CHAPTER - I

SPATIAL DEVELOPMENT THEORIES ; A REVIEW OF LITERATURE

*A selected literature review of the work in the field

of spatial development theories arid their relationship is

attempted in this chapter. The discussion rests on the

assumption that if the growth pole theory is to provide a

basic source for the framing of effective and feasible

policies in tackling regional imbalances and economic

development then much may have to be known about the different

characteristics of growth poles, how they occur in Geographic

space, why and where they are located, how they grow and what

is their impact on the sorrounding areasv

„_gional problems are common to every nation through

out the world, but these problems are of various kinds and

severity in terms of their social and economic repercussions.

The strategies adopted to solve these problems also are

varied depending upon the means and tools available and

persued for implorientation of various policies within

different socio-economic systems, political administrative

constraints and on the theoretical foundations upon which

these policies are based.

 2

These regional problems are mainly due to changes in

geographical situations, which are often referred to as spatial

and locational differentiation in distribution of natural

/

resources, population densities, changes in relative distances

caused by lack of development of transport and communication.

Most of the policies designed to tackle these problems

by the government and the planners, at least in India, have

not measured up to their task in their proposal to develop a

plan for a spatial system, in which the problems of the people,

in gaining access to needed goods and services are minimised.

Not much has been done in selection of right locations of the

institutional units which provide these facilities, although

there has been a widespread speculation that improving access

to important services would facilitate development,

spatial structure in most of the developing regions,

has yet to be evolved, where a hierarchy of service centres

exists. In vast rural areas in the developing countries,

individual villages cannot be expected to provide full range

of necessary services but identification of places which might

become the focus of development and serve the local areas, could
solve the problem to a large extent.;

I
 3

Our failure in this respect could be due to inadequacy

f

in defining theoretical bases for policies and thus not capable

of applying these concepts to meaningful empirical tests. A

better understanding of various themes and concepts of spatial

%

development theories, from all perspectives may be a significant

step in tackling the overwhelming problems faced by the develop­

ing and underdeveloped countries of the Third World.

A viable strategy of spatial development could be

constituted in a more general theory by integrating theories

of central place systems and geographical diffusion with that

of growth pole.

Herman sen points out that - "a key problem in formulation

of a-general theory of development is, therefore, to establish

the relations between these two bodies of theories"^. He also
%

draws attention to the recent efforts to integrate these theories

by different workers.

'concept of Growth Pole

f
^ Sj

Growth poles, also called development poles, gained

t

popularity both among academicians and planners, since

1. Hermansen,T.(1972 a), "Development poles and related

- theories! A synoptic review", in N.M.Hansen, (ed.),
Growth Centres in Regional Economic Development,
New York, The Free Press, p.165.
 4

three decades, merely due to the fact that this concept of

poles could help to decentralise economic activity and provide

guidelines for the framework of policies to solve the regional

inequalities. This is evidenced by a number of studies in

recent years, which have employed this concept, both in developed

and underdeveloped countries to trace out spatial patterns for

equalisation of economic activity. Most of the countries in

the world, of which Soviet Union, United States of America,

India, Japan, Pakistan, Kenya and Chile have been making wide­

spread use of these concepts.

It is well accepted, that when Perroux (1955) introduced

this concept (P&Le de Croissance) he based his observations on

the process of economic development mainly concerned with

economic systems. The differences in growth was first observed

by him and subsequently recognised by others. He stated that

^growth does, not appear everywhere at the same times it mani­

fests itself at points or poles of growth, with varying inten­

sities, it is diffused through out the whole economy by various

2
channels and with differing overall effects" .. The implications

of this.statement perhaps, was the reason for Increasing interest

in developing the growth'-pole concept, however, since then the

concept has been considerably broadened to be applied.

2 Perroux,F (1955), 'Note sur la notion de p6le de

croissance. Economic Applique, Vol.8 (1-2), pp.207-320
as translated in D.L.McKee et al., (eds) (1970), Regional
Economics, New Yorks The Free Press, pp.93-104.
 5

Explanations of framework of regional economic

growth reveal that most of these are devoid of any spatial

dimensions. Yet, we know that no economic activity is located

at a place with no spatial dimensions.

*

Perrouk (1955) did not consider the spatial aspects of

development in its real geographical sense. He derived his

concept inductively to describe the structure of economic

development in an economic space, though in his earlier work,

he discussed different types of economic spaces and wrote -

//''"there are as many spaces as there are structures which define
3
an object1^^^ An object whether economic, organisational or

geographic, could be studied in one of the following spaces

which he defined as "...(1) Economic space defined by a plan

(2) Economic space defined by field of forces and (3) Economic

space defined by homogeneous aggregate" 4 . In his subsequent

discussion he states ;that when economic space is defined by

field of forces, the space is then, a collection of centres

(poles or foci) and is a place of forces from which centri-
f

fugual forces would emanate and centripetal forces attracted.

He makes a strong plea for the use of economic space, though

he does not altogether rejects geographic space and uses this

as synonymous with ‘geonomic* and 'banal* spaces.

3. Perroux,F (1950), "Economic Spaces Theory and Applica­

tions", Quarterly Journal of Economics, 6, p«r91.

