got such
coaches built by Indian carpenters for their use. But this interest was short-lived; it did not catch on during the
seventeenth century.
Mughal architecture
Explain the principal features of architecture during Akbar’s rule. What changes were made in them by
Shahjahan? (60) (2002)
The Mughals built like Titans and embellished like jewellers. Comment. (15) (2019)
BEGINNING OF MUGHAL ARCHITECTURE

The history of architecture during the 16th-18th centuries is in fact an account of the building activities of Mughal
Emperors, except for a brief interregnum of a decade and a half when Surs ruled in Delhi.

It is true that the Mughal style of architecture took a concrete form during the reign of Akbar, yet the basic principles
of Mughal architecture were provided by Babur and Humayun, the two predecessors of Akbar.
Buildings of Babur
Babur had a short reign of five years, most of which was spent in fighting battles for the consolidation of the newly
born Mughal state. He is, however, known to have taken considerable interest in building secular works. It is
unfortunate that very little of this work '
is extant today. The standing structures of Babur's reign are two mosques, built in 1526, at Panipat and Sambhal. But
both these structures are common place, and possess no architectural merit.
Babur's secular works mainly comprise the laying of gardens and pavilions. In one of the miniatures, he has been
depicted inspecting the layout plan of a garden of Dholpur. Today, only the excavated ruins of this garden are visible.
Two more gardens, Ram Bagh and Zahra Bagh at Agra, are also attributed to him. But the present layout of these
gardens seems to have undergone many alterations. None of Babur's pavilions have been noticed as surviving today.
Buildings of Humayun
The surviving buildings of Humayun's reign have the same inconsequential character as that of Babur. The Mughal
domination over India was too unsettled for the production of any great work of architecture. Moreover, Humayun
had to spend fifteen long years of his life in exile in Persia during the ascendance of the Sur dynasty in Delhi.
However, two mosques from among several other buildings erected during the first phase of his reign survive. One
of these lies in ruinous condition at Agra. The other is at Fatehabad (Hissar). But both these structures are devoid of
any architectural distinctiveness much in the same manner as the mosques of Babur.
Humayun's return to Delhi in 1555 was short lived. There are in fact no notable buildings of this time. -Mention may,
however, be made of Humayun's tomb as a structure which was inspired by the Persian culture imbibed by Humayun
during his exile. This building is in fact a landmark in the development of the Mughal style of architecture. The
construction began in 1564 after Humayun's death under the patronage of his widow, Hamida Bano Begum. The
architect of the building was Mirak Mirza Ghiyas, a native of Persia. He brought many Persian craftsmen to Delhi to
work on the structure and their skills and techniques were liberally employed. The tomb has thus become
representative of an Indian rendition of a Persian concept. It may be noted that Humayun's tomb, strictly speaking, is
a building of Akbar's reign. But because of peculiar features, it has been treated separately.
Humayun's tomb is one of the earliest specimens of the garden enclosure and is raised high on an sandstone platform.
The tomb is octagonal which is actually a double dome. It has two shells, with an appreciable space in between. The
inner shell forms the vaulted ceiling to the inner chambers, and the outer shell rises like a bulb in a proportion with
the elevation of the main building. To the centre of each side of the tomb is a porch with a pointed arch providing
entrance to the main chamber.
The interior of this building is a group of compartments, the largest in the centre covering the grave of the Emperor.
The smaller ones in each angle were meant to house graves of his family member. Each room is octagonal in plan
and they are connected by diagonal passages.
A double-dome is built of two layers. There is one layer inside which provides ceiling to the interior of the building.
The other layer is the outer one which crowns the building. The devices of double dome enables the ceiling inside to
be placed lower and in better relation to the interior space it covers. The method of making double dome was practised
in Western Asia for quite some time before it was imported into India.
ARCHITECTURE UNDER AKBAR
Akbar’s reign can be taken as the formative period of Mughal architecture. It represents the finest example of the
fusion of Indo-Islamic architecture.
Structural Form
The architecture of the reign of Akbar represents encouragement of the indigenous techniques and a selective use of
the experiences of other countries. The chief elements of the style of architecture that evolved under Akbar's
patronage be listed thus:
a) the buildings mainly used red sandstone as the building material;
b) a widespread use of the trabeated construction;
c) the arches used mainly in decorative form rather than in structural form;
d) the dome was of the 'Lodi' type, sometimes built hollow but never technically of the true double order;
e) the slops of the pillars were multifaceted and the capitals of these pillars invariably took the form of bracket
supports; and the decoration comprised of boldly carved or inlaid patterns complemented by brightly coloured
patterns on the interiors.
Building Projects

a) The First Phase
One of the earliest building projects of Akbar's reign was the construction of a fort at Agra, conceived actually as a
fortress-palace. Its massive walls and battlements convey all effect of great power. Inside the fort, Akbar had built
many structures in the styles of Bengal and Gujarat. Except the Jahangiri Mahal, however, all the other structures
were demolished by Shah Jahan as part of a later phase of remodelling. Today the Delhi Gate of the fort and Jahangiri
Mahal are the only representative buildings of Akbar's reign. The Delhi Gate of Agra Fort probably represents Akbar's
earliest architectural effort. It formed the principal entrance to the fort.- The architecture of the gate shows an
originality. The gate follows a simple plan; the different components are:
a front consisting of two broad octagonal lowers by the sides of a central archway;
a back having arcaded terraces topped by kiosks and pinnacles; and
an ornamentation consisting of patterns in white marble inlaid against the red sandstone background.
The Jahangiri Mahal was built by Akbar and is conceived as a robust building in red sandstone. It is the only surviving
example in the fort of the domestic requirements of the ruler and is a fine specimen of the union of the Hindu and
Islamic building designs.
Gateway leading to a domed hall with elaborately carved ceiling. As one crosses this hall one reaches a central open
courtyard. On the north side of this courtyard is a pillared hall with a roof supported on piers and cross-beams with
serpentine brackets. The southern side, too, has a similar hall. 'This symmetry is, however broken on the east side by
a set of chambers that lead to a portico facing the river Yamuna. The entire constraction is mainly in red sandstone
with the combination of beam and bracket forming its principal structural system.
The same style is manifested in the other palace-formats at Lahore and Allahabad. Only the fort at Ajmer represents
a different class. Since it spearheaded the advancing frontier of the Empire, the walls of the fort were thickly doubled
b) The Second Phase
The second phase of Akbar's architectural scheme coincides with the conception and creation of a ceremonial capital
for the Empire at Sikri, nearly forty kilometres west of Agra. The new capital was named Fathpur.
It is one of the most remarkable monuments in India. In its design and layout Fathpur Sikri is a city where the public
areas like the courtyards, Diwan-i Am and Jami Masjid form a coherent group around the private palace apartments.
The city was built in a very short span of time (1571-1585) and as such does not follow any conscious overall plan.
The buildings were sited to relate to each other and to their surroundings. An asymmetry seem to have been
deliberately incorporated into the setting-out and design of the complex. All the buildings are in characteristic rich
red sandstone, using traditional trabeate construction. The pillars, lintels, brackets, tiles and posts were cut from local
rocks. The buildings in Fathpur Sikri may be resolved into two categories: religious and secular character. The
religious buildings comprise (a) the Jami Masjid; (b) the ; Buland Darwaza; (c) the tomb of Shaikh Salim Chishti.
The buildings of secular nature are more varied and thus numerous. These can be grouped under (a)'palms; (b)
administrative buildings; and (c) structures of miscellaneous order.
The Jami Masjid uses the typical plan of a mosque - a central courtyard, arcades on three sides and domed skyline.
The western side has the prayer hall with three separate enclosed surmounted by a dome and linked by 'arcades. The
usual entrance to the masjid is from tile east where stands the structure of a big gateway projected in the form of a
half hexagonal porch.
In 1596, h e southern gateway w:iv replaced by Akbar with a victory gate, the Buland Darwaza. It is constructed in
red and yellow sandstone with white marble inlay outlining the span of the arches. The loftiness of the structure is
enhanced by a flight of steps on the outside. The entrance has been formed by a piercing huge central arch which is
crowned by an array of domed kiosks. The Buland-Darwaza was built to commemorate Akbar's conquest of Gujarat
in 1573.
The tomb of Salim Chishti stands in the courtyard of the Jami Masjid in the north-western quarter. It is all architectural
masterpiece as it exhibits one of the finest specimens of marble work in India. The structure was completed in 1581
and was originally faced only partly in marble. The serpentine brackets supporting the eaves and the carved lattice
screens are remarkable features of structure.
The palace complex in Fathpur Sikri comprises a number of apartments and chambers. The largest of these buildings
is known as the Jodha Bai palace. The palace is massive and .austere in character. The wall outside is plain with
principal buildings attached to inner side. On the north side is an arcaded passage and a balcony.
There are rooms in the upper storey in the north and south wings. They have ribbed roofs covered with bright blue
glazed tiles from Multan.
A unique building of the palace complex is the Panch Mahal, a five storeys structure, located south-east of the Diwani
Khas. The size of the five storeys successively diminishes as one goes upwards. At the top is a small domed kiosk.

Some of the sides in this building were originally enclosed by screens of red sandstone. But none remain intact now.
An interesting feature is that the columns on which the five storeys have been raised are all dissimilar in design. Of
the administrative buildings, undoubtedly the most distinctive is the Diwani Khas. The plan of this building is in the
form of a rectangle and is in two stories from outsides. It has flat terraced roof with pillared domed kiosks rising
above each comer.
Inside, there is a magnificent carved column in the centre, having a huge bracket capital supporting a circular stone
platform. From this platform mate four railed 'bridges' along catch diagonal of the hall to connect the galleries
surrounding the upper portion of the hall.
The main architectural object in this interior is the central column. The shaft is variously patterned and branches out.
Another notable building of the same category is the Diwani Am. It is a spacious rectangular courtyard surrounded
by colonnades. The Emperor's platform is towards the western end. It is a projecting structure with a pitched stone
roof having five equal openings. The platform is in three parts, the centre probably used by the Emperor and
separated from the other two sides by fine stone screens pierced with geometric patterns.
Buildings of miscellaneous character are scattered all over the city complex:
i) Two caravan sarais, one located inside the Agra Gate, immediately to the right; and the other, the larger structure,
is outside the Hathi Pol in the left side;
ii) Karkhana building located between the Diwani Am and Naubat Khana, having a series of brick domes of radiating
rather than horizontal courses; and
iii) The water-works, opposite the caravan sarai near Hathi Pol, comprising a single deep haoli flanked by two
chambers in which a device was used to raise the water for distribution in the city.
ARCHITECTURE UNDER JAHANGIR AND SHAH JAHAN

“The art of building was carried to highest degree of perfection under Shahjahan”. Illustrate by giving
architectural details of two of his most celebrated buildings. (15) (2018)
The zenith of Mughal Architecture under Shahjehan (20) (2001)
Akbar's death in 1605 did in no way hamper the development of a distinctive Mughal architecture under his
successors. A secure Empire and enormous wealth in legacy in fact permitted both Jahangir and Shah Jahan to pursue
interest in the visual arts.
New Features
In the sphere of the building art, Jahangir and Shah Jahan's reigns were an age of marble. me place of red sandstones
was soon taken over by marble in its most refined form. This dictated significant stylistic changes which have been
listed below:
a) The arch adopted a distinctive form with foliated curves, usually with nine cusps;
b) Marble arcades of engrailed arches became a common feature;
c) The dome developed a bulbous form with stifled neck. Double domes became very common;
d) Inlaid patterns in coloured stones became the dominant decorative form; and
e) In the buildings, from the latter half of the Jahangir's reign, a new device of inlay decoration called pietra dura was
adopted. In this method, semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli, jasper, topaz and cornelian were embedded in the
marble in graceful foliations.
Major Buildings
The account of the major buildings of this period begins with a remarkable structure, the tomb of Akbar, located at
Sikandra, eight kilometers from the Agra on Delhi road. It was designed by Akbar himself and begun in his own
lifetime hut remained incomplete at the time of his death. Subsequently, it was completed by Jahangir with
modifications in the original design. As it stands today, the entire complex is a curious mix of the architectural
schemes of both Akbar and Jahangir.
The scheme of this complex envisages the location of tomb in the midst of an enclosed garden with gateway in the
centre of each side of the enclosing wall.
The tomb building in the centre is a square structure built up in three stories. The first storey is in fact an arcaded
platform making the basement. Within the platform, vaulted cells surrounded the mortuary chamber and a narrow
inclined corridor in the south leads to the grave. The middle portion is in three tiers of red sandstone pavilions
trabeated throughout the storey, of white marble in contrast to the red sandstone elsewhere, has an open court

surrounded by colonnades with screens. The tomb is linked by causeways and canals to the gateways in the enclosure
wall. But it is the one in the south which provides the only entrance, the other three being false gateways added for
symmetry.
The southern gateway is a two-storey structure with circular minarets of white marble rising above the comers. The
entire structure of the gateway is ornamented with painted stucco coloured stone and marble inlay. Interestingly, the
decorative motifs include, besides the traditional floral designs, arabesques and calligraphy, gaja (the elephant) hamsa
(the swan) padma (the lotus), swastika and chakra.
The architectural importance of Akbar's tomb at Sikandra can be gauged from the fact that several mausoleums built
subsequently reflect the influence of this structure to varying degree. Particular mention may be made of the tomb of
Jahangir at Shahadara near Lahore and of Nur Jahan's father Mirza Ghiyas Beg at Agra.
The tomb of Itimadud Daula, built in 1622-8 by Nur Jahan on the grave of her father Mirza Ghiyas Beg marks a
change in architectural style from Akbar to Jahangir and Shah Jahan. The transition from the robustness of Akbar's
buildings to a more sensuous architecture of the later period is evident in the conception of this structure.
The tomb is a square structure raised on a low platform. There are four octagonal minarets, at each comer, with domed
roofs. The central chamber is surrounded by a verandah enclosed with beautiful marble tracery. The main tomb is
built in white marble and is embellished with mosaics and pietra dura. The central chamber contains the yellow
marble tomb of Itimadud Daula and his wife. The side rooms are decorated with painted floral motifs. Four red
sandstone gateways enclosing a square garden, provide a splendid foil for the white marble tomb at its centre.
It should be noted here that Jahangir was a much greater patron of the art of painting. His love of flowers and animals
as reflected in the miniature painting of his period, made him a great lover of art of laying out gardens rather than
building huge monuments. Some of the famous Mughal gardens of Kashmir such as the Shalimar Bagh and the Nishat
Bagh stand as testimony to Jahangir's passion.
In contrast to Jahangir, Shah Jahan, was a prolific builder. His reign was marked by a extensive architectural works
in his favourite building material the marble.
Some of these were:
a) the palace-forts, e.g., the La1 Qila at Delhi;
b) the mosques, e.g. the Moti Masjid in the Agra Fort and the Jami Masjid at Delhi; and
c) the garden-tombs, e.g., the Taj Mahal.
The Lal Qila is a regular rectangle with the northern wall following the old course of the Yamuna river. There are
two gate-ways -- the Delhi and Lahore Gates, and massive round bastions at regular intervals along the wall. The
gates are flanked by octagonal towers with blind arcades and topped by cupolas. A moat runs all along the fort wall
except the river side. Inside, there are several notable buildings of which particular mention play be of Diwani Am,
Diwani Khas and Rang Mahal. The diwani Am and Rang Mahal are arcaded pavilions with sandstone columns in
pairs, plastered with powdered marble. In the eastern wall of the Diwani Am is built the throne platform for the
Emperor having curved
corniced roof in the style of the Bengal architecture. Behind this structure on the eastern side is located the Rang
Mahal fronted by an open courtyard. Further north, in alignment with the Rang Mahal is the Diwani Khas. All of
these buildings have floral decorations on the walls, columns and piers.
In the Moti Masjid in the Agra Fort, Shah Jahan made experiment with an alternative scheme-an open arcaded prayer
hall. Moreover, in this mosque the designer has also dispensed with the minarets. In their place, chhatris have been
used on all four comers of the prayer hall. There are three bulbous domes rising over a cusped arcades. The entire
building has been built in white marble with blackmarble calligraphy, heightening the elegance of the structure.
The Jami Masjid at Delhi is an extended aid larger version of the Jami Masjid at Fatetehpur Sikri and thus becomes
the largest building of its kind in India. It is built on a raised platform surrounded by arcades that have been left open
on both sides. The main entrance is the eastern side with an ascending flight of steps increasing h e effect of loftiness.
There are two smaller gateways in the middle of the northern and southern wings. Within, the mosque follows a plan
similar to the Jami Masjid at Fathpur Sikri--colonnades running along die three sides and sanctuary on the fourth
side. Three bulbous domes in white marble rise above the sanctuary. The building material used here is red sandstone
with white marble for revetments and for inlaying the frames of panels.
The Taj Mahal is undoubtedly Shah Jahan's grandest and most well known project. The construction work began in
1632, and most of it was completed by the year 1643. The plan of the complex is rectangle with high enclosure wall
and a lofty cnuance gateway in the middle of the southern side. There are octagonal pavilions, six in all, at the corners
and one each in the eastern and western sides. The main building of the Taj stands on a high marble platfrom at the

