RELIGION'S ROLE IN CREATING NATIONAL UNITY (With COMMENT and REJOINDER) Author(s) - Leon Miller and Gordon L. Anderson PDF

Professors World Peace Academy
RELIGION'S ROLE IN CREATING NATIONAL UNITY [with COMMENT and REJOINDER]

Author(s): Leon Miller and Gordon L. Anderson
Source: International Journal on World Peace, Vol. 26, No. 1 (MARCH 2009), pp. 91-138
Published by: Professors World Peace Academy
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RELIGION'S ROLE IN CREATING
NATIONAL UNITY
Leon Miller International Relations Department
International University Audentes
Tondi 55
Tallinn 11316
Estonia
Leon Miller is a native of Pennsylvania where his early influences included Quaker Peace
and environmentalism, leading him to seminary studies at the University of Chicago
Cluster of Theological Schools. He earned a Masters of Divinity degree and continued at
the advanced level doing studies in Liberal and Liberation Theology. He went to work in
the former Soviet State of Estonia during its early stages of a transition to democracy. He
now has fifteen years of experience in Estonia where he works as a university instructor of
Comparative Religion, is a candidate for doctoral degree and does community organizing
in behalf of the International Association for Religious Freedom.
This article explains the INTRODUCTION

compatibility between civil religion
and political liberalism. Civil
religion contributes to shaping the
Creating a strong sense of common
shared values of a culture into a or shared values is important for hold
sense of national unity. Thus, civil ing a culture together in unity. These
religion benefits a secular pluralistic
shared values can contribute to shaping
society because it becomes a means
of expressing the Sacred Canons national identity rather than having
of democracy. In this respect, national identity shaped by ethnic
religion is regarded as civil because ity and nationality. This approach to
it is produced by and supports the
democratic process. national unity would help to offset divi
The European Union as a whole is sive forces that prove to be damaging
in the process of determining if it to Eastern, Central and Southeastern
can establish shared values to help
unify the union. Without this it
Europe. In pluralistic societies civil
becomes evident that the society is religion is a strategy for shaping com
disjointed and hardly held together mon values into an inclusive national
with any sense of overall civic
character. Civil religion is an expres
identity. Eastern Europe (Estonia
sion of the basic cultural values that are
in particular) would benefit from
civil religion. Civil religion would respected and cherished by the entire
contribute to Eastern Europe's population.
effort to build a more unified
national identity, to offset their Creating common or shared values
tendency to be bipolar. is a typical challenge for pluralistic soci
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

VOL. XXVI NO. 1 MARCH 2009 91
RELIGION'S ROLE IN CREATING NATIONAL UNITY
eties. Without shared values it becomes evident that the society is disjointed
and hardly held together with any sense of overall identity. Civil religion
contributes to rectifying this problem by promoting a national character
based on cherished cultural values. Civil religion becomes the public
expression of a unified identity, consistent with the basic cultural values
that are respected and cherished by the entire population. Civil religion
would contribute to a stronger sense of national unity, which is important
for holding a culture together to offset divisive forces.
Civil religion would particularly benefit the Baltic region's effort to
apply democratic principles toward creating equal benefit for all its citizens.
The Baltic region has emerged from its recent past of Soviet occupation
with the intention of demonstrating an effective model of what binds a
democratic society together into unity. This has been evident, for example,
with Eastern Europe's effort to build social structures based on a deep
respect for liberty, democracy and pluralism. However, Eastern Europe,
like EU, is in the position of needing to establish shared values given its
diverse population. This makes civil religion in Eastern Europe of particular
importance to offset a tendency for some of the cultures to be bipolar.
Civil religion consists of a pattern of symbols, ideas, and practices that

legitimate the authority of civil institutions in a society. It provides a fun
damental value orientation that binds a people together in common action
within the public realm. It is religious in so far as it evokes commitment
and within an overall worldview, expresses a people's ultimate sense of
worth, identity, and destiny. It is civil in so far as it deals with the basic
public institutions exercising power in a society, nation, or other political
unit. A civil religion can be known through its observance of rituals, its
holidays, sacred places, documents, stories, heroes, and other behavior
in or analogous to recognized historical religions. Civil religion may also
contain a theory that may emerge as an ideology. Individual members of
a society may have varying degrees of awareness of their civil religion. It
may have an extensive or limited acceptance by the population as long as
it serves its central function of legitimating the civil institutions.
?The Church and Civil Religion in the Nordic Countries of Europe.
Geneva: Lutheran World Federation, 1984

92 VOL. XXVI NO. 1 MARCH 2009
Estonia (for example) does enjoy cultural diversity which could add to
its richness and vitality. However, as is true throughout Europe, there is
need of healing old historical wounds if that diversity is to be developed for
constructive and progressive purposes. Thus, a carefully constructed civil
religion would aid Estonia's effort to build, out of its cultural diversity, a
unified national identity. Civil religion would contribute to shaping Esto
nia's adverse population into a unified harmony based on shared cultural
values.
Like the overall European Union, there must be aspects of the common
heritage that can serve as a unifying factor contributing to shared values.
These are found in the sacred canons that
are cherished by Eastern European states
as well as the union at large. These sacred Like the overal1 European
canons are in line with the cultural values Union, there must be
of the Eastern European states as well as aspects of the common
their intention to establish liberal democ- heritage that can serve
racy. These sacred canons of Western as a unifying factor
Civilization become the basis of a more contributing to shared
unified national character. values.
Most Eastern European countries hhmhhmmhm^m^mi
do want to acknowledge the special role
the church has played in history and the struggle for freedom. In addition
to the role of the church in Eastern European cultures and history, con
sideration must be given to the importance of traditional aspects of each
cultural identity. However what is most important today is the fact that
each culture now is legally established as being religiously pluralistic, with
a wide range of Western and Eastern religious beliefs and with the state
making no special accommodations for any church or religious group.
What civil religion contributes to Eastern European society is a form
of social expression that is based on a deep respect for liberty, democracy
and pluralism. In pluralistic societies civil religion is a strategy for shaping
common values into a more unified national character. Civil religion is a
progressive way to deal with plurality because it creates more public toler
ance. Thus, a carefully constructed civil religion would aid Eastern Euro
pean efforts to shape out of their cultural values a more unified national
character. The values that shape national identity motivate the entire public

to act with a single motive power, and cause it to act in concert.

Civil religion does not become another religious tradition within Eastern
European societies. A civil religion starts with recognizing the importance
of showing sensitive respect for cultural integrity and unique character of
each culture. With this starting point, a civil religion is able to shape out
of the roots of cultural values a deeper cultural integrity. It is this cultural
integrity that becomes the basis of national character and national pride,
thus creating a sense of national unity.
This article is divided into four parts. The first segment is an overall
look at the role religion plays in a democratic society. This segment empha
sizes the Western precedent of using Higher Authority as a justification
for constitutionally declared human rights. The second section explores
the connection between theories of justice in a liberal democracy and civil
religion. This segment is meant to define civil religion and to explain its
value for political liberalism. This section describes the potential role civil
religion could play in creating a sense of shared values. I also make the
case that natural law and freedom of conscious are the basis of Western
Civilization's "Sacred Canons."
The second section of the paper is also made up of two sections. First
I stress why these overall Western democratic principles are particularly
important for contributing to civil religion in Eastern Europe. I use Estonia
as a particular example of where civil religion could be especially benefi
cial. Finally, I explain the potential of civil religion for enhancing faith in
Estonia's liberal democracy.
THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN LIBERAL SOCIETY

The predominant historical trend for drafting constitutions in Western
Civilization has been to formulate statements expressing a commitment
to Locke's concept of natural law. Liberal democracies established this
precedent by acknowledging that the justification for human rights is a
Higher Authority. Law conforms to what this Higher Authority ordains
by constitutionally complying with the dictates of the natural order. The
sacred cannons of Western Civilization state that humans possess certain
inalienable rights that the government upholds and protects. Thus, Western
Civilization rests its constitutional assertions on the belief that freedom is

inherent in the nature of human existence. The people of Europe instituted

government in the hope that rule of law would assure these basic rights,
as ordained by Higher Authority. These governments are based on a firm
belief in protecting the right each individual has to pursue what he or she
believes to be the highest good. In a pluralistic society, such freedom is
thought of as a sacred regard for each person's right to determine what
has ultimate value or meaning.
Individuals have the freedom to follow the dictates of their own con
scious in deciding how to experience their natural rights. The government
guarantees this freedom but proposes no intervention between law and
conscience. In a liberal democracy each member of society is guaranteed
both freedom and equality. "In effect, the primacy of the individual, itself
the outcome of our shattered social unity, now becomes our new religion
(the religion of individual rights)?the center of our reconstructed moral
life" (Kurtz 17). Liberal democracy itself becomes a way of dignifying an
individual's daily existence, provides a rational base for collective action
and justifies itself based on Higher Authority.
The formation of government based on these democratic principles
was heavily influenced by John Locke's assertion that each individual
decides what is the right and true religion as a result of inward persuasion
and this cannot in any way be subject to legislation. According to Locke
the government has the responsibility of assuring the individual's right to
freedom of conscience but has no power to pass judgment on a person's
convictions;
For no one person can possess the knowledge of what every person must
sincerely acquire unto the self by way of inquiry, meditation, study and
search (Locke 11).
When public policy follows this liberal approach to government people

acquire the good life in accordance with their own ingenuity and industry.
People are enabled to experience improved existence by entering
Into society with one another, that by mutual assistance and joint force
they may secure unto each other the things that contribute to the com
fort and happiness of this life, leaving to every person cares about eternal
happiness (Locke 20).