4. Ibid., p-96.
 Perrouk (1955) in presenting his concept of growth

pole, began his argument to search an explanation to see how

the process of economic growth differs from that of stationary

circuit of Gustav Cassel.5 He then stresses that the changes
i

were due to adoption of invovations of the kind described by

Schumpeter (1949) by the key nodes. These innovations, accord­

ing to Perroux, were driving force of development and were »

easily adopted at the foci of field of forces.

Emergence of a developmental pole largely depended on

the inter industry linkages according to Perroux. He considers

that the effects of dominance .• consists of an irreversible

or partially reversible influence exercised by one unit upon
_ _ _

another. An economic unit exercises this effect by reason of

its dimension, its negotiation strength and the nature of its

activity or because it belongs to a zone of dominant activity."^

Dominance of an industry is taken to exert strong backward and

forward linkages, mainly due to modern products, the industry

produces and their rising demand,

A backward linkage dominating industry is the leading

industry (industries motrice) as it determines the expansion

5. Perroux,P (1955), Op.cit, Quotes G.Cassel's (1927)

Theoretische Sozialokonomic, 4th ed., Leipzig.

6 Perroux,P (1955), Ibid., p.102.

 7

induced in its dependent industries and forward linkages

industry would be the one which would depend on the other

industries for its own expansion, and through these linkages

the industry would transmit forward the innovations or effects

of innovations.

The clusters described by Perroux constitute industrial

complexes, and the core of this industrial space would be

propulsive industries, which are relatively new, working on

advanced technology with rapid increasing demand for their

products and those which will be able to generate, adopt and

transmit innovations, throughout their sphere of influence.

Thus, the concept of a development pole as envisaged

by Perroux could be summarized as an aggregation of propulsive

<
industries of generating spread effects in the region of their

occurrencel

Lasuen. points out that in Perroux*s framework, basic

definitions and hypotheses ought to be answered much more

explicitly as he leaves them imprecise, incomplete and partly

7
erroneous. ^

7. See Lasuen, J.R.(1969), 'On Growth Poles' Urban Studies,

Vol.6, 1969, Repr.in Growth Centres in Regional Economic
development, in Hansen, N.M.(ed) (1972) New Yorks Free
. Press, pp.49, for his comments on Perroux.
 8

Perroux, no doubt uses the term pole to describe the

dominant nodes, but his explanation of a growth pole's emergence,

especially where it grows, is of adequate generality, which he

developed without any explicit reference to geographic space,

Moseley (1974) cautions that it is wrong on our part to concl­

ude at any geographical interpretation of the terms 'growth

pole' and 'everywhere' which Perroux used, and maintains that

Perroux had a very comprehensive view of space. The problems

arise when we treat these as geographical entities? they may

, not be valid for all geographic analysis.

A majority of studies on growth poles that followed

Perroux, visualised growth pole as having a spatial setting,

but the approach was on the same lines as Perroux, until

Boudeville (1966) gave it a regional content as opposed to the

view, that pole is just a cluster of firms in industrial space.

Boudeville found that economic space and geographic space are

interlinked through functional transformations and explained

these transformations in relation to the three economic spaces,

defined as planning, polarised and homogeneous regions.

Polarised region is of relevance to the concept of region which

he described as a region which is dominated by a node or a centre

both economically, functionally and socially, this spatial orie­

ntation was emphasised by Boudeville as "... it would be prefer­

able to describe poles as geographical agglomeration of activities

f
<,
< »
 9

rather than as a complex systems of sectors different from the

national matrix ... In short, growth poles will appear as

towns possessing a complex of propulsive industries^" 8

Where in he gave more*importance to the geographical aspect of

<

growth pole, Boudeville gave a geographical interpretation of

growth poles, but this made the concept a little complex, as

this would involve polarisation in both geographic as well as

functional or economic space, although, such a concept enhances

the possibility of planning the economic integration of geogra-

t

phic spaces.

Having extended the Perrouxian concept into geographical

space, the next question is to see, to what extent does this

interpretation conforms to the geographical dimensions of the

real world,

Hermansen (1972 a) and others stress that not every

centre or" a nodal region could be qualified to be called a

development pole. Only those centres which contain the pro­

pulsive industries, as described by Perroux, i.e large scale

technically advanced, innovating, dominating, with a high

market capacity and inducing growth into linked industries,

8, Boudeville, J.R. (1966) Problems of Regional Economic

Planning, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, p.112.

i
t
 10

could be called growth poles. If true growth poles must

contain these terms, then Moseley argues that this would

reduce the number of growth poles to a very small number and

have dangerous implications on regional planning. This would

lead way to policy formation of grouping together growth pole-

firms and industries with the belief that they will necessarily

engender localised development, he calls them "Cathedrals in the

desert." In many cases, with no concomitant industries. Moseley

continues his argument by saying that "growth pole model in

geographical theory is to treat it as an anologue model, that

is to accept, as implied by Perroux, that its tenets are mainly

applicable in economic and organisational space, but to examine

them closely to see if they could provide stimulating hypothesis

for translation to the geographical dimension." g Thus, drawing

our attention towards the urban centres in the nodal regions

and their role in development planning is necessary, particularly

in underdeveloped countries where urban areas are already over

congested.