northern end of be enclosure. To the west of this structure is a mosque with a replica on the east side retaining the
effect of symmtry.
The Taj Mahal is a square building with deep alcoved recesses in each side and its four corners bevelled to form an
octagon. Above this structure rises a beautiful bulbous dome topped with an inverted lotus finial and a metallic
pinnacle. At the four corners of the platform rise four circular minarets capped with pillared cupolas. The interior
resolves itself into a central hall with subsidiary chambers in the angles, all connected by radiating passages. The
ceiling of the main hall is a semi-circular vault forming the inner shell of the double dome. The decorative features
of the building consist of calligraphy aid inlay work in the exterior and pietra dura in the interior. Marble, the main
building material, is of the finest quality brought from Makrana quarries near Jodhpur. The garden in front of the
main structure is divided into four quadrants with two canals running across, forming the quadrants. The cenotaph in
the main hall was enclosed originally with a screen in golden Uaccry.
THE FINAL PHASE

Buildings of Aurangzeb
Aurangzeb had none of his father's passion for architecture. Under him, the generous encouragement given by his
predecessors to the arts was almost withdrawn. The architectural works during the reign of Aurangzeb were less
numerous and of a lower standard than those executed under any previous Mughal ruler. In Delhi itself, the capital
city of the Empire, very few buildings are associated with his name. The major buildings include the mausoleum of
his wife Rabia ud Dauran in Aurangabad, the Badshahi Masjid in Lahore and the Moti Masjid at Lal Qila, Delhi. The
Badshahi Masjid is comparable to the Delhi one in size and architectural composition. It has a vast court, a free
standing prayer hall and minarets at each comer of the hall. There are four smaller minarets at each angle of the
sanctuary. The cloisters run on the both sides with arched entrances at regular intervals.
There is only one portal. The building material is red sandstone with the use of white marble as a relief to the red
sandstone. Atop the prayer hall, three bulbous domes in white marble rise beautifully.
Tile other important building of this period is the Moti Masjid in the Lal Qila, Delhi. The marble used in its
construction is of a very fine quality. The plan is similar to the Moti Masjid built by Shah Jahan in Agra fort; only
the curves are more prominent. The three bulbous domes cover the prayer hall which is designed in the form of three
cupolas in the same aliment.
The mausoleum of his wife at Aurangabad, is an attempt at emulating the Taj Mahal. But a serious miscalculation on
the part of Aurangzeb's architects in providing the comers of the musoleum, too, with minarets upsets the harmony
of the entire building. These minarets, , which are superfluous in the overall scheme of the building, are the only
major deviation in copy from the original scheme of the Taj Mahal.
MUGHAL PAINTING
Mughal painting (20) (2005) (2007)
Mughal painting reflect the contemporary socio-political conditions. – Discuss. (30) (2011)
“Mughal paintings reflect social harmony in contemporary society.” Discuss. (15) (2017)
AKBAR
The emergence of the Mughal School of painting as distinct from all other styles was mainly due to the deep interest
Akbar took in the promotion of this art.
Akbar's views on the Art of Painting Drawing anything is called tasvir. His majesty, from his earliest youth, has
shown a great predilection for the art, and gives it every encouragement, as he looked upon it as, both of study and
amusement. Hence the art flourishes, and have obtained great reputation. The works of all painters are weekly laid
before by the Daroghas; he then confers rewards according to excellence of workmanship, or in- the monthly salaries.
Much progress was made in the commodities required for painters, and the correct prices of such articles was carefully
maintained.
The mixture of colours has especially been improved. The pictures thus received a hitherto unknown finish. Most
excellent painters are-now to be found, and masterpieces, worthy of a Bihzad, may be placed at the side of the
wonderful works of the European painter who have attained world-wide fame. The minuteness in detail, the general
finish, the boldness of execution, etc., now-observed in pictures, are comparable; even inanimate objects look as if
they had life. More than a hundred painters have become famous masters of the art, whilst the number of those who
approach perfection, or of those who are middling, is very large. This is especially true of the Hindus; their picture
surpass our conception of things.
The first major project undertaken during Akbar's regime was that of illustrating the Hamza Nama. It began m 1562
for which several artists were employed at the court. The place where the painters worked was known as Tasvir
Khana. Although Abul Fazal enumerates the names of only seventeen artists, we now know that the number was very
large. List of 225 artists who worked at Akbar's atelier. These artists belonged to different places, but among them
the majority were Hindus. Interestingly, several low caste people, due primarily to their artistic skill, were also raised
to the status of royal artist. The case of Daswant, who was the son of a Kahar (palki-bearer), may be especially cited.
The painters were assisted by a set of gilders, line drawers and pagers. The artists were salaried employees. The
lowest paid worker in the atelier received an amount between 600 to 1200 dams. (40 dams = one rupaya).
There are paintings which bear the names of two artists. Sometimes even three artists worked on a single painting.
On one painting from Akbarnama four artists have worked. The painting was thus a collaborative team work, The
sketching of figures and colouring were done by a team of two different artists. In cases where three artists have
worked the outlining was done by one artist, the other artist coloured the faces and a third one coloured the remaining
figure. It is however not known to us as to how was such a complex mangement worked out Probably in such a team
work the sketching and colouring were done by separate artists.
As has been noted above, the atelier was supervised by daroghas with the assistance of clerks. They were responsible
for making materials of painting easily available to the artists and to oversee the progress of their work. They also
arranged for periodical presentation of the artists' works before the Emperor.
Style and Technique
The illustration done at Akbar's court are considered as representative works of the Mughal art. Notably, however, in
these paintings, there is evident a gradual evolution in the style and technique. The illustrations of the early phase are
clearly influenced by the Persian tradition, the identifying features of which are listed below:
symmetrical compositions;
restricted movement of figures;
fineness of the lines of drawings;
flat depiction of architectural columns; and
profuse embelament of buildings in the manner of jewels.
Later, the paintings acquired a distinctive character of their own. They assumed a more eclectic character composed
mainly of the Persian and Indian traditions with touches of European influence.
Distinctive Features
The Mughal style became recognisable within a span of fifteen years since the setting up of royal atelier under Akbar.
In the next decade or so, i.e. by about 1590 it acquired a distinctive form which was marked by:
clothing objects of daily use assuming Indian forms.
It should be emphasized here that the identity of the Mughal paintings under Akbar was as much made of an original
style as a fusion of the Persian and Indian traditions. Specific mention may be made here of the depiction of action
and movement which is not to be found in either the pre-Mughal art of India or the art of Persia.
While portrait painting was known in Persia, painting as a chronicle of actual events was certainly a new emphasis.
Painters used familiar forms for hunting or battle scenes regardless of the fact that the literacy reference for the scene
was historical or purely imaginary. Moreover specific events illustrated are frequently reworking of scenes 'recording
quite different events in the earliest known historical manuscript of this period, the Timur Nama of about 1580 AD.
Possibly, painters conceived scenes according to a repertoire of types e.g. the seize of a fortress, crossing a river, an
audience or battle scene. In the working of whole volumes such as the Akbar Nama, the artists seem to have reworked
or adapted these compositional types. Painters usually mated new compositions only when no prototypes existed, and
only a few artists were capable of such invention.
DEVELOPMENTS UNDER JAHANGIR AND SHAH JAHAN

Delineate the development of the Mughal painting during the reign of Jahangir. (10) (2016)
During Jahangir and Shahjahan, Mughal painting achieved its zenith. Jahangir took a deep interest in paintings as a
prince. He maintained his own studio apart from Akbar's large atelier. Jahangir's preference was for paintings of
hunting scenes, birds and flowers. Under Shahjahan the colours of the paintings became more decorative and gold
was more frequently used for embellishment.
Introduction of New Styles

In the period of Jahangir, manuscripts retained less important than individual pictures. Jahangir, with his personal
involvement, may have functioned effectively as real head of the royal studio. Therefore, artistic decisions were made
by the Emperor himself consequently introducing his own stylistic preferences in the paintings. Jahangir’s paintings
seem to accentuate a formalist style, i.e., making the work realistic and preferring the precise recording of
contemporary reality.
Thematic Variations
Jahangir was a keen minimalist. Whenever he came across strange animal or bird, his artists painted the same
immediately. We have paintings of birds and animals in the most realistic fashion.
Shah Jahan was a great patron of architecture, but he did not neglect the painting. Under him, the verious tradition of
doing portraits, preparing albums, and, illustrating books, was continued Additionally we find the paintings depicting
charming love scenes and portraits of female members. Another important theme chosen for painting was super
imposition of animals and the scenes of performing acrobats.
Final Phase
Aurangzeb, had begun his rule on a bitter note by executing his brothers and imprisoning his father. The arts were
ignored during his regime. Painting did not stop altogether. There exist some commissioned portraits of the nobles
and their relations from the c m of the Rajput principalities. Large number of karkhana records (on paintings) are
located in the Rajasthan State. Archives, Bikaner. There also exist a few interesting pictures of the emperor himself
. The skill of the painter is evident, though the paintings are more formal and seem to have lost their earlier liveliness.
Lam, under Muhammed Shah (1719-48), interest got renewed in depicting pleasure loving scenes. But by this time
many of the painters of imperial studio had begun migrating to provincial one. The loss of the Mughals, thus, was the
gain of the provincial styles.
Examine the European impact on Mughal paintings. (10) (2019)

In its later phase: specially during the Seventeenth Century, the Mughal painting was influenced by the European arc.
Some of the themes of European art were incorporated by Mughal painters and they also adopted a few of the
techniques of European artists.
Many original prints from Europe were collected and preserved in the albums of Jahangir, Shukoh and several Mughal
nobles.
Through contact the Mughal court painters had with European paintings, prompted them initially to make exact copies
in their own hands. Such imitations, as noted by contemporary European travellers, were impeccably done. But
Mughal painters also made experiments by making new paintings on the subjects chosen from European paintings.
One import-ant feature: that becomes noticeable in some Mughal paintings is the attempt to make them three
dimensional. Clearly it speaks of impact of European technique.
Another Eurbpean convention to Mughal painters was the effect of light and shade, mostly utilized in fight scenes.
The depiction of motifs like 'hals', winged angles and roaring clouds in Mughal paintings was again under the
influence of European paintings.
One important technique that of oil painting from Europe, somewhat did not attract the Mughals. There is no work
from this period that was executed in oil.
Provincial architecture and painting

Discuss the Cauraoancashika and Jain styles of paintings. Can the Cauraoancashika style truly be called the
precursor of pothi format? (12) (2012)
Painting during Sultanate Period: Secular Painting
Illustrated texts, many of them secular, and of quite different genre, were commissioned bythe Muslim and Hindu
aristocracy of the sixteenth century: ‘Even now, / I remember her eyes/ trembling, closed after love, / her slender
body limp, / fine clothes and heavy hair loose / awild goose / in a thicket of lotuses of passion’. Thus rhapsodized
the eight-century Kashmiri poet Bilhana about his beloved Campavati in the Caurapancasika (Fifty Verses of a
Love Thief). The gentle eroticism of Bilhana’s Caurapancasika marks a turning point in Indian culture, as the
formal elegance of high Sanskrit yields to the intimate atmosphere of vernacular literature in Hindi, Bengali, and
other provincial languages.The Caurapancasika inspired a major series of paintings that became the benchmark for
pre-Mughal art, not least because this set was the first to be discovered by modern scholars.

