History of Agila Economy

1700 – 1900

Adotse Onoja
Copy Right: Adotse Onoja

07067418478

Published By:

Suncob Press 2012

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or

transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying,
recording, otherwise without the prior permission of the author.

ISBN: 978-2691-18-6
ABOUT THE BOOK

The economy of every society is the center piece of its survival. Therefore, an
understanding of a society’s economy goes a long way in exploring and giving
understanding of her other spheres of existence. A researched knowledge of the
economy of a society provides a tool for a prospective positive growth of that
society.

The book History of Agila Economy 1700 – 1900, speaks volume of the economic
activities and behaviour of the Agila people. These economic activities were
identified particularly in agriculture, trade, crafts and industry. This book also
covers the mode of production, geography and peopling of Agila.

The period used in this book covers from the settlement period of the Agila people,
through their colonization and into the most contemporary period.

Onoja Adotse is from Benue State. A graduate of the Department of History,

Benue State University. As a student, he held different responsibilities in various
students’ organization. He is the author of Becoming a Genius (2011).

ISBN 978-2691-18-6
 Dedication:

Chief Dr. Mike Okibe Onoja

 Content
Section One
Introduction, Geography, Peopling of Agila
Chapter One
Introduction
Chapter Two
Geography and Peopling of Agila
Section Two
Agila Economy during the Pre-Colonial Period 1700 – 1800
Chapter Three
Mode of Production, Labour System and Land Use System in Pre-Colonial Agila
Economy
Chapter Four
Economic Activities
Section Three
Agila Economy during the Colonial and Post-Colonial Period 1800-1900
Chapter Five
Agila Economy
Chapter Six
Post-Colonial Agila Economy
Bibliography
 FOREWORD
This part of the globe is placed at a low stratum of economic development.
It therefore becomes a clamoring issue to determine the prospect of her
“economic take off”, a “take off” that will excel, in a systematic form of putting
into consideration our diverse socio-cultural arrangement. In this system, the
smallest part is capable in a way of determining success for the whole. Our
individual societies, villages and communities are the smallest part. They become
the units of this system for a quick realizable economic growth for all. They should
be studied and used as unit of analysis.

As factually observed by historians, there is a relationship between the past

and the present which largely determines the future when its knowledge are
captured and utilized. This is what the author of this book succinctly portrayed.

This book takes into consideration the need for a prospective economic
plan using the knowledge and understanding of past economic behaviour of small
unit of the society of men. The book makes an assessment of the history of rural
Agila economy from the 1700 period to the 1900 period.

Agila society has a near death of historical documented materials. This is

particular with the economy which had never been reflected in a document form.
The few documents on her are socio-political and cultural history. Nonetheless,
the author makes extensive use of oral information that was handed down from
generations as well as few unpublished and scanty text on the economy of the
people. This is also supported with archival information.

The author discussed the history of Agila economy within the mentioned
period of time which cuts across settlement of Agila society to the contemporary
period. The contents of this economy as discussed are on agriculture, trade, crafts
and industry. The book also discusses its challenges and prospects particularly of
the contemporary period. In addition, the author looked at the origin, migration
and settlement, the geography as well as the socio-political organization of the
Agila people.
 Suffix to conclude that economy the foundation of all societal development
is the main discuss of this book. Its knowledge particularly its behaviour from the
onset of a society, becomes a compass for her development. The Agila society
now with a researched material on her economy, now has a tool to work on for
her development. This book also is a handy tool for the government, well-
meaning organizations, individuals and institutions of higher learning that would
want to delve into further research on any pre-colonial economy of a rural African
society.

The issue of colonization and development has always remained a

debatable topic in political economy. That is weather the introduced global
market by colonialism explains the reason for developing economic situation in
this part of the world or it helped it to grow.

Whatever the argument, there is an inter relationship and the author of

this book proves to the best of his knowledge that before the advent of colonial
market system, the African rural societies had their well-defined and sustaining
socio-economic order.

Otse Otokpa (Hon)

 PREFACE
This book finds its cause in the need to contribute to the economic
development of Agila with the provision of her economic history. I consider this
approach of providing a history of the issue as one of the best primary
approaches towards the prosperity and development of the society.

It finds it root in my B. A project titled the Origin and Development of Agila

Economy during the Pre-Colonial Period. This work was supervised by the Head of
Department, History, Benue State University, Markurdi, Prof. Mike O. Odeh.

This book is now expanded to include the colonial and the post-colonial
period of the Agila people. Thus, it is divided into three parts. In the first part I
traced the origin, migration and settlement of the Agila people as well as their
geography and peopling. In the second part of this book, I discussed the pre-
colonial economy of the Agila people. Finally, the third part deals with the colonial
and post-colonial economy of the Agila people.

This should be considered a start as the economy of other rural and small
societies should be researched into and can be used as a unit of analysis. Much
work is indeed needed on this level by researchers who appear to neglect it.

I accept responsibility for the research and analysis. I am nevertheless

greatly indebted to Prof. Mike O. Odeh of History Department, Benue State
University, for haven read and constructively criticized my B.A work in its various
stages. This has given me the foundation for academic works as well as the
perseverance and research methodology in history. To Dr. S. I. Ugbegili who read
every line and made the necessary corrections thereby giving this book a look of a
researched history work. I am also indebted to Hon. Otse Otokpa who not only
proof read the factual context of it.

My most profound gratitude goes to all my lecturers of the Department of

History, Benue State University, particularly Prof. Armstrong Adejo, Prof. Okpe
Okpe jnr., Dr. C.S Orngu and Dr. Dzrker.
 Finally, to my loving mother, you are my first teacher. Words are not
enough to mention my gratitude for sending me to school at the age of one and
for teaching me letter writing at the age of six. Everything good about me comes
from you.

Onoja Adotse
 CHAPTER ONE

Introduction

The economy of every society is the center piece of its survival. Therefore,
an extensive understanding of a society’s economy goes a long way in explaining
and giving understanding of her other spheres of existence.

The history of African economy as it has developed from the pre-colonial

period has suffered great negligence when compared to the attention enjoyed by
her other aspect of history; the political, cultural and social aspect of history.1

It therefore appears that, there is the need for Africans and economic
historians, particularly of Afrocentric mind, to reconstruct the history of African
economy from the pre-colonial period. This could be done on the different African
societies then the issues there within can be harmonized. Through that, the
prospect of making positive progress in African economy can be determined. In
essence, the factual knowledge of African economic history would certainly
position the contemporary African mind on what, how and where had gone
wrong in African development.

This book concerns itself with the history of Agila economy from the 18th
century to the 20th century. It discusses their mode of production, their land use
system and their sources of labour. It also discusses their economic activities
during this period which are majorly agriculture, trade, craft and industry.

The definition of the term history has often proven difficult. It is often
discussed that of all the fields of humanity, history has proven to be the most
difficult to be given a generally acceptable definition. In other words there is no
consensus as to the definition of history. In attempting to give a universally
acceptable definition, scholars have often met with challenges of either world
view or their position in time.
 However, scholars through the ages, have continued attempts to defining
history in a universally acceptable term despite the mentioned challenges. History
is a Greek derivation like most terminologies in academics. It is derived from
historie which means inquiry, research and investigation. In this situation, history
then becomes a process independent of the individual and has to do with the
actual event that occurred that remains objective. Collingwood sees history as the
mutual relationship between the past and what the historian thinks about it.2
Another scholar, P.L Gardinner sees history as those activities that make up the
past and how the historian goes about accounting for them.3 Carr sees history as
the continuous process of interaction between a historian and his fact and the
unending dialogue between the present and the past.4

An assessment of the above definitions of history by scholars have one

thing in common which can be agreed should form the basis of all attempts at the
definition of history. These are the past and the duty of the historian. Therefore,
history can be defined as past events and activities of men which end result have
been change and how the historians goes about investigating and presenting it.

Economy is concerned with how men and women and women, rich and
poor, free and servile, elite and commoner go about to make a living, that is
organizing and exploiting resources available to them.5 Economy can be seen as
the careful management of resources and also entails the entails the activities
engaged to make a living.

Pre-colonial period as used in this book refers to the period before

European infiltration and influence over the Agila society. This period can be
referred to as the period before European contact. In Nigeria, this was a period
when she existed in empires and kingdoms, villages and clans until European
infiltration and colonization.