For Locke, the cornerstone of liberty is religious freedom. The prin

ciples of liberty and freedom demand that the pursuit for happiness springs
from the individual's own inner convictions. This is the core of European
ideas about both religious liberty and civil liberties. Locke believed that if
the state was not allowed to interfere in matters of conscience animosities
and discontents could be reduced in social assemblies and in society. Locke
thought that a civil society could be achieved if governments established the
legal framework in which private interests could be pursued and protected.
For Locke private interests facilitate civil society by reconciling the individual
conscious of the rational person with communal solidarity?making private
desire compatible with the public good. People living in political freedom
would protect the private character of individual interests, thus creating
civil society (Katz 12).
wm?mmmmmmamm?mmmammmmmmm A democratic society promotes the
The mechanism for common good by legally assuring natural
identifying the common riShts as the means by which each indi
or public good is through vidual can safeguard his or her private
public debate and interests. The mechanism for identifying
ecumenical dialogue. the common or public good is through
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ public debate and ecumenical dialogue.
Europhiles believe that the will of the
people and their participation in the constitutional process is best achieved
by the creation of public discourse. European officials believe that consti
tutionalism is a process that has the potential of activating the European
public sphere. Participatory democracy will offset the powerful role that
commerce plays in the expansion of EU. A constitutional process that
expresses the beliefs and the will of the people generates trust and, thus,
trust in the system.
The intention is to engage representatives of Europe's pluralistic
communities with the political decision-makers. The European Union is
attempting to reverse the historical authoritarian (top down) approach to
governance with its effort to engage in consultation with those stakehold
ers who do not belong to the sphere of public authorities. In an attempt
to accomplish this, "The Commission is thus under the legal obligation
to promote social dialogue and to develop consultation of social partners.
This European social dialogue plays a particular role for policy and decision

making in the field of European social policy" (White Paper 5, 6).

This makes the European constitution, so to speak, an assessment of
the deepest public convictions (both in terms of positive rights and negative
rights) based on a public consensus on "goodness." "Natural rights mean
simply interests which we think ought to be secured, but it is clear that
legal institutions increasingly had the task not only of securing those rights
but of defining them as well" (Bellah and Hammond 9). The process of
defining what is legally required to achieve the public good is tantamount
to establishing a civil religion. According to Derek H. Davis, the Director
of the J.M. Dawson Institute of Church-State Studies at Baylor University
the world's most effective governments operate on the basis of three distinct
yet interrelated sets of rules:
Separation of church and state, integra

tion of religion and politics, and accom
Civil religion can
modation of civil religion. Such is the be thought of as a
way a democracy should work?disparate Composite of the
elements coming toge ther to produce personal interests of
that which hopefully serves everyone, that the public expressed
which we have come to call the common as official Statements
good, indeed that which we might refer of how to achieve the
to as the Good Society" (Davis 1,7). common good.
Civil religion can be thought of as a
composite of the personal interests of the
public expressed as official statements of how to achieve the common good.
These shared values of a society are commonly regarded as what defines
its national character. These shared values are made clear by the process
of public discourse. Such values are regarded as the guiding principles of
the society. They can inspire a sense of unity and trust in spite of diverse
perspectives typical of a pluralistic population. A civil society regards such
public trust and goodwill as social capital, which is necessary for sustaining
democratic processes.
The articulation of a religious dimension to the European identity is
intended to reflect a value partnership with the civil society that ultimately
contributes to institutional discourse. Such statements of shared values are
thought to be the ground of good governance (Foret 1). A European civil

religion would result from an interchange "Between the identity discourse

and the public space discourse." This would naturally enhance the current
European understanding of good governance because "The public is the
source of the inspiration, control and justification of the political power"
(Foret 1).
Religion in this respect is civil because it is produced by and supports
the democratic process. The practice of civil religion can be thought of
as a manifestation of the ideals upon which the constitutional process is
grounded?to uphold rights justified by a Higher Authority. Western
Civilization is built on the precedent of expressing these ideals as consti
tutional statements explicating in legal terms what society must uphold
if individuals are to obtain "The Good Life." The larger legislative body
^^HHHi^^^^^^H attempts to express, in reasonable terms,
Such ideals specify in ideals that the entire society ascribes to.
legal terms the beliefs "The religious dimension in political life
that define a culture. If not only Provides grounding for the rights
the government is to ?^ humanity?which makes any form of
maintain. itrust it must PoMf absolutisn; illegitimate-it also
i provides
adhere to and uphold aortranscendent goal for the politi
L ' 7 cal process" (Bellah
these constitutional u ,3).... . , ? n ,
lhe body politic is legally compelle
principles. to ^ve Up tQ tjiese principles bec
define the vision that guides the society
towards its desired future. Such ideals specify in legal terms the
define a culture. If the government is to maintain trust it mu
and uphold these constitutional principles. The basic intent of
is to promote principles of justice and human rights (liberty,
freedom of conscious). In this respect "The legal order in som
measure becomes a substitute for the religious order-the ord
plies meaning-and thus sets the stage for the emergence of c
(Bellah and Hammond 5:3).
These principles override parochial oudooks that often work as
to unity. Given the fact of religious plurality, civil religion in E
built on archetypes believed to be reasonable and acceptable to
public, while at the same time representing a mythos that transc
of the particular traditions. Jean Jacques Rousseau included c

as an important part of his philosophy as described in The Social Contract.

Rousseau recognized that traditional belief does promote a type of com
munal spirit that makes for benevolent sentiments toward fellow citizens.
However he was afraid that the scope of this bond does not necessarily
include those who are outside of a particular religious viewpoint.
Rousseau thought that civil religion offers a greater value for social
bonding in a pluralistic society. He believed that civil religion has the
positive value of being shaped by common legal agreements on how to
communally experience goodness. Thus, for Rousseau civil religion is an
important means by which a society is able to establish its social bond and
its autonomy. Civil religion describes the positive values that are defined by
law but are in essence a manifestation of human communal life. Rousseau
believed that the negative dogma of civil
religion could be limited to just one?Europhiles also fully
intolerance (Rousseau 4:8). recognized that the
members of the Union
RELIGION AND THE STATE have a need and a
desire for a dimension
The French sociologist Emile D?rkheim
of bonding that exceeds
was one of the first scholars to empha
the economic and
size the public significance of religion in
human society. D?rkheim believed that political forces pulling it
religion has sociological significance partly together.
because it defines the identity of a culture
in ways that empower the entire society. Society expresses its identity in
terms of knowledge, rituals, symbols and traditions. In addition each society
defines how its members should relate to each other and the environment
if it is to flourish. D?rkheim believed that religion served this social func
tion for every culture.
Robert N. Bellah agrees that civil religion is not only a sensible thing
for leaders to create and encourage; it is also an emergent property of social
life. As he put it, "Although matters of personal religious belief, worship,
and association are considered to be strictly private affairs, there are, at the
same time, certain common elements of religious orientation that the great
majority share. These play a crucial role in the development of cultural
institutions and provide a religious dimension to the whole fabric of life,

including the political sphere" (Bellah 2). Like D?rkheim, he considered

these common elements to be a fundamental aspect of all cultures.
Europhiles also fully recognized that the members of the Union have
a need and a desire for a dimension of bonding that exceeds the economic
and political forces pulling it together. There is indeed a wider dimen
sion of shared history and values that are believed to play an essential role
in shaping Europe's identity. Thus, Europhiles recognize that there is a
need to somehow reflect this dimension of existence as a formal statement
of heritage and shared values. Gradually in European history the typical
approach to accomplishing this has been to legally establish appropriate
relationships between religion, the state, and the public sphere.
The European tendency today is to
express a value for this special dimension
The European tendency
of life in terms of legal principles demand
is to express a value
ing respect for the freedom and dignity
in legal principles
of each individual human person. This is
demanding respect the vision that prompted Europe to unite
for the freedom and
and expand. The fact that we believe these
dignity of each individual values to be based on Higher Authority
human person. The fact means that they override our material
that we believe these (economic and political) relationships.
values to be based on We believe that it is by effectively apply
Higher Authority means ing these principles to our everyday life
that they override our together that we are able to enhance our
material (economic and common existence.
political) relationships. Europe has guidelines clarifying the

connection between "Church and State"
which delimits religion's effect on gov
ernment while enriching its benefit in society. The concern for regulating
church and state in Western Civilization dates back to the rise of modernity,
liberalism and secularism. Gradually, regulating the connection between
religion and the state became an acknowledgement that government had
responsibilities that primarily concerned the public sphere. Western Civi
lization legally recognized freedom of religion as a matter of individual
conscience, thus as a private (rather than public) matter. In a pluralistic
society, the separation of religion and government reduces the possibility

that social policies will be influenced by special interest groups.