<£/^Paelinck opines that "the growth pole theory when

applied to geographical space should be regarded as a conditional

theory of regional growth that establishes conditions under which

9 Moseley,M.J. (1974), Growth Centres in Spatial Planning

Oxford: Pergamon Press, p.5.
 11

accelerated regional economic growth may occur,

Growth poles to be used as a means to solve regional

problems, to an optimum, in geographical space, calls for a

greater attention towards better understanding of character!- ■

sties of growth poles, and their explanation of what should be

their actual areal extent, size in terms of population, their

distribution, their role in connectivity and their potentiality

to adopt innovations and their dominance. Of the studies that

focus on these characteristics a review of different definitions

and ideas on growth poles and centres is dealt by Moseley(1973)

where he (graphically displays the assemblage of names and notions

that sorrounds the concept of growth pole and the growth centre.

There is also differences of opinion among the authors about

nature of development and population size of centres^ The

terminology pertaining to the concept of growth pole in general

0 i

is very confusing, there is a bewildering assemblage of terms

like growth centres, growth areas, growth points, growing points,

development nuclei, core areas, growth corridors etc. This

semantic confusion has been documented by Darwent (1969),
Hansen (1967), Berry (1972) and Lasuen (1969) along with others.

10. Paelinck,J.(1965), La theorie du development regional

polarise, Quoted here after T.Harmansen (1972b), Develop­
ment poles and development centres in national and
regional development, in A.R.Kuklinski (ed)(1972) Gwoth
Poles and Growth Centres in Regional Planning, The Hague
Mouton, p.29.
 12

Darwent calls for a rigid definition of growth poles

and growth centres and differentiates between them as, former

to use only in economic space to describe a propulsive firm

and latter to define a geographical entity. However, it

seems that this distinction is not universally accepted. He-

✓
gives some guidelines to define these and refers to growth
centre as*|^\! .. central pole structure, which will maximise

the inter dependency of the peripheries of each polarised

region with its respective centre by gathering flows from the

periphery and directing them up through the hierarchy and by

bringing the benefits of urban life to the smallest centres.

Hansen argues that the reason for this conceptual

ambiguity is that the growth pole is not viewed in right

perspective and the theory is badly in need of semantic re­

working. ^As Hansen puts it "... the same nominal concepts are'

employed in the context of abstract, non geographic space, at

other times in the context of certain more or less well defined

geographic area, and yet at other times in a fashion which

indiscriminately mingles abstract and geographic space in the

same context." The semantic reworking is needed because "...

f

the concept and the language which characterize it need more

11. Darwent,D.F. (1969), "Growth poles and Growth centres in

regional planning - A review", Environment and Planning,!.
p.14.
 13

precise definitions and more consistent usage... In general,

then, greater emphasis in conceptual clarity is needed if the

development pole theory is to provide tools for more operat-•

ionally feasible regional developmental models 12

Berry finds the concept sadly deficient, he states

"... role played by growth centre in regional development is

a particular case of general process of innovations, diffusion,

and therefore, that the sadly deficient theory of growth centre

can be enriched by turning to be the better developed general

case." 13 In a way he stresses the needof diffusion process to

be combined with theories of geographical diffusion, and then

suggests a model which could be helpful in studying fields of

'household innovations' taking the example of T.V. sets, for

the United States.

An admirable work on the present problem is presented

by Hermansen (1972 a,b) where he finds the critical limitations

of different theories and how well they can be combined. He

studies the growth process and concludes optimistically about

the possibilities of applying growth pole concept to developing

areas.

12. Hansen,N.M*(1967), 'Development Pole theory in a regional

context," Kyklos,20, p.724.

13. Berry, B.J.L.(1972), 'Hierarchical diffusions The basis

of development filtering and spread in a system of Growth
Centres,' in N.M.Hansen (ed),(1972), Op.cit, p.108.
 14

Thomas (1974) in his paper, 'The regional problem,

structural change and growth pole theory,1 finds a number of

deficiencies in the body of the growth pole theory especially

the inadequate treatment and the spatial aspects of economic

growth and structural changes, but feels that when this is

remedied, growth pole theory could provide to be an important

tool in policy making.

Parr (1973 a) also calls for modifications to the concept

especially when translated to geographic space. He suggests

that inter-regional and intra-regional approach be adopted.

^^The identification of growth centres is also not very

satisfactory; Hansen (1967) feels that the growth centre in its

present state does not provide specific criteria for identify­

ing the location of relevant urban centres, their optimum siae

and the quantum of investment* This view is also supported

Friedmann and Alonso when they state that "... the decision

where to locate a new project is as important as the decision

to invest in it."

In India, Misra (1972) also stresses the need to refine

and reworks the concept of growth pole and expresses that it

14. Friedmann, J. and Alonso.W. (1964), Regional development

and Planning - A Reader, (ed.). The MIT, Press, Mass*
p.l.
 15

should be established empirically.

There are number of studies 15 both in developed and

developing countries which draw attention to the aspect of

identification of growth centre and view the whole concept as

a general framework for recognising the complex inter-relation­

ships existing between economic structure of growth and spatial

or ganis ation

Central Place Models of Spatial Organisation

The answer to the question how population and economic

activity is distributed over the surface of the earth, was

perhaps first given by Christaller (1933) and Losch (1954),

the. German locational theorists who presented theoretical

models, explaining the distribution pattern of settlements and

their relationships with their serving areas. The central

place theory, to this day remains the most fundamental and

most frequently cited work in spatial development studies.

