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To cite this article: Tariq Rahman (2004) Denizens of alien worlds: A survey of st udent s and
t eachers at Pakist an's Urdu and English language-medium schools, and madrassas , Cont emporary
Sout h Asia, 13:3, 307-326, DOI: 10.1080/ 0958493042000272212
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Contemporary South Asia 13(3), (September 2004) 307–326
RESEARCH NOTE
madrassas
TARIQ RAHMAN
ABSTRACT This Research Note surveys the major types of schools in Pakistan. These are
Urdu language-medium schools, madrassas (Islamic seminaries) and elite English language-
medium schools (both cadet colleges and private institutions). These schools are divided
according to the medium of instruction and curriculum, as well as on the basis of socio-econ-
omic class. While the English language-medium schools cater for the middle, upper-middle
and upper classes, the Urdu language-medium schools are aimed at the lower-middle and
working classes, and the madrassas provide education for poor, marginalized or very
religious people. The expenditure by society and the state on these institutions perpetuates
class divisions in Pakistan. Alarmingly, the world view of the students of these institutions,
especially the madrassas and private English language-medium schools, is so polarized on
issues of militancy (regarding Kashmir) and tolerance (of religious minorities and women)
that they seem to inhabit different, and violently opposed, worlds. In the future, this may be
a source of social instability, internal conflict and violence in Pakistan.
ISSN 0958-4935 print; 1469-364X online/04/030307-20 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd
DOI: 10.1080/0958493042000272212
TARIQ RAHMAN
and how this has hampered national cohesion and a sense of commitment to
unified policies. This article presents a survey of the three major types of school
education—Urdu-medium, English-medium (both private and cadet college), and
madrassas—with a view to examining how they function and what kind of
opinions, or worldview, their students have gained.
Methodology
The historical part of this article relies upon official Pakistan government
documents on education policy and published sources. Its description of the
condition of educational institutions at present comes from both published works
and unpublished sources, such as school budget statements, interviews of
teachers and administrators, and so on. The data on the family income of
students and faculty come from a small survey of 230 students and 100 teachers
of Urdu-medium schools undertaken in December 2002 and January 2003 (for
full details, see Appendix A). This is followed by the results of a larger survey
of 618 students and 243 teachers carried out from December 2002 to June 2003
in Urdu-medium schools, English-medium schools (including private institutions
and cadet colleges), and Sunni madrassas. This second survey seeks to ascertain
the views of students and faculty on controversial issues such as Kashmir, the
rights of minorities and women, and other sensitive topics (for full details, see
Appendix B).
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SURVEY OF STUDENTS AND TEACHERS IN PAKISTAN
Student
Level Number strength Teachers
309
TARIQ RAHMAN
Table 2. Student/teacher ratio and cost per pupil per year in the Urdu-medium
schools of Rawalpindi District (2003)
Just as the poorest children have the lowest enrolment in schools, they also
tend to drop out more than others. Thus, 53% of the poorest quintile dropped out
before completing class 6 compared with only 23% of the richest quintile.15
Many parents and teachers explain this failure rate as due to a lack of motivation
by students. However, if one considers the extremely harsh conditions at home
and the cruel treatment children receive at school, one wonders why more do not
drop out.
As far as we can ascertain, the teachers and students in Urdu-language schools
come from the working class and lower-middle class (see Table A2). Very few
families are in higher income brackets. However, note that, due to the social
stigma of poverty, over two-thirds of our small survey did not reveal their family
income. Based on their monthly income, most teachers in our survey also belong
to the lower-middle class (see Table A3). Unsurprisingly, those few families
where both spouses work enjoy a higher income that places them in the
upper-middle class.
Urdu-medium students, being from the upper-working-class and lower-mid-
dle-class backgrounds, are less exposed to Western discourses available on cable
television, in English books, and during conversations with peer group members,
family and friends who have been abroad. Also, most students in Urdu-medium
schools study the textbooks provided by the Textbook Boards of the provinces—
Punjab, Sindh, Northwest Frontier (NWFP), Balochistan—that constitute Pak-
istan. Ethnicity is denied so as to create a Pakistani identity. Although these
centrist policies have been resented by ethnic communities, still the textbooks
reinforce them.16 There is also much glorification of war and the military, and
many anti-Hindu and anti-India remarks are interspersed throughout the books.17
However, according to our main survey (see Tables B4 and B5), most students
and teachers at Urdu-medium schools do not support militant policies. Still,
more would support an open war with India than low intensity conflict in
Kashmir. This group of students and teachers are also quite intolerant of
religious minorities, although they do approve of men and women having equal
rights.