Europe guarantees freedom of religion but makes no uniform regula
tions determining the relationship between religion and government. As
a reflection of or an extension of the principle of freedom of religion for
individuals, each nation has the freedom to structure its own policy regard
ing the role of religion in society. The relationship between religion and
government varies from country to country and regulations can even differ
from one region of a country to another.
Europe has three types of systems that regulate religion and state.
The first is the well-known separation of religion and state, the second
is accommodation and the third is national church systems. Particular
European nations now have outstanding
legislation that not only determines the
Europe has three types
relationship between religion and state
of systems that regulate
but also policies influencing religion and
religion and state. The
the public sphere. These policies have had
first is the well-known
especially noticeable results in schools,
thus affecting the freedom of minorities to separation of religion
publicly express their faith. Such policies
and state, the second is
have gained international media attention accommodation and the
and are a matter of an interesting public third is national church
debate concerning religion and society. systems.
"The main rationale and purpose
of drafting a new European constitution appears to be an extra-legal
one, namely to contribute to European social integration, to enhance
a common European identity, and to remedy the deficit in democratic
legitimacy"(Casanova 9). Most Europhiles agree that clarifying Europe's
shared values is necessary to the process of adding coherence and legitimacy
to Europe's constitutional process. This is done through the process of col
laborative inquiry resulting in a synthesis of various intellectual, religious
and philosophical positions of Europe into a comprehensive statement of
common values.
Casanova believes that achieving some basic understanding of the com
mon values constituting the European "overlapping consensus," either as
self-evident truths or as a social fact, requires a discursive grounding. Thus,
in order for Europe to produce a proclamation of its "spiritual and moral

heritage" it must enter into the difficult and polemical task of public debate
to decide the political identity of the new European Union (Casanova
10). Pluralism works best when?out of diverse ideological positions?
public deliberation produces a commonly agreed upon statement of what
is good.
CIVIL RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE

Civil Religion is important in Eastern Europe because of its potential to
build national character in a way that is in line with cultural integrity, thus
creating a sense of national unity. Eastern Europe, like EU is in the position
of needing to establish shared values given the fact of diverse populations.
A carefully constructed civil religion could contribute to shaping Eastern
Europe's adverse populations into a unity based on shared cultural values.
The values that shape national identity motivate the entire public to act
with a single motive power, and cause it to act in concert. "The problem is
to find a form of association which will defend and protect with the whole
common force the person and goods of each associate, and in which each,
while uniting himself with all, may still obey himself alone, and remain as
free as before "(Rousseau 1:6).
Creating a strong sense of national unity is important for holding a
culture together and to offset divisive forces that prove to be damaging to
Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. Jean-Jacques Rousseau made it
clear that individuals come to realize that society works best when guided
by the general will of its populace. Rousseau coined the term civil society
to describe his vision of an active public sphere where individuals develop
relationships based on shared beliefs about what promotes justice and util
ity. Rousseau also proposed that civil religion would add to civil society
because of its ability to articulate those things that are commonly regarded
as necessary for a good society. Although Rousseau was writing in the 1700s
he accurately anticipates the situation Eastern Europe is confronted with
in recent history and today.
Rousseau believed that humans are inherently free (in accordance with
their state in nature). Rousseau would agree that for Eastern Europeans
this original state in nature was interrupted by Soviet domination. He
believed that in the original state humans lived in a type of cooperative

harmony, enjoying the abundance nature provided. In this original state

there was a natural compassion between the community members. However,
as civilization progressed conquering empires evolved with an animosity
toward cultures attempting to maintain their natural state as ordained by
the natural order.
This is true throughout much of history but has been especially true
of Estonia. Estonia has been under foreign rule by one occupying power
or another for over 700 years. As a result of such imposition Estonia lost
its cultural autonomy and its cultural integrity was subsequently severely
threatened. Estonians might feel that their cultural state would have been
far better if the culture could have developed naturally without outside
interference. Rousseau addressed this issue by implying that it is possible
for Estonia to restore what was lost due
to oppressive social structures, thus rees
tablishing a sense of its cultural integrity.
According to Rousseau,
Rousseau proposes a method by which civil society and civil
the original natural qualities can be religion are the means
regenerated in present society. Rousseau by which to revive a
is, of course, talking in political terms, cultural integrity that
not from a cultural perspective. However was characteristic of its
he claims that the benefits enjoyed in the original state.
original state but lost can be more than
compensated for by the Social Contract.
This proposal has particular value given the reality of ethnic diversity in a
society like Estonia.
Rousseau is concerned with regaining the original sense of freedom
enjoyed in the state of nature. In the case of Estonia this also involves the
freedom of expressing the cultural integrity that was overshadowed with the
imposition. From the perspective of Rousseau we could say that imposition
inhibited the possibility for the Estonian character to develop and express
itself according to its own disposition in its natural setting. According to
Rousseau, civil society and civil religion are the means by which to revive
a cultural integrity that was characteristic of its original state.
If we consider the Estonian preferred state of existence?and the best
course for achieving that today?it might be helpful to apply the justice
principles of John Rawls to Estonia's effort to create a liberal democracy.

Rawls offers a relevant variation to Rousseau's ideas. Rawls would design the
practice of justice in Estonia by using a bottom up approach by promoting
greater justice from the perspective of the least advantaged in the society.
With this Neo-Kantian approach to justice, Rawls would ask each person
in Estonian society to imagine being in the position of the least advantaged
of the society. He calls this the "original position" from which to propose
policy that would improve the well-being of each member in the Esto
nian society. However, he adds to this the notion of a "veil of ignorance"
where he asks each member of society to imagine entering society without
any knowledge of status (Rawls 12). This "levels the playing field" giving
everyone the imagined position of equality. Rawls wants to plan social
policy guaranteeing equal access to the
common good from the perspective of
Rawls envisions a
the "original position" along with the
justice system built on "veil of ignorance."
truth. Truth could be Rawls attempts to put every indi
defined as the common vidual in a position of equality and from
conviction of what is a that position plan the ideal principles
fair distribution of social of justice. The veil of ignorance is sup
benefits. posed to eliminate the bias of one's own
ethnic background, social position, class
status, individual assets, and nationalistic
perspective. Rawls' political liberalism takes into consideration Estonian
pluralism. In accordance with Rawls, legislation must be a commonly agreed
upon policy of what is most reasonable for promoting the well being of
even the least advantaged of society.
Rawls envisions a justice system built on truth. Truth could be defined as
the common conviction of what is a fair distribution of social benefits. That
conviction would be accepted or shared because it reflects the perspective of
every individual within the society. He would say that each person in Estonia
has a desire to achieve what he calls primary goods. These goods basically
involve the natural right of even the lowest member of society to enjoy the
benefits that society provides for achieving happiness (Rawls 62).
Each society holds beliefs concerning what will help it to flourish. We
call such beliefs a cultural worldview. A cultural worldview is what unites
a culture into a single people sharing a common life. Civil religion is the

primary way of organizing and expressing a cultural worldview. Emile D?r

kheim defined religion as a culturally instituted system a society employs as
a means of defining its identity. D?rkheim also implied that cultural values
formulate what could be regarded as the basis of a civil religion. Cultural
values can be understood as a clarification of what a culture believes will
promote the public good.
D?rkheim was undoubtedly influenced by Rousseau's ideas about civil
religion. There are striking similarities in their views on the connection
between religion's role for promoting the public good and for generating
social unity. D?rkheim agreed that the "body politic" has the capability to
elevate the shared values of a society to the level of national identity. In this
respect, civil religion is the creation of an encompassing national culture
that becomes the means of reconciling self interest with social solidarity.
To claim then that religion is a public good is to claim that religion is more
than a private good that might be regarded with indifference or neutrality
by the commonwealth, and that it bestows a benefit upon the polity and
is thus a public good in the strong sense (Gottsegen 1,4).
D?rkheim believed that cultures develop rites, ceremonies and traditions

as ways of both expressing and celebrating their identity. He asserted that
these things create a tremendous feeling of "effervescence" that reinforces
the sense of solidarity or social cohesion. Civil religion for Estonia would be
a conscientious composite made from elements of Estonian cultural heritage,
shaped into an expression of cultural integrity, and provide the foundation
of the Estonian national character. These are the values that each member
of the society regards as defining what it means to be Estonian.
Many wonder how it is possible for Estonia to achieve a nationally
shared identity given the fact of its tendency to be culturally bipolar.
Rawls proposes "A method by which people with different comprehensive
doctrines?whether these doctrines are religious, philosophical, or moral?
work to agree upon the principles by which they will be coerced (through
legislation, enforcement of that legislation, or adjudication of that legisla
tion)" (Challans 2). The only way to achieve this is by the public discourse
that EU and Estonia hope will be characteristic of a civil society. In other
words the public forum is the political arena where legislators attempt to
discern the commonly agreed upon values of the society.