15. For example See, Mathur.O.P. (1973), Growth Poles and

Growth Centres in Regional Development: A Bibliography,
Exchange Bibliography, No.387, Monticello: III Council
of Planning Librarians and also, Davy, B.W.(1973),
Annotated Bibliography on Growth Centres, Exchange
Bibliography No.374-375, Monticello, III Council of
Planning librarians.
 16

Central place theory, as proposed by Christaller (1933)

consists of a hierarchical class system based on functional

complexity. The theory, deductively derived, consists of

regular arrangement of central places in a triangular lattice,

in such a way that each centre is sorrounded by a hexogonal

market area and it ensures that the service areas coming under
'central places, are served most efficiently.

The central place is placed in the centre of the service

area, and here can be seen Von Thunen's (1826) original propos­

ition.

Hexogonal market area for the central places was

envisaged by Christaller as it would help closest nesting and

avoid overlapping or leftover spaces. Losch (1963) explains

this principle by quoting the example of brewing industry.

The triangular lattice of central places followes five

simplified assumptions (a) "There must be an unbounded is­

otropic plane with homogeneous distance of purchasing power

(b) Central goods must be purchased from the nearest central

place (c) all of the plane must be served by a central place,

that is, the trade areas must completely fill in the plane,
(d) consumer movement must be minimised and (e) no excess

profits may be earned by central places."

16 Haggett,P, (1975), Geography: A Modern synthesis,

New York, p.364.
 17

Christaller (1933) gave three alternative principles

to define his spacing rules. The market area in size increases

in terms of physical extent from the smallest size to the

largest by a constant factor which he termed as 'K'. This 'K'

i

could also be defined as the total number of settlments served

by a central place including itself. In a hexogonal system,

where K=3, is called the market principle, here each central

place serves 2 other lower order places plus itself in order

to save competition (See Fig.1.1). When transport cost is

considered to be important, the 'K* value is 4 and is called

the traffic principle, where along the cheapest route between

two major centres are located a large number of lower order

centres. In case of administrative principle, K=7 where a

central place has administrative control over all the six of

the sorrounding dependent places following a rule of seven.

Losch (1963) uses the same basic hexagonal unit but

starts with the definition of the market area of the lowest

order goods and then goes on to locate the sites of the

successively higher order goods as opposed to Christaller who

started with the higher order goods.

Lo‘sch does not keep the *K' values constant? he

regards the fixed 'K' assumption as a special case and uses

 18

CLASSICAL MODELS OF CENTRALPLACE THEORY

MARKETING PRINCIPLE

arrangement nesting transport routes

TRANSPORT PRJNCIPLE

ARRANGEMENT NESTING TRANSPORT ROUTES

•; ADMINISTRATIVE PRINCIPLE

ARRANGEMENT NESTING TRANSPORT ROUTES

AFTER CHRISTALLER (1933)

Fig. 1-1
 19

all the possible hexagonal solutions to construct hierarchies.

LcJsch does not stick too rigidly, like Christaller, to the rule

that all central places of particular order have the same funct­

ions and all the next higher order central places have the

functions of the smaller order settlments in addition to their

t

own. This helped him to come out with almost a continuous

sequence of central places and not distinct tiers like that of

Christaller.

Another point at which Losch's model differs with that

of Christaller is that the various nets of markets are arranged,

keeping the central point fixed; the centre of production is

common for the whole plane. This point enjoys all the advantages

of a large local demand, next these nets are rotated to yi61d

maximum concentration of activities into the single centre

which provides all the functions with six 'centres rich* sector

and six 'centres poor' sectors radiating from the Centre (Seem

Fig.1.2-12,13). According to Losch- "This arrangement does

not deprive any place of its access to every product, and at

the same time provides for the best lines of transportation." 17

17, Losch,A. (1963), 'The nature of economic regions,"

Southern Economic Journal, 29, pp.71-76. Repr.in
J.Friedmann and W.Allonso (eds),(1964), Regional
Development - A Reader, The MIT Press, Mass. pp.107-115,
Pages pertaining to Losch (1963) are with reference to
this reprint, p.171.
 AUGUST LOSCH: THE NATURE OF ECONOMIC REGIONS

. net proper Belt district

*-vj(baKeries)(colton gm&cga^rom
(10)C SYSTEMS OF NETS. r-i b (11
Q LAMA \S30 ENGLAND l*"°
MINIMUM DISTANCE OF MINIMUM DISTANCE OF
TOWNS WITH a*-300-1000
b -1000-4000

INDIANAPOLIS CIOO KM J»
THEORETICAL PICTURE LIKE FIG 12 ONLY NETS OMM1TED

Fig. 1*2 AFTER L0SCH (1953)

i
 21

The strict uniform spacing of central places at each

level of hierarchy is the major conclusion of Christaller

and this basic statement of his is most widely criticised.

18
Most of the studies on central place suggest that central

place theory must stand ready to shed its geometrical bonds as

central place of each rank varies rather widely from the normal

order of expectancy. Results from Iowan study. Berry et al.,

(1963) point out although nesting may occur in practice it may

be more irregular than Christaller's model suggests.