Colonial period in this book refers to the period of European influence over
the Agila people in their society. This period in the Nigeria phenomena was when
European influence and domination began. While post-colonial as used in this
book refers to the period when the Agila society became an independent society
of direct European influence.
 The economy of a society is the determinant of her formation and
existence. The knowledge of the economy is consequently a prospective tool
towards the development of such society. However, the study of the economy of
the Agila society has become a neglected aspect in the reconstruction of her
history by scholars as well as journalist that writes on the society.

This book identifies the challenge of undocumented history of the Agila

society. Holding to this challenge, this book is aimed at researching into the
development of Agila economic history. It makes a research into how the Agila
people have developed and used their available resources for the satisfaction of
their needs and wants.

This book also aims at studying the development of an economic

relationship between the Agila society and her neigbouring societies of the Igbo
group and her other Idoma counterparts. Finally, it is aimed at revealing the
relationship between Agila economy and her social, political, statutory
organization as well as ideologies.

The book covers the economy of Agila from the 18th to the 20th century.
This period covers the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial period of Agila
economy. This book beginning from the pre-colonial period is due to the
importance attached to the knowledge of how the economy of the Agila people
has evolved and developed before colonial influence. The colonial and post-
colonial aspect of this book will give the knowledge of the people’s economy
during this period respectively and finally, the organizing and exploiting of the
resources available to them during these periods. Furthermore, it also covers
knowledge of the Agila social and political organization as well as the geography
and peopling.

Consequently, this work is divided into three sections. Section one is the
Agila people. This section gives a general introduction of the book in chapter one.
The second chapter of this section is on the geographical location and people of
Agila. Section two of this book deals with the pre-colonial Agila economy. It
contains chapter three and four. Chapter three is on the mode of production, land
use system and her labour system particularly during the pre-colonial period.
Chapter four is on the major economic activities of the people. These economic
activities are majorly in agriculture, craft and industry. This chapter also deals
with trade during the pre-colonial period and the origin of the markets.

Finally in section three is on the colonial and post-colonial economy of

Agila. Chapter five in this section deals with colonial economy. Its sub topics
include European infiltration into the Agila society, the colonial economy, and the
introduction of cash economy as well as the impact of colonial economy on Agila
society. It also deals with monetization and tax in Agila economy with the coming
of colonialism. It further includes the concrete introduction of wage labour and
the construction of roads and railways. Chapter six deals with post-colonial Agila
economy; agriculture which is the major economic activity, trade, markets and
trade routes. This last chapter also reveals challenges of contemporary Agila
economy and recommendations.

As at the writing of this book, there is obviously no literature on the Agila

economy. Available literatures on the Agila society rather emphasizes on the
socio-political evolution and organization of the people. The reason for this may
not be farfetched as there has often been disagreement over socio-political order
among the people.

Otokpa Egwurube in his book Agila History; Issues and Perspectives

presented a relatively comprehensive work on the social and political history of
mentioned and he Agila society. He nonetheless mentioned only one economic
activity of the people, agriculture, and it was without a detailed discussion.6

Otokpa Unogwu in his book Agila Moment of Truth also wrote exhaustively
on the political structure and dichotomy of the people. Furthermore, he gave a
detail account of the origin and migration of the Agila people. But the book never
talked on the economy of the people.

The significance of this book lies in the discussion of the economic activities
of the Agila society from the pre-colonial period. This makes it possible for the
people of Agila to have a detailed knowledge of how the Agila society have
evolved and developed their economy through the years.
 This book is also a contribution to the scarce resources on the Agila history
and particularly on her economy. Finally, it will be of assistance to interested
researchers in the knowledge of how the economy of the Agila society has helped
in shaping her socio-political values and organization.

Methodology being an essential tool for a factual historical reconstruction

is employed in this book. The source materials used for this book are primary
sources and secondary sources. The primary sources consist of information gotten
from oral interviews and discussions relating to this work.

Secondary sources are essentially the base for intellectual writing in

contemporary scholarly work. They are information sourced from written
materials for this book includes both published and unpublished works. It also
includes archival materials as used in this book.

Nonetheless, this work makes exhaustive use of primary sources most. This
is because of the earlier mentioned challenge of no literature on Agila economy
prior to this book. Notwithstanding, all facts are sourced, both oral and written
were screened through the sieve of historical objectivity.
 ENDNOTES
1. The reason for this argument can be traced to the scholarly argument
between the Eurocentric and the Afrocentric schools of thought
regarding the African past.
2. R.G Collingwood, The Idea of History, London, Oxford University Press,
1997, p.9
3. P.C Gardinner, Philosophy of History, The New Encyclopedia Britainica
Vol./8, Chicago, Cambridge University Press, pp. 961-965
4. E.H Carr, What is History, Middlesex, Penguin, 1964, p.30
5. O.N Njokwu, Economic History of Nigeria; 19th and 20th Century, Magnet
Business Enterprise, Nigeria, 2001, p.2
6. O.B Egwurube, Agila History; Issues and Perspective, Brain Book,
Markurdi, 2010, p.17
7. O. Unogwu, Agila Moment of Truth, Idoma Landmark Series, Otukpo,
2000
 CHAPTER TWO
Geography and Peopling of Agila

Origin and Migration

Agila Geographical Context

Social and political organization

Origin and Migration

The Agila people like other societies have different traditions of origin that
seek to explain how they originated. One of these traditions of origin posits that
the Agila people to have originated from the ancient Kwararafa confederacy. The
confederacy was an African kingdom that comprised of different ethnic groups
existing in a confederation. It was located along the Benue River of present
Nigeria. This account holds that the Agila people existed in a scattered
arrangement among their Idoma counterparts.

Another account holds that the Agila society originated from Igala, in
present Kogi State. This account holds that the Agila people are descendants of
Ago, an Igala prince. Going by this account, the children of Ago makes makes up
ten out of the twelve clans in present Agila. These ten clans are Onwa, Osudu,
Ogbilolo, Akpoge, Efoha, Okpakor, Okpatobo, Amneta, Onogwu and Otokilo-Ai
Anidu.

This second account on the origin of the Agila people in reference to a

progenitor has another part of the Agila society to be descendants of Osilagama.
His descendants make up the Osiroko and Efofu clans.

There is also another account on the origin of the Agila people. This final
tradition of origin holds that the Agila people are an extraction of Igbo stock.2

There are different views to the migration of the Agila people. Some of
these migration explanations are in correspondence to the different views on
their origin. One of these migration accounts has it that Ago left Benin to escape
unending dynastic disputes in that ancient empire. Unfortunately, he ran into
another war in Idah. This war forced Ago to move further east of Idah, a period
between c. 1625-1655. This move within this period finally brought him and his
descendants into present day Agila.3

Some commentators have tried to explain some ounderlining issues

regarding Agila’s origin. Let us begin an assessment from Apa and the Kwararafa
confederacy. They posit that the Agila people have a very distinct language
particularly with the Igumale people and classified as semi-Bantu.4 Taking a closer
look, it is discovered that, almost in totality the Agila people has it words in
similarity with the rest of her Idoma counterparts. The differences can majorly be
found in pronunciation. For instance, where an Otupko man would pronounce
‘ch’, and Agila man would pronounce ‘ts’.

This present differences in dialects found among the Idoma speaking

people can be understood and explained better in the light of their existence in
diverse groups and individual external influences. Some of these influences crept
on them during their migration process.

Furthermore, another tie of Agila to other parts of Idoma is in their

relationship with Okpoga. This account has it that Ago had a younger brother
called Okpe, the founder of Okpoga in present day Okpokwu Local Government
Area of Benue state. In other words, both Okpoga and Agila are of common
origin. Okpoga ole’Ogwa and Agila ole’Ogwa, meaning the children of Ogwa.5
Ogwa, their mother is said to be a Jukun princess.

There are issues also discussed in the Agila origin that has to do with her tie
to Igala. Critical analysts mention that Agila have a variety of wide differences
with Igala such as in masquerades, traditional hats and language.6 But a bold
relationship can be seen between Agila and Igila in names such as Attah which is
the title of the chief of Igala. Attah of Igala. More pronounced too is the Agila
ancestral masquerade called ekwu aja which is a feminine masquerade and
believed to be Inikpi, an Igala princess. Other ties can be found in masquerade
songs and chants.
 The origin tie between Agila and Igbo stock is the infiltration into Agila land
by Ngbo during migration. But worthy of mention is the fact that the number of
issues to conclude this assertion is quiet few. One of there is the duplication of
Igbo names and other qualities in Agila. However, the Agila society to a wide
range has her unique qualities that differ from their neighbouring Igbo such as
food traditions and markets.