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SURVEY OF STUDENTS AND TEACHERS IN PAKISTAN
Madrassas
Madrassas are considered by many as the breeding ground of the Jihadi culture,
a term used for Islamic militancy in the English-language press of Pakistan.18
They also have been associated with the former Taliban rulers of Afghanistan,
some of whom were students of these schools, as well as with supporting
militancy in Kashmir. In India, madrassas have been attacked by Hindu
extremists who accuse them of creating hatred against non-Muslims.19
There were approximately 137 madrassas in West Pakistan before indepen-
dence in 1947.20 In April 2002, Minister of Religious Affairs Mahmood Ahmed
Ghazi put their figure at 10,000, with 1.7 million students.21 While madrassas
belong to the major Sunni and Shia sects of Islam, Pakistani Muslims are
predominantly Sunni, and this is reflected in the few numbers of Shia madrassas
(which includes three subsects; Deobandis, Barelvis and the Ahl-i-Hadith). The
revivalist Jamat-i-Islami also has its own madrassas. The number of madrassas
notably increased during the rule of General Zia ul Haq (1977–88). During the
Afghanistan War, the United States sent money, arms and ammunition through
Pakistan to help the mujahedeen combat the Soviet Union. Some of these funds
are said to have been used to support the madrassas. Later, presumably because
religiously inspired madrassa students infiltrated across the line-of-control in
Kashmir to fight the Indian Army, they were supported by Pakistan, specifically
the Inter Services Intelligence directorate (as both the Inter Services Intelligence
and madrassas deny these links, exact amounts of financial assistance cannot be
determined). However, the increase in the number of registered madrassas is
phenomenal, rising from 2002 in 1988 to 9880 in 2002. The Deobandi madras-
sas, the ones most closely allied to the Taliban, went up from 1779 to over 7000
in number.
While there is hardly any credible information available for the mostly
unregistered madrassas, those that are registered are controlled by their own
central organizations or boards (see Table 3). They determine the syllabus,
collect registration and examination fees, send examination papers in Urdu and
Arabic to the madrassas where pupils sit for examinations, and declare results.
Before Mulla Nizam Uddin (d. 1748) standardized the curriculum known as the
311
TARIQ RAHMAN
Similarly:
more than 80 percent of the madrassa students in Peshawar, Multan, and Gujranwala were
found to be sons of small or landless peasants, rural artisans, or village imams of the
mosques. The remaining 20 percent came from families of small shopkeepers and rural
laborers.23
Our small survey also showed that both students and teachers at madrassas
belong to the working class (see Tables A4 and A5). In Pakistan, the madrassas
are performing a vital role in the welfare of the poorer sections of society. They
provide free food, clothes, books, notebooks and even jobs (at least in mosques,
schools and other madrassas). Their influence on rural people and poorer
sections of the urban proletariat will continue to increase as poverty increases.
While Radd (Refutation) has always been part of the religious education in
Pakistan’s madrassas, only in recent years has it been blamed for the unpre-
cedented increase in the sectarian violence in the country. The inculcation of
sectarian bias is an offence and no madrassa teacher or administrator would
confess to teaching any text refuting the beliefs of other sects. Yet, that each
madrassa teaches its own maslak (interpretation of religion) makes their curricu-
lum by definition sectarian or subsectarian. For instance, when questioned
specifically about the teaching of the maslak, students in the final year at Jamia
Rizvia Zia ul Uloom (Barelvi) in Rawalpindi said that sometimes some teachers
recommended supplementary reading material specifically for the refutation of
the doctrines of other sects and subsects.24 The printed syllabi of a number of
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SURVEY OF STUDENTS AND TEACHERS IN PAKISTAN
sects also list books that refute the beliefs of other sects, as well as heresies
within the Islamic world.25 Pakistan’s madrassas also continue to refute chal-
lenges to the Muslim ideological space, especially from the West. For instance,
judging from its 2002 syllabus, the Jamat-i-Islami probably goes to great lengths
to make its students aware of Western domination, the exploitative potential of
Western political and economic ideas, and the disruptive influence of Western
liberty and individualism on Muslim societies.26
In an attempt to control religious extremism taught in madrassas, Pakistan
President General Pervez Musharraf’s military government passed the Voluntary
Registration and Regulation Ordinance 2002. This law, however, has been
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TARIQ RAHMAN
Table 4. Donations, student numbers and cost per student at selected cadet colleges of
Pakistan
Source: Information about donations and number of students supplied by the offices of the
respective institutions in 2003.
of President General Ayub Khan. In 1966, the students from less privileged
schools protested against these institutions. The government-appointed Com-
mission on Student’s Welfare and Problems agreed that such schools violated the
constitutional assurance that ‘all citizens are equal before law’.30 Nonetheless,
the Commission defended the institutions as the training schools of the future
leaders of the country and, as a result, cadet colleges multiplied. Today, the
army’s Fauji Foundation runs 88 secondary schools and four higher secondary
schools (the navy and air force administer similar institutions).