Civil religion, from the viewpoint of political liberalism, is a process

of shaping the variety of perspectives into a consensus regarding the prin
ciples guiding social life. These values are considered to be necessary for
the well-being of the nation, preserving its cultural identity and protecting
its integrity.
Alexis de Tocqueville states that religion is no less useful to the entire
state than it is for the individual members of that state. He thought of civil
religion as a way of imparting moral worth to democratic principles and to
the democratic process. He claims that this method of proposing truths and
values should be the model for every democratic nation. "I do not doubt
that the social and political constitution of a people predisposes them to
B^_^___^^___^^^__ adopt certain doctrines which afterwards
I flourish without difficulty among them.
Tocqueville believed , . r , . .
. _ . _ The whole art of the legislator is to
that humanity 1s rectly
inherent . , , , ,. . r
discern these natural inclinations of
regard for natural law ^ COmmunity, in order to know whether
inclines the temperament they should be fostered" (Tocqueville
toward the communal IL2:15).
sentiments necessary for Tocqueville believed that humanity's
democracy. inherent regard for natural law inclines
the temperament toward the communal
sentiments necessary for democracy. He
asserts that the secret charm of this unifying sentiment is that it strength
ens the very thing democracy makes weak. Democracy highlights the
significance of the individual. Tocqueville speaks of the democratic tem
perament built on a high regard for natural rights that creates feelings of
unity (Tocqueville 11:1:7).
Stanley Katz believed that through politics citizens could surmount
their personal circumstances and develop the ability to exercise virtue (the
capacity to subordinate one's individual interests to those of the commu
nity and the common good). He thought that civil society would facilitate
socially productive activities through voluntary efforts, and bring individuals
together in the collective pursuit of common goals. The mechanism for
identifying the common or public good is through public debate. And,
once identified, the mutual pursuit of the public good transformed public
life into a common moral project. As Aristotle put it, "Those constitutions

which consider the common interest are the right constitutions, judged by
the standards of absolute justice" (Katz 11).
Aivar Jiirgenson claims that social loyalty emerges when individuals
identify themselves as belonging within certain cultural boundaries and
agreeing to certain values. "The boundaries provide identity (an identity
connected with territory) and the rules valid within these boundaries pro
vide certainty in behavior and orientation" (Jiirgenson 101). Jiirgenson
agrees that these values can be regarded as defining what is held with sacred
regard by those within the cultural boundaries as well as the things that
those wishing to be included within those
boundaries must learn are regarded as
Estonian culture
sacred. What are examples of things that
cherishes the basic
each member of society proudly regards
as values that could be elevated to the democratic principles
position of national identity?
that are considered
Estonian culture cherishes the basic sacred by the overall
democratic principles that are considered European Union.
sacred by the overall European Union. Foremost is the desire for
Foremost is the desire and value for self-determination, self
self-determination, self-initiative and initiative and personal
personal autonomy. "EU has supported autonomy.
the emergence of consociational power
sharing between political actors in order
to accommodate ethnic cleavages. Since consociational power-sharing
arrangements are more compatible with liberal democratic principles and
it does support conditions for interethnic power-sharing" (Brusis 13).
Europe believes this to be in line with liberal democratic norms of justice
and freedom as it applies to a nation's desire to maintain self-determination
and autonomy while accommodating ethnic minorities (Brusis 11). Self
determination in a modern democratic state is also defined as rule by law
and law as the assertion of the common will of the people.
FAITH IN ESTONIA'S LIBERAL DEMOCRACY

Civil religion is not i another religious tradition within the Estonian soci
ety. What civil religion contributes to Estonian society is a form of social

expression that deepens respect for liberty, democracy and pluralism. Civil
religion is a progressive way to deal with plurality, thus offering Estonia
a means of creating more public tolerance. Civil Religion also is not the
worship of the nation but an understanding of the Estonian national iden
tity in light of the fundamental values of the culture. While allowing each
person to hold to personal beliefs the nation creates a harmony out of its
diversity. This is in line with the progressive view of passing from "Law as
rules to an understanding of law as values and principles. Given the fact
of Estonia's pluralism, the Estonian Constitution?in order to guarantee
equality of treatment?must restrain discrimination by balancing values
and principles" (Linntam 1, 3). In this way justice is defined in legal terms
that actually correspond with societal needs and public values. An Estonian
nation built on justice demands?as the most fundamental principle of its
public morality?an equal treatment of its entire population.
Critics might wonder how the notion of civil religion can be compat
ible with the demand for a secular public sphere which relegates religion
to the private sphere. Civil religion certainly acknowledges and promotes
secularism in the public square. It has always been built on the premise that
constitutional rights are guaranteed by certain principles. These principles
shape the most important convictions of the culture and are believed to
be derived from the very nature of creation. The belief that the grounding
authority for these principles is derived from the very nature of creation is
the fundamental reason why they are expressed as a culture's civil religion.
Thus, civil religion arises for political reasons as an expression of the depth
of conviction that must shape a culture's legally defined identity.
Scholars from Boston University's Institute on Culture, Religion and
World Affairs point out that because religion is at the core of all world
cultures it has significant economic, political, social and psychological
influence (CURA 1). A culture will always formulate a cultural worldview
as the basis of what shapes the norms and values of the culture. However,
in a liberal democracy it is impossible to use any one traditional or cultural
viewpoint as the basis of the identity of the entire nation. Civil religion aims
to resolve this problem by cultivating a more unified social bond, thus is
an almost necessary aspect of a pluralistic society. Contrary to the fear that
it reinforces traditional religious expressions, civil religion contributes to
a more rational and secular way of articulating a people's most profound

beliefs. It satisfies the community's need and desire to have a rationally

articulated statement of what good citizenship means.
Civil religion sustains and reinforces a society's moral/political beliefs.
It draws from a culture's deepest identity values to form a language of
identity that serves political purposes. In this respect civil religion applies
the "overlapping consensus" toward cultivating recognition of the deeper
bond that holds a people together. Civil religion defines national character
by describing the common convictions on how its members can experience
goodness.
Robert Bellah is best known for his work on the moral connection
between religion, society and democracy. Bellah believes that the value
system of a nation is manifest in formal institutions and legal structures that
both define and perpetuate its identity. Social policy and social institutions
have teleological significance for they not mm^^hmm^m^m^mi
only secure a better life for citizens but Social policy and
also define the limits of what is legally socja| institutions have
acceptable in the pursuit of happiness, teleological significance
The legal plays something of the role of ? x ,
. i , . , ? * for they not only secure
priestly authority and all the citizens are . ^ *
r 1,11 c a better life for citizens
expected to be believers in its strategy for , _ B
. . . . ? ,u i. , but also define the
guaranteeing rights instituted by higher
authority. "The God of the civil religion limits of what is legally
is not only rather Unitarian, but is also on acceptable in the pursuit
the austere side, much more related to ?f happiness.
order, law and right" (Bellah 5).
For Bellah, civil religion becomes the legal expression of the moral will of
the public. He thought that the justice demands of a culture can be thought
of as shaping its customs, values and traditions. If these are not expressed
in terms of constitutional law they are certainly enforced as common law. It
is common law because it is the belief commonly understood by the public
concerning what will promote the common good. In this respect, Bellah
thought of civil religion as the basis for the customs, ceremonies, national
symbols and national solidarity that motivate deep levels of communal
commitment toward the attainment of national goals.
Such social structures express a society's beliefs about what will help it
to flourish. Such cultural knowledge is shaped into tradition, custom and

law. Often this is characterized as common law, giving the society's deter
mination of public good something of a religious character. This definition
becomes the public character. Matters of religion and society thus involve
more than just assuring that individual beliefs are not imposed upon by
the state. Civil religion involves a type of common law that expresses basic
standards or values believed to be necessary for justice.
John Rawls believes that social contract promotes fairness and equality
for all its members. The contract theory of jurisprudence suggests forming
a binding agreement that defines legal identity. Every member of the society
has opportunity to contribute to this agreement by way of public discourse.
This public deliberation gives shape to a community of people who share a
desire to continue their corporate communal life. This legally established
commitment is the basis of their sover
Political liberalism calls eignty. A constitutional identity built on