On the whole, the Agila society can be agreed to be a very unique society.
With origins traced to Apa, Igala and Igbo, the Agila people as suggested by
Armstrong, whatever their migrations and ancients contact are, have had a long
period of independent development and their culture contacts have been in many
direction.7

Agila Geographical Context

The Agila society is presently located in the southern intermediate of Idoma

land. They are bordered by Igumale to the North, Ngbo, Ezza and Effuim of Ebonyi
to the East and South, then Ehah Amufu of Enugu State to the West. This is to say
Agila’s longest border line projects deeply into the present Igbo society.

Agila lies between Longitude 07, 59 and Latitude 06, 31 south and 06, 45
North.8 Agila is the most populated of the Southern Idoma district of Benue State.
Armstrong puts a rough estimate based on land survey map at 83 square miles.
Mentioning Abraham, Agila has population of 6,479 in 1935 thereby giving a
density of 78 per square mile. And in 1952, it has 15,016 and a density of about
180 per square mile.

Agila society is located within the area commonly referred to as the

transitional belt or zone of Nigeria. It shares both the climatic characteristics of
the Northern and Southern part of the country. It is predominantly endowed with
a rich kind of thick humus layer that is good for agriculture, particularly yam.

The Agila society is geographically located in the vegetation belt of Nigeria.

It is well watered as in the palm belt. It is fairly open to orchard and patches of
high forest. It is located on the flat which becomes inundated in the rains. The
harmattan wind blows from the North and is prevalent between the middle
November and in the beginning of February.10

Information from the people suggests that prior to the 18th century the
area was clustered with high dry forest. This gradually gave way for the
emergence of short grassland in the late 18th century and into the 19th century.
This is followed with the emergence of varieties of scanty short trees in the 19th
century and into the 20th century. Thereby, their thick forests and tall trees can
now be found mostly by river banks and boundaries.

Social and Political Organization

Not until in the most contemporary time of the 21st century, not much was
written about the Agila past. Consequently, not much was academically known
about how the Agila society was politically and socially organized.

Agila society has a well-developed social and political institution. The

structured political and social organization provided the framework within which
various units of society performed different functions for the development and
organization of the society.

The Agila political organization begins from the family. The family which is
the smallest unit is called ole. Collections of families that trace their lineage to a
particular ancestor make up the large extended family called okonu’ole or
ododa’ole. It is this group that makes up the clan, ipfofu.

The basic of Agila social and political organization is the ipfofu. The
importance of the ipfofu in the Agila social and political milieu is emphasized in its
endowment of identification, social and political right. These ipfoofu makes up the
twelve clans of Agila earlier mentioned.

The Agila system of government is called gerontocracy. This is a system of

government by the elders. The elders in Agila gerontocracy are a representation
of the twelve clans. They form the major administrative machinery for the entire
Agila society. These elders are called the Ai’Istogwa and they preside over the
Ojira.
 The Ojira is a mass meeting of adult males and the supreme congress of
community. The conduct of the Ojira is monitored by the elders who usually
speak on behalf of their clans.

A democratic principle governs the Ojira reflecting from the Itsogwa such
that, one faction cannot control or influence the decisions of the Ojira. The elders
speak for their clans but this is done to integrate the interest of the youths.
Nonetheless, young men of reputable achievements were given the ground to
speak.

The Itsogwa in Agila gerontocracy system were given the prerogative of

making decisions or deliberations that are binding on the entire society. The
Itsogwa generally acts as an administrative cabinet.11

This cabinet has the Otse Agila who is the paramount ruler of the Agila
society. The Otsonu Agila is the next in command. Others are the Unogwu Akpoge
and Unogwu Ogbilolo which were the army generals in charge of Akpoge and
Ogbililo provinces. There is the Echoembi who is in charge of internal affairs,
Agada in charge of external affairs and the Otse’eje who is in charge of cultural
and social activities. There is also the Okpozu Ogaba which is in charge of policing,
while the Otse Oba who is the chief priest has his assistants in the Ogene and
Oroja. Finally is the Onoja Okpatobo who is the chief priest in charge of Arekwu,
the ancestral masquerades.

Agila ancestral masqurades include Enkpe, Ikpila, Ekwu Aja and Unaloko.
Others are Akatakpa, a slave spirit and Ona Otse Aloje. They both protect societal
order and morality. The Akatakpa could be brought with village youths and act as
police. This was also the same with Onya Otse Aloje. It could publicly announce
wrongs done by individuals of the society which makes it a deterrent for others.
Such act could be that of stealing, fornication, even greed, lying and defecation
along footpaths.

Age groups called Owa was a social organization in Agila society. The Owa
made up of both sex of the same age was divided into groups that reigns for three
haves seasons. Their reign was a competitive one to see which group will perform
better than their predecessors at the end of their reign. They were involved in
village activities such as reparation and construction of village roads and bridges,
farming and thatching huts among others. Finally, they were also involved in
social and cultural entertainment. They also had owa of female folks.

Also worthy of mention is that the worship of ancestral spirit is shrouded in

a way where by secrets are known only to initiated members.
 ENDNOTES
1. See O. B Egwurube, Agila History, pp. 6-7
2. See details in O. B Egwurube, Agila History, p. 154. See also
NAK/MAK/1315 “Benue Province”
3. See details in O. B Egwurube, Agila History, pp. 9-12
4. R.G Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People in D. Forde (ed), The Peoples of the
Benue Confluence, International African Institute, London, 1995, p,92
5. This tradition of origin can be ascertained with the tomb of Ogwa, the
mother of Ago and Okpe, which can be found in both Agila and in Okpaga.
Oral tradition further ad to it that the two children divided their mother’s
corps for burial at their individual settlement.
6. R. G. Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People, in Forde D. (ed), p. 121
7. R. G. Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People, in Forde D. (ed), p. 122
8. O. B Egwurube, Agila History, p.2
9. R. G. Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People, in Forde D. (ed), p. 119
10.NAK/MAK prof/1370 “Forestry Survey Tiv Division”
11.See details in O. B Egwurube, Agila History,pp. 47-57
 Section Two

Agila Economy during the Pre-Colonial Period

1700 to the 1800s

 CHAPTER THREE

Mode of Production, Labour System and Land Use System in

Pre-Colonial Agila Economy

Mode of Production

Land Use System

Labour System

Mode of Production

Every society has its economy characterized by a particular economic

system. The economic system is seen in the method in which production and
satisfaction of needs and wants of the people and the society at large is being
carried out. In consequence, this has a way of influencing the economic and
political structure of the society. It also influences the social and other aspect of
the society which can include the legal and ideological system and belief of that
society.

The mode of production also called the economic system entails the
relationship and combination of the productive forces which include labour
power and the means of production. The mode of production is the material
foundation and determiner of other aspect of social life; particularly the legal
system, the political system, the belief system and morality.1 The mode of
production shapes the mode of distribution, the mode of circulation, the mode of
consumption and all that which is agreed to constitute the economy of the
people. It is the manner in which the aforementioned is been carried out that is
considered to differentiate one mode of production from the other.
 Different kind of mode of production can be identified among pre-colonial
African societies. One of them can be identified as the primitive communal mode
of production. This entails collective ownership of land which is the foundational
means of production, by family units or the society at large.

Another identified mode of production is the tributary mode of production.

Under this mode of production, the society is divided into two groups based on
their economic status in the society. The lower class is referred to as the peasants
while persons from the upper class are usually the land owners. In this situation,
tributes flow from the lower class to the upper class. Most significantly among
this tribute is labour.

Finally, there is the slave mode of production. This mode of production

entails ownership by producers and free members of the society. This is to say, it
is a system where the society depends on slave labour for production.

In pre-colonial Agila society, everybody was a worker and they produce and
consume collectively.2 Pre-colonial Agila people had a mode of production which
can be referred to as the traditional communalism mode of production. This
mode of production is dependent on land as the primary means of production.

Land Use System

Land is one of the factors of production. It is one of the major, first and
primary resources to man. In pre-colonial Agila economy, land belonged to the
entire society. In essence, land was communally owned.

This communal ownership of land not withstanding is usually in accordance

to patrilineal claims. This socio-political and economic arrangement of the Agila
people in relation to land use is what reflects in the living arrangement of the
people according to families, compound and clans. In other words, they live in
clusters of family and clan tie in patrilineal order.

Communal land use as developed by the Agila people in the pre-colonial

period includes homesteads, places for shrines and playground. Others are
farmlands, farm settlements and plantations particularly palm trees and later on
markets and hamlets.

Farming and agriculture was the mainstay of pre-colonial Agila economy.