As Pakistan’s cadet colleges are subsidized by the state (see Table 4), they can
offer excellent boarding and lodging arrangements, spacious playgrounds, well-
equipped libraries and laboratories and faculty with masters’ degrees. While the
rates of tuition vary from rural to urban areas, and from category to category,
beneficiaries (retired military personnel) pay much lower fees for their children
than do civilians. For instance, The Military College Jhelum, a cadet college
administered by the army, charges its beneficiaries Rs.400 per month tuition and
its civilians Rs.1000. Whatever these differences, the financial advantages of
cadet colleges means that the children of both groups, as well as their teachers,
can continue to enjoy a high standard of living (see Tables A6 and A7).
As might be expected, the curriculum in Pakistan’s cadet colleges is vastly
different from that taught in madrassas. State control is higher; while their
textbooks are in English, they are mostly those recommended by the govern-
ment’s Textbook Boards. The teachers at cadet colleges, generally from the
middle class, expose students to anti-India and pro-military ideas. Also, as most
students are boarders, they are not exposed to the wider world of cable television
as are their elite school counterparts. Thus, children of cadet colleges, being less
exposed to Western sources of information and role models, are more supportive
of militant policies and denial of rights to minorities than are elite English-me-
dium children (see Table B4).
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SURVEY OF STUDENTS AND TEACHERS IN PAKISTAN
(although all are not of equal quality), and charge tuition fees of at least Rs.1500
per month. Their financial clout also allows them to reward faculty amply (see
Table A9).
As the aim of the elite English-language schools is to prepare students for the
British Ordinary (‘O’) level and Advanced (‘A’) level examinations, their
curriculum is much more international in outlook than any of the other types of
schools mentioned earlier. Their students read textbooks containing discourses
originating in other countries and, both at school and at home, are exposed to
cable television, dress, fiction and conversations with adults who themselves are
familiar with other countries. Children from such schools tend to be more
tolerant of the other, be it religious, the West or India, and less supportive of
militant policies in Kashmir than their counterparts in other schools (see Table
B4). Perhaps surprisingly, the—mostly female—teachers at these elite English-
language schools are neither as supportive of a peaceful foreign policy nor as
tolerant of religious minorities as their students (see Table B5). One explanation
for this is that the teachers belong to middle-class socio-economic backgrounds
whereas the students belong to more affluent and Westernized ones.
Conclusion
Pakistan’s educational system is stratified according to socio-economic class and
can be expressed roughly in terms of type of educational institution. The
madrassas cater for very poor children mostly from rural and urban working-
class localities. The Urdu-medium schools cater for lower-middle-class and
some middle-class children, while the elite English-medium schools cater for the
upper-middle class and above. The cost per student per year in these institutions
is perhaps the strongest indicator of the economic apartheid that prevails and is
supported by the state in the educational system of Pakistan (see Table 5).
The worldview of the students in these schools is so different from each other
that they seem to live in different worlds. The most acute polarization is between
the madrassa students and those at elite English-medium schools. The former are
deprived, but they express their anger—the rage of the dispossessed—via the
idiom of religion. This brings them in conflict with the Westernized elite, which
looks down upon them in contempt—although its most powerful members
315
TARIQ RAHMAN
in some madrassas)
Urdu-medium 2264.5 (only tuition) The state 2264.5
schools
Cadet colleges/public 90,061 (includes Parents and the state 14,171 (average of
schools tuition and all (average of six cadet five cadet colleges
facilities) colleges and one only)
public school)
English-medium 96,000 for ‘A’-level Parents None reported
schools (tuition only); 36,000 (except for the
for other levels provision of
(tuition only) subsidized land in
some cantonments)
continually legitimize their hold on the state apparatus in the name of Islam. The
state has strengthened the Islamic lobby itself by Islamizing education and
making the Kashmir dispute almost a matter of religion. Now that the state feels
obliged to reverse these policies, it is already facing resistance from the Islamic
lobby. This may increase if madrassa-educated young men are marginalized
even further while remaining both poor and armed.