such a discourse results in a public with
for allowing every citizen increased trust in its democratic process.
equal opportunity to This deepens civil bonds because of the
openly state convictions shared belief that the contrived social
about what is necessary contract promotes mutual benefit.
for the good life in terms For Rawls, liberal democracy requires
reasonable to the general the ability of each individual to exercise
public. freedom of conscience regarding values.
This not only demands legal structures
providing these rights but Rawls also
believed that a free, liberal society requires providing opportunities for
realizing these rights. In other words, equal opportunity means that each
citizen has equal access to the opportunities the society provides. Rawls
accepts that there is a value for public discourse as an important part of
the process of establishing justice. Rawls believes that the contribution of
citizens should be synthesized into a "neutral reasoning" representing an
"overlapping consensus" between the "reasonable comprehensive doc
trines" of the public (Maddox 13). Rawls' idea of justice encourages an
Estonian national identity comprised of commonly shared notions of what
values shape the nation.
Political liberalism calls for allowing every citizen equal opportunity to
openly state convictions about what is necessary for the good life in terms

reasonable to the general public. This is formulated into the terms of politi
cal association that all citizens have had a chance to contribute to, thus
each citizen has a high degree of commitment. "When the public governs,
there is no man who does not feel the value of public goodwill or who does
not endeavor to court it by drawing to himself the esteem and affection of
those among whom he is to live" (Tocqueville 11:2:4). This establishes a
public faith that is reinforced by social and legal institutions.
Democracy is justified by its effort to legally guarantee rights ordained
by the natural order of creation (natural law). Such transcendent principles
are accepted as reasonable in pluralistic societies. This is because contem
porary legal thought rests its moral justification on the ideal of discursive
democracy. It calls for an inclusive deliberation which forms an agreement
on what it means to be Estonian, nation
ally and culturally. Only such inclusive
discourse can morally justify public policy.
Democracy is justified
The public arena or the public sphere is by its effort to legally
where people gather to share common guarantee rights
values, to shape these into a cultural ordained by the natural
identity and to realize their hopes for order of creation (natural
obtaining a well-ordered society. Lib law). Such transcendent
eral Democracy only works when policy principles are accepted
represents egalitarian processes of public as reasonable in
deliberation. This results in policies that pluralistic societies.
reflect the will of the people.
The more pluralistic the society, the
more there is a need to establish publicly acknowledged common values.
This is to avoid special interest groups taking power. In Estonia it also
helps to avoid the society becoming an ethnic democracy. In some social
settings this strategy is implemented in an effort to rectify inequalities and
to promote minority rights. Liberal democracy assures that the rights of
any minority group in the society are not restricted to provide advantage
for a majority group. Such restrictions are believed to threaten the very
structures of democracy and justice. Rawls would hold this to be the guid
ing principle for building a state based on political liberalism.
Government is devoted to providing the legal structures whereby
citizens can equally enjoy the benefits the society offers. This requires a

synthesis of various truth perspectives on what promotes the social good.

Such a synthesis results from an open collaboration to satisfy the public
longing for epistemologically sound, reliable and justifiable truth. In a
truly democratic society such a truth perspective is reflected in the liberal
political forces standing for justice based on equal rights. Civil religion
is a national faith legally defining what values enable all citizens to enjoy
the fullness of life. "Our community desires an escape from suffering, war
and other disasters, freedom and a sense of dignity, abundance and peace.
Progressive society is a political, economic, social and religious application
of these common values" (Niebuhr 1).
Liberty is threatened by social policies that are not based on such liberal
principles. History makes it evident that freedom cannot rest on the inclina
tions of the majority force controlling the government. When individual
liberties are threatened, society turns to the transcendent which is believed
to be the original guarantee of liberties. This is the fundamental concern
for which the Social Contract intends to provide a solution. In Rousseau's
terms, anyone who puts personal gain over social well-being betrays the
social contract. The social contract concept has become an important
accepted basis for the principles of liberal democracy. "That is to say that
generic constitutionalism consists in a process within a society by which the
community commits itself to the rule of law, specifies its basic values, agrees
to abide by a legal constitutional structure that guarantees that formal social
institutions will respect the agreed upon values" (Katz 9).
In order for most of the Estonian population to accept a national identity
as "Ours" (an expression of a unified identity) there must be widespread,
popular consent of the cultural and legal values shaping the nation. Civil
religion is one way to organize, express and define the Estonian cultural
worldview to generate such consent. If we think of the Body Politic as
social cooperation between equal members of a pluralistic society, then civil
religion is the expression of this national character. This national character
or civil religion is what Estonia could celebrate on its memorial occasions
and with its traditions. You can say that Estonian civil religion would be
an expression of what brings the society together to celebrate its national
unity.

Works Cited
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Academy of Arts and Sciences, Winter 1967.
Bellah, Robert and Hammond, Phillip, E. "Varieties of Civil Religion."
Religion -online, org. http://www. religion- online. org/showchapter.
asp?title=3041&C=2606
Brusis, Martin. "The European Union and Interethnic Power-sharing Arrange
ments in Accession Countries." Journal The European Union and Interethnic
Rower-sharing Arrangements in Accession Countries, Issue 1/2003.
Casanova, Jose. "Religion, European Secular Identities, and European Integra
tion." Eurozine, July, 2004. http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2004-07
29-casanova-en.html
Challins, Dr. Timothy, L. "Rawls versus Habermas on Religion, Politics, and
War." International Symposium on Military Ethics (ISME) 2007.
CURA (Boston University Institute on Culture Religion and World Affairs),
http: //www. bu.edu/cura/about/introduction.html
Davis, Derek H. "Separation, Integration, and Accommodation: Religion and
State in America." Christian Ethics Today, issue 035, vol. 7, no. 4, August
2001.
Foret, Francois. "From Spirituality to Governance: Religion, Identity and the Eu
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searchl'q=cache:wKLrPOcwPgwJ:www.epsnet.org/2004/pps/foret.pdf+Rel
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n+Union%3F&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=4.
Gottsegen, Michael. "Religion as a Public Good: Jews and Others in the Public
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Kurtz, Stanley. "Culture and Vak^^

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COMMENT_
Gordon L. Anderson Professors World Peace Academy
1925 Oakcrest Ave., Suite 7
St. Paul, MN 55113
USA
Leon Miller is writing on civil religion from the state of Estonia, par
the Soviet Bloc for many decades. The Soviet bloc promoted an ideolo
Marxism-Leninism, that officially rejected religion as "an opiate of
masses," but in fact it could qualify as a civil religion or at least a quasi-ci
religion. Now that the Soviet Union has collapsed and the ideology h
been discredited, there is a value vacuum in Eastern Europe.
Miller suggests that this vacuum can be replaced by a civil religion
agreed upon set of values that form the basis for a social contract. C
Rousseau, D?rkheim, and a number of scholars, he suggests that cul
values can be formulated that will be accepted by nearly all citizens a
expression of the common good and serve as the basis of a civil relig
national identity, and cultural solidarity. This civil religion would be shap
as a consensus in the public forum "where legislators attempt to dis
commonly agreed upon values."
While Miller recognizes there are often competing or opposite valu
he believes that ultimately a reconciliation can be found. Throughout
article he mentions many different values and goods as he quotes var
political theorists. He begins by stating Eastern European goals ar
achieve "a deep respect for liberty, democracy and pluralism." Then
mentions the traditional values of Europe, which the Church played
important role in shaping. Already we may see a problem in reconc
just these two sets of values.
THE OPEN SOCIETY vs. A PLANNED SOCIETY

A problem which develops when one both tries to combine the conc
of liberty and the protection of the basic right to pursue individual
piness with concepts of positive social goods like healthcare, housing,
public education is that there is mutual exclusivity. Karl Popper criti
the Marxist attempt to do this in The Open Society and Its Enemies.

In other circles of discourse this has been called the conflict between
negative rights and positive rights. Negative rights are those which people
need in order to protect their physical lives and freely pursue a self-deter
mined life on their own. Positive rights, like housing or health care, require
the production and services of others (construction workers and doctors)
that must be paid. Because payments for the goods provided by positive
rights are based on government redistribution of funds and require some
type of taxation by force, as well as mandates on producers, they limit the
extent to which the members of society are free to pursue their own dreams.
Positive rights are determined by social
elites and enforced by the government
Because positive rights
they control.
require government Tribal societies were extended families
redistribution of funds
or groups with face-to-face relations in
and require some type which survival of the group was the fore
of taxation by force, asmost common good. Positive rights are
well as mandates on developed in these societies, but coercion
producers, they limit is less necessary in the shaping of com
the extent to which the mon goals because the needs of survival
members of society are are more readily apparent to all members
free to pursue their own of the group, and personal selfishness is
dreams. easily perceived in such close proximity
and corruption is thwarted.
Agreeing on common positive goods
in larger impersonal and bureaucratic societies is extremely difficult, and
consensus on all but the most basic goals of life is nearly impossible. Large
states and empires tend to collapse or suffer revolution when one person
or an elite group imposes their notion of the common good on everyone
else. More stable societies provide the goods associated with positive rights
at the local community level of government where people cooperate on a
face-to-face basis.1
IS THE NATION-STATE A FICTION?
In advocating civil religion Miller would like to see a political entity in