Hence, land use for agriculture becomes our major topic to discuss. It was simple.
The first consideration is that the person in question must not just be a man that
claims Agila origin. He must be a man that can clearly trace his patrilineal root to a
major clan and family.

If a man wants land for agricultural activity, he goes into the bush and looks
for a suitable unmarked plot of land. If he finds one, all he needs to do is to simply
lay claim to it. To mark a piece of land to signify ownership is to make marks and
signs on conspicuous trees or to tie knots of tall grasses. These marks, signs or
knots of grasses automatically become boundary of his newly found piece of land
which he considers will be enough for his intended farmland. These marks also
indicate to another man that the place has been owned by another.

There was no scarcity of land in pre-colonial Agila society. That was why
this method of land ownership was able to go without conflict. This non-scarcity
of land made it possible for an excellent shifting cultivation. Under this shifting
cultivation, a man could leave the land he was occupying for another new land to
allow fallowing. This is usually common after three years. Or he could pass it unto
another man and most especially the children or relatives.

Labour System

Labour is an inherent factor of production. It is man’s primary condition to

exist and survive. Labour is regarded as means of production consisting labour
power and the object of labour. Labour power refers to the collective practical
activities of the labourer while the objects of labour are those things which the
labour power is applied. Finally, there is the means of labour which are those
tools with which man labours.3

There are different sources of labour in pre-colonial African societies.

Among them are family labour and voluntary labour. Others are paid and slave
labour.4 in pre-colonial Agila society, the most predominant source of labour was
family labour. The family labour in pre-colonial Agila society was the kind of
labour which involves the man, his wife or wives and child or children as the case
may be. This was the primary reason why polygamous marriage was predominant
during this period.

Notwithstanding, Agila source of labour that provided for her surplus at the
time was collective labour. This was gotten from group arrangements known as
opiopia (rotational). The opiopia was held among registered interest groups.
These interest groups come together in agreement to have a rotational work on
each other’s farms. These groups mostly begin at the beginning of the planting
season. They come together and have a meeting, and there the order of the
rotation was agreed. One of the most popular of such groups was the owa.
 ENDNOTES
1. Claude Ake, A Political Economy of Africa, Longman Group Limited, England,
1981, p.13
2. O. B Egwurube, Agila History, p.20
3. See details in Claude Ake, A Political Economy of Africa, pp. 9-15
4. Y. A Ochefu and O. O Okpe, Idoma Pre-Colonial Economy, in Y. A Ochefu et
al (eds), A History of the Benue People, Aboki Publishers, Makurdi, 2007,
pp.114-117
 CHAPTER FOUR
Economic Activities of Agila during the
Pre-Colonial Period

Agriculture

Hunting

Fishing

Local Craft and Industry

Trade

The origin of Agila Market

Men in their societies from the beginning of civilization have always

engaged in different activities in order to satisfy their needs and wants. These
economic activities have often been dictated by the extent of the availability and
abundance of raw materials for such economic activities. Pre-colonial Agila
society was no different as they utilized their available resources to satisfy their
needs and want which in turn dictated their kind of economic activities. These
economic activities were majorly agriculture, trade, craft and industries.
Agriculture

Agriculture entails growing of crops and the rearing of animals. Agriculture

as put by various literature is a primordial economic activity in Africa. Agriculture
gave rise to civilization and centralized systems.1 In pre-colonial Agila society, it
was the most important activity of the people and it gave them a means of
livelihood. And like other parts of the world, it gave rise to their societal
organization.

It can be pointed out that the beginning of economy for man started with
the knowledge of hunting and gathering. This was developed into planting and
cultivation of favourable crops as well as domestication of selected and
controllable animals. With this, man began to have control over his food
production. Consequently, men with like interest and that shared relationships in
one way or the other were brought together. They grew into communities, clans
and villages as the case may be. This further led to kingdoms and empires. This
economic revolution is being referred to as the “Neolithic Revolution”.

The identification of the origin of agriculture in Agila society proves to be a

difficult task. According to oral sources, agriculture among the Agila people
started with Ago, the founder of the village. It is held that Ago left his family and
travelled into the vast land today known as Agila. He set up his homestead and
started with hunting. He soon began supplementing it with crop domestication.
The land was good and supported his agricultural activities. Hence Ago refused to
leave the land to return back home. This made his family to call him a crazy
person for refusing to return back home because he found land which he thinks is
more favourable. Hence, the name Ago e’yila, which literary means Ago has gone
crazy (over fertile land).

This definition of origin of agriculture finds corroboration in the name of

the place, Agila. It is held in general explanation and acceptability by the people
that the place now called Agila was been derived from Ago e’yila.

Another explanation has it that the origin of agriculture in Agila had begun
with them when they were in Apa 1 (not the Apa-Agila village) with the rest of
their Idoma counterpart. Further enquiry also revealed that the origin of
agricultural practice has a history that is diverse but in correspondence with their
tradition of origin.

Nonetheless, the fact to notice here is that, prior to colonial influence or

inculcation of the Agila economy into colonial economic spheres of influence, the
Agila society already head a very good knowledge of agriculture. This agricultural
practice was extensively tied to land and they exploited it in a coordinative
manner which paid off to the satisfaction of their agricultural needs.

An average Agila pre-colonial man was usually acknowledged to be wealthy

depending on the size of his farm and harvest. It often times reflected in the size
of his family. The size of the farm is usually measured by the number of heaps.
Making farms in ridges were rare. There were times an acquired piece of land was
completely cultivated. At other time when they are not enough, the man can go
for more elsewhere.

Pre-colonial Agila men usually have more than two or more farms. Usually,
one is situated close to the house and it is called elo ekwu’ole or ayi elo while the
second one usually situated in far distance and referred to as elo ebi’rigbo or ene
elo. These farms that are usually close to the homestead are usually been
attended to and sometimes owned by the women. While the distance farms are
usually strictly owned and controlled by the men. This was so because the farms
close to the homesteads were usually of mixed cropping where the women were
allowed to plant different varieties of crops and vegetables. While the distant
farms usually held only yams.

Sources also explained that reason for long distant farms by men was because
a man is expected to hunt and set/check traps for animals alongside farm works.
Also, a man who has his farm close to the house is often ridiculed by friends and is
considered unadventurous. This owning of long distant farms led to the
emergence of sub-urban towns such as Ivetse, Oda, Olukpo, Ibenda, Ogbokwu,
Okpa’Obla, Ai’Unogwu and Ojocha.2

The farming season usually begun with the fall of the first rains this was
called the owo afiliei. There was also a means of producing surplus in a situation
where an Agila man would make his heaps during the harmattan period with the
help of harmattan dew. This system was referred to as ovu which literary means
dew. Part of this farming system during this period include tying strings to a
plank-like wood or log and was used to smash down the tall grasses which were
later burnt. This was followed with removing of the remaining stumps from the
ground with hoes. Finally is the making of heaps or ridges. Notwithstanding
planting was not done until the first rain.

One advantage of this method is that, its products are harvested much
earlier than those that were done following preparation with the coming of the
rains. This was when farmers actually think it is the best time to begin preparation
of the soil for the planting season.
 Preparation of the soil during the rain period was not that quite different
from that of the harmattan period. The Agila soil during the 18th century period
was predominantly large arable land endowed with very few trees. It rather had
stumpy grasses that were not even clustered.3 The near only farm tool then for
the preparation of soil for cultivation was hoe. Thus Armstrong referred this as
one of hoe agriculture.4 These short grasses were removed from the ground with
a hoe, collected together and burnt. The soil was then ready for making heaps or
ridges for planting.

It was later on into the 19th century that trees began to grow rapidly on
Agila farmlands. One of the reasons given for this could be as a result of shifting
cultivation. This shifting cultivation became too circled that even a piece of land
that have been used before had to be returned to. This was a result of growing
population. In these farms, tree branches were to be used and trees were planted
to control yam tendrils and stems. These trees survive on their own after being
planted to control yam stems and tendrils. On the other hand, they were nurtured
to survive so as to avoid looking into the distant bush for yam supporting
branches the following planting season.

Pre-colonial Agila crops included millet, guinea corn, and yams. Yam is the
most valued of the crops planted by the Agila people during the pre-colonial
period. This is why a day is been set aside for the celebration of yams. This
celebration is done in what is referred to as the Egbedegwu Ogwa. This
significance of yam can also be found in how Agila people call market. A market is
referred to as Ojah, a meaning that is synonymous with yam. A great yam farmer
is titled as Ojah.

Agila pre-colonial agricultural equipment included; hoes (inyiro), axe (aga),

baskets (oribiri).