The majority of the students from the Urdu-medium stream are also alienated,
both from their madrassa as well as English-medium counterparts. In socio-
economic terms, they belong roughly to the same class as the madrassa students
but their training is different and, hence, their views are also different. Moreover,
not sharing the Westernization and the wealth of the English-medium students,
they are alienated from them as well, and have a vague sense of having been
cheated.
These differences in views and dissatisfaction among Pakistan’s students do
not augur well for nation-building or cohesion. They have a divisive potential
along class lines that will probably be expressed in a nationalistic and religious
idiom in any future crisis. Also, if government spending continues to favour the
armed forces and the elite (virtually one and the same), social sector funding will
suffer. Indeed, this has already occurred, and both religious extremists and ethnic
nationalists have tried to fill the vacant space. If the armies of the unemployed
and the marginalized are not to be increased to the point where they become
unmanageable, the state should invest in the poor. Pakistan’s best investment
316
SURVEY OF STUDENTS AND TEACHERS IN PAKISTAN
would be to create a fair and just education system that promotes tolerance,
human values and nation-building.
chapter 7.
5. For information on English-language schools in Pakistan in terms of language teaching and world-view,
see Tariq Rahman, Language, Ideology and Power: Language-learning Among the Muslims of Pakistan
and North India (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002).
6. Government of Pakistan, Report of the Commission on National Education (Karachi: Ministry of
Education, 1959).
7. Government of Pakistan, The New Education Policy (Islamabad: Ministry of Education, 1970).
8. Government of Pakistan, The Education Policy 1972–1980 (Islamabad: Ministry of Education, 1972).
9. Government of Pakistan, National Education Policy (Islamabad: Planning Commission, 1992).
10. Government of Pakistan, National Education Policy 1998–2010 (Islamabad: Ministry of Education: 1998).
11. Kaiser Bengali, History of Education Policy Making and Planning in Pakistan (Islamabad: Sustainable
Development Policy Institute, 1999).
12. See, for instance, Government of Pakistan, Qaumi Committee Barae Deeni Madaris [Urdu] (Islamabad:
Ministry of Religious Affairs, 1979); and Government of Pakistan, Deeni Madaris Ki Jame Report [Urdu]
(Islamabad: Islamic Education Research Cell, Ministry of Education, 1988).
13. Field research carried out in 2002–2003 (Appendix B).
14. Government of Pakistan, Pakistan Integrated Household Survey Round 4: 2001–2002 (Islamabad: Federal
Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division, 2002), p 17.
15. Ibid., p 15.
16. See Tahir Amin, The Ethno-National Movements of Pakistan (Islamabad: Institute of Policy Studies,
1988); Tariq Rahman, Language and Politics in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1996); and
Feroz Ahmed, Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998).
17. See K. K. Aziz, The Murder of History in Pakistan (Lahore: Vanguard 1993); and Rubina Saigol,
Knowledge and Identity: Articulation of Gender in Educational Discourse in Pakistan (Lahore: ASR
Publication, 1995). For a comparison between the history textbooks of India and Pakistan, see Krishna
Kumar, Prejudice and Pride: School Histories of the Freedom Struggle in Pakistan and India (New Delhi:
Penguin Books India, 2001).
18. See, for instance, P. W. Singer, ‘Pakistan’s madrassas: ensuring a system of education not jihad’ Analysis
Paper 14, November 2001, http://www.brookings.edu/views/papers/singer/20020103.htm, accessed 4
February 2004; Ahmed Rashid, Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia (London:
I.B. Taurus, 2000), pp 191–192; and Hussain Haqqani, ‘Islam’s medieval outposts’, Foreign Policy No.
133, December 2002, pp 58-64.
19. Yoginder Sikand, ‘Indian state and the madrassa’, Himal, September 2001, http://www.himalmag.com
accessed 4 February 2004.
20. Jamal Malik, Colonization of Islam.
21. International Crisis Group, Pakistan: Madrassas, Extremism and the Military (Islamabad/Brussels:
International Advisory Group Asia), Report No. 36, 29 July 2002.
22. Singer, op cit, Ref. 18.
23. Mumtaz Ahmad. ‘Continuity and change in the traditional system of Islamic education: the case of
Pakistan’, in Craig Baxter and Charles H Kennedy (eds), Pakistan 2000 (Karachi: Oxford University Press,
2000).