Over the years many more have come into light that give us an ever clearer idea about painting in North India on
the eve of Mughal conquest. A ‘transparent’ narrative device in the Caurapancasika, which tells the story by placing
the aristocratic hero and heroine in an everyday architectural interior, becomes a long-lasting convention. These
paintings essentially belong to romantic world of Rajasthan that was foreign to Jain piety.
Miniatures-Jaina miniatures
The miniatures have a lyrical quality that captures the mind and the soul. Most of the paintings are unique
compositions on myriad themes that are characteristic only of India. Museums of Delhi, Jaipur and Udaipur house
an incredible collection of Indian miniatures that would leave one with a euphoric experience. The miniature
paintings are divided primarily into three categories according to the courts they were produced in. Hence, they
comprise of the small paintings done in the Mughal court during 16th and 18th centuries A.D., paintings of
Rajasthan particularly in the regions of Mewar, Bundi, Jaipur, Kishangarh and Kotah and paintings from the hill
courts of Punjab such as Basohli, Guler, Jammu, Kangra and Garhwal known as Pahari
Long before the 1st century A.D. paintings that were different from murals existed in India. Since they were
done on cloth, wooden boards or other carriers that do not survive, we have evidence of illustrated manuscripts only
from 11th century onwards. The first books to be composed on palm leaves and covered with painted wooden
boards belong to the Pala period. Under the Pala rulers in Bengal, Buddhist manuscripts representing the life of
Buddha were illustrated. The style followed is reminiscent of the mural style, but on a miniature scale. The figures
were modeled closely upon the Pala and Sena sculpture of the period. The art continued till the 15th century in
Bihar, Bengal and Orissa.
In Western India, the Jaina merchants of Gujarat united in the building of libraries and patronage of sacred
texts. Manuscripts such as Kalpasutra, Kalkacharyakatha were produced around this time.
Except for a highly formalized line, the style is flat and decorative and the palette limited to few colours. A
distinctive characteristic feature of these illustrations is that in profile, both eyes were visible, with a peculiar
bulging of the eyes and the pupils appearing in the centre. These were believed to be offshoots of the Rastrakuta
style of painting followed at Ellora.The Jaina paintings are distinctive in that a religious fervor and a spirit of
dedication inspired the artists. They conceived a theme in terms of its nobility and universal appeal, rather than the
appeal for the individual and the sophisticated. As we observe the paintings, it becomes clear that the life around
has had a profound impact on the painter who has brought a complete picture of the culture of the period in all its
grandeur with every detail of dress and ornamentation. In these paintings, the text almost makes up the border on
either side, while the centre is given to the illustration. As for colours used, vermilion red predominates with white
and black used for contours.
During the 13th and 14th centuries paper came to replace palm leaf as the preferred support. The style of painting
began to deteriorate slowly. Persian trends infiltrated through Muslim rulers and the Jaina manuscript style spread
to other centres in India.By the sixteenth century the solid red backgrounds, traditionally used as the basic panel for
each illustration, had changed to blue. The change is a key factor in determining the date of Western Indian
paintings. More greens and blues were in use and began to depict more narratives to make use of foliage, animals
and elaborate architectural settings.
The western Indian style of painting were mainly discovered from the jain bhandars in the form of palm leaf
manuscripts. They follow a special format called the pothi format.
FINE ARTS
Fine arts during the.l6th-l8th century seem to have developed more in the regional kingdoms than in the Mughal state.
However, historical information on the development of fine arts is scanty, and the following narrative is based on
piecemeal records.
Music
Centres of musical study and practice, as stated above, were located in regional kingdoms. In the South, a system of
parent and derivative modes, i.e., Janaka and Janya ragas, existed around the middle of the 16th century. The earliest
treatise which deals with this system is titled Swaramela Kalanidhi. It was written by Ramamatya of Kondavidu
(Andhra Pradesh) in 1550. It describes 20 janak and 64 janya ragas. Later, in 1609, one Somanatha wrote
Ragavibodha in which he incorporated some concepts of the North Indian style. It was sometimes in the middle of
the 17th century that a famous treatise on music, called Caturdandi-prakasika was composed by Venkatamakhin in
Thanjavur (c. 1650). The system propounded in the text has come to form the bedrock of the Carnatic system of
music.
The development of music in North India was largely inspired and sustained by the bhakti movement. The
compositions of the 16th and 17th century saint poets were invariably set to music. In Vrindavan, Swami Haridas
promoted music in a big way. He is also considered to be the teacher of the famous Tansen of Akbar's court. Tansen
himself is considered one of the great exponents of North Indian system of music. He is given credit for introducing
some famous ragas viz., Miyan ki Malhar, Miyan ki Todi and Darbari. Raja Mansingh of Gwaliar (1486-1517) played
a distinguished part in the growth and perfection of Dhrupad, a variant style of the North Indian music.
In the 18th century, music in North Indian style received great encouragement at the court of the Mughal emperor
Muhammad Shah. Sadaranga and Adaranga were great composers of Khayal gayaki at his court- Several new forms
of music such as Tarana, Dadra and Ghazal also came into existence at this time. Moreover, some folk forms of music
were also incorporated in the courtly music. In this category mention may be made of Thumri, employing folk scales,
and to Tappa developed from the songs of camel drivers of Punjab.
In passing, it should be noted that while in the South the texts of music enforced a stricter science, in the North the
absence of texts permitted greater liberty. There were thus several experiments in mixing the ragas carried out in the
North. A loose code-of North India11 style of music is a feature that has continued to the present day.
Dance and Drama
Evidence on dance and drama in the medieval period is scattered. The more important sources are the texts on music,
dance and drama, and the creative works of literature in the different languages of India.
The textual material is mainly from Orissa, South India and from the court of the Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah.
Abhinaya Chandrika by Mahesvara Mahapatra and Sant Damodara by Raghunatha are the two 17th century texts on
dance and drama in Orissa.
From South India we have Adi Bharatam, Bharatarnava, Tulajaraja's (1729-1735) Natyavedagama and
Bahrdvarman's (1753-1798) Balaramabbaratam. There is the Sangita Malika treatise on dance and music from the
court of Muhammad Shah.
Late Seventeenth century crisis and the revolts

On the basis of the accounts of Europeans being out agrarian crisis during the 17th century India(20)(2013)
Jagirdari Crisis
Each holder of a mansab, called mansabdar, was paid in assignments of land revenue (jagir). Among the various
obligations, the mansabdar had to maintain a requisite contingent of troopers. These troopers were paid and
maintained out of the revenue of the jagir. They formed the base of the mansabdar's power, and assisted him in the
collection of land revenue. Availability of the revenues to be assigned and the ability of the Mughals to collect them
thus became two crucial pre-requisites for an effective working of the system. Chandra, Mughal decline has to be
seen in the Mughal failure, towards the end of Aurangzeb's reign, to maintain the system of the mansabdar-jagirdar.
As this system went into disarray, the Empire was bound to collapse.
The problems attending the annexation of the Deccan states, the absorption of the Marathas and Deccanis into the
Mughal nobility, and the subsequent shortage of jagir have been emphasized. The sudden increase in the number of
nobles, caused due to the expansion of the Empire into the Deccan and Maratha territory, created a crisis in the
functioning of the jagir system. According to Athar Ali, the nobles competed for better jagir, which were increasingly
becoming rare due to the influx of nobles from the south. The logical consequence was the erosion in the political
structure which was based on jagirdari to a large extent.
The agrarian relations as they developed during the Mughal rule gave rise to an authority structure which worked like
a pyramid. In this form the rights of various kinds came to be superimposed upon each other. As a result bulk of the
revenue demand of the state was transferred on to the cultivators. In the eighteenth century, with the decline of the
Mughal authority, and with pressure on jagirs. Agricultural economy began to face a crisis.
The zemindars as a class, were quite loyal to the state. But in the kind of agrarian situation that obtained in the Mughal
empire, conflict between them and the state as also among themselves could not be checked. This often resulted in
law and order problems and decimated the authority of the state. After the death of Aurangzeb and weakening of the
imperial authority this equilibrium got disturbed. The zemindars in this situation could be contained only by a group
which would he independent of the support of the zemindars. Since such a class had not emerged by this time, the
pattern of agrarian relations could not be changed. The collapse of the system became inevitable.
Agrarian Crisis
Do you think that the agrarian crisis of the 17 th century led to the disintegration of the Mughal Empire? Discuss.
(20) (2016)
The mechanism of collection of revenue that the Mughals had evolved was inherently flawed. The imperial policy
was to set the revenue at the biggest rate possible to secure the greatest military strength for the Empire, the nobles.
On the other band, tended to squeeze the maximum from their jagirs, even if it ruined the peasantry and destroyed
the revenue paying capacity of the area.
Since, the nobles jagirs were liable to be transferred frequently, they did not find it necessary to follow a far-sighted
policy of agricultural development. As the burden on the peasantry increased, they were often deprived of their very
means of survival. In reaction to this excessive exploitation of the peasantry, the latter had no option but to protest.
The forms of rural protest in Medieval India were varied in nature. In many areas the peasants took to flight. Entire
villages were left deserted due to the large scale migration of peasants to the towns or other villages. Very often the
peasants protested against the state by refusing to pay the revenue and were up in arms against the Mughals. Habib
argued that these peasant protests weakened the political and social fabric of the Empire.
REGION-CENTRIC APPROACH
Centre-Region Relationship
Viewing the Mughal State from the perspective of the regional literature of the Mughal subha of Awadh, Alam
suggests that the Mughal Empire signified a co- ordinating agency between conflicting communities and the various
indigenous socio-political systems at different levels. The basis of the Empire in a measure had been negative; its
strength lay in the inability of the local communities and their systems to mobilize beyond relatively narrow bounds.
Political integration in Mughal India was, up to a point, inherently flawed. It was to a large extent conditional on the
co-ordination of the interests and the political activities of the various social groups led by local magnates.
According to Alam, the Mughal decline in the early 18th century has to be seen in the inability of the state to maintain
its policy of checks and balances between the zamindars, jagirdars, madad-i ma'ash holders and the local indigenous
elements; like the shaikhzada3 in Awadh. In the early 18th century, there was a thrust 'of the nobles towards
independent political alignments with the zamindars in order to carve out their own fortunes. Alongside there was an
attempt between the various co-sharers of Mughal power (the zamindars, madad-i ma'ash holders, etc.) to encroach
on each other's rights and territorial jurisdictions. These developments were not entirely incompatible with what
happened earlier. But in the hey-day of the Empire these tensions had been contained. This was achieved at times by
the use of military force and at other times by balancing out the power of one social group by settling another in the
vicinity (e.g., the distribution of the madad-I ma'ash grantees in and around the zamindaris of Awadh).
An Overview
It is difficult to find a single explanation commonly applicable to the problems of the Mughal Empire in all its regions
and provinces. For similar reasons it is difficult to accept a view of Mughal decline which applies uniformly to all
parts of the Mughal Empire. The Mughal Empire at best represented a consensus of both the centre and the
peripheries. In the early 18th century, it was this consensus which was disturbed. Different peripheries that had
constituted the Empire followed their own different paths of developments. The eighteenth century regional histories
thus indicate the endeavour to make use of the possibilities for growth within existing social structures.
Evidently the regional history perspective on Mughal decline negates the application of one general theory to explain
Mughal collapse all over India. For the Mughal Empire, at best, represented a consensus between the centre and the
peripheries.
The peripheries were integrated to the Mughal core not merely administratively. For there was an economic and
cultural assimilation between the conqueror and the vanquished. It was on certain shared economic and cultural spaces
that the Mughal state structure rested.
Regions, held together by these heterogeneous linkages to the Mughal core, were bound to be vulnerable to the kinds
of social, economic and cultural changes that swept through 17th century Mughal India. Different regions were
affected in different ways. While in some regions links with the Mughal core were severed, in others they were
retained. It was logical that the different regions followed different paths of dissociation from the Mughal Empire.
Mughal decline was thus much more complex than what the historians subscribing to the Mughal-Centric approach
would have us believe.
SUCCESSOR STATES
The regional principalities: Nizam’s Deccan, Bengal, Awadh
Was it the weakening of the Mughal Empire or the rise of regional powers that led to the British conquest of India?
Discuss. (15) (2016)
Awadh, Bengal and Hyderabad fall in the category of successor states. All these three provinces were directly under
the control of the Mughal administration. Though the sovereignty of the Mughal Emperor was not challenged, the
establishment of practically independent and hereditary authority by the governors and subordination of all offices
within the region to the governors showed the emergence of autonomous polity in these regions. A new political
order came into existence within the broader Mughal institutional framework.
Saadat Khan became the subadar of Awadh in 1722. His aspiration, was to play an important role in the imperial
polities. Having failed in that design, he devoted himself to the task of making Awadh an independent centre of
power. The Mughal decline provided him the desired opportunity to establish his own authority in the region. The
major challenge that he faced after becoming the subadar was the rebellion of local chieftains and rajas of Awadh. In
order to consolidate his position he adopted the following measures:
suppression of rebellious local zamindars and chieftains;
curtailment of the authority of the madad-i-maash grantees;
systematizing, revenue, collection; and negotiation with some local zamindars.
In appointing local officials, he considered only their personal loyalty to him. His motive became more clear when
he nominated his son-in-law, Safdar Jang, as deputy governor of the province without the prior consent of the
Emperor.
After Saadat Khan, Safdar Jang pursued the same path so that the working of provincial administration no longer
depended on the will of the Emperor. Even sending of revenues to Delhi became irregular. Semblance of allegiance
to the Mughal Emperor was still maintained, but between the yeas 1739 and 1764 Awadh emerged virtually as an
autonomous state. Safdar Jang extended his control over the Gangetic plains and appopriated the forts of Rohtas,
Chunar and also the subadari of Allahabad. The office of the imperial diwan was abolished. His successor
Shujauddaula also tried to consolidate the basis of autonomous political system in Awadh. In the process of
establishment of autonomous state, the most remarkable development was the promotion and prosperity of a new
group of gentry who owed their allegiance to the Awadh ruler and not to the Mughal Emperor.
Bengal;
In Bengal the process of autonomy was started by Murshid Quli Khan. He was first appointed as diwan but, later on,
his success in revenue administration, and the uncertainty after the death of Aurangzeb, paved his way for the subadari
of Bengal. Murshid Quli abolished the separate offices of the diwan and the nazim and combined them into one. His
initial concern was revenue administration and, in order to streamline it, he took the following 'measures:
elimination of small intermediary zamindars;
expelling rebellious zamindars and jagirdars to the frontier regions of Orissa;
encouraging big zamindars who assumed the responsibilities of revenue collection and payment; and
enlarging the scope and extent of the khallsa lands.
By his measures, Murshid Quli encouraged the zamindars to emerge as a powerful political force in the province.
Similarly, moneyed and commercial classes got encouragement from the Nawab and established their importance in
local polity. All these were clear Indications of Murshid Quli's desire to establish Bengal as his domain. He also
nominated his daughter's son Sarfaraz as his successor. This set the tradition of a dynastic rule in Bengal. Sarfaraz
was overthrown by his father.
Shujauddin Muhammad Khan. Shujauddin followed the system developed by Murshid Quli and tried to maintain ties
of loyalty with different local power groups. His link with Delhi was basically confined to the sending of tributes.
The next ruler Alivardi Khan assumed power through coup and killed Sarfaraz Khan. Alivardi's reign showed further
development towards autonomy. Major appointments at the provincial level were made by him without any reference
to the Mughal ruler. He appointed his own loyalists as deputy Nawabs at Patna, Cuttack and Dhaka. He recruited a
large number of Hindus in revenue administration and organised a strong military force. The flow of tribute to Delhi
became irregular. Thus, by Alivardi's time, an administrative system developed in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa which
reduced ties with the imperial court in Delhi, and for all practical purposes an independent state emerged in Eastern
India.
Hyderabad
As in Awadh and Bengal, so in Hyderabad also the weakening of the imperial rule provided the opportunity to the
subadar of Deccan to lay the basis for an autonomous state. Nizam-ul-mulk established his control over Hyderabad
by removing the officials appointed by the Mughals and installed his own men. He assumed the right of making
treaties, wars, granting mansabs, titles, etc. The Mughal authority was reduced to a symbolic reading of khutba.
Reform of the revenue system, subduing of jamindars and tolerance towards Hindus were some of his important
measures. A network of intermediary interests on land was allowed to flourish in Hyderabad and this had strong
bearing on the state polity. Bankers, moneylenders and military commanders had important role to play in maintaining
political balance because they provided the essential financial and military service. Nizam-ul-mulk's reign thus
showed the emergence of an independent state in Hyderabad with the nominal allegiance to the emperor.
THE NEW STATES
The Marathas
Among the various provincial states that emerged during this period, the most prominent was the Maratha state. The
rise of the Marathas was both a regional reaction against Mughal centralisation as well as a manifestation of the
upward mobility of certain classes and castes. The Mughals never had proper control over the heartland of the
Marathas. During the period of Peshwa Balaji Vishwanath the office of the Peshwa became very powerful and the
Maratha state system attained the status of a dominant expansionist state. Starting from Balaji Vishwanath to the
reign of Balaji Rao, the Maratha power reached its zenith and the Marathas spread in every directions South, East,
North and Central India. The Third Battle of Panipat in 1761 between the Afghans and the Marathas was major
setback for the Marathas and their victory march was halted by the success of the Afghans in this battle. So far as the
administration is concerned, there were non-regulation and regulation areas. In non-regulated areas, the existing
zamindars and chieftains were allowed to run the administration, but they had to pay tribute regularly to the Peshwa.
In regulation areas direct control of the Marathas was established. In these areas a system of revenue assessment and
management was developed of which the most important was the watan system. The watandars were holders of
hereditary rights in land, whose rights vested not in an individual incumbent but in a brotherhood of patrilineal
relatives. The Marathas adopted some parts of the Mughal administrative system, but their major thrust was on
extraction of surplus. In the absence of well-defined provincial authority, they failed to consolidate their influence.
Maratha ascendancy under the Peshwas