Harvested grains were stored in traditional silo, a type of barn specially

built for grains known as oba. The oba was built like a small round hut suspended
from the ground with fork stick and has no door. A small window was then made
at the side. It is through these windows that the grains were stored in the oba and
it is also through this window that that they were fetched for use when the time
comes. They were usually built in the compound.

Yams were stored both in the farms and at home. In the farms, they were
usually stored under trees. They were then covered with dry yam stems, anyisi.
They were also stored in heaps which have been harvested of yams. These heaps
were dug wide and the yams were arranged in these holes as much as the hoes
could contain. They were then covered with leaves if it’s for temporary storage
but were covered with dry yam stems if they were for long time storage. The dry
yam tendrils permit ventilation for the yams.

Yams at home were stored in barns called ogege and the yams were tied in
stakes. These yam stakes were made by erecting a stick pole of about six feet to
the ground. The kinds of sticks usually used were the ogirichi. This was because
they easily survive and can serve the farmer for a long period of time. These sticks
then have the yam tubers tied to them in roles upwards from the biggest tuber to
the smallest. These ropes were strong shrubs gotten from the forest which were
then stringed to a cord. These stakes were finally fenced for protection against
goats. Thieves and stealing were not a thing common to pre-colonial Agila society
hence items and crops either on the farm or at home were safe.

Hunting

Hunting was done in groups during the dry seasons. The surrounding Agila
bushes were preserved for the dry season when fire was set in different areas on
different days. This group expedition was usually carried out during the heart of
the dry season because that was when the bushes were very dry to expose the
animals in their habitat. With the completely dried cover for the animals burnt,
the animals would have no place to hide.

Secondly, the dry season was when there was less work to be done on the
farms. This hunting expedition was usually led by the head hunter known as the
Ada ai’oba. The Ada ai’oba sets the out the hunting rules of ai’oba. The ai’oba
was an organized group of young men drawn from each clan on representative
basis. The rules include; no killing of young and pregnant animals, an animal met
during labour must be helped to deliver, no animal drinking water was to be
killed, the first person to inflict serious injury becomes the owner when it is
eventually killed even by another person. Other rules also include that the Ada
ai’oba claims ownership of a killed animal under contention. Also that whatever
happens during a hunting expedition was to be kept secret particularly from
women and children.

Pre-colonial Agila hunting expedition clearly depicts organization. Hunting

equipments were mostly bows and arrows. (ota and oyi respectively).

Fishing

The Agila people during the pre-colonial period were engaged in fishing as
one of its economic activities. This fishing was also mostly done during the dry
season when the water level has reduced. The rivers and streams were these
fishing were carried out include Oworiwo, Oserekwu, Avovo, Igbilede, Ozoovu,
Isana and Itsire.

One of the fishing methods was traditionally draining the water. By this
method, bulwarks of sand heaps were made on selected narrow potions of the
rivers length then begin to drain the wedged potion with bowls and calabash.
When the water is reduced to minimum, the fishes become exposed to the
fishermen for harvest. This method was known as owenyi literary meaning drain
water.

Other methods are oha and oga. The oha method was the application of
poisonous tree sap known as ede to the river. This in effect brings the fishes to
the surface of the river. The oga was made of palm products into nets and traps
for fishes.

It is important to mention that the application of owenyi and oha as a

fishing method was collectively done. It was not a practice where a man or with
his family just embark on because it attracted heavy sanctions.

Local Craft and Industry

 The agricultural practices of the people provided them with surplus food
which encourages population growth as well as social and administrative
development. This in consequence created room for other economic activities.

Pre-colonial Agila society developed the craft of iron smelting, weaving and
pottery. They also developed the craft of wood works and carving.

Iron smelting was done in pre-colonial Agila society just like every other
Idoma society.5 Pre-colonial Agila society practice of iron smelting predates their
present location. The knowledge of iron smelting in Agila is believed to have been
gotten from their place of origin. The Agila people had few blacksmith which are
called onowa. They produced the hoes that were used for the hoe agricultural
system of Agila during the pre-colonial period. They also produced knives, arrows
and axes.

Iron smelting in pre-colonial Agila like other parts of Idoma of the time
included firing iron raw materials hard until the iron is gotten. They were then
heated using okpatsua and forging hammers until their intended designs were
obtained.

The Agila people also had pre-colonial knowledge of wood carving. There
was a cordial relationship between the wood carvers and the blacksmith as they
were the ones who carved the handles of the hoes, knives and axes. Pre-colonial
Agila woodcarvers were also involved in the carving of kitchen wares such as
bowls and pans known as the ukpar and izoko. The also carve the popular
traditional game played mostly by elders known as the eche. Other items carved
by pre-colonial Agila wood carvers include mortar (orzi), pestle (otu), wooden
stools (ezi) and ancestral masks and spiritual statutes (ikpinoro).

Agila pre-colonial craft also reflected in their styles of building. The hamlets
still hold onto these styles of building. Some persons still choose to build their
houses in these styles in the Agila town itself. However in contemporary times,
even though they look good in their different styles and added modernization, it
is can be attributed to financial constraints on the part of the owner.
 In the earliest times of the pre-colonial period, the walls of the houses were
made of woven banga grasses (omna) in a round form. It was later developed by
parching the gamba grasses with mud. Later on, the building entailed the
exclusive erecting of mud walls usually in a square shape. The roofing was first
done with stringed bamboo sticks in a cone shape which was sat on the dry walls.
It was then thatched with palm fronds and finally spear grasses (epe).

Pottery was also another part of the pre-colonial Agila economic activities.
Pre-colonial Agila potters were involved in the making of pots and among other
kitchen utensils such as plates and bowls. They were also engaged in the making
of water pots that were used for drinking as well as used for fetching water from
the streams. Clay was available in supply. They were fetched, softened and
molded into desired designs after which there were fired till they became
hardened.

Weaving was also an aspect of pre-colonial Agila craft. They used and
weaved palm fronds and raffia palms into items such as brooms handles, store
bags, shields, baskets, palm frond mats known as abba which were also used as
doors and okpukpo for sleeping.

Furthermore, pre-colonial Agila economic craft activities included tapping

palm wine which craftily done They were also involved in quarrying and made
grinding stones, stones for resting pots when cooking as well as the kind for
sharpening knives axe and hoe blades.

Trade

The pre-colonial Agila society was very much engaged in trade. Trade
during the period as the concept of trade entails, has to do with the transfer of
ownership of goods from one person to another. Their engagement in trading
activities as one the essence of trading spells is to exchange what they have for
what they do not have.

This exchange of the goods they have and that which they want pre dates
their arrival to their present location. It is called barter. Among the Agila people, it
is known as ososa. As time went by, the disadvantages as common to barter
began to surface. Particularly as needs grew following changes in development
and population growth.

One of these disadvantages was how to find somebody that has what you
need and was willing to exchange it for what you have. Another was getting equal
value for the items to be exchanged. It was on the verge of this disadvantage that
a medium of exchange was introduced.

The first medium of money to be introduced in the pre-colonial Agila

society was salt and commonly referred to as oma otokonu.

The Origin of Agila Markets

According to sources, the origin of Agila market began with one Odo Ori
Enega from Ogbilolo clan in Agila. He took pepper, leaves and cocoa yams as well
as yams to Efoha clan square. He was later joined by another man called
Omokwu. They were involved in exchange of items for what they want or what
they believe others would be in need of and subsequently exchange them and
gathering extras as profits. As others joined and as the medium of exchange
continue to develop, the place later became the center for buying and selling. It
then became known as Odoh Ori’s market and later Opfu-Oja.

During the period, another market was soon started in Akpoge clan that
later became known as the Ogbozu market. The market is one of the market days
that makes the five days of the week according to Agila calendar. Sources have it
that this market was begun by Ajii Ogbleke, an Okpakor man who, due to the
distance of the opfu oja, decided to sell his yams in the Akpoge square which was
closer to his house. He too was soon joined by others and then the Ogbozu
market was established.

It is not clear as to why the first market did not become the major market.
However, it could be because Akpoge is located in the middle of the village and
hosted most major village activities. Hence it could have been an easy agreement
or natural circumstances for its market to become the major market.
 These markets and others of their like gave Agila society her five week days
system. This is unlike her other Idoma groups that operated a four market day
system in accordance with neigbouring Igbo societies. The Agila market days in
their order were Ogbozu, Orogbozu, Okonokpa, Ulayi and Egwu.