Christaller recognised that population alone cannot be

a true measure for measuring the importance of a central

place. So he used the number of telephones, which are used

for business, as a reliable index of centrality. Many studies

based on function centrality have been taken up since then,

to measure centrality, threshold and range of central functions.

/
Smailes pioneer work of 1944 classified all the urban

centres in England and Wales based on multiple indicators like

banking, education, medical, retail trading etc. Green (1948)

used bus services and Carruthers (1957) concerned his study

with the relationships between town and country side, in

England and Wales, again, and postulated hierarchy with four

18. For example Parr,J.B/(1973 b), "Structure and Size of

Urban System of Losch", Economic Geography, 46,
pp.185-212.

\
 22

order of functions. Bracey (1962) used scoring method,

making use of four groups of provisions and the same he

strictly applied to rural service centres. Berry and Garrison

X1958) reviewed the central place research and concluded that

evidence was available regarding general theoretical implicat­

ions. Dacey (1966) used probability method to study centrality,

Parr (1978) investigated a central place model with a greater

generality and offered a more accurate basis for the descri­

ption and analysis of actual central places.

Vinning (1955) attacked the fixed 'K1 concept.

Preston (1971) points out that central place theory has yet tor

be applied in classicial forms. Tarrant (1973) devised a

rapid and simplified way for finding all possible 'K* net

works.

Only a few studies in the developing countries were

carried out. Gunawardena (1964) suggested a four-tier hierarchy

for Southern Ceylon and AbiOdun (1967) derived a correlation

matrix as an alternative method to weightage system in a

developing country.

In India the works of Misra et al., (1974), Rao(l983),

Sen (1971) and Bhat (1969) needs a mention who have dealt, the

theoretical aspects of central place.

 23

Theories of Growth Transmission

One of the essential problems of economic dynamics in

the spatial context is to know how does the economic change

diffuse from one place to another, from a developed to a an

undeveloped region. Theories of growth transmission try to

explain this.

Although Ricordo (1817) postulated a quasi spatial

diffusion development in his theory of rent, Colby (1933)

focused on the spatial aspects of urbanism with its contri-

fugal and centripetal forces, and Hoselitz (1955) recognised
19
that cities exert a generative impact son the economic growth.

But much of the literature on the back wash and spread effects
derives itself from Myrdal (1957),who made the first explicit

reference to these terms. Myrdal expresses that regional

balance is inter-locked in a fashion of a vicious circle within a

process of circular causation. Myrdal states "...This

simple model of circular causation with cumulative effects

released by primary change is I believe more typical of actual

social process, than the intersection of demand and supply curves

at an equilibrium price which has become symbolic of much of our

19 As Quoted in Gaille,G.L.(1980), "Spread-Backwash

Concept," Regional studies, Vol.l4,No.l, pp.15-25
 24

20
reasoning in economic theory."

Developed localities and regions, where the economic

activity is exponding, continue to attract development and

poor regions remain poor due to the cumulated affair, result­

ing from the process of circular causation between all the

factors irrespective of the fact whether they are economic or

non-economic. The non-economic factors include road system,

medical care, education, primitive variants of religion and

traditional mores etc., and the economic factors are capital

movement, industries, trade and migration. Myrdal felt that

in most of economic theories 'non-economic factors' are not

taken separately but tagged along with the economic factors.

The process of economic change is the resultant of two

opposing forces, the spread effects and backwash effects,

which are seen over an area, where the centre and sorroundings

interact. The spread effects are the measures of favourable

impact of growth of advanced regions on the backward regions

that depend on the former. These could be in the form of

demand for raw materials, agricultural products, demand for

labour, commuting from the sorrounding areas to the centre

20. Myrdal,G.(1957), Economic Theory and Under Developed

Regions, London, Gerlad and Co.Ltd., p.24.
 25

etc. Myrdal defines these as "... against the backwash

effects that there are, however, also certain centrifugal

'spread effects' of expansionary momentum from the centres of

economic expansion to other regions. It is natural that whole

region around a modal centre of expansion should gain from

increasing outlets of agricultural products and be stimulated

21
to technical advancement along the lines."

The backwash effects on the other hand are the un­

favourable impacts on the backward regions dependent on the

advanced localities, which can be in the form of migration of

educated and skilled workers which, many call it as absorption

by disguise employment, which in the long run erodes the economic

base and their consequent changes lead to low saving and invest­

ment for any budding industry, which on the whole, adversely

affect the economic structure of the area.

Myrdal defines this as "... all relevant adverse

changes caused outside that locality, as the backwash effects

of economic expansion in a locality I include under this label,

the effects via migration, capital movements and trade as well

as all the effects via the whole gamut of other social relations

21 Ibid., p.31
 '26

exemplified in (non-economic factors)," 22

The interplay between backwash and spread effects

determines the development level of any centre in geographic

space. Myrdal maintains that in the countries with low levels

of development, these problems are exacerbated by the weakness

of spread effect and thus spread neutralises backwash only at

a high level of development. These spread and backwash effects

generally work in favour of advanced region as they have stronger

pull of market and other economic forces. Spread effects do not

bold very strong against the backwash effects but by the way

of investment and diffusion of development from the rich into

- the poor regions, spread effects strengthen, but only at very

later phases of the economy.