How will you view the Maratha policy of expansion? Delineate. (20) (2017)
With balaji’s appointment as the peshwa, the office of the peshwa became hereditary and balaji and his successors
became the de facto rulers of the maratha kingdom. From now onwards the chhatrapati became just a figure-head.
Balaji vishwanath (1713-20)
One of the first things balaji was called upon to do was to secure the restoration of sahu’s mother to him from the
custody of mughals who had detained her at delhi as hostage for the good behaviour of her son sahu.
Bajali opened direct negotiations with the saiyid brothers and in February 1719 all his demands were accepted.
Accordingly sahu’s mother and family were released, he was recognized as the ruler of shivaji’s home dominions
and was allowed to collect chath and sardeshmukhi from the six subhas of the deccan, as also in
karnatak and TN.
In return for all this, the Marathas were expected to keep a contingent on 15,000 horses in the service of the mughals
and to maintain order in the deccan.
Balaji’s success in delhi greatly increased his power and prestige.
Balaji vishwanath is rightly called the second founder of the maratha state.
Balaji was credit with “a mastery of finance”.
Solid foundations were laid for a well-organised revenue system in the swaraj territory which was under direct royal
administration. Here bahalji adopeted the assessements made by the malik amber in ahmadnagar.
Gujarat was earmarked for the senapathi, berar and gondwana for the bhonsle of nagpur, the konkan for kanhoji
angria, karnatak for fateh bhonsle, and khandesh-baglana and central India for the peshwa.
They collected the revenue, administered the territory, maintained the local army, and contributed only a small share
of their income to the royal exchequer.
Sometime revenue officers (darrackdars) were sent to their dominions from the central government, but there was no
real curb on their power.
Bajalji’s appointment as peshwa in 1713 marks the end of the ‘royal phase’ in maratha history.
The new maratha ‘mandala’ or confederacy under sahu:
During the period of rajaram, the office of pratididhi was created and the office of the peshwa was next to it in
hierarchy. Thus in place of ashta pradhan of shivaji, shau had nine ministers including the pratinidhi.
Shau introduced the jagir system.
Some capable and ambitious military leaders and officers were assigned ‘spheres of influence’ which they were
expected to bring under their control by their own military strength without any support from the central government.
Thus the malwa was assigned to nemaji sindhia, Gujarat and baglana to the deshades (the gaekwads of vadodara were
their successors), khandesh and balaghat to the peshwa, berar and gondwana to the bhonsles, the konkan to the
angrias, karnatak to fateh singh bhonsla etc.
The new maratha state was neither centralized nor unitary.

Both power and revenues were shared amongst the four pillars of the maratha state:
1. the chhatrapath
2. the ministers in the swaraj territory
3. the sardars in the newly conquered areas and spheres of influence
4. the local units
Peshwa Baji rao I (1720-40)

After the death of balaji vishwanath, his eldest son baji rao, a young man of hardly 20, was appointed the pishwa by
sahu.
He formulated the policy of northward expansion of the Marathas, so that “the maratha flag shall fly from the Krishna
to attock”.
The treaty of delhi (feb 1719) which balaji vishwanath had entered into with the mughals.
Baji rao, after setting his own house in order, finally defeated the nizam near Bhopal and, by the convention of durai
sarai (January 1738), compelled the nizam to agree to surrender to the peshwa the whole of malwa, together with the
complete sovereignty of the territory between the narmada and the chambal rivers and to pay rates 50 lakh as war
indemnity.
He conquered malwa, bundelkhand, bassein and Gujarat and reached upto Gujarat in 1737.
The fall of bassein marked the end of Portuguese rule in the north konkhan.
He also severly crippeled the power of the siddis of janjira.
He made Poona the centre of his activities and it soon came to be known as the seat of the peshwas.
His policy of northward expansion however, landed the Marathas into the ruinous the third battle of panipat.
During this period ranoji sindhia was the founder of the sindhia dynasty of malwa with his headquarters at
ujjain.
Malahar rao holker also given a part of malwa, who became the founder of the holker house of indore.
The gaikwars established themselves in the Gujarat with headquarters at baroda.
Two other regional kingdoms kolhapur was ruled by the junior bracnch of shivaji’s family and bhonsles of
nagpur claimed close kinship with the maratha king sahu.
Baji rao founded the maratha empire through his conquest, but he didn’t consolidate it through administrative
organistation.
Peshwa balaji baji rao or nana sahib (1740-61)

Peshwa baji rao died at the young age of 40 and was succeeded by his son balaji baji rao (popularly called nana sabeb)
who, through out his peshwaship, remained dependent on the advise and guidance of his cousin sada shiva rao bhau.
One of the earliest achievements of nana sahib was better financial management of the empire by exercising
careful supervision over all financial transactions.
He later discussed the affairs of north India with holkher and sindhia and in april 1742 marched northward to
consolidate the maratha authority in bhundelkhand.
In 1743, he undertook the second expedition to the north to help alivardhi khan (in Bengal) whose territories had been
ravaged by raghuji bhonsle.
The peshwa reached murshidabad and met alivardi khan who agreed to pay sahu the chauth for Bengal and Rs. 22
lakhs to peshwa for the expenses of his expedition.
By this arrangement the peshwa freed alivardi khan’s territories from the ravages of raghuji’s troops.
On December 15, 1749 sahu died childless. Before his death he had nominated rama raja, a grandson of tarabai, as
his successor.
Rama raja was crowned as chhatrapati in January 1750.

Since he was weak and incompetent, tara bai tried to make him a puppet in her own hands, which caused utter
confusion and crisis in the maratha kingdom; it depened further when the peshwa learnt that rama raja was not
grandson of tara bai but an imposter.
When this fact came to knowledge, the chhatrapathi was virtually confined in the fort at satara and lost all contacts
with political developments.
Henceforth Poona became the real capital of maratha confederacy, and the peshwa its virtual ruler.
During the second of balaji regime (1751-61), four campaigns were organized in the north.
The Punjab politics was at the time in a confused state and as a result of the first two invasions of ahmad shah Abdali,
the subhas of Lahore, multan and Kashmir were annexed by abdali to his dominions.
After the third invasion the mughal wazir safdarjang, persuaded the emperor the enter into an agreement with
the Marathas in may 1752 for undertaking the defence of the empire against its internal and external foes.
In return, the Marathas were to get the chauth of north-western provinces usurped and occupied by the afghans.
However, the chauth could only be secured by actual conquest.
The Marathas were also given the subhas of agra and ajmir.
As a result of this agreement the maratha military force was posted at delhi and they repeatedly interfered in the
politics of north India and established their supremacy at delhi.
Safdarjung lost his wazirship and retired to awadh in 1753, and power in the imperial court passed to imad-ul-mulk,
a grandson of nizam-ul-mulk.
He terrorised the helpless emperor with maratha help and secured the office of wazir, dethronwned ahmad shah and
placed alamgir II, a grandson of bahadur shah on the imperial throne (1754).
There was never a wazir of delhi whose rule of so barren of good result and so full of misery to himself and to the
empire, to his friends and foes alike, as imad-ul-mulk’s.
Emergence of Afghan Power

He agreed to ahmad shah abdali’s project of ousting the Marathas from the doab and suja-ud-daula of awadh son and
successor of safdarjung, from provincial governership (1757).
“this drew shuja-ud-daula, suraj mal jat and the Marathas together, and left imad-ul-mulk utterly friendless during
the absence of abdali from India.
As per the above arrangements early in 1758, raghunatha rao, accompanied by malhar rao holkar, entered the Punjab.
He was joined by adina beg khan and the Sikhs.
Sirhind fell, Lahore was occupied and the afghans were expelled (april 1758).
Timur shah fled, persuaded by the Marathas upto the chenab.
They didn’t cross the river because it was too deep for fording and the districts beyond it were inhabited mostly by
the afghans.
Raghunatha rao returned from the Punjab after leaving the province incharge of adina beg khan.
Confusion followed the latters death a few months later (October 1758).
The peshwas sent a large army under dattaji sindhia who reached the eastern bank of the sutlej (april 1759), and sent
sabaji sindhia to Lahore to take over the governorship of the province.
Within a few months, a strong army sent by abdali crossed the Indus.
Sabaji fell back precipitately, abandoning the entire province of the Punjab to the afghans.
Battle of Panipat:1761
Abdali established his government at Lahore, resumed his march and entered sirhind (November 1759).
The maratha adventure in the Punjab had been acclaimed by some historians as “carrying the hindu paramountacy
(hindu padpadshahi) upto attock”.
North India bhau’s expedition (1760)
on return towards delhi (may 1759) after the reconquest of the Punjab, dattaji sindha was involved in hostilities
with janib-ud-daula in rohilkhand.
He suffered defeats and retrited towards panipat (December 1759), and heard that abdali’s forces, advancing from
sirhind, had occupied ambala.
His resistence failed; he was killed in the battle with abdali at barari some 16 km north of delhi (January 1760).
Malahar rao holkher was rooted by the afghans at sikandarabad.
The peshwa dispatched the Maratha troops under his cousin sada shiva rao bhau and his eldest son vishwas rao.
The maratha artillery was to be commanded by ibrahim khan gardi.
In july 1760, the Marathas occupied delhi.
This small success added to the prestige of the Marathas, but they were friendless in the whole of the north India.
Even the jat king surajmal deserted them at the last movement.
On the other hand, ahmad shah abadli who had been able to secure the support of ruhela chief naib-ud-daula, nawab
suja-ud-daula of awadh etc.
During this period some futile attempts were made for peace between ahmad shah abdali and the peshwa, but they
could not succeeded due to the exorbitant demands of Marathas and self-interest of the muslim rulers.
This culminated in the unfortunate and disastrous battle of panipat.
Third battle of panipat (1761)
At panipat the two rival armies stood entrenched, face to face, for more than two months.
There were skirmishes and minor battles.
The afghan cavalry patrols dominated the environs of the Marathas camp and cut off its communication as also food
supply.
The bhau’s army marched out to battle on January 15, 1761. The battle actually began about four hours after day
break.
Vishwas rao was shot dead at quarter past two. Soon after the bhau was also killed.
Among the leading chiefs who met death for jankoji sindhia, tukoji sindhia and ibrahim khan gardi.
Mahadaji sindhia received wounds, which lamed him for life.
About 50,000 men and women were saved by the kindness and hospitality of surajmal.
The crushing defeat of the Marathas is explained.
The numerically the afghans had considerable superiority.
Against 60,000 afghans and their Indian allies actually present in the field, supported by 80,000 behind the fighting
line, the bhau had 45,000 troops in the field and 15,000 pindaris in the rear.
The afghan had better training and discipline, and it was better organized.
Abdali had superiority in artillery, he employed “the most efficient mobile artillery known in that age”.
Abdali was a far greater military leader and stategist than the bhau.
The defeat became virtually inevitable after the bhau’s postponement of battle for 2 and a half month.
From the political point view the defeat was due largely to the alienation of the rajputs and the jats and the failure to
neutralize shuja-ud-daula and najib-ud-daula.
While half of the abdali’s army was composed of troops furnished by his Indian allies, the valiant rajputs and the jats
didn’t fignt on the maratha side.
Consequences of panipat:
Consequences of the Third Battle of Panipat (20) (2002)
The third battle of Panipat has a special place in Indian history. This battle changed the destiny of India. The
historians have different views regarding this battle. According to Sar Desai, "though the power of Marathas was
lost yet neither Maratha power had been destroyed nor they had changed their ambition of getting whole country."
Contrary to this, J.N. Sarkar had the view, "Marathas were badly defeated in the battle of Panipat. The good leaders
of Marathas were killed and the weak leaders like Raghunathrao came into politics."
By this, the power and the prestige of peshwas were lost and unity of Marathas was broken. Marathas took time; to
be normal and taking advantage of this opportunity the English took Bengal and Mysore from Haider Ali. So it is
considered that though the power of Marathas was not finished by the battle, yet it had been certainly weaken.
According to Elfinston, Maratha organisation, was broken due to end of a common terror."
According to Bell, "the battle of Panipat was a victory of Marathas, a prestige of them" They were fighting for Indians
and Muslim princes of Delhi, Avadh, and Deccan were engaged in making conspiracies and were in search of the
opportunity. The invaders returned after conquering and did not interfere again in matters of India. Abdali made
unsuccessful attempts to conclude peace with the peshwa and suraj mal, and in the following years
he failed to crush the Sikhs in the Punjab.
1. Loss of Marathas in a Big Number:

In this battle a big number of Marathas was killed. It would not be exaggeration to say that a generation of Maratha
caste ended in this battle. J.N. Sarkar wrote, "The crisis fell on whole Maratha empire in this battle and there was
not a single house in Maharashtra where was not mourned on the death of a person or head."
2. End of Maratha's influence in North India:
After the defeat of third battle of Panipat, Marathas lost their sovereignty in Panipat, Doab etc. Before this battle
these states sometimes came under sovereignty of Muslims but after this battle Marathas gradually lost their control
in North India.
3. Deterioration in Power of Peshwa:
The result of this battle was that the power of Peshwa had a big loss, and their power was greatly deteriorated.
4. End of Dream of Hindu Empire:
This battle ended the power of Marathas and Hindus by which the dream of Hindu Empire was forgot for a long
time from India.
5. End of Maratha Co-operative Commission:
In this battle Marathas had a big loss so Maratha co-operation commission ended. After this Maratha Sardars began
to quarrel among themselves and the Maratha power completely ended. The destruction done in battle of Panipat
broken the dream of establishing Maratha-Sovereignty.
6. Moral Fall of Maratha:
Maratha's caste was considered very brave and courageous and their army was considered invincible. Other kings
were eager to ally Marathas. But after the defeat in the battle of Panipat, their prestige was lost and their military
moral was minimized.
7. Fall of Mughal Empire:
Mughal Empire fell by this battle Mughal emperors were only for name, everywhere free rule was established.
8. Rise of the English:
Due to internal dispute and anarchy in India, the English had established their influence. Consequently, the
foundation of English rule was firmed. "The Internal disputes of Marathas and Muslims made them weak and
opened the door of getting sovereignty for the English."
The third battle of Panipat was also decisive for destiny of India like other two battles. This ended the political
struggle of Hindu-Muslim and founded an empire which became unbearable for both, the Hindu and the Muslim.
"Plassy had sowed the seeds of English sovereignty in India and Lie third battle of Panipat gave the opportunity to
plant and grows these seeds."
The Maratha fiscal and financial system