The Ulayi market was the biggest market in pre-colonial Agila, followed by
the Orogbozu. The Orogbozu market also served as the day when public
announcements were made in the market. This was because the market was a
place where different people could gather at a time. It was the safest and widest
means of communication. The Okonokpa day is usually the day that was used for
celebrations in Agila. While the Ogbozu day was generally considered the resting
day for them.

The Agila society during the pre-colonial period had a secluded existence
that strained trade with neigbouring societies. This is to say they barely had
interactions with her neighbouring societies. Information and assessment
suggests that this was due to her geographical location which thrusts deep into
Igbo societies as mentioned earlier. Constituting factors that strained their
relationships include land which their Igbo neighbours had less of. This made
them to be despised by their Ngbo neighbours. This often led to missing people
and hostile clashes which prevailed.

The Igumale people were the only Idoma group that the Agila people had
exhaustive contact with. Their market was the only market the Agila people
attended with comfort. This is the Egwu market earlier mentioned. The major
items of trade included yams and palm products such as palm kernel and palm oil.
 ENDNOTES

1. Polly Hill, ‘Some Characteristics of Indigenous West African Economic

Enterprise’, Economic Bulletin of Ghana, 6, 1962, p.14
2. See Otokpa Egwurube, Agila History, p. 65
3. This information finds solace in NAK/MAK prof/1370 “Forstry Survey Tiv
Division”
4. R. G Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People, in Ford D. (ed), p.93
5. R. G Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People, in Ford D. (ed), p.94
6. See Otokpa Egwurube, Agila History, pp.63-64
 Section Three

Agila Economy during the Colonial and

Post-Colonial Period

1800 – 1900
 CHAPTER FIVE

Colonial Agila Economy

Slavery

Road Construction

Rail Construction

Monetization of Agila Economy

Challenges of the Colonial Economy

Impact of Colonial economy on the Agila people

Pre-colonial Agila society and the economy was not exposed to colonial
influence in uniform with other parts of her Idoma counterparts.1 During the reign
of colonialism on other societies around the Agila society in the earliest period of
colonialism, she was almost still living in isolation. This could be due to its
geographical location.

However, colonial influence filtered in on the society in the form of slavery.

It was later reduced and gave way to another fierce colonial activity, taxation.
There was also the introduction of forced labour into the economic life of the
people particularly on road and rail construction.

Colonial economy in Agila was characterized by a shift from subsistence

production to cash and commodity production. This gave birth to
interdependency of the Agila economy and patronization of other markets as well
as the development of trade routes.

Slavery

The first colonial influence on Agila economy came in the form of slavery.
This was carried out on the Agila society by the Arochuckwu group which the Agila
people referred to as Eru. The Eru group promoted and heightened the level of
insecurity of the Agila society and her environs particularly of the Igbo speaking
group.

The Arochukwu groups referred to as Eru by the Agila people are said to be
non-Igbo speaking origin2 which were violent slave raiders throughout the 19th
century.3 They were involved in the slave raiding of the Agila people during the
19th century period.

As slave trade gradually faded away among the people from the 1900
period particularly following the Igbo conquest of the 1895, it was the same
Arochukwu groups through their business partners that began the introduction of
European items as well other African items of advanced importance to the Agila
people. Some of the items were wider and bigger hoe blades, cutlasses, rare,
valuable and expensive corral beads which the Agila people refer to as akpana.
Other items were hot drinks, mats, mirrors, combs and most importantly cloths
known as Opotsi. They also introduced the use of manilas which the Agila people
refer to as Ije Ogologo as a medium of exchange.

Taxation

Taxation is the contribution of levies to the authority. This was not known
to the Agila people prior to the colonial era. Taxation in Agila began with the
usage of the British authority of people from the North.4 The Agila people refer to
them as Abakpa and they were predominantly Muslims. The British masters were
known to the Agila people as Ubeke, after the Dr. Willaim Beke, the first white
man that came to the area. The Abakpa people entered Agila Igumale using thr
road that linked the two societies during the pre-colonial period.

Taxation in Agila by these persons from the North was first begun with
minimal pressure in the early 20th century period when it began. The Agila people
were even glad about the development of tax and they were cooperative. The
reason for this gladness had been the explanation given by the first sets of tax
collectors. The explanation that led to the successful tax collection was that there
was going to be a population census. The population census according to them
was going to be part of a wider program that will checkmate the slave trade
activities of the Eru. The Agila people had no idea of the cause or course of the
slave trade so despite its fading activity and ensuing of trade relationship
between them and the Eru people, they believed it wasn’t over yet.

They were convinced by the tax collectors that the white man has come to
put an end to the missing of people into slavery. They had hence decided to
ascertain the number of people living in the community. Consequently, a punitive
measure was to be melted on offenders and communities that fail to meet up
with the levy by the white man.

For taxation to begin, the people from the North introduced the British
shillings which the Agila people refer to as ije iko ego. It was also with the coming
of the people from the North and their taxation activities that the Agila people
came to know much about the presence of the White man. It brought safer inter
relationship between the Agila society and her environs. It also prepared the
place for the introduction of the white man into Agila society which incidentally
came through Igbo land and was ceremoniously received by the leading age group
(owa) of the time known as the owa opanwa (opanwa age group) during the early
years of the second decade of the 20th century.

Notwithstanding, the major truth behind the introduction of taxes by the

British colonial government over the Agila society was the same as it was in other
societies of British control. It simply was the policy that colonized African societies
were to pay for the cost of colonial administration.

Road Construction

Road construction in Agila was part of the colonial activities for the proper
exploitation of African resources. It was a play along the colonial policy of fetching
the needed raw materials for metropolitan production markets from the colonies.

Roads constructed during the colonial period were the Agila roads that lead
colonial Agila society to her Igbo neighbours. The construction of the roads was
done with the removal of trees and the clearing of grasses. This was followed with
the leveling of the surface with hoes and finally ramming it with heavy logs of
woods. These roads were constructed with the instruction of the white man and
the supervision of Igbo supervisors. One of the most popular among these Igbo
supervisors was known as Nwagodogodo. The roads became known as ogwu
Nwagodogodo (Nwagodogodo’s road). And the construction became known as
okpagidigidi, an onomatopoetic name that was derived from the ramming
method and process of the road making.

At first the Agila people were pacified into participating in the construction
of these roads. But as time went on, the Agila people began posing resistance to
labour contribution towards the construction of the roads. The cause of this
resistance was due to issues of enormous taxation and glaring exploitation of
Agila resources such as palm products. This resistance led into forced labour and
practical colonial oppression.

Rail Construction

The railway that the Agila people were involved in its construction was that
between Enugu and Makurdi. The initial design of the railway was that it would
run from Enugu to Makurdi through Agila. This consideration by the colonialist
was because of the abundant farm and palm produce in the place. Some of the
slippers for the proposed rail line are still found in Okpakor clan. What changed
the plan remained unclear.

The Agila people participated in the Enugu to Makurdi rail line construction
of 1922 to 1924. Information shows that the Agila people were participants in the
construction of this rail line. They were manual labourers at the sites of this rail
line. Information has it that that one of the reasons for Agila participation in this
rail construction was to acquire British currency which was fast becoming the
major medium of exchange in the area. It was this railway that finally brought the
Agila people into extensive contact with the rest of her Idoma counterparts.

Monetization of Agila economy

Monetization entails the introduction of a modern economic system and

wage labour practice to replace trade by barter or other similar trade practices.
 Monetization in Agila colonial economy was practiced in the area of labour
as explained before now where the Agila people were involved in the
construction of the Enugu to Makurdi railway line for wages. Another precipitant
that got the Agila man involved in labour for wage was for him to meet up with
his tax payment.

This introduced means of satisfying certain needs during the colonial period
gave the Agila mode of production another dimension. The economy that used to
be very much of communal practice began to move to the dictates of western
mode of production with its bedrock of capitalism.

The Agila people began to see much reason and need for personal
prosperity than societal prosperity. With the economy still largely imbedded in
agriculture, the production of much cash products became the new system of
agriculture. This system led to the patronization of paid labour in the Agila
economy.

Agila economy began to gradually depend on the transaction of agricultural

products with external trade agents. These trade agents during this earliest period
largely came from the Eastern region. Items were mostly oil palm products and
yams. During this earliest period, the Agila society was part of the Eastern
province under Ogoja. By 1922, they were joined to the Okpoga court area. They
were later withdrawn to the Eastern province but were granted her own Native
Court under the Northern Province in 1935.5 The Agila District head was made to
be at the head of tax collection.