Hirschman (1958) developed his theory of ‘unbalanced

growth' in response to 'big push' balanced strategy for the

development of underdeveloped countries by Nurske (1953) and

Rosenstein-Rodan (1943) who arguesS that the low income in

underdeveloped areas are the consequences of low levels of

productivity and they require increased capital formation by

way of '^big push' so that the poverty does not continue and

22 Ibid., p.34.
 27

production is feasible. Hirschman was the first to make attempts

to synthesise the theory of geographical incidence of growth

with the mechanisms of diffusion of growth impulses. He

started with a basic assumption that growth does not occur

everywhere at the same time and over development appears at a

particular point, as powerful forces lead to spatial concent­

ration of economic activity at the initial starting points.

Despite the locational advantages of economic activity, develop­

ment occurring at few points will set in forces that will

induce growth in backward hinterlands or the periphery of the

23
growth points.

Hirschman difines similar effects as Myrdal's, calling

them trickling down and polarisation, which could be considered

synonymous to those of spread effects and backwash respectively,

having same effects as those of Myrdal, discussed above,

Hirschman also notes that migration could be a negative effect

if the migrants are 'key technicians' and managers are enter­

prising youngmen.

Both Myrdal and Hirschman maintain that spread effects

have to be strengthened for development. However, while

23. Hermansen,T,(1972), Op.cit., See his footnote 48,

for differences in the use of Growth Pole and point by
Hirschman and Perroux.
 28

Hirschman argues in favour of the need for initial geographical

imbalance through the creation of development centres, Myrdal»

banks on an opposite stand and argues that mechanism for

/

spread effects should be strengthened from the initial stage.

It is seen that the growth pole theory does not explain

how the growth at a point starts; so also it does not explain

how this growth is then transmitted over the geographical

space. It is these problems that are of particular relevance

and are answered to some extent by theories of Hirschman and

Myrdal, and for a synthetical approach, these mechanism of

growth impulses are of help.

The work of HSgerstrand (1952) on diffusion of techno­

logical innovation laid the theoretical bases for understanding

the mechanism of social and cultural processes and was in quite

a different direction when compared to the static inquiries of

classical' theory of location.

An inductively derived model was constructed by

Hagerstrand to study the waves of innovations in Sweden. His

theory rests on a few assumptions like population distribution

at discrete locations on a finite plane, and location so conn­

ected that the flow of information between all of them is easy.

 29

Hagerstrand designated the pattern of individual

behaviour as private information field which indicates the

number of contacts. The diffusion of innovation comprises of

two processes (a) the dissemination of information and (b) the

adoption? the first is through social communication and second

depends on learning and accepting by potential adopters. The

channels of social communication is characterised by a number

of barriers and the neighbourhood effects which depend on

intervening distances.

Hagerstrand gave more importance to personal contacts,

solely based upon information received orally, at face to face

meetings between adopters and carriers.

To test the process of spread and adoption of technolo-

24
gical innovation Monte Carlo simulation methods were introd­

uced. Hagerstrand further suggests that there may be connection

between the hierarchy of central place systems and the hierarchy

of mean information fields, in the sense, that an innovation

will be adopted at a primate city first in a new country, then

the next order town follows, but the size succession of innov­

ations is disturbed by neighbour hood effect when it dominates

24 Hagerstrand,T.(1965), "A Monte Carlo approach to

diffusion," European Journal of Sociology, 4, pp.43-67
 30

over the former. Diffusion down the central place hierarchy

is one of the noted empirical regularity for diffusion processes

cited in Brown and Cox (1971), this study among others stresses

the need for social barriers to be included to the terrestrial

barriers suggested by Hagerstrand.

The Monte Carlo simulation method has been tested by

Yuill (1965), Ward and Webb (1973). Misra (1969) has applied

this to Indian conditions and found strong similarities in the

ratio, encouraging to look upon actual diffusion. He too

suggests that social barriers have to be included in the

analysis.

Hagerstrand's suggestion that the communication fields

can be organised in a hierarchy, would mean that one field is

operating at local, the second at regional and the third at

national level. This would be relevant in describing the

social communication with a geographical pattern and the

information flow could be important in planning and invest­

ments to be made in a growth centre strategy.

The Relation between Central Place Theory and Growth Pole

Theory

Central place models though developed on idealised

assumptions which do not always correspond to the real condi­

tions, however, do provide convincing insights into spatial

 31

implications of regional patterns which are of considerable

interests in relation to the study of growth pole theory.

Parr remarks "... the relationship between growth

/
pole theory and central place theory is both intriguing and

complex; intriguing because on surface atleast there are number

of. similarities and complex because inspite of these similarities

there is no general equilibrium between growth pole and central

place." Nevertheless, he suggests "that the two frameworks do

offer a promising conceptual complementarity which is well worth

exploring." Hermansen (1972 a) also notes that integration of

these two bodies of theories, though promising is not very

simple. The central place is a deductively derived static

equilibrium theory while the growth pole is an inductively

based dynamic theory of development. He suggests that these

theories must be supplemented by theories dealing with geogra­

phic incidence and transmission of development.

Boudeville (1966) in transforming the growth pole

concept into regional context provided a bridge between locat­

ional model and growth pole concept. Growth pole theory by

itself does not explain the actual locations of these poles

or where they will be located. In view of these circumstances

25. Parr,J.B.(1973 a), "Growth poles, regional development

and central place theory," Papers of Regional Science
Association, 31, p.191.
 1 32

it is stressed that growth pole theory will have to rely on

central place theories which are essentially locational models.