Chauth and Sardeshmukhi of the Maratha rulers (20) (2007) (2003)
The system of the collection of Chauth and Sardeshmukhi by the Maratha rulers (20) (2004)
Is it true that the court intrigues and weak revenue system led to the collapse of the Maratha Empire? Comment.
(15) (2016)
Chauth (from Sanskrit meaning one-fourth) was a regular tax or tribute imposed, from early 18th century, by
the Maratha Empire in India. It was an annual tax nominally levied at 25% on revenue or produce, hence the name.
It was levied on the lands which were under nominal Mughal rule. The sardeshmukhi was an additional 10% levy
on top of the chauth. It is a tribute paid to the king.
Opinions on the function of the Chauth vary. According to M G Ranade, the chauth was charged to provide armed
security for a state by the Marathas and is thus comparable to the system of subsidiary alliances that was used
by Lord Wellesley to bring Indian states under British control.
The historian Jadunath Sarkar has argued that the chauth was essentially a tax paid by those states that did not want
the Marathas to enter into their realm. The chauth thus served as protection money against Maratha invasions
against the chauth paying state. The tax was levied at the rate of one fourth the annual revenues of the state and was
levied at the cost of the revenue paid by the state to the Mughals or the Deccan kingdoms.
Shivaji first demanded chauth in 1665 and the Deccan sultanates of Bijapur and Golconda began to pay him a
combined sum of ₹800,000 after he was made a raja by Aurangzeb in 1668. In 1719, the Mughal
emperor granted Shahu the chauth and sardeshmukhi rights over the six Deccan provinces in exchange for his
maintaining a contingent of 15,000 troops for the emperor. The revenues from chauth were in turn divided into four
parts that went to various functionaries of the Maratha empire.

25% of the levy, called babti, went to the chhatrapati and he also had discretionary grant making authority over
the nadgaunda proceeds which amounted to 3% of the total collection. 6% of the chauth collections was granted to
the pant sachiv, the officer in charge of the royal secretariat and was called the sahotra grant. Two-thirds of the
collections however remained with the Maratha sardars who collected the taxes and they used it for maintaining
their troops for the chhatrapati. This part of the levy was called mokasa. The chauth along with sardeshmukhi levies
ensured a steady and large stream of income for the Marathas and helped them expand their beyond
the swarajya territories of Shivaji
Some restraint was put on the mamlatdar’s opportunities for peculation and maladministration by the deshmukh
and the deshpande.
The deshmukh maintained records relating to estates, alienations and transfer of properties, and these were called for
it all disputes connected with lands.
The functions of the deshmukhs and the deshpandes as agents for controlling corruption were supplemented by those
entrusted to the provincial hereditary officers called darakhdars.
Extraordinary levy on landholders known as karja patti or jasti patti.
Custom duties (mohatarfa or taxes on trades and professions, and zakat or duties on purchase and sale).
The proceeds of the chauth were divided into four shares:
1. 25% (babti) reserved for the head of the state
2. 66% (mokasa) granted to the feudal chiefs for the maintenance of troops.
3. 3% (sahotra) granted to the sachiv
4. 3% (nadgaunda) granted to various persons at the pleasure of the head of state.
Land revenue:
Agricultural lands in the villages were generally divided between two classes of holders.
The mirasdars represented the descendants of original settlers who cleared the forest and introduced cultivation.
They had permanent proprietary rights. Their lands were heritable and saleable.
They were immune from eviction as long as they paid rent.
The upris were strangers and tenants-at-will.
Leases were generally granted to the upris under the authority of the mamlatdar or kamavisdar.
Justice and police:

There were no codified laws or rules of procedure. The judicial officer in the village was the patil.
Above him were the mamlatdar and the sarsubahdar represented the chhatrapati.
A leading merchant - shete mahajan
Capital punishment was seems to have been unknown in the days of the first three peshwas.
In the detection of crimes the village watchmen (jaglas) usually the degraded mahars and mangs were helped by
criminal tribes such as the ramoshis, bhils and kolis.
The village police was under the patil, the district police under the mamlatdar.
In big cities the police was placed under the kotwal whose duties included the regulation of prices and taking of
census.
The efficiency of the metropolitan police at Poona in the days of bajirao II extorted elphinstone’s admiration.
Outside the swaraj the maratha system of government was “almost predatory”.
After Sambhaji’s death (1689), when the monarchy was virtually in abeyance, central control disappeared.
The maratha soldiers fighting against the mughals were irregular groups led by different chiefs.
This system was formalized during the reign of sahu.
The feudalization of the state resulted in the feudalization in the army.
Saranjams – estates.
In the 18th century, mahadaji sindhia had disciplined battalions under European officers and used them effectively
against his Indian enemies.
The pindaris, who were plunderers by profession, were allowed to accompany the maratha armies on every expedition
in return of a tax (palpatti). They shared their spoils with the government which took 25% of their booty.
Sikhism
Evolution of the Sikh community and the Khalsa Panth
Evolution of Khalsa Panth (20) (2008)
The teachings and philosophy of Guru Nanak constitute an important component of Indian philosophy and thought.
His philosophy comprised three basic elements: a leading charismatic personality (the Guru), ideology (Shabad) and
organization (Sangat). Nanak evaluated and criticised the prevailing religious beliefs and attempted to establish a true
religion which could lead to salvation. He repudiated idol worship and did not favour pilgrimage nor accepted the
theory of incarnation.
He condemned formalism and ritualism. He believed in the unity of God and laid emphasis on having a true Guru for
revelation. He advised people to follow the principles of conduct and worship: sach (truth), halal (lawful earning),
Khair (wishing well of others), niyat (right intention) and service of the lord. Nanak denounced the caste system and
the inequality which it perpetrated. He said that caste and honour should be judged by the acts or deeds of the
individuals. He believed in Universal brotherhood of man and equality of men and women. He championed the cause
of women's emancipation and condemned the sati pratha. Nanak did not propound celibacy or vegetarianism. He laid
stress on concepts like justice, righteousness and liberty. Nanak's verses mainly consist of two basic concepts: (i)
Sach (truth) and Nam (Name). Sabad (the word), Guru (the divine precept) and Hukam (the divine order) form the
basis of divine self-expression. He laid emphasis on kirtan and satsang. He introduced community lunch (langar).
Tarachand regards the influence of sufi upon the religious thought of Nanak of fundamental importance. The
similarity of thought in the verses of Nanak and Baba Farid consisted of the following : the sincere devotion and
surrender before one God. But at the same time Nanak did not hesitate in criticising the sufies for leading a luxurious
life. Nanak made an attempt to unify the Hindus and Muslims and certainly succeeded in synthesizing within his own
teachings the essential concepts of Hinduism and Islam. The religious book of the Sikhs the Guru Granth Sahib was
compiled by Guru Arjan. After the death of the tenth Guru, Gobind Singh the divine spirit did not pass on to another
Guru but remained in the Granth and the community of the Guru's followers.
The Gurus mostly belonged to the Khatri mercantile caste whereas their followers were mostly rural Jats. It was Guru
Gobind Singh who inaugurated the Khalsa (brotherhood) among the Sikhs. The Khatris and Aroras as well as Jats
constituted important groups within the Sikh community. The artisan castes known as Ramgarhia Sikhs and converts
to Sikhism from scheduled castes represented other groups within the Sikh panth. Caste consciousness did exist in
the Sikh panth but was not so prominent.
The religion of the Sikhs was the main force of their unity. Comment. (10) (2017)
The term guru comes from the Sanskrit gurū, meaning teacher, guide, or mentor. The traditions and philosophy of
Sikhism were established by ten gurus from 1469 to 1708. Each guru added to and reinforced the message taught
by the previous, resulting in the creation of the Sikh religion. Guru Nanak was the first guru and appointed a
disciple as successor. Guru Gobind Singh was the final guru in human form. Before his death, Guru Gobind Singh
decreed in 1708, that the Gurū Granth Sāhib would be the final and perpetual guru of the Sikhs.
Guru Nanak stated that his Guru is God who is the same from the beginning of time to the end of time. Nanak
claimed to be God's mouthpiece, God's slave and servant and even God's dog, but maintained that he was only a
guide and teacher, was neither a reincarnation of God nor in any way related to God. Nanak stated that the human
Guru is mortal and not divine, who is to be respected and loved but not worshipped. When Guru, or Satguru (The
true guru) is used in Gurbani it is often referring to the internal soul rather than a living Guru.
Guru Angad succeeded Guru Nanak. Later, an important phase in the development of Sikhism came with the third
successor, Guru Amar Das. Guru Nanak's teachings emphasised the pursuit of salvation; Guru Amar Das began
building a cohesive community of followers with initiatives such as sanctioning distinctive ceremonies for birth,
marriage, and death. Amar Das also established the manji (comparable to a diocese) system of clerical supervision.
Guru Amar Das's successor and son-in-law Guru Ram Das founded the city of Amritsar, which is home of
the Harimandir Sahib and regarded widely as the holiest city for all Sikhs. Guru Arjan was arrested
by Mughal authorities who were suspicious and hostile to the religious order he was developing. His persecution
and death inspired his successors to promote a military and political organization of Sikh communities to defend
themselves against the attacks of Mughal forces.

The Sikh gurus established a mechanism which allowed the Sikh religion to react as a community to changing
circumstances. The sixth guru, Guru Hargobind, was responsible for the creation of the concept of Akal
Takht (throne of the timeless one), which serves as the supreme decision-making centre of Sikhism and sits
opposite the Harmandir Sahib. The Sarbat Ḵẖālsā (a representative portion of the Khalsa Panth) historically gathers
at the Akal Takht on special festivals such as Vaisakhi or Hola Mohalla and when there is a need to discuss matters
that affect the entire Sikh nation. A gurmatā (literally, guru's intention) is an order passed by the Sarbat Ḵẖālsā in
the presence of the Gurū Granth Sāhib. A gurmatā may only be passed on a subject that affects the fundamental
principles of Sikh religion; it is binding upon all Sikhs. The term hukamnāmā (literally, edict or royal order) is often
used interchangeably with the term gurmatā. However, a hukamnāmā formally refers to a hymn from the Gurū
Granth Sāhib which is a given order to Sikhs.
Punjab
The development in Punjab was different from other regions. Zakaria Khan, the governor of Lahore, had tried to
establish an independent political system' in Punjab. But he failed mainly because of the struggle of the Sikhs' for
independent political authority. The Sikh movement, which was started by Guru Nanak to reform the religious beliefs
and strengthen the Sikh brotherhood, changed into a political movement during the 18th century. The Sikhs organised
themselves into numerous small and highly mobile jathas and posed serious challenge to the Mughal imperial
authority. The foreign invasion (Persian and Afghan), the Maratha incursion and internal rivalry in the provincial
administration created a very fluid situation in Punjab which helped the Sikhs to consolidate their base. In the second
half of the 18th century, the different Sikh groups had regrouped themselves into 12 larger regional confederacies or
misls under the leadership of various local chieftains. The process towards the establishment of an autonomous state
became complete only under Ranjit Singh at the beginning of the 19th century.
INDEPENDENT KINGDOMS
The third category of state were independent kingdoms. These states emerged primarily taking the advantage of the
destabilization of imperial control over the provinces.
The kingdom of Mysore was located to the south of Hyderabad.
Unlike Hyderabad, Mysore was not under direct control of the Mughals.
NATURE OF REGION
There were differences in the way the autonomous political system developed in different regions. In some areas, the
Mughal governs established their independent authority in the regions under their control (as it happened in Bengal,
Awadh and Hyderabad). The formation of the Maratha, Sikh and Jat states was the outcome of their struggle against
the Mughal imperial control. Where as Mysore, Rajputana and Kerala were already semi-independent. But the link
that they had maintained with the Mughal Empire was broken in the wake of the decline of the Mughal Empire.
In whatever manner they emerged, each state tried to develop its own administrative mechanism. Take for example
Hyderabad and Mysore. Both were situated in the South, but Hyderabad-was directly under the Mughals and Mysore
.
was under the control of the Wodeyar rulers. In both the states a new autonomous administrative system developed,
but their functioning was different. In Mysore, emphasis was given to strengthen the army organization and to
augment the financial resources of the state curbing the power and influence of the local chieftains. But, in Hyderabad,
the local chieftains were allowed to remain intact.
There were also differences in army reorganization and mobilising revenue for -the state. Similarly, other regional
powers developed their own institutional framework and various local linkages to run the administration. However,
in spite of these differences one finds some common characteristics in the functioning of regional powers in the 18th
century.
The Ahom Kingdom