In the later period under the Northern Province and the increased
infiltration of colonialism on her economy, the Agila people became large
producers of oil palm products, yams, groundnuts and beneseeds. Other products
were cotton, Bambara nuts and grains such as millet and guinea corn. The
demand and production of oil products found Agila people planting more palm
trees. It also began to witness claims and ownership to palm tree clusters that
were formerly of communal and family ownership.
 The sale of these products exposed and saw Agila people increase their
attendance of markets situated in other societies. These markets include Okwo in
Igbo land which is now in present Ebonyi state, Eke in Eha-amufu which is now
located in present Enugu state. Others were the Effiong market called the Oja
Effiong and Egwu market in Igumale.

Challenges of the Colonial Economy

One of the challenges faced by the colonial economy of the Agila society
was road network and transportation generally. The people mostly bought and
sold internally. Market distances such as the Eke market could take two days to
get there. Most times, they get there to earn only a few pence.

The interaction of the Agila society with other society also brought with it
inflow of diseases such as the outbreak of cholera in 1916. There was also need
for more trade and agricultural education. The society also lacked the social and
welfare amenities to live up to the demands of the period.

Impact of Colonial Economy on the Agila People

Colonial economy has its lasting impact on the economy of the Agila
society. One of these impacts was the introduction of specialization. Prior to the
coming of colonial economy, the Agila people were involved in self-sufficiency
which had the process of universality of production by an individual. When
colonial economy set in, there came the need for specialization which in turn had
the consequence of more surpluses particularly for the satisfaction of colonial
market.

Another impact of colonial economy on Agila society was that it set the
foundation of a pre-capitalist society. Agila society became more concerned with
individual wealth rather than societal wealth. The society grew comparatively into
individual land ownership in a more complete sense. This further saw to the
introduction of paid labour and the individual ownership of resources.
 Colonial economy in Agila society witnessed the introduction of certain
foreign foods and crops. Some of these were rice and fruits such as oranges and
mangoes.

There was also the introduction of agricultural implements. Some of these

agricultural implements and tools were bigger hoes, cutlass of various sizes,
sickles and basins. There was also the introduction of fishing nets, hooks and line
as well as chemicals in the Agila fishing methods.
 ENDNOTES
1. NAK/MAK/1315 “History of Benue Province”. See also R. G Armstrong,
Idoma Speaking People, in Ford D. (ed), p.118
2. A. E Afigbo, “Igbo Land Before 1800”, in Obaro Ikime (ed), “Groundwork of
Nigeria History”, Ibadan, Nigeria, 1980, p.74
3. See more on the Arochuckwu and their economic activities in the Eastern
region of Nigeria in E. J Alagao, “The Eastern Niger Delta and the
Hinterland”, in Obaro Ikime (ed), p.259
4. Detail of the Muslim tax activities on the Middle Belt region of Nigeria as
supported by the British colonial government can be found in Moses
Ochonu, “Colonialism within Colonialism: The Hausa Caliphate Imaginary
and the British Colonial Administration of Nigeria Middle Belt”, African
Quaterly, 10, nos 2&3, 2008
5. R. G Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People, in Ford D. (ed), p. 119.
 CHAPTER SIX

Post-Colonial Agila Economy

Agriculture

Trade, Markets and Trade Routes

Constructing Trade Routes

Challenges of post-colonial Economy

The post-colonial period of Agila society would be placed from 1960 when
Nigeria got her independence. It is presumed all external control of the economy
of societies there within became independent of British control. For this book, the
discussion of Agila post-colonial economy covers from 1960 to the most
contemporary period of the writing of this book.

Following the independence of the country, agriculture was still the

mainstay of the Agila society among her other activities of crafts and industry. The
community continued to fend ahead in trade with her neighbouring societies too.
This trade was further developed and was enhanced with farther markets and
longer trade routes. In later periods, there was the introduction other economic
activities which the Agila people began to engage in such as the civil service and
public service.

Agriculture

Agriculture as pointed out above is the major post-colonial activity of Agila

society. Post-colonial Agila society developed on the inherited cash crop system of
agricultural practice. Land became more authentically assumed to be of individual
ownership than of the entire society. Post-colonial labour became largely
dependent on paid labour.
 Agriculture products during the post-colonial periods were yams, water
yams, cassava, potatoes, guinea corn, millets, maize, beneseeds among others
that can be found in the area today. Farming methods were also improved as the
people became more enlightened to agricultural practices particularly in most
contemporary times.

Agricultural implements used there on included cutlass, hoes, rakes, knives,

basins, and sickles among others that can be found in the place today. One of the
most contemporary discoveries by the Agila people is the use of chemicals such as
weedicides, pesticides and fertilizers to enhance production. Fishing implements
now include nets, hooks, lines and chemicals such as gamily 20.

Trade, Markets and Trade Routes

The origin of markets has already been discussed in chapter two of this
book. Trade as one of the major economic activities of Agila people particularly
during the post-colonial period was carried out in the market. Markets in Agila
today include Ogbozu, Orogbozu, Ore Ivetse and Nkwo Apa. Markets outside the
Agila society and patronized by the Agila people are Eke, Ore Eha, Inikiri, Odeke,
Egwu in Igumale, Idokpo and Rijo in Utonkon and Otukpo main market.

The importance of these markets to the economic and social lives of the
Agila people was much and they preserved the market days in the traditional
week system as was the case from the pre-colonial period. The market system as
earlier maintained was quite different from some Idoma societies which had
theirs similar to the Igbo people which were Nkwo, Eke, Ore and Afor accordingly.
The Agila and Igumale people on the other hand are unique with Ogbozu,
Orogbozu, Okonokpa, Egwu and Ulayi market days.

Besides the attending of markets on market days, the Agila people have a
market system known as ojao’ne that holds in the evenings. These ojao’ne holds
every evening. These markets were designed to make up for most necessary trade
in between market days of long distances. It has very lesser turnout as many
persons would prefer to wait for market days that fall either in the community.
Items sold in the ojao’ne are mostly soup items such as leaves, fish, pepper, salt
and other soup items.

It is important to note that despite the differences in different market days

system, they were no inconvenient market days clashes. Njokwu gives an insight
into the guiding principles. He mentioned that proximity of time is made to
dictate the separation in time. In explanation, he pointed out that markets
nearest to each other were designed not to hold on the same or consecutive
days.1

Following the clear patronization of other markets outside the community,

two types of market can be identified in the post-colonial Agila economy. These
are domestic and long distance trade. Domestic trades are trades within the
society. While the long distance trade is the trade that takes the Agila people out
of the society.

It is important to mention here that though it is the need for humans to do

all possible means to satisfy their needs and wants particularly of those things
which they cannot produce. In satisfaction of this quest, the Agila people continue
to patronize and discover new distant markets.

These markets and long distance trade generally is facilitated by links which
are referred to as trade routes. A trade route is referred to as logistical networks
and path ways used for commercial transport of goods, thereby allowing goods to
reach distant markets.

One of the post-colonial Agila major trade routes runs from the heart of the
community southwest to the Eke market in present Enugu State. The people
usually start the journey to this market a day prior to the Eke market day. The
night is then passed in one of the Agila hamlet of Ogbokwu and Ojocha among
others or by the roadsides in groups. Today, the Eke market journey is being done
on the market day due to the availability of means of transportation such as
motorcycles. Okwo market in Ekazzi-Ngbo of present Ebonyi State used to be
majorly patronized until the outbreak of hostilities in Benue/Ebonyi boundary
dispute which involve the Agila community.
 Another route stretches from Agila Apa-Agila to the Egwu market in
Igumale. The journey to this market was done in two days with spending of the
night in Apa. Today, improved means of transportation makes the journey
reduced to minutes.

Other trade routes also pass by Apa to the Inikiri market. Its route passes
through Ezza, Apa Ogbozu. This same market also leads to the Odeke market in
Ezza village. The Apa trade route also leads to the ore market in Ehah of present
Enugu State to the West.

One major patronized market by the Agila people in contemporary post-

colonial economy is the Otukpo main market. The market was easily considered
as it was everyday market and could provide for almost all the needs of the Agila
people. During the earliest period of Agila post-colonial economy, the route ran
from Agila through Apa, Igumale, Adiga, Ichama, Okpoga and Ugbokolo to
Otukpo. In 1979, the route was made to pass through Apa, Igumale, utonkon and
into Otukpo.