24. Many ulema and most students of madrassas did not want their interviews to be recorded by name. Those
who allowed their names to be mentioned are: Mohammad Hussain, interview with the Nazim-e-Daftar of
Jamiat us Safia’, Islamabad, 13 December, 2002; and Mohammad Iqbal Zafar, interview with the Head of
Jamia Rizvia Zia ul Uloom, Satellite Town, Rawalpindi, 26 December, 2002.
25. For examples, see, for instance, Government of Pakistan 1988, op cit, Ref. 12.
26. Ralta-tal-Madaris: 2002 syllabus, Mansurah, Lahore.
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TARIQ RAHMAN
318
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Table A2. Family income of Urdu-medium school students (rupees per month)
Rs.50,000– Above
Source Up to Rs.5000 Rs.5001–10,000 Rs.10,001–20,000 Rs.20,001–50,000 100,000 Rs.100,000 Total
Note: * Out of 230 respondents, only 135 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 230
Table A3. Family income of Urdu-medium school teachers (rupees per month)
Rs.50,000– Above
Source Up to Rs.5000 Rs.5001–10,000 Rs.10,001–20,000 Rs.20,001–50,000 100,000 Rs.100,000 Total
Note: * Out of 100 respondents, only 94 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 100
respondents, only 18 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.
319
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TARIQ RAHMAN
Table A4. Family income of Madrassa students (rupees per month)
Note: * Out of 142 respondents, only 77 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of
142 respondents, only three chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.
Note: * Out of 27 respondents, only 18 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 27
respondents, only one chose to answer this question and the percentages are for this respondents only.
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Table A6. Family income of cadet college/public school students (rupees per month)
Rs.50,000– Above
Source Up to Rs.5000 Rs.5001–10,000 Rs.10,001–20,000 Rs.20,001–50,000 100,000 Rs.100,000 Total
Table A7. Family income of cadet college/public school teachers (rupees per month)
Rs.50,000– Above
Source Up to Rs.5000 Rs.5001–10,000 Rs.10,001–20,000 Rs.20,001–50,000 100,000 Rs.100,000 Total
Note: * Out of 51 respondents, only 50 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 51
respondents, only six chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.
321
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TARIQ RAHMAN
Table A8. Family income of English-medium school students (rupees per month)
Rs.50,000– Above
Source Up to Rs.5000 Rs.5001–10,000 Rs.10,001–20,000 Rs.20,001–50,000 100,000 Rs.100,000 Total
Note: * Out of 116 respondents, only 35 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 116
respondents, only 15 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.
Table A9. Family income of English-medium school teachers (rupees per month)
Rs.50,000– Above
Source Up to Rs.5000 Rs.5001–10,000 Rs.10,001–20,000 Rs.20,001–50,000 100,000 Rs.100,000 Total
Note: * Out of 65 respondents, only 54 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 65
respondents, only 10 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.
SURVEY OF STUDENTS AND TEACHERS IN PAKISTAN
Survey questionnaires
The questionnaires used in our survey for students and teachers are reproduced here. Please note that while
part 1 is different for students and teachers, part 2 (on opinions) is exactly the same for both. The results for
part 2 are collated for students and teachers (see Tables B4 and B5).
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English-medium 18 47 65
Cadet college/public schools 51 0 51
Urdu-medium 42 58 100
Madrassas 27 0 27
Grand total 138 105 243
English-medium 62 52 116
Cadet college/public schools 130 Nil 130
Urdu-medium 123 107 230
Madrassas 142 Nil 142
Grand total 457 159 618
Note: In the case of madrassas, the age range is higher because some of the sanvia class groups
had older boys who had joined the seminary late.
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TARIQ RAHMAN
What is your average total monthly income (write income from all sources such as tuition, publications,
consultancies, rent etc.
What is the medium of instruction of the school in which your children study (or studied)?
What was medium of instruction of the school in which you studied most?
Part 1: for students only
DO NOT WRITE YOUR NAME TO ENSURE SECRECY. WRITE THE NAME of your SCHOOL with
medium of Instruction.
age.
Class
Sex (1) Male (2) Female
What is the occupation of your father? Give his rank, title, occupational status; salary; grade; income from all
sources etc?
What is the occupation of your mother? Give her rank, title, occupational status, salary, grade, income from
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SURVEY OF STUDENTS AND TEACHERS IN PAKISTAN
Cadet
Urdu- English- Colleges/
Abbreviated medium medium Public
question Response Madrassas schools schools schools
325
TARIQ RAHMAN
Cadet
Urdu- English- Colleges/
Abbreviated medium medium Public
question Response Madrassas schools schools schools
326