which all members of a state support common values that provide national

cohesion for the state. This has been a dream of Western culture that is
proving an illusion, at least where positive rights are concerned. Many
people today promote the democratic nation-state as an ideal form of
society. This used to be explicitly stated as a goal of United States foreign
policy. However, it is nearly impossible for a large democratic nation to
agree on any positive rights.
As in the United States founding, agreement can be made on nega
tive rights, but that is not enough to provide cultural cohesion in its own
right. The American Experiment required that the private sphere inculcate
individual citizens with the positive values necessary to pursue their own
well-being. Without this complement to the negative rights enshrined in
the Constitution and Declaration of Independence the experiment would
fall apart.
It is a myth to believe that a certain set of positive religious or cultural
values can exist on a large geographic _______-i-___a_____-_____-_-i
territory, inhabited by many different Agreement can be made
peoples, without coercive force. The Holy Qn negative rights,
Roman Empire, the Dar el Islam, the faut that js nQt enough
Christian State, the official State Church tQ proyide cu|tura|
of a country, and Soviet Communism are .
? . , cohesion,
all attempts to impose a homogeneous set ______________________
of values on a specific territory. King Louis
XIV in France developed the concept of
absolute monarchy in France where the cultural values of the monarch were
the national values of the state.
It has never been the case that the values which prop up the rulers
of a regime are not challenged. Even the claims to sacred scriptures that
elites make fail to earn the agreement of critical thinkers. Who chose which
books to include in the Bible? Why were the books written by women not
included? Was the Council of Nicaea ultimately a quest for truth or merely
the consolidation of power in the Holy Roman Empire? These types of
questions are also asked of the sacred texts of Islam, Marxism, and other
religious and ideologically based values advocated for a society. Osama bin
Laden is today asking questions like that with respect to the use of religious
tradition by the Saudi royal family. Rationalists can turn around and ask
similarly probing questions about bin Laden's theology.

In the past, ethnic and national groups traditionally imposed their

values on the territories they ruled. Even in homogeneous societies these
national values have rarely been accepted by everyone. In small states like
Sweden and Japan, however, it has been more possible to gain relative
unanimity on some issues like state supported healthcare or college edu
cation. In small states like Estonia the possibility of shared positive values
is much higher than in large countries or empires in which many national
groups reside.
However, globalization has reduced the confluence of "nation" and
"state." Economic trade, the ease of modern travel, and the displacement
of peoples through violence and war has led to increased cultural diversity
all over the world. There are increasing
numbers of Muslims in Sweden, Chinese
Diasporas are more in Chile, and Vietnamese in Minnesota.
rightly called "nations" These ethnic groups have different atti
than states. The cultural tudes toward health, retirement; child
essence of what it means raising, housing, and other issues related
to be Jewish, Greek, or to positive social values. The extent to
Chinese lies more in the which these immigrant groups can be
people than the political accepted depends on how open the host
system on a territory. society is; how respectful of other values it
can be without compromising its own.
Diasporas are more rightly called
"nations" than states. The cultural essence of what it means to be Jewish,
Greek, or Chinese lies more in the people than the political system on a
territory. In a decentralized state such groups can freely organize based on
their particular values as long as they do not impose their values on oth
ers or attempt to use the state to redistribute funds to produce particular
goods for their own sub-culture.
THE PLURALISTIC STATE

Thus, we are forced to ask whether a pluralistic state can be a nation as
Leon Miller suggests. In the United States, many people claim the United
States to be a nation-state, despite the diversity of national groups living

on its territory. The late Dr. Alexandras Shtromas, a founding member of

International Journal on World Peace, from Lithuania thought a lot about
this problem. He argued that the legitimate nation-state was formed "from
below" rather than "from above."2 In other words, it would be formed by
a consensus of the people living on the territory.
There are not many historical examples of states formed in this man
ner, although there are a few. The "Twelve Tables" of the Ancient Roman
Republic, the formation of the Dutch Republic after throwing off the
Spanish Empire, and the framing of the United States Constitution. When
constitutions have been formed from below, they tend to be pluralistic and
promote freedom of religion, because no single interest group wants to be
subjected to another person's vision of an
ideal society. These constitutions guaran
tee freedom, protection from a despotic When constitutions
rule, and a method of representation of all have been formed from
the people in the government. The values below, they tend to be
these Constitutions reflect are related to pluralistic and promote
an agreed-upon structure of government freedom of religion,
and not specific goods or services. because no person or
The United States Constitution was interest group wants to
a legal document that structured the be subjected to another
role and use of power so that the values person's vision of an
of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- j(je3| society
piness" could be achieved.3 These values _____-__-__BB_BB_____B__B__?
had been articulated in the Declaration of
Independence and were considered as "self-evident truths." These "truths"
were grounded in what Miller refers to "Higher Authority," or what the
founders considered "endowed by our Creator." These were inviolable
principles upon which human government was not allowed to trample.
However, legislation on behalf of any positive social value not also held as
universally true inevitably leads to violating the principle of non-interference
in the individual pursuit of freedom. Taxing the masses and redistributing
those funds in a way not universally agreed upon is a form of tyranny. Any
positive component of civil religion should nearly have the force of "self
evident truth." In other words, the truthfulness of the value has to be so
apparent that all citizens can accept it.

Positive social values like universal healthcare and housing can be a

later act of legislation, if Congress has a method to pay for it, but they
are not the primary values of freely formed governments. The Constitu
tion of the United States specifically left all of those positive social issues
to the individual states and local communities where it was expected that
consensus could be more easily achieved and bad legislation more easily
undone. Thomas Jefferson wrote:
Certainly, no power to prescribe any religious exercise or to assume

authority in religious discipline has been delegated to the General Govern
ment. It must then rest with the States, as far as it can be in any human
authority.4
The role of the Federal government was originally limited to the ter
ritorial protection of the union, the regulation of interstate commerce,
and the settlement of disputes between states. Those states, like Virginia,
Maryland, or Connecticut, would be analogous to Estonia or Sweden in the
European Union. "Civil religion," to the extent it existed nationally, was
limited to the basic philosophy of the right to life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness by all. The legislation of particular social laws was to be left
to lower governments. Jefferson warned:
[T]he States can best govern our home concerns and the general govern
ment our foreign ones. I wish, therefore...never to see all offices transferred
to Washington, where, further withdrawn from the eyes of the people,
they may more secretly be bought and sold at market.5
However, the Constitutional principles and concerns described by Jef

ferson were never sufficiently protected from the consolidation of Federal
power. As early as 1821 Jefferson was worried that the Supreme Court was
overstepping its boundaries and leading the way to a new Leviathan:
Our government is now taking so steady a course as to show by what road

it will pass to destruction; to wit: by consolidation first and then corrup
tion, its necessary consequence. The engine of consolidation will be the
Federal judiciary; the two other branches the corrupting and corrupted
instruments.6

The Civil War in the United States and the Constitutional amendments
which followed shortly thereafter converted the United States from a vol
untary union of states to a union maintained by the power of the Federal
government. These amendments opened the door for the Supreme Court
to consider and issue a decision on virtually any issue in which an individual
was dissatisfied with the decision of an individual state. Famous decisions
on positive social values like public education (Brown v. Board of Education)
or abortion (Roe v. Wade) were considered by the U.S. Supreme Court,
even though the country was almost evenly divided on these contentious
issues. In these cases and others, the Court issued an ultimate moral deci
sion and, in so doing, delegitimized the federal government for nearly half
the citizens that held the opposite view.
Such decisions can only be upheld
by force and they lead to a police state. Famous decisions on
They cannot be part of an acceptable civil positive social values like
religion based on "shared values." While public education (Brown
Miller did not refer to the values of a v. Board of Education) or
civil religion in Estonia or the European abortion (Roe v. Wade)
Union being particularly determined by were considered by the
courts, he does indicate that the creation
Supreme Court, even
of civil religion should be the result of
though the country was
public dialogue reflected in legal institu
almost evenly divided on
tions. Following Robert Bellah and Phil these contentious issues.
lip E. Hammond, Miller writes,
This makes the European constitution, so

to speak, an assessment of the deepest public convictions (both in terms of
positive rights and negative rights) based on a public consensus on "good
ness." "Natural rights mean simply interests which we think ought to be
secured, but it is clear that legal institutions increasingly had the task not
only of securing those rights but of defining them as well" (Bellah and
Hammond 9). The process of defining what is legally required to achieve
the public good is tantamount to establishing a civil religion.
There is a problem with the Bellah and Hammond quote which is not
discussed. Do "natural rights" mean "interests which we think ought to be