Construction of the Trade Routes

One of the first major roads that facilitated Agila post-colonial economy
was the agila – Otukpo road via Okpoga. The Agila people were involved in the
construction of this road from 1972 to the 1078 period. The road was done in
groups and along the Agila society from the main Agila town and through her sub-
urban town of Ivetse and Apa Agila. The Agila people did theirs and stopped
between the Agila – Igumale boundary where the Igumale people also stopped.
The road was done with each society constructing its own as it passes through
that society. Later on in 1979, the Otukpo – Agila via Utonkon was made by a
construction company.

The major economic items that were transported through this road were
yams and oil products. Others were garri, bananas and plantains. In economic
exchange, items such as wrappers and cloths found its way to the Agila society.

During the later period, there was the popular usage of Lorries and other
means of transportation. There was also the introduction of indigenous trading
agents. Some of these trading agents were located in Otukpo which will then send
their Lorries to get these items before shifting them to where they are needed or
would yield more profits.

Other minor roads such as the one between Agila people and her ezza and
Ehah neighbouring societies were controlled by societies in questions.

Challenges of Agila Post-Colonial Economy

One of the earliest problems of the post-colonial Agila economy was the
outbreak of the Nigeria civil war that began from 1967 to 1970. This is popularly
known as the Biafran war. It involved the Eastern part of the country that
attempted secession from the rest of Nigeria that was for “one Nigeria”.

Before the outbreak of the Nigeria civil war, however, Agila opened up
commercial contact with her neighbouring Igbo communities. Agila people
attended the markets of Okwo, Eha, Okpotriri, Nkalaha and others. The Igbo
people also attended Agila markets to buy and sell. They as well supplied bulks of
the labour needed for the farms.

The outbreak of this war had a lot of effect on the Nigeria economy. The
Agila society was the only society south of the Idoma that was badly hit by the
civil war. Information has it that the Agila people had to move up north for safety.
They moved leaving behind their agricultural products, land and other economic
valuables such as their pieces of gold and silver which the Agila people had begun
to gather known as Ije’enele and Ije’ogo.

The civil war was over in 1970 and they had to return. It was a complete
start for the Agila people. They still remember this period with pain. The period
was the hardest in their existence as they felt the greatest of their economic
depression during this period.

Another problem of the post-colonial Agila economy that strives into the
present is land dispute. The Agila people have continuously had land dispute
issues with their neighbouring Ngbo societies.2 This land dispute particularly in
particular has rendered the economy of the Agila people lame. The agricultural
activity which apparently is the foundation of the people’s economy is the worst
hit by this constant occurrence of upheavals. There is no security on farm paths
and on the farms as well.

Another problem facing post-colonial Agila economy is the use of

traditional implements. These traditional implements include hoes and cutlasses
as well as other crude implements. Agila major economy is agricultural activities.
Today, the availability of modern farm implements such as tractors has increased
production. Furthermore, agricultural education and knowledge of advanced
agricultural techniques have helped the improvement of agricultural production.
Yet the Agila society is comparatively lagging very far behind. Thus, the maximum
exploitation of land and other relative production is not achieved.

Agila is yet to involve in large scale farming which will involve the use of
tractors and other modern agricultural machines. The Agila people are still
majorly subsistence farmers despite the availability of arable land and abundant
labour. Economic trees such as mangoes and oranges are yet to be given
adequate commercial attention. Livestock farms such as poultry, fishery are yet
practiced in appreciable commercial quantity.

Prospects of Agila Economy

Presently, Agila economy is still facing the major challenges of land disputes
and comparative low agricultural output. It therefore becomes an objective of this
book to proffer possible solutions to improve the economy of the Agila people.

One of the primary solutions to the challenges of Agila economy should be

the settlement of the Benue/Ebonyi land disputes along Agila/Ngbo axis. Security
is primary precipitator for development. It gives room for settlement and
subsequent organization of the basic necessities of life and societal development.
Therefore government should be made to dive into the settlement of this dispute
so that the Agila people can enjoy relative peace and the promotion of their
economy.

Secondly, agricultural education and education on economic growth should

be made available to the Agila people. The end result of this would certainly be
positively enormous. It will certainly increase agricultural production and the
availability of surplus. This will of course register Agila society not among
subsistence societies but a contributor to food production and economic growth
of the country. Such education could be on the use of agricultural boosts such as
weedicides and pesticides as well as fertilizers. Others could be the enlightenment
on the need for agricultural cooperative societies.

Commercial livestock farming is also one of the major yielding aspects of a

society’s economy in contemporary times. The Agila people should embark on
animal husbandry on a commercial dimension.

Government and relative cooperative organization should provide

agricultural subsidy for the people. This subsidy could be in loans or the provision
of agricultural equipment and machines such as harvesters and planters. These
machines could be put on subsidized hiring for the people.

It is a fact that the discovery of coal and subsequently its exploitation led to
the urbanization and economic improve of the people in present Enugu State.
This is also the same with the communities in present Plateau State when tin was
discovered. There are traces of untapped mineral resources in Agila. These
natural resources are coal, petroleum, kaolin and limestone.
 ENDNOTES
1. O.N Njokwu, Economic History of Nigeria; 19th and 20th Century, p.85
2. Details of this land dispute and recommendations can be found in O.S
Adadu, Manual on Conflict Prevention and Resolution: “Towards Peace and
Peace in our Land” A Sober Reflection on Crises and Conflicts in Agila: The
Way Forward, Suncob Press, Otukpo, 2009
Oral Sources
Agu Otse, village elder, 73. Interviewed inApa-Agila, 18th January 2012

Egwurube Onoja, retired teacher, 62. Interviewed in Apa-Agila, November 8th

2011

Ikwebe Otsoge, village elder, 75. Interviewed in Apa-Agila, 13th December 2011

Obande Oja, teacher, 45. Interviewed in Apa-Agila, March 4th 2012

Oja Ogbiloja, civil servant, 38 years of age. Interviewed in Apa-Agila, March 4th
2012

Oredu Ogbu, teacher, 43 years of age. Interviewed in Apa-Agila, 12th February

2012

Sam Obande, civil servant, 46 years of age. Interviewed in Igumale, March 4th
2012

Written Sources
Adadu O.S., Manual on Conflict Prevention and Resolution: “Towards Peace and
Peace in our Land” A Sober Reflection on Crises and Conflicts in Agila: The Way
Forward, Suncob Press, Otukpo, 2009

Ake C., A Political Economy of Africa, Longman Group Limited, England, 1981

Armstrong R.G., Idoma Speaking People in D. Forde (ed), The Peoples of the Benue
Confluence, International African Institute, London, 1995

Carr E.H., What is History, Middlesex, Penguin, 1964,

Collingwood R.G., The Idea of History, London, Oxford University Press, 1997

Egwurube O.B., Agila History; Issues and Perspective, Brain Book, Markurdi, 2010

Gardinner P.C., Philosophy of History, The New Encyclopedia Britainica Vol./8,

Chicago, Cambridge University Press
Njokwu O.N., Economic History of Nigeria; 19th and 20th Century, Magnet Business
Enterprise, Nigeria, 2001

Obaro Ikime (ed), “Groundwork of Nigeria History”, Ibadan, Nigeria,

Ochefu Y. A and Okpe O. O, Idoma Pre-Colonial Economy, in Y. A Ochefu et al

(eds), A History of the Benue People, Aboki Publishers, Makurdi, 2007

Ochonu Moses, “Colonialism within Colonialism: The Hausa Caliphate Imaginary

and the British Colonial Administration of Nigeria Middle Belt”, African Quaterly,
10, nos 2&3, 2008

Polly Hill, ‘Some Characteristics of Indigenous West African Economic Enterprise’,

Economic Bulletin of Ghana, 6, 1962,

Unogwu O., Agila Moment of Truth, Idoma Landmark Series, Otukpo, 2000

Archival Sources
1980NAK/MAK/1315 “Benue Province”

NAK/MAK prof/1370 “Forestry Survey Tiv Division”

ABOUT THE BOOK
The economy of every society is the center piece of its survival. Therefore, an
understanding of a society’s economy goes a long way in exploring and giving
understanding of her other spheres of existence. A researched knowledge of the
economy of a society provides a tool for a prospective positive growth of that
society.

The book History of Agila Economy 1700 – 1900, speaks volume of the economic
activities and behaviour of the Agila people. These economic activities were
identified particularly in agriculture, trade, crafts and industry. This book also
covers the mode of production, geography and peopling of Agila.

The period used in this book covers from the settlement period of the Agila people,
through their colonization and into the most contemporary period.

Onoja Adotse is from Benue State. A graduate of the Department of History,

Benue State University. As a student, he held various responsibilities. He is the
author of Becoming a Genius (2011).

ISBN 978-2691-18-6