Ahom Kingdom (20) (2008)
The Ahoms belonged to the Mao-Shan sub-tribe of the Tais of Southeast Asia. In A.D. 1228, they migrated from
Mogaung, a principality in upper Burma and Yunan to upper Assam where they finally settled in A.D. 1253 in the
Dikhou valley (the modern Sibsagar division) with its capital at Charaideo (it was later changed to Chargua in 1397).
Sukapha of Mao-Shan tribe was the first Ahom King (1228-68) who subjugated the Bhutias. Morans, Borahis, Nagas,
Kacharis and the Kamata kingdom (Kamrup). His son Suteupha (1268-1281) further extended his domain towards
the southern banks of Brahmaputra up to Kalang (modern north-Cachar sub-division) by defeating the Kacharis.
Under Sukhangpha (1293-1332), the Ahoms became a paramount power in the whole of the Brahmaputra Valley.
However, Sukhangpha's death created a void that resulted in the establishment of three interregnums-1364-69, 1376-
80 and 1389-97. At any rate, at Sudangpha's accession (1397-1407). the situation stabilized. The latter clashed with
the Nara and the Kamata rulers. As a result, the Ahom frontiers reached to Patkai in the north and river Karatoya in
the north-east. The boundary extended during Sudangpha's reign continued to form the line of control throughout the
15th century. Later, Suhenpha (1488-93) faced the rebellion of the Nagas and the Kacharis. But the revolts were
suppressed. By the close of the 15th century, Supimpha's (1493-97) nobles like Buragohain Khenpung rebelled.
Though the rebellion was crushed, it reflected the internal feuds among the nobles that had started since the close of
the 15th century. The Ahom polity was quasi-feudal with a tribal base. The king was the tribal chief who shared
power with his two-member council (patra-mantri). Both were supposed , to keep check over each other. The
counsellors elected the king and, he, in turn, used, to nominate the counsellors. Generally, hereditary rule prevailed
in civil appointments, though other persons of knowledge and repute could-also be appointed. The male adults of
each family had to perform periodic service to the king (state). However, it was difficult for the king to exploit his
subjects.
The Ahoms had developed a unique system of militia organization. The militia was known as paiks. The entire male
population between the 15-40 age group was organized in gots (umlts). Each got consisted of four adult males. The
members of each got used to report on duty by rotation. They were supposed to perform at least one man-year of
service. An important aspect worth mentioning here is that their services were not confined to military only. For
example, one of their important functions was to build and maintain the infrastructure for the wet rice economy.
Besides, they also helped in reclaiming cultivable lands from forests and swamps.
Give a brief account of resistance offered by Ahom State against the Mughal rule. (10) (2014)
Ahom–Mughal conflicts refer to the period between the first Mughal attack on the Ahom kingdom in 1615 and the
final Battle of Itakhuli in 1682. The intervening period saw the fluctuating fortunes of both powers and the end of the
rule of Koch Hajo. It ended with the Ahom influence extended to the Manas river which remained the western
boundary of the kingdom till the advent of the British in 1826.
Overview
From the beginning the relationship between the Ahoms and the Mughals was hostile and that was due to certain
factors, such as, Mughal alliance with Koch Bihar, the western enemy of the Ahoms and secondly the growing
advance of the Mughals in north-eastern frontier which alarmed them.
Conflict inception
From the time the Mughals appeared in the north-eastern frontier, a state of indirect rivalry and hostility began
between the Mughals and the Ahoms. After the final defeat of Parikshit (1613) the first organised Mughal attack
upon Assam was made with a view to conquer that kingdom. It was the outcome of the aggressive imperialism of
the Mughals. "A desire for political supremacy and territorial expansion appears to have been the guiding motives
of the Mughals." Boundary disputes and the trade rivalries appear to have complicated the situation and political
issues precipitated the conflict. After the extinction of the Kamrup monarchy, the Mughals came to regard the
territory east of Barnadi up toSingiri as part of the conquered region and hence asserted their political right over it.
Ahoms strongly resented this claim. "Moreover the rich natural resources of the Assam valley and the prosperous
kingdom of Kamrup in lower Brahmaputra valley, abounding in elephants and aromatic plants excited the cupidity
of the Mughals and they were determined to force open the door of Assam.”
Imperial army was at once detached in 1615 under the command of Abu Bakr and Raja Satrajit of Bhusna. After a
short skirmish, the Ahoms were defeated and leaving their war boats and the fort, they fled. Flushed with easy
success the Mughals indulged in a series of aggressive measures against the Ahoms. The Ahom king then fortified
the fort of Samdhara with a view to check the advance of the Mughals. The imperialists were taken by complete
surprise and suffered heavy casualties. Thus in spite of the initial success, the maiden attempt of the Mughals upon
Assam ended in a disastrous failure. They suffered a colossal loss in men and money besides military prestige.
Conflict development
After the first disastrous failure in Assam, the Mughals henceforth continued to follow a defensive and conciliatory
policy in regards to the Assam state. Because of their heavy engagement in Kamrup, the Mughals henceforward
were very cautious not to offend their mighty neighbour. But the Ahoms being encouraged at their recent brilliant

success continued to pursue a hostile policy against the Mughals and proceeded to take advantage of the prevailing
political confusion in Kamrup.
During Shah Jahan's reign
After a decade of informal hostility, circumstances paved the way for the renewal of open conflict between the two
powers. The Ahoms laid siege to Hajo and fighting continued for some time. At last both sides having been
thoroughly worn out, the fighting was stopped for some time.
The Ahom-Mughal conflict started afresh towards the end of December 1636. The Mughals entered Kamrup
proper. The whole of Kamrup was cleared and re-annexed to the Pan-Mughalia. The third round of conflict began
soon. Although the faint-hearted Ahom admiral retired from battle field, the garrison in the fort of Samdhara
offered such a gallant defence that the Mughals had to give up the contest with great loss of men and materials.
Both sides became eager for peace. Hence a treaty of peace was signed. The Ahom king, for the first time,
acknowledged formally the Mughal overlordship in Kamrup, the Mughals acknowledged the independence of the
Ahom king and gave up all pretensions to the territories east of Barnadi on the north and Kalang on the south and
the Ahom king agreed not to interfere in Kamrup. Besides trade and commercial intercourses were resumed.
It was a period of armed peace between the Mughals and the Ahoms.
In 1648, the Mughal Faujdar of Gauhati sent a message of congratulations to the Ahom king Jayadhwaj (Sutamla)
on his succession. But, Jayadhwaj Singha (1648–1663), taking advantage of the emperor Shah Jahan’s illness and
the war of succession, expelled the Mughals from Gauhati, and chased them down beyond the river Manaha
(Manas). He also devastated the territory near Dacca and carried off to Assam a large number of Mughal subjects as
captives.
During Aurangzeb's reign
Aurangzeb after ascending on the throne of Delhi ordered Mir Jumla to invade Cooch Behar and Assam and re-
establish Mughal prestige in eastern India. After having occupied Koch Behar had also declared its independence.
Mir Jumla entered Assam in the beginning of 1662. He easily repulsed the feeble resistance offered by the
Assamese at the garrisons between Manaha and Guwahati. He occupied one garrison after another, and Pandu,
Guwahati, and Kajali fell into the hands of the Mughals practically unopposed.
The easy success of Mir Jumla was due to dissatisfaction in the Assam camp. The Ahoms, however, recovered their
senses when the hostile force reached the neighbourhood of Kaliabor. Mir Jumla entered the Ahom capital
Garhgaon on 17 March 1662. The Ahom king Jayadhwaj took shelter in the eastern hills abandoning his capital and
all his treasures. Immense spoils fell into the hands of the Mughal Empire – 82 elephants, about 300,000 coins in
gold and silver, 675 big guns, about 4750 maunds of gunpowder in boxes, 7828 shields, 1000 odd ships, and 173
stores of rice.
But, Mir Jumla conquered only the soil of Ahom capital and neither the king nor the country. The rainy season was
fast approaching and so Mir Jumla halted there and made necessary arrangements for holding the conquered land.
The Ahoms took the fullest advantage of the unspeakable hardship of the Mughals. With the progress of monsoon,
the Ahoms easily recovered all the country east of Lakhau. A serious epidemic broke out in the Mughal camp at
Mathurapur, which took away the lives of hundreds of Mughal soldiers. There was no suitable diet or comfort in the
Mughal camp. At last life became unbearable at Mathurapur and hence the Mughals abandoned it.
Mir Jumla fell seriously ill and the soldiers refused to advance any further. Meanwhile, the Ahom king became
extremely anxious for peace. At last a treaty was concluded in 1663, according to which the Ahoms ceded western
Assam to the Mughals, promised a war indemnity.Besides, the king had to deliver his only child and daughter
Ramani Gabharu to the harem of the Mughal emperor. Thus, according to the treaty Jayadhwaj Singha transferred
Kamrup to the possession of the Mughals and promised to pay a heavy war indemnity.
The question of prompt payment of war indemnity of elephants and cash became a source of friction between the
Ahoms and the Mughals. The first instalment was paid by Jayadhwaj promptly. But as soon as Mir Jumla withdrew
from Assam the Ahoms began to default. Jayadhwaj Singha’s successor Chakradhwaj Singha (Supangmung, 1663-
1670) was against any payment at all on principle. He shouted out from his throne: – "Death is preferable to a life
of subordination to foreigners".
Within the short span of two months the Ahoms succeeded their lost possession and along with it their lost prestige
and glory, this was due to the determination and courage of Ahom king Chakradhwaj Singha. On receiving the
news of victory the king cried out-"It is now that I can eat my morsel of food with ease and pleasure". The success
of the Ahoms in recovering possession of Guwahati and western Assam forms a momentous chapter in the history
of their conflicts with the Mughals.

Ram Singh's campaign
Aurangzeb commissioned Raja Ramsingh I of Amber, son of the distinguished general Mirza-Raja Jai Singh I, to
lead an invasion of Assam. The Assamese were not prepared for such an eventuality and they left their frontier
garrisons and sailed down to Guwahati.
Also, the Ahoms had not quite completed their preparations for resisting Ramsingh I’s advance. Lachit Borphukan,
the commander-in-chief of the Ahom camp had realized fully that postponement of the open encounter would
enable him to bring his preparations to perfection in the light of the enemy’s superior strength.
Ramsingh I challenged Chakradhwaj Singha to single combat, and undertook, if he were defeated, to return with
the army to Bengal. The Ahom king declined the invitation, and ordered his generals to renew their attack. In the
meantime Ramsingh I sent a letter to the Barphukan inviting the king of Assam to fight a duel in the presence of the
two hostile armies. But the Ahom king dismissed the insolent challenge by simply saying—"Ram Singha is a mere
servant and he has no umbrella over his head. So I do not like to fight a duel with such a man."
The Assamese were fighting for their life and liberty, and the Mughals for the mere luxury of triumph and territorial
expansion. The combat came to an end, and it was a decisive victory for the Assamese. This battle is known in
history as the Battle of Saraighat.
Persian histories and other literature

The Mughal period constitutes a brilliant epoch in the cultural history of India. The period witnessed outburst of
many-side cultural activities, of which very significant strides were made in the development of literature.
There were several factors responsible for the development of literature during the Mughal period. Foremost factor
was the background provided by Sufi and Bhakti saints who preached in local languages.
The next important factor was the patronage provided by the Mughal rulers to the various literatures like Persian, and
Hindi.
Both original works and translations were produced in large numbers in Persian. Hindi also saw important
developments and so did Punjabi, Urdu. Moreover, many other regional languages also found a period of growth
during this period.
The greatest growth was witnessed in the Persian literature because it was the official language of the Mughals. All
Mughal rulers patronized Persian literary figures and activities. Thus, Babur wrote poems in both Persian and Turkish.
Persian prose and poetry reached a climax during Akbar's reign. Many biographies and historical works were
composed during his reign. Some of the important historical works included the Ain-i-Akbari by Abul Fazl,
Muntakhab-ul-Tawarikh by Badaun, Tabagat-i-Akbari by Nizamuddin Ahmed.
Besides original works, works in other languages were translated into Persian during Akbar's time. In this regard, the
important translations were the translation of Mahabharat into Persian under the tile of Raim Namah is the most
important. Similarly, Ramayana was translated by Baduni. Faizi translated Panchatantra, Lilawati, Naldamyanti,
while Badauni translated Simhasana Batisi and Ibrahim Sirhindi did the translation of Atharvaveda.
Abul FazI. a great scholar and stylist, was the leading historian and set a style of prose-writing. The leading Persian
poets during Akbar's reign were Faizi, Urfi and Naziri.
During the reign of Jahangir, was composed works as Tuzuki-i-Jahangiri, Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangir. During Shah
Jahan's reign, works o f history like Padshahnama, Turkish-i-Shah Jahani and Shah Jahan Namah were composed.
Waqyat-i-Alamgiri, Khulasat-ul-Tawarikh, Muntakhah-ul-Lubab, Nushkha-i-Dilkhusa etc were works that were
composed during the reign of Aurangzeb.
Examine the status of Sanskrit in Mughal India. (10) (2019)
Mughal noblemen, wealthy people and scholars, had close links with the scholars of Sanskrit, that Hindu and Muslim
intellectuals had close links during those centuries. She further discovered that they had close exchange of views on
linguistic and religious issues. She found that it is not true that Mughals wanted to finish off Indian science and
literature. The fact is just the opposite: Mughals protected the ancient Indian science and art and it is to their credit
that many books are safe till this day.
Mughals put in great efforts in the development of education during their era. They played an important role in the
furtherance of literature under their rule. The mosques of that era used to run maktabs which taught both girls and

boys. In Babar’s era, a department was established for this purpose to build schools and colleges. The Mughal emperor
Humayun was a scholar of geography and astronomy. He had established his personal library in Sher Manzil of the
Old Fort. One portion of it still remains intact. Its new name is “Sher Mandal”. Humayun had great interest in books.
He always travelled with a selected stock of books. He had very close relations with Persian kings. Scholars of Iran
used to visit India for patronage. This educational exchange gave birth to Hindi and Urdu languages. Akbar, son of
Humayun, although illiterate, had great appreciation for arts and sciences. He used to listen to books read to him by
scholars. He got many Sanskrit books translated into Persian and had them decorated with beautiful pictures. These
included Ramayana and Mahabharata.
According to historian Badayuni, after conquering Gujarat, Akbar filled up his library with many rare books. He had
a department of translation. Akbar’s library was a unique one of his times and even of the earlier times. Besides, he
established many tombs and madrasas at Fatehpur Sikri, Agra and other places. His foster-mother, Maham Anga, had
established a madrasa and masjid in Delhi with the name of “Khairul-Manazil”, which included a mosque. The ruins
of this building still stand opposite the Old Fort.
Fatehpur Sikri had been converted into a basic centre of education, which Akbar built as his capital. Here lived
scholars like Abdul-Qadir Badayuni, Faizi and Nizamuddin. Akbar’s tenure was a period of the development of
Persian literature in India, as well as for the development of Sanskrit. In the “Aaeen-e-Akbari”, names of 59 great
Persian poets of Akbar’s court are mentioned. Sanskrit scholars were besides them. Many scholars had expertise both
in Persian and Sanskrit. Abdur-Raheem Khan-e-Khanan was a scholar in the era of Akbar and Jahangir. He was a
great scholar of Sanskrit who patronised scholars and was one of the renowned poets of Hindi.
Akbar’s successor, Jahangir, had a good knowledge of Persian and Turkish. He patronised learned people, including
Sanskrit scholars. Jahangir’s mother was a Rajput, therefore, he was fond of Sanskrit from his childhood. Similar was
Shahjahan’s case. His maternal relatives were also Rajputs and he patronised Hindu arts and learning. He devoted
attention to architecture and patronised Sanskrit scholars. His prime minister, Chandrabhan Brahmin, was a great
scholar of Sanskrit and was knowledgable in religious texts. Brahmin was also the first Urdu poet having printed
work and was the first Hindu poet of Persian language with printed work. He translated Sanskrit texts into Persian.
As he was the instructor of Dara Shikoh, the credit of keeping him away from religious bigotry goes to him. Thus he
was instrumental in Dara Shikoh’s ordering the translation of Shrimad Bhagwat Gita, Yog Vishishth, Upanishads
and Ramayana into Persian. He got 52 Upanishads translated with the name of “Sair-e-Akbar”.
During the Mughal era, princesses and daughters of noble families used to get educated. Renowned among them were
Gulbadan Begum (Babar’s daughter), Saleema Sultan (niece of Humayun), Noor Jahan (Jahangir’s wife) and Mumtaz
Mahal (Shahjahan’s wife). These ladies worked for the spread of education and patronised Sanskrit scholars in the
same way as they did the Persian scholars. They established a number of maktabs and madrasas, whose scholars
knew both Persian and Sanskrit.
During the Mughal era, Agra, Fatehpur Sikri, Delhi, Gujarat, Lahore, Sialkot, Jaunpur, Ajmer, etc. were renowned
centres of education and culture. Persian was the official language of the Mughal empire but Sanskrit too was also
used in the court. During the Mughal era, regional languages also got opportunity to develop. Among them were
‘Khari Boli’, ‘Brij Bhasha’, ‘Awadhi’, ‘Bhojpuri’ and ‘Poorabi’, which were the languages of common people in
various regions. During the same period, Bengali got a chance to develop in Bengal. Kashmiri language also
developed during the same period. Ram Charit Manas by Tulsi Das, Sur Sagar by Sur Das and Padmawat by Malik
Muhammad Ja’isi were written during this period. A number of books were written without the patronage of the state.
Sanskrit books written during the Mughal period included Akbar kaaleen itihas by Mahesh Thakur, Akbar Shahi
Shrangar Darpan by Padam Sundar, Bhanchandra Charitra by Jain Acharya Sudhchandra Upadhyay, Heera Sabha
Game by Dev Vimal. Govindacharya Saraswati and Jagannath Pandit were patronised in the court of Shahjahan.
Jagannath composed Ras Gangadhar and Ganga Lehri. Pandit Jagannath was the court-poet of Shahjahan. The
renowned Hindi poet Raja Birbal, Man Singh, Bhagwan Das, etc. were members of Akbar’s court. Tulsi Das and Sur
Das were scholars of the Mughal period who became immortal in the Hindi literature and history because of their
works. Raskhan is also remembered for his Hindi work.