secured"? Such rights would be considered consensus rights, not natural

rights. The U.S. founders viewed "natural law" as that being governed by
a higher power of nature. Human beings are not able by a wish to change
such laws, as they are laws of physics, chemistry, biology or other processes
of the natural world which human beings did not create. We cannot by con
sensus adequately determine the size of a steel plate necessary to support a
bridge. We must refer to laws of physics. Similarly, ones "life" is not created
by government; it is the result of the "natural process" of procreation.
Thus, saying "natural rights mean simply interests which we think
ought to be secured" is deceptive rhetoric seemingly aimed at convincing
people that they can assume a position akin to God, and create or invent
their own natural law which is on par with the laws of the created world.
The fields of history are littered with the debris of such hubris. One only
need to look at the arrogance with which Marxism attempted to build a
new social edifice upon a set of human sociological laws that rejected the
law of supply and demand. We may wish that the law of supply and demand
did not exist, because it might not seem fair, yet no one has been able to
escape its grip and it underpins the discipline of economics.
All human beings want to improve their lot in life, and if they can figure
out a way for that improvement to come at the expense of others in the
name of a political theory, they will. In the case of Marxism, the theory was
one that a lot of people wanted to believe because they thought it would
improve their lot. People today, because they value their lives, support the
idea of a government providing for all the healthcare they want to consume,
but in the end the government can only provide healthcare to one person
at the expense of another. It can only redistribute wealth; it doesn't create
it. Thus, unlike life and the desire to pursue happiness, one cannot equate
a right to healthcare with natural law.
Europeans ought to be suspicious that, without proper checks on the
power of any government body, including a legislature, the passage of
legislation related to particular values?neither "universal," nor "natural"?
will be the likely result. This type of "civil religion" could easily become
considered as mythical as the literal creation of the earth in seven days, a
non-collapsing ponzi scheme, or a perpetual motion machine.
The transition of the Roman Empire from a free society to a police state
occurred when it veered far from the original Twelve Tables and enacted

laws synonymous with the wishes of emperors and provincial governors.

Before that period, people sought to voluntarily join the Roman Republic
because doing so would provide them with greater freedom and justice. To
the extent that self-interested legislation has drifted away from its found
ing civil religion of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," and been
passed into law in the United States in the name of universal good, the
legitimacy of the government has eroded. And now it, too, has made the
transition from Republic to Empire, and is increasingly becoming a police
state based on common fear, not common values.
I have not seen satisfactory proof for
positive values for a civil religion beyond
Europeans ought
the basic ideas of natural law, life, liberty,
pursuit of happiness, and equal justice
to be suspicious
before the law. Legislation that goes that without proper
beyond these "self-evident truths" moveschecks on the power
the society from pluralistic to homoge of any government
neous, from voluntary to coerced, and body, including a
from open to closed. legislature, the passage
In an open society, the values that of legislation related
all people can agree upon has been best to particular values?
articulated by Immanuel Kant, who stated neither "universal/' nor
that people should have the right to freely "natural"?will be the
pursue their ends so long as they do not
likely result.
interfere with the right of others to do the
same, and that people should be viewed
as ends in themselves and not used as a means to another's ends. These
dicta are rational, not specifically religious. They are foundations of an open
society, and because they are the result of reason rather than faith, the term
"civil religion" might be a misnomer.
RELIGION AND STATE

This leads to the question of the relationship of religion to the state. In
the Holy Roman Empire, and in most of the modern European states that
developed from it, there has been an official religion "from above" imposed
on all citizens of the state. Miller and other supporters of "civil religion"

would like to see religion "from below" by consensus or social contract.

The problem, however, is that once such a "civil religion" becomes the
official religion of the state, it becomes the new religion "from above" and
a tyranny over all dissenters.
Peter Berger argued that The Sacred Canopy is never a static thing, but
that each generation replaces the previous sacred canopy with a new one.7
Religions change and evolve based on human experience. Since religion
is by definition based on faith rather than universally provable truth (like
2+2=4), a public declaration of a particular civil religion, will almost by
definition, not be universally accepted.
The conclusion is that state religions create a closed society that, as time
passes and the society has new experiences, drift farther and farther from
original beliefs. It follows that the disestablishment of religion encourages
competition among religious leaders to continually seek new and more accu
rate truth that adherents will recognize as being helpful to their pursuit of
a good and happy life. Indeed, this has occurred where freedom of religion
and separation of church and state have existed. Creating religious plural
ism in the United States led to increased church attendance, while over the
same period in England attendance at the official state church has declined.
As in other human endeavors, people prefer to join something voluntarily
because of its attractiveness and they are inclined to resist that which is forced
upon them, whether it be true or not. The truth of a religion is ultimately
proven in its success, not by government or ecclesiastical fiat.
Further, the power of an idea or a belief cannot be limited to a particular
territory that defines the jurisdiction of a territorial state. Just as national
and ethnic diasporas are not confined to state borders, neither are ideas.
Thus, a state religion suffers from the same basic problem as a nation-state;
there is not a natural overlap except for the most rudimentary values of
the open society.
The values at the basis of open societies are, however, so limited and
generic that they do not provide the necessary values to ensure a good
life or good communities. This is why religions should be encouraged to
compete in the private sphere, and why a government of free people needs
this vibrant religious competition to underpin its own existence.

CONCLUSION
In conclusion, I propose that civil religion, to the limit it exists, can help
the cause of civil order in a pluralistic state. It can serve as a principle to be
enshrined in political Constitutions that guarantee people their freedom
to pursue life in liberty and happiness. However, civil religion is under
pinned more by a rational understanding of natural law than by articles of
universal faith, and as such can more appropriately be called core principles
than civil religion.
Religion does assist in the creation of national unity, when the term
"nation" refers to a "national group" and not "the people living on the
territory of a particular state." For nations, unlike states, are cultural entities
which are based on the people who declare membership in them. The state
ment "I am Greek" does not require that I live in Greece. And the inverse
statement, "I live in Greece" does not necessarily mean that I consider
myself a Greek. In this era of globalization, the overlap between national
identity and territorial residence is decreasing, and attempts to force them
to unity are working against the evolution of human history.
There is some psychological comfort in the idea that the legal civil reli
gion of a state can create the necessary morality and unity for the citizens of
a modern state the achieve "the good life." This has been the presupposition
of both the old state churches in Western Europe and communist ideol
ogy. However, societies change and evolve, people cross state borders, and
today's consensus often becomes tomorrow's tyranny. That psychological
comfort can only come at the price of freedom.
Notes
1. See, Yossef Ben-Meir, "National Sovereignty through Decentralization,"

International Journal on World Peace, vol. xxv, no. 1 (March 2008), pp. 59-72.
2. E.g., Alexandras Shtromas, "What is Peace and How Could It Be
Achieved?" International Journal on World Peace, vol. xii, no. 1 (March 1995),
pp. 15-58.

3. See Gordon L. Anderson, Philosophy of the United States: Life, Liberty,

and the Pursuit of Happiness (St. Paul, MN: Paragon House, 2004).
4. "Thomas Jefferson to Samuel Miller, 1808." The Writings of Thomas Jef
ferson, Memorial Edition, Lipscomb and Bergh, editors, 20 vols., Washington,
D.C., 1903-04, 11:428.
5. "Thomas Jefferson to Judge William Johnson, 12 June 1823," The Writ
ings of Thomas Jefferson, Memorial Edition, Lipscomb and Bergh, editors, 20
vols., Washington, D.C., 1903-04, 15:450.
6. " Thomas Jefferson to Nathaniel Macon, 1821." The Writings of Thomas
Jefferson, Memorial Edition, Lipscomb and Bergh, editors, 20 vols., Washington,
D.C., 1903-04, 15:341.
7. Peter Berger, The Sacred Canopy (New York: Doubleday, 1969).

REJOINDER_
Leon Miller
ESTONIAN CIVIL RELIGION AND NATIONAL UNITY
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Estonia took great pride in becoming
a model of progressive social, economic and political reform. Its accom
plishments have been commendable given the fact of its enormous diversity
challenge. This diversity challenge (that Estonia must effectively manage as
a part of its adjustment to democracy) is largely due to the massive popula
tion shifts that were a part of the Soviet strategy. The Estonian attempt to
successfully shape itself into a model of liberal democracy must contend
with the problem of this diversity resulting in what amounts to Estonia's
bi-polar culture (60 percent Estonian and 40 percent people relocated from
various parts of the former Soviet Union).
The minority population is generally referred to as Russian. Thus, Esto
nia, like many other Western European secular nations, finds it difficult to
establish common shared values that bond people together. Estonia also
has found it difficult to establish a national character with which all of its
people can identify. To have a clear picture of the intricate dynamics con
nected with challenges to Estonia's attempt at improved national unity,
a couple of key factors must be taken into consideration. First, Estonia
enjoyed a brief period of independence during the interwar years. Prior
to the interwar period of independence Estonia had been under foreign
occupation for something like seven hundred years. In addition to effectively
integrating the Russian influence, Estonia is also challenged to integrate
significant influences resulting from Swedish and German occupations
(along with a mixture of other occupations and minor influences) into a
unified national character.
The necessity of establishing a unified national character based on the
Estonian cultural heritage is not an easy task given such a history. In other
words Estonia is challenged to search its collective ethnic memory to find
a source of shared values that can unite a nation that is 40 percent or more
composed of the very forces that reflect the disruption of that culture. So,
on the one hand, Estonia must be commended for having come so far in