On the other hand central place theories although deal with

location, size and functions of the settlement are felt to be

inadequate in explaining the process of development that takes

place in that particular settlement pattern. Hilhorst stated

that "... the spatial structure of a region does not come into

being at once, but is a result of a process of time, in whic^i

certain things come first and depending upon their configurat-

26
ion determine other things," this statement shows that the

existence of certain pattern of central places is gradual,

coming into being in time and will further undergo changes.

Christaller does not consider these growth phenomena while

explaining the patterns of settlements, thus giving this theory

a static nature. Hermansen (1972a) notes that growth pole

theory as modified by Boudeville includes dynamic phenomena,

and is applicable to geographic space and can be used and thus

central place and growth pole can supplement each other in a

fruitful manner.

Misra (1969, 1974) remarks that growth pole theory

though dynamic is partial, while central place theory although

static is more general when compared to growth pole theory.

26 Hilhorst, J.G.M,(1967), as quoted in T.Hermansen (1972b),

Op.cit., p.38. '
 33

According to him when the two are integrated with the theory

of spatial and social diffusion of innovations a dynamic

general theory can be arrived at, which explains the existing

spatial structure of human activities as well. Growth pole

theory, in its present form exhibits certain weaknesses, when

applied to developing societies. This was expressed by Fried­

mann (1966) who attempted to extend these conceptual frameworks

to the situation and problems of underdeveloped countries,

Misra after having discussed the functional rigidities

of growth pole theory feels that the theory cannot be used in

its present form as a basis for regional planning in developing

countries. In the socio-economic context of a country like

India, growth poles will have to perform 3 basic functions,

(a) they should serve as central places in the form postulated

by Christaller,(b) they must act as innovative and growth

promoting centres which may or may not have manufacturing as

main economic activity but include the creation of the condi­

tions under which industrial development can occur in future

and (c) growth poles in developing countries have to function

as social interaction points so as to extend services like

educational, marketing and banking.

Having discussed the basic elements of central place,

growth pole and spatial diffusion theories, Misra fuses all

 34

the three to emerge with the theory of growth foci.

The growth foci concept has been developed particularly

in the context of developing countries. The number of growth

foci is not fixed, it depends on the national and regional

situations. Growth foci can be formed into a hierarchic

settlement systems functioning at micro meso and macro levels

and the functions of these will be integrative and growth

generative at the same time.

In the Indian context, a 5-tier hieararchy has been

visualised by Misra (1983), which could help the development

and planning of different backward regions in the country.

*

The growth foci will possess the necessary dynamic

characteristics relevant to regional planning in all contexts,

operational in decision making and will have an in built

mechanism for social change.

The concept of growth foci is more suitable for the

development of underdeveloped areas because of its flexibility

and shedding off most of the functional rigidities of growth

pole theory. It is broad enough to include the basic elements

of locational models and spatial diffusion theories.

 35

Application of Growth Poles in the Regional Planning with

Special Reference to India

Growth pole theory as observed developed in advanced

economic systems. The uses of growth pole concept has been

undergoing widespread changes but still there is a need to

verify the extent to which these conceptual framework and

applications can be transferred from advanced systems to

underdeveloped conditions.

Planners in many countries of the world have been

adopting growth pole concept enthusiastically, with an anti­

cipation to achieve national goals and solve regional problems.

The success of the theory in western countries like

27
those of U.S.A., France and Soviet Union are very encoura­

ging. There have been a few rejections too as in Latin American

Countries (Conroy,1973). It is suggested that the growth pole

planning is essentially a long term structural planning and

efforts to use them effectively are still in very early stages.

Elaboration of the theory by Friedmann (1966,1968) to

use the concept in developing countries could give desirable

results for example the efforts in Kenya (Taylor,1974).

27. See for case studies books edited by N.M.Hansen (1972)

A.R.Kufclinski,(1972), Op.cit.
 36

In India, as observed in the works of Misra (1969,

1974,1983) the suggestions given by him are remarkable. He

states that success in future is to be determined by not just

solving the problems at hand today, but utilising models to

check the emergence of new problems, by employing the tested

models. He further opines that concentration of growth at

selected points could be helpful. The centres should be

distributed in such a way that they generate waves of develop­

ment concerning all the parts of the country including the

lagging areas and backward regions.

The Third Five Year Plan in India, made concrete

suggestions for the preparation of development plan for towns

and backward regions. The plan states:

"... 1) As far as possible new industries could be establi­

shed away from large congested cities.

2) In the planning of large industries, regional

approach should be adopted. In each case planning

should extend beyond the immediate environs to a

larger area for whose development the new industries

would serve as major focal points.

 37

3) In community development projects or other areas

within a district, the rural and urban components

of the development should knit into a composite

plan based in each case as schemes for strengthe­

ning economic interdependence between town and

sorrounding rural areas and

4) with each rural area the effort should be to secure

a diversified occupational pattern in place of the

i present extreme dependence on agriculture." 28

A description of the growth foci concept envisaged by

Misra, is given in the ’following paragraphs as it is felt that

it could be utilised to solve the above mentioned purposes and

regional development problems of India.