As far Sanskrit, although not much significant and original work was done during the period, the number of Sanskrit
works produced during the period is quite impressive. Most of the works were produced in South and east India under
the patronage of local rulers.
During the reign of Akbar, important Sanskrit works that were composed include the Shringar Darpan by Padma
Sunder, Heer Shubhagyam by Deva Vimala. Moreover, Sanskrit-Persian dictionary was composed under the title of
"Parsi Prakash" during Akbar's reign.
In the reign of Shah Jahan Kavindra Acharya Saraswati and Jagannath Pandit enjoyed royal patronage. Pandit
Jagannath composed Ras Gangadhar and Ganga Lahiri.
Reasons for the decline of the Mughal Empire

“The Afghan invasions in the Eighteenth Century not only signified the military irrelevance of the
Mughal Empire but also hastened its decline.” Explain. (15) (2018)
It was as much the court intrigues as also the defiance of the provincial powers that hastened the
decline of the Mughals in the 18th century. Comment. (20) (2019)
The traditional historiography held the weak successors and incompetent commanders as being responsible for the
decline of the Mughal Empire.
Sir J. N. Sarkar understood the revolts by the Marathas, Jats and Sikhs against the background of the religious bigotry
of Aurangzeb. However, the reasons are not as simple as the one stated above. While some problems were created
under Aurangzeb’s rule, some were inbuilt in the Mughal system of administration and only heightened under
Aurangzeb who had to face more than enough share of problems.
1) While Aurangzeb expanded the Mughal Empire to its maximum boundaries, the campaigns greatly strained the
financial basis of the Mughal Empire.
2) The Mughal system of governance was dependent on the personality of the Emperor. Strong Emperors like
Babur, Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir, Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb could exercise a greater degree of check and balance
over the vast aristocracy which was of different ethnic background- Turanis, Iranis, Afghans, Sheikhjadas or the
Indian Muslims and the Hindus (the Rajputs and the Marathas). Lineage or the ethnic identity was the most important
consideration for alliances. It was further expanded by Aurangzeb’s conquest of the two Deccani kingdoms of Bijapur
in 1685 and Golconda in 1689. Their aristocracy, collectively called the Deccani group, was also absorbed in the
Mughal ranks Each faction sought to influence the Emperor in order to gain concessions and more importantly
mansabs. The later Mughals could not keep a check on the competition between the divergent groups and matters
were made more complicated due to the economic crisis of the eighteenth century related with jagirs and mansabs.
3) Mansabdari and jagirdari crisis? The institution of mansabdari was developed by Akbar and referred to the
military organization of the aristocracy Due to its nature each aristocrat/mansabdar was personally loyal to the
emperor. Each mansabdar had a dual numerical rank- jat that signified his personal rank and sawar, which decided
the number of horsemen he was required to maintain. The mansabdar was paid in cash but mostly by grant of landed
estate/jagir and out of its revenue, the mansabdar had to maintain his sawar himself. The jagirs were usually non-
transferable (tankha jagir) while other were transferable (vatan jagir). Since the appointments, transference, dismissal
or promotion of the jagirs was the sole prerogative of the emperor, there existed a “patron-client relationship” between
the emperor and the ruling classes. However, beginning with the last years of Aurangzeb’s reign there was a marked
shrinkage in the number of jagirs which could not meet the ever growing ranks of mansabdars. And more than often
the jagirs that were allotted were not economically viable, especially those in the Deccan were not fertile and not
sufficient enough to meet the needs of the mansabdars. This jagirdari crisis is believed to have intensified the court
politics with each faction vying for better jagirs. Under the later Mughals, this crisis kept intensifying and weakened
the position of the Emperor. The crisis meant that the emperor was not assured of support and loyalty of the ruling
class and this in turn destabilized the military base of the Emperor.
4) Militarily, the Mughal army was weak due to lack of technological innovation and organization. There were
contingents of soldiers who owed allegiance to their immediate overlords. It lacked a national character.
5) The Deccan campaign of Aurangzeb proved to be suicidal for the Mughal Empire The war with the Marathas
preoccupied Aurangzeb keeping him away from Delhi, the center for power, for most part of the last twenty years of
his life. His absence from seat of the Mughal Empire meant that the provisional governors/subedars were beyond his

reach and could exercise greater authority in their provinces The Deccan campaign also proved to be a drain on the
military strength of the army and the Empires treasury.
6) The continuous campaigns also affected the livelihood of the peasantry. Peasants were allowed to retain the
bare minimum of the surplus-produce; the rest was collected as the land revenue out of which the governing class
derived its wealth. High land revenue, corruption of the revenue farmers, jagirdars, and petty officials led to over
exploitation of the peasants many of whom left agriculture altogether trade was also disturbed especially in the
Deccan All of this precipitated the gradual collapse of the Mughal Empire. Even in north India, the heart of Mughal
India, many zamindars defied the Mughal authority by often withholding the revenues from it. These zamindars due
to their closeness with the peasants who had their own grievance, could mobilize them. The Jat peasants in north
India, the Sikhs in the Punjab, the Maratha sadars and the Rajputs of Rajasthan who withdrew their allegiance to the
Mughal Emperor all rose up in acts of defiance.
7) Matters were worsened by the series of tribal incursions or raids in India from Central Asia, Eurasia and
Afghanistan in the eighteenth century. In 1730s, the Marathas under Shivaji gained access to vast tracts of Central
India. In 1738, they even plundered the suburbs of Delhi. Nadir Shah from Persia invaded and sacked Delhi in 1738-
39 during the reign of Muhammad Shah. In 1748, the first Afghan invasion was repelled but under the leadership of
Ahmad Shah Abdali, Punjab was conquered and he then sacked Delhi in 1756-57. Mughals sought help from the
Marathas who were led by Sadasiv Rao Bhao but the latter too were defeated by Abdali at the Battle of Panipat in
1761 (1761 is also the time-frame when the East India Company is gaining strength in Bengal). But soon due to an
army revolt Abdali was forced to retreat to Afghanistan. However, the damage to Delhi and the Mughal Empire was
done.
8) Due to the weakening of the Mughal Empire many Provincial Governors like those of Bengal, Awadh,
Hyderabad and Carnatic established independent kingdoms by 1740s. The period of the later Mughals was marked
by the use of the regional powers and gradual decline of the Mughal suzerainty. Thus, by the end of the eighteenth
century the Mughal Emperor was confined to a narrow stretch around the city of Delhi
The Eighteenth Century: Society, Economy and Polity
Science and technology

Savai Jai Singh, the astronomer (20) (2001)
From the 18th century, we have Raja Sawai Jai Singh’s treatise on instruments, Yantra-prakara, essentially
completed before 1724 with some additions made up to 1729. Jai Singh went on to establish a number of
(pre-telescopic) masonry observatories. The Delhi Observatory (Jantar Mantar), set up during 1732-24, was
followed by a bigger one at his new capital, Jaipur (1728-34). He also built smaller ones at Mathura, Ujjain
and Varanasi. The Varanasi Observatory was housed in an already existing building; it is possible that Jai
Singh renovated an old observatory.
Jai Singh was not a sovereign ruler. In 1702-03, when a mere lad of 14, he participated in Aurangzeb’s war
campaigns against the Marathas and acquitted himself well. Jai Singh came of age at a time when the once
mighty Mughal Empire had started losing influence and power. His own rise in the court hierarchy was in
direct proportion to the weakening of the central power. For 25 years he served variously as the governor
of the provinces of Agra and Malwa, but was dismissed from both the posts in 1737. Jai Singh received
huge funds from the emperor for enlisting troops against the Marathas, which he divided between Marathas
and himself and preferred to spend his time at his capital. He had dreams of making peace with the Marathas
and carving out a vast independent kingdom for himself. He failed in both the missions, but in 1727 he built
a new capital, Jaipur, named after himself.
In its heyday, the Mughal Empire was responsible for creation of spectacular buildings (like the Taj Mahal)
and gardens. The pastimes of nobility in this period were degeneracy, music and poetry. Jai Singh was an
exception. Though not averse to intrigue, he was inspired by the earlier illustrious Mughals rather than his
own contemporaries.

Jai Singh’s interest in astronomy was no doubt genuine. But astronomy was also his refuge and probably a
political statement too. The year 1720 was a year of rejoicing for Muhammad Shah because he had just
freed himself from the clutches of the kingmakers in Delhi. A grand darbar was held on November 25,
1720, where Jai Singh successfully pleaded for the abolition of jazia, a tax imposed on non-Muslims for
their protection. It is probably at this darbar that Jai Singh took the royal permission for building his
observatory. Incidentally, Jai Singh’s astronomical role model, “the martyr-prince” Ulugh Beg of
Samarkand was also a collateral ancestor of the Mughal dynasty. Zij-e-Muhammad Shahi is probably the
only genuine tribute Raja Jai Singh ever paid to his ineffectual but charming emperor. Even more ironically
from a scientific point of view, the most remarkable feature of Jai Singh’s astronomy is its anachronism.
When he came on the scene, the telescope had been in use in Europe for more than 100 years; observatories
had been set up at Paris and Greenwich; and many important discoveries made. The telescope was a
revolutionary break with the past. Brass and masonry instruments had reached a dead-end even if they were
no worse than the earliest telescopic instruments. Jai Singh failed to recognise the significance of European
developments. To him European developments were unreliable. However, in his defence it may be argued
that vested interests may have played a role in misinforming him about the contemporary trend in Europe.
Jai Singh’s edifice of science did not survive for long. In 1764, the observatory was severely vandalised
when Jawahar Singh, son of Suraj Mal, the Jat Raja of Bharatpur, plundered Delhi. Perhaps the most telling
commentary on Jai Singh’s dedicated but largely irrelevant scientific enterprise comes from the rather
disconcerting fact that his grandson converted the Jaipur Observatory into a gun factory and used his
ancestral 400 kg brass astrolabe for target practice.
What was the Indian response to European technology? (30)(2010)
The European impact on India was 1st feet with coming of Portuguese. Portuguese ships and guns were
seen as the bases of Portuguese superiority at sea and attempt was made to copy them. Thus Zamorin of
Calicut weaned away from Portuguese to manufacture guns for him.
In the field of ship-building the ships at Dabul were reported to have been made Christian like. The Ganj-
i-Sawai the biggest ship of Aurangzeb was armed with 80 cannons and 400 muskets. However ships were
built of unskilled marksmanship of the Indian shipbuilders.
The rulers and nobles were constantly on look out for European novelties. They purchased glasses,
spectacles, clocks. Abul Fazl was aware of discovery of America by Europeans. These contacts however
did not spread out or induce a more systematic study of western scours. As Bernier lamented there were
no academics where subjects like geometry, geography etc. could be taken up for study.
Even in field of military technology, India remained backwards. In India there was no improvement on
skin bellows, worked by wood as hands.
Efficient water pump was another weak point. An Englishman had offered to Jahangir to pump water out
of Jamuna. Like the Thames at London for use of ordinary people. But the idea was reflected. Absence of
water pump meant that mining could not go below water level in mines.
In the field of weaving and dyeing, Indian technology was hasty backward. But India was backward in silk
reeling where European technology was slowly adopted.
India also remained backward in sphere of glass technology. The use of telescope began only in
18th century.
The reason for this has been attributed to inability of science to delink itself from religion which became an
inhibiting factor in India.
Another view of some western scholars was that due to other worldly or fatalist view of life in India made
people unconcerned with progress or caste system which bounded people in one station in life are no longer
accepted.