The 5-tier hierarchy of growth foci will serve the

purpose of decongesting the large urban areas and invigorate

the rural economy. Misra gives a hierarchy of central funct­

ions to be served at each level. The total number of growth

foci, and the population to be served by each level of growth

focus is given in a table (Vide Table - i/l).

28 Planning Commission, India, Draft, Third Five Year

Plan / (1961), p.569.
 The Number and Size of Growth Foci and the Urban and Rural Population

to be Served' by Each in the Year 2000 A.D.

i—(
CO 53
• o•
Growth Focus Number Urban Popu ­ Total Urban Rural Popu ­ Total rural
lation of each Indian Popu ­ lation Population
(average ) lation in served by of India t<
various levels each be served
r of Growth Foci (average) by all

H
l
l
000 '00T
Central village 6,000 600,000,000
s

CM
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o*
%
Service Centre 20,000 5,000 30,000
s

m
V
o
o
o%
Growth Point 10,000 40,000,000 150,000
=

Growth Centre 500 200,000 100,000,000 1 , 200,000

=

in
CM
o
o

o
o
o
o

%
o%

Growth Pole 30 2, 000,000 60,000,000

Source: Misra, et al., (ed.) (1974), p.2.07

38
 39

1) Growth poles at the national level.

2) Growth centres at the regional level.

3) Growth points at the sub-regional level.

4) Service centres at the local level.

5) Central villages at the lowest level.

1. Growth poles will be at the apex of the hierarchy.

They will be metropolitan centres dominating a macro region

with their influence over a number of medium and large towns.

These centres will perform highly specialised tertiary and

secondary activities, which normally may not be found at the

centres of lower order. This centre will have an average

population of 2000,000 and will number about 25 for a country

like India, and would include metropolitan cities like Delhi,

Calcutta, Madras etc. They will send out functional, techno­

logical, research and industrial impulses to all centres and

points within their areas of command.

2. Growth centres will be second in the hierarchy and they

will be medium and large towns, linked and served by growth

poles. They would act as a check to the excessive over flow

of economic activity to growth poles, and generate development

activities. They would include towns like Mysore, Bhopal,

 40

Jaipur, Gulbarga, Meerut etc. The population of these would

range from 50,000 to 500,000 (average 200,000). They will have

medium and in some cases large scale industries, besides,

offering secondary and tertiary services. Each of these

centres would serve 5 to 10 points within the area of their

influence.

3. Each growth point will serve about 5 service centres

and about 150,000 rural population besides its population of

10.000 to 50,000. It will be a subregional innovati and

propulsive urban centre connected by railways and highways.

Growth points will be predominately agro-industrial and

manufacturing centres and serve their rural environs through

their higher order primary and secondary services.

4. Service centre at the micro-level will serve the rural

areas with basic infrastructure and will have a population of

5.000 to 10,000. They could be termed as rurban centres, with

all the amenities needed in rural areas and few of the necess­

ities of urban areas such as postal, primary and secondary

education, medical services etc., with which they Berve the

rural areas. They may not be growth generating centres but

focal points for exchange of ideas and services for the rural

areas
 41

5. Central villages will be at the lowest in hierarchic

level, serving only the local population. They will have to

be about 100,000 in number for the entire country. Each of

these will have a population of 2,000 to 5,000 and will serve

a rural population of about 6000 with basic needs and ameni­

ties.

Chandrasekhar (1972) and others have also proposed

similar stratgies with number of tiers varying from 5 to 7.

The importance of a new strategy for the development of

rural population on the basis of growth foci has been given a

priority in the Indian regional studies.

The Government of' India through their different mini-

steries 29 have launched nation wide studies on growth centres

as a joint venture with State Government and research insti­

tutes .

The Department of Small Scale Industries has made

intensive studies of growth centres in the Nagarjunsagar

Project Area for the location of small scale industries.

29 Ministry of Food and Agriculture, Government of India,

as referred in L.K.Sen (ed.), (1971), Op.cit.
 42

The Institute of Regional Planning.and Development at Wardha

has worked out a plan for the location of market centres in

the Wardha district of Maharashtra.

The National Institute of Community Development has also

worked out many plans, for example studies carried out at

taluka level for Miryalgudda taluk. The institute plans to

cover practically all centres and functions available in rural

30
areas.

In conclusion it can be said that the use of growth

pole theory has been well realised and accepted for the past

2 decades as an important tool to solve the regional problems,

however, a commonly accepted definition would help in further

development and implementation of the theory.

Central place theory would also help to a large extent

if it sheds off its rigid rules and includes the temporal

changes of development for its dynamisation.

Growth pole theory is consistent with theory of un­

balanced economic growth, that is economic development

resulting from impulse generated by nodes of development to

30 Ibid, pp.27-39.
 43
/

its sorrounding hinterlands.

Much more research has to be carried out on the char­

acteristics of growth poles and their impact process, by

which these growth centres extend their services into the

periphery.

The review of literatures illustrates that there is a

dearth of empirical studies and paucity of information regarding

the impact of growth poles on their environment. The reason

for this state of affairs could be attributed to the lack of

.readily available data at micro level and suitable methods to

quantify these, especially in underdeveloped and developing

countries. Efforts should be made to reprimand this for a

fuller utilisation of the concept in these regions.