It has been argued that Indian response to western science was selective in nature depending upon
convenience, utility exigencies or other material or pragmatic consideration.
The regional principalities: Nizam’s Deccan, Bengal, Awadh

Discuss the causes of the rise and growth of regional kingdoms with special reference to the Deccan
in the 18th century. (30) (2011)
Was it the weakening of the Mughal Empire or the rise of regional powers that led to the British conquest
of India? Discuss. (15) (2016)
Nizam’s Deccan
Nizam, shortened from Nizam-ul-Mulk, meaning Administrator of the Realm, the title of the sovereigns of
Hyderabad State, was the premier Prince of India, since 1724, belonging to the Asaf Jah dynasty.
The Asaf Jah Dynasty was founded by Mir Qamar-ud-Din Siddiqi, a viceroy of the Deccan under the Mughal
Empire from 1713 to 1721. He intermittently ruled after Aurangzeb's death in 1707. In 1724, Mughal control lapsed,
and Asaf Jah declared himself independent in Hyderabad.
Following the decline of the Mughal power, the region of Deccan saw the rise of Maratha Empire. The Nizam himself
saw many invasions by the Marathas in the 1720s, which resulted in the Nizam paying a regular tax (Chauth) to the
Marathas. The major battles fought between the Marathas and the Nizam include Palkhed, Bhopal, Rakshasbhuvan,
and Kharda, in all of which the Nizam lost. Following the conquest of Deccan by Bajirao I and the imposition
of chauth by him, Nizam remained a tributary of the Marathas for all intent and purposes.
In 1805, after the British victory in the Second Anglo-Maratha War, Nizam of Hyderabad came under the protection
of the British East India Company.
In 1903 the Berar region of the state was separated and merged into the Central Provinces of British India, to form
the Central Provinces and Berar.
Hyderabad was the largest and most prosperous state of all princely states in India. It covered 82,698 square miles
(214,190 km2) of fairly homogeneous territory and had a population of roughly 16.34 million people (as per the 1941
census), of which a majority (85%) was Hindu. Hyderabad State had its own army, airline, telecommunication
system, railway network, postal system, currency and radio broadcasting service. In spite of the overwhelming Hindu
majority, Hindus were severely under-represented in government, police and the military. Of 1765 officers in the
State Army, 1268 were Muslims, 421 were Hindus, and 121 others were Christians, Parsis and Sikhs. Of the officials
drawing a salary between Rs.600-1200 per month, 59 were Muslims, 5 were Hindus and 38 were of other religions.
The Nizam and his nobles, who were mostly Muslims, owned 40% of the total land in the state.
Seven Nizams ruled Hyderabad for two centuries until 1947. The Asaf Jahi rulers were great patrons of literature, art,
architecture, and culture, and rich food. The Nizams patronized aspects of a Persianate society, copied from their
Turco-Mongol Mughal overlords, and which became central[ to the Hyderabadi Muslims identity. The last Nizam
had been the richest man in the world in his time. The Nizams also developed the railway, and the introduction of
electricity; developed roads, airways, irrigation and reservoirs; in fact, all major public buildings in Hyderabad City
were built during his reign under the British Raj. He pushed education, science, and establishment of Osmania
University.
How would you like to characterize the eighteenth century in Indian history? (60) (2005)
What are the distinguishing components of the debate on the 18th century? (60) (2008)
“The political disintegration was responsible for the socio-economic decline in India during the 18th
century.” Comment. (20) (2017)
In the middle of the 1980s two books published within a few years of each other, Christopher Bayly’s Rulers,
Townsmen and Bazars and Muzaffar Alam’s The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India brought a renewed focus
on the 18th century. The 18th century had always been important in Indian history. Generally it was seen as a period
of transition in which the land-based Mughal empire gave way to the power of the sea-based British empire. The
consensus till the 1980s was that the moribund Mughal state had collapsed due to its own contradictions and the
English East India Company representing the aggressive mercantilist forces of the West had taken advantage of the
ensuing confusion to subjugate and reduce India to a colony. The transition was not simply political – one regime
replacing another, but also economic: the pre-modern economy of the Mughals was forcibly linked to world capitalist

markets to India’s detriment. For Indian historians, the 18th century signalled the beginning of a new historical era
of pillage and colonial rule.
The historian Seema Alavi has suggested that the new writings on the 18th century have created a divide. Those
studying the process of the decline of the Mughals - which happened in the first few decades of the 18th century -
have a tendency to extend their views and apply them to the entire century. For instance, these historians argue that
with the collapse of the centralized Mughal state structure the important political, economic and social institutions
tied with the state also crumbled, bringing unrest and havoc through the century. The newer historians studying the
later period paint a less gloomy picture. They argue that
their viewpoint - which studies trends from the peripheries and not the centre - presents an altogether different
scenario. According to them the process was one of decentralization and assertion of regional powers rather than
outright decline. They say that these trends were noticeable early and left their mark on the rest of the century. Clearly
there was little agreement between the two views and this clash of interpretations is what we will examine below.
One outcome of this debate was that it is now possible to present a more holistic and varied picture of the 18th century
than before.
Society: the importance of intermediaries
The most notable contribution of Christopher Bayly has been to resurrect the importance of the intermediate classes
in the 18th century. Slow accumulation of wealth by these intermediaries formed the basis of the emerging kingdoms
in the 18th century. These intermediaries benefited most from the weakening of Mughal rule which had dwarfed
them, and they now emerged into the limelight. Among others these included Hindu and Muslim revenue farmers.
'Farming' here meant that in return for a fixed sum, the state gave away rights to keep the revenue. This arrangement
suited the new rulers who were keen that regular and steady payments were made to the state. The farming of such
rights also extended to trade and markets. Hindu and Jain merchants and bankers [Agarwals throughout the north,
Khattris from Punjab, Oswals, Maheshwaris from Rajasthan etc.] formed another important component of this
intermediary group. Their presence testified to a continuous tradition of trading in India, as the existence of merchant
castes indicate saraafs [money dealers], bazazas [cloth dealers], jouhuris[jewellers] etc. Other than participating in
trade they lent money to rulers and stood as guarantors of revenue. Another important group were the Muslim gentry
- scribes, accountants and other petty officials who with the weakening of the Mughals rapidly grew roots in local
society forming the nuclei of new settlements like qasbas [fixed gentry seats]. These were people who had intimate
and long experience of managing bazaars and revenue accounts. In these new settlements gentrification took the form
of cultural activity with the establishment of religious and educational institutions. Bayly's wide-ranging study had
drawn on the earlier work of anthropologist-historian Bernard Cohn. In the Benaras region Cohn had argued,
traditional intermediaries found new power with changing circumstances. According to him intermediaries transited
to new roles, often functioning as 'hinges' between the state and local society.
The study of intermediaries was a marked departure from the 'Aligarh School' which had focused primarily on the
revenue extracting mechanism and the agrarian economy. The focus on these classes by Bayly was an attempt to
register the importance of non-agricultural production and trade and the rich history of trading communities.
The historian Tapan Raychaudhuri has written that in the 18th century the development of market forces made deep
inroads into the subsistence character of Indian agriculture. Farmers became involved with trade and traders with
farming. The coming together of merchant and agrarian interests in the countryside, what Bayly has called the
'intermediate economy', meant that agricultural commodity production got linked to commercial networks and helped
the new states to extract revenue more thoroughly with the help of intermediaries. Non-food crop production [cotton,
raw silk, indigo, oil etc.] was also widely prevalent and there was a tendency to localization i.e. if advantages existed
and there was enough demand, farmers tended to produce more of the same. The dynamism of this process in the
18th century can be seen throughout the Ganges valley as a string of ganjes [fixed regulated
markets], mandis [wholesale markets] and qasbas sprang up, testifying to the process of an incipient urbanization and
economic activity.
Society: other productive classes

Bayly's study of the intermediaries has overshadowed the condition of the other productive classes in 18th century
north India. Few detailed studies exist and one can only guess very broadly the condition of the peasantry and the
artisans in rural and urban centres. One thing we know: the land-man ratio was favourable, large parts of the Indian
subcontinent was forested and yet unclaimed. Theoretically therefore, plenty of land was available for cultivation
which made the position of the peasant less vulnerable. The threat of migration would have made the violation of
customary and contractual rights of peasants less likely also. In pockets of agricultural growth like Mysore and in the
Deccan under the Marathas, purposive state action to curb intermediaries must have benefited the less-privileged
peasants.
In the towns and cities the condition of the working classes - artisans, handicraft workers, weavers etc. was linked to
growing demand for goods from regional capitals and from outside India. Here too it seems their economic condition
was better than what happened later when the East India Company imposed stringent controls on artisanal production.
Economy
The economic indicators for the 18th century show that the economy fared well before the advent of colonial rule.
There is little record of sustained famines. The devastating famine of 1770 happened in Bengal after the inauguration
of Company rule. Population, prices, trade and production all showed an upward swing which broadly indicated a
positive trend. Urbanization was also an important indicator of economic prosperity but here the story was more
complicated. As Ashin Dasgupta pointed, out the decline of some cities was compensated for by the growth of others.
Older Mughal centres like Delhi, Agra, Lahore and Burhanpur declined with Mughal political fortunes. Important
port cities like Surat and Masulipatnamtoo declined as international trade was wrested away from Indian merchants
by European companies. Their place was taken by colonial cities like Madras, Bombay and Calcutta and the inland
cities and capitals of regional kingdoms: Lucknow, Fyzabad, Benaras, Hyderabad, Srirangapatam and Bangalore.
Trading cities like Mirzapur, Kanpur and Baroda also came into being to service trade.
Paradoxically, inland trade thrived and merchant corporations managed to maintain their networks despite the
growing political fragmentation. Political fragmentation in fact made the credit network stronger. By the middle of
the 18th century Jagat Seth could send the entire revenue of the eastern provinces as a hundi drawn on his agents in
Delhi. B.R. Grover's research shows that local rural commercial production found new markets in the provincial
kingdoms and was thus compensated for any disruptions caused by the disintegration of the Mughal empire.
Conspicuous consumption in the regional courts encouraged production and provided employment to labour outside
the traditional agrarian sphere. Christopher Bayly has written that commerce, urban development and specialist
agricultural production which traditionally existed along the route of Delhi and Bengal during Mughal times was
replicated in the 18th century along other routes that indicated an economic shift - between the newer political centres
of Lucknow and Calcutta via Benaras and Patna.
There was a thriving inter-regional trade. Marathas acquired cloth, food grains and cattle from the Gangetic plain.
Cotton wool and hides from the northern Deccan, sugar from Benaras, and cloth from Carnatic was supplied to
Mysore.
Regions specialized in products and the volume of trade among provinces was large. Gujarat imported textiles from
Bengal. Malabar and Coromandel depended on food supplies from Bengal. Similar prices in the major coastal trading
towns indicated that markets had integrated substantially. Long distance trade procured goods from arangs or
localized centres of production and there was even some evidence for artisan-entrepreneurs who became proprietors
of workshops. This has prompted some historians to argue that 18th century India showed signs of proto-
industrialization. Sanjay Subrahmanyam and Christopher Bayly have even argued that the ensemble of economic
activity handled by entrepreneurs in the 18th century which included revenue farming, private trade, warfare and
loans, made them into enterprising 'portfolio capitalists'.
Another interesting aspect of the 18th century economy was the contribution of war. Traditionally historians had seen
the growth of warring states as destroying the Mughal peace and playing havoc with the economy. But Christopher
Bayly has argued that there was another side to this picture of devastation. Indeed many traditional trade routes were
destroyed and movement of goods suffered. But war gave a fillip to production too. Towns and villages in Awadh
contributed to a thriving market for saltpetre,swords and matchlocks. Afghan Rohilla towns were famous for their
bows and arrows and the trademark Rampur daggers. Jhansi was well-known for its canon foundries. Boot makers
and liquor distillers also had a thriving business and so did grain merchants who had to supply food grains and fodder
to the large armies and seige trains as they moved across provinces. War thus meant employment and the opportunity
to create wealth as the growth of numerous ancillary industries testified.
The 18th century saw both devastation due to Mughal decline as well as rapid adjustment as economic forces
regrouped and re-established themselves in more hospitable areas. This mixed view of the period which is different
from the earlier one of relentless decline and disintegration has prompted historians to characterize the period as one
that was full of dynamism. They argue that this was the primary reason why the European companies got attracted to
India in the first place. Why would these trading companies whose governing motive was profit expend their
mercantile energies if 18th century India was in economic decline?
Potentialities of capitalist development
Despite all the positive economic indicators, historians are in agreement that India showed little potentialities for
developing into a full-fledged capitalist economy. This is important, since it answers partially why India was unable
to resist the inroads of a superior economic power like the East India Company. Irfan Habib had argued that for the
full establishment of capitalism, Mughal India needed the development of indicators like wage labour, commodity
production and mechanization of industry. He argued that in Mughal India there was a growth of markets and
monetization but this in itself was not enough evidence for the beginnings of capitalism. The payment of revenue in
cash also led to the development of merchant capital but this extractive process did not lead to any reinvestment in
the countryside. Towns that developed alongside were mere parasites that lived off the countryside. One important
indicator of this failure was the response of elites in Mughal India. Irfan Habib has shown that with enormous
resources at their command they showed little interest in economic and scientific developments. While mansabdars
invested in horticulture since this was a way of showcasing status, they took little interest in enhancing agricultural
techniques. Habib's pioneering essay in fact anticipated Robert Brenner's argument about the importance of class
power in the transition to capitalism. Brenner had argued that establishment of capitalist relations in the European
countryside was crucially dependent on the role that classes with access to land and other resources played in the
process.
Tapan Raychaudhuri has also confirmed that the rural sector of the Indian economy remained a source of supply
rather than a market for products, indicating that peasant incomes were not rising - a serious hindrance to the
transformation of the economy. Other inhibiting factors were a pre-modern system of transport, a tradition of minutely
specialized hereditary skills that were resistant to labour saving technology, and the deeply entrenched institution of
caste. He has argued that the very sophisticated artisanal skills and existing market networks may have paradoxically
inhibited further change as they were able to cope with growing domestic and international demand. Christopher
Bayly has written that the growing influence of commercial houses did not signal the emergence of a bourgeoisie.
Capital controlled by traders and revenue farmers was closely tied to land and was not invested in new forms of
production.

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______________________________________________________Notes on History (Opt, Medieval), UPSC

Syllabus of Medieval India, Paper I

EMERGENCE OF BHAKTI IN BRAHMANISM

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________3

Religion: Forms and features of religion,

SPREAD OF BHAKTI TO THE SOUTH

BHAKTI MOVEMENT IN SOUTH INDIA

Philosophy: Skankaracharya and Vedanta,

Advaita – nonduality of Atman and Brahman

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________8

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________9

THE CHARACTERISATION OF EARLY MEDIEVAL AGRARIAN ECONOMY

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________10

FORM AND SUBSTANCE OF URBAN CENTRES

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________11

THE GENERAL PATTERN

REGIONAL VARIATIONS AND TYPES

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________12

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________13

Trade and commerce

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________15

THE SECOND PHASE (c.A.D. 900 - 1300)

Coins and Other Media of Exchange

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________17

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________19

POSITION OF MERCHANTS DURING THE FIRST PHASE (c. A.D. 700-900)

POSITION OF MERCHANTS DURING THE SECOND PHASE (c.A.D.900-1300)

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________20

SOCIAL ROLE OF TRADERS

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________21

Organisation of Trading Guilds in South India

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________22

CHANGING MATERIAL BASE AND THE NEW SOCIAL ORDER

THE SOCIAL ETHOS

Rise of a New Literate CIass

Phenomenal Increase in the Rise of New Mixed Castes

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________25

LAND DISTRIBUTION, FEUDAL RANKS AND VARNA DISTINCTIONS

INCREASING SOCIAL TENSIONS

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________27

Shapes, Plans and Language of Temples

Ecological Setting, Raw Materials and Regionalisation

ORGANISATION OF BUILDING PROGRAMME

SCULPTURES: STONE AND METAL IMAGES

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________31

EDUCATION AND LEARNING

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________32

THE NEW RELIGIOUS TRENDS

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________33

RECONSTRUCTIONS OF INDIAN POLITY BETWEEN 8TH AND 13TH CENTURIES

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________35

LAND GRANTS AND LEGITIMIZATION OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY

Kalhan as a historian (20) (2003)

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________36

Sources materials in Rajatarangini

1. Books 1 to 3, which are based on traditions.

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________37

Bhushan V. Deshmukh (bhushan2006@gmail.com, 9987063403)_______________________________38

Kitab Tarikh Al-Hind and Aims of Writing it

Barriers obstructed Al-Biruni in understanding India

• Al-Biruni, discussed several “barriers” that he felt obstructed in understanding India.

On Religion and Religious beliefs of India