democratizing in such a short period of time. On the other hand, Estonia

faces a similar difficulty as many other European nations. "It is hard to find
a democratic or democratizing society these days that is not the site of some
significant controversy over whether and how its public institutions should
better recognize the identities of cultural minorities" (Gutman 3).
Estonia's problem, associated with its tendency to be bi-polar, was made
evident in the spring of 2007 with violent conflict over sentiments con
nected with celebrating Victory Day. Russians in Estonia gather on Victory
Day at a monument in the center of the capital to celebrate the defeat of
Fascism and the end of World War II. Estonians resent this public display
because for them Victory Day represents
the beginning of Soviet occupation. The
Russians in Estonia Estonian government decided to remove
gather on Victory Day this monument to a remote part of the
at a monument in the city. The Russians felt this as an offensive
center of the capital to attempt to marginalize their presence in
celebrate the defeat of the center of the city (or indeed their pres
Fascism and the end of ence in Estonia). This resulted in several
World War II. Estonians days of violent clashes with officials.
This outbreak of violent tension
resent this public display
because for them between a large portion of the minor
ity population and Estonian authorities
Victory Day represents
captured national attention and strained
the beginning of Soviet international relations. The Russian war
occupation. effort is a source of enormous pride in
Russia. "Russia sees itself as the main
power which helped bring freedom to Europe, defeating the Nazis at an
enormous human cost" (BBC News). Russia regarded the removal of the
monument as an affront to their pride. The general tension between the
two segments of the Estonian population had already prompted rumors
of a referenda requesting autonomy, which implied annexing a segment
of the country.
There have been fears that this would provoke a situation similar to
the Russian-Georgia conflict over South Ossetia. In other words Russia has
often felt that it might have to come to the defense of its Russian popula
tion to rescue them from oppressive Estonian measures. "This fear was

especially heightened after Estonia once again became the target of Russia's
threat to punish Estonia for the 'blasphemous and inhuman' removal of
a monument to the Red Army after deadly rioting took over Tallinn, the
capital" (Halpin 1).
Although the monument outbreak reveals underlying tensions that have
been smoldering for quite some time, there is an overall preference of the
total population to identify with the progressive direction of the society's
Western slant. "A large part of Russian speakers are oriented towards an
integrating identity inspired by a liberal ideology of progress. They begin
to identify Estonia as the place where they can either realize their dreams
of progress or as a springboard for moving further West, where they believe
they are even more certain of realizing their dream" (Ehala 5). This change
has taken hold especially among the younger people, who have a higher
regard for self-realization and are orientated towards prosperity, economic
security, plus a life that is more interesting. This shift in values signals the
weakening of privatized identity and strengthening of integrating trends in
the identity of Russian speakers. I hold that such a value shift can be a basis
for the entire population forming a new, more unified, national character.
BASIC PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL JUSTICE, HUMAN RIGHTS

AND CIVIL RELIGION
Dr. Anderson acknowledges the fact that the notion of community?as a
body of individuals shaped into a social unit promoting a common good?
stems back to a village model. At the village stage of social development
positive rights were easily achieved because redistribution and reciprocity
were the basis of this social system. D?rkheim makes reference to this and
goes on to explain that all societies are united by a shared sense of identity
that he calls totem. As society advanced and division of labor appeared
(resulting in social divisions) human compassion, language and common
history could no longer be the only means guaranteeing the enforcement
of both positive and negative rights. There was a need for a philosophy of
justice that reflected the compassion that was inherent in the "Original Posi
tion" that we recognize continues to be important to our social bond.
Social contract was the means through which pluralistic societies could
regain the sense of community as a body politic working together to create

a common good. The West proceeded with the conviction that Rousseau's
Social Contract and Civil Religion could restore the benefits of the human
"Original Position." Although Rousseau is generally credited with coining
the term "civil religion," an analysis of its sociological significance was done
by Emile D?rkheim. "For Rousseau civil religion is a sensible thing for
leaders to create and encourage; for D?rkheim it is an emergent property
of social life itself (Bellah and Hammond 1). D?rkheim was convinced
that such a civil identity unites people into a "community of interests and
tradition," which heightens their sense of moral unity. Thus he claimed civil
identity (which he referred to as totem) shapes the culture because these
value expressions become traditions, ceremonies, celebrations, rituals and,
in short, the cultural identity.
Dr. Anderson points out that the scarcity of resources in comparison
with needs results in resource allocation decisions that can only be done
justly based on the most enlightened theories of distributive justice. Because
members of a pluralistic society have conflicting interests, a liberal democracy
attempts to build justice on the basis of contract theory. Contract theory
presumes that the common good can be achieved through a process of public
deliberation. "Tocqueville claimed that mutual respect between citizens even
when their views are widely divergent is not a matter of law enforcement,
but social consensus" (Bellah 1). Such public consensus is necessarily the
basis of what makes a viable democratic society work successfully. The real
ization of the individual's right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness
is predicated upon the "unifying tie" resulting from public debate.
Dr. Anderson recognizes that transitional societies?emerging from
authoritarianism and trying to institute democratic institutions?find that
they often experience something of an ideological vacuum that must be
filled. It is impossible to fill this vacuum in a way that is in line with liberal
democracy without generating an active public sphere: freedom of assem
bly, freedom of expression, and, in short, public communication. It is out
of such an active public sphere that constitutional patriotism is generated.
Constitutional patriotism for transitional societies creates a process where
members of the society shape their conflicting interests into agreed upon
social-political cohesion.
Members of Estonian society are in need of and desperately desire such
reconciliation to shape the existing conflicting views about history into a

mutually agreed, national statement about the true meaning of putting

an end to tyranny. "A nation's mythos is composed of core principles?
generally a mix of religion, philosophy, tradition, and history?that hold
a society together. This is very important because the state really cannot
exist for any period of time without a core belief system, without a rationale
for the existence of the state, and if that belief system dies something very
serious happens to the nation" (Shakespeare 1).
Pluralistic societies as well must determine those things binding the
community. These become the things that it celebrates and commemorates
as its national character and its national values. Pluralistic societies neces
sarily establish "Generalized symbolic mediums because of their integra
tive potential" (Parsons 455). For this reason, Parsons foresaw that liberal
democracies work best when the collective's shared interests are established
as the basis of protecting the best interest of each individual.
The network society, in which a broad range of actors and groups of actors
with different interests is operating, driven by a wish to protect their (spe
cial) interests in the policy-making process, requires that the state gives up
the monopoly of decision-making (Sustainable Estonia 46).
Decisions concerning the public are made by the principle of partnership

within a democratically operating civil society. There is an effort to coop
eratively achieve the "common good," especially regarding the provision
of services. In spite of the difficulty of reaching a common agreement, the
process is effective because it achieves a common understanding of how to
live together. It generates a type of solidarity where the other party is seen
as an equal partner whom one has to live together with, not as an opponent
who has to be "ripped off."
The very nature of a constitutional state implies that there are certain
normative principles that the members of the community have decided will
protect their best interests. In a pluralistic society, potentially conflicting
interests are facilitated by the legal provisions constituted by the people.
The moral issues of a society (what is appropriate and inappropriate public
behavior) become the legal concerns of that society. In this respect consti
tutionalism establishes an ethical treatise that expresses what the collective
believes will create the good life. The function of law is to articulate and
enforce the normative principles shaping a society's identity. In a democracy,

that identity (decided collectively) is believed to be based on "self evident

truths" assured by a "Higher Authority" that ordains "natural rights."
Liberty (pluralism and tolerance) makes impossible the assertion of any
particular comprehensive doctrine. Thus the members of a liberal society
are pressured to create a new rhetoric that in fact expresses truths that are
considered "self evident." In terms proposed by J?rgen Habermas compre
hensive doctrines have enormous value for contributing to public values but
these must be expressed in terms acceptable in a rational pluralistic public
sphere. "Comprehensive doctrines" presented in a way that are appealing
to a rational pluralistic public shapes the contemporary acceptable public
rhetoric.
The long-term successful transition
Liberty makes impossible to a liberal democracy relies on "Cultural
the assertion of any politics that can address differences and
particular comprehensive offer a way of breaking and dismantling
doctrine. Thus the structures of polarity with its material
members of a liberal networks of inequality and discrimina
society are pressured tion" (Rutherford 10). It is exactly
to create a new because of this interface (between con
rhetoric that in fact flicting interests and the possibility that
expresses truths that the principles of liberal democracy will
contribute to a social contract or consti
are considered "self
evident/' tutional patriotism, thus contributing to
a stronger Estonian national unity) where
civil religion contributes to a more unified
national character. The shift toward a negotiated understanding of how to
improve internal intercultural cooperation is the key ingredient necessary
for increasing Estonian social capital. The article on Civil Religion in an
Estonian context explores this in terms of drawing a connection between
Civil Religion and Social Contract.
This results in what Western Civilization believes is the best way to build
a civil society. The role of deliberative democracy is often highlighted as
necessary for helping former Soviet States in their transition efforts because
it is shaped by an agreement on what will create the public "good life"
without violating the individual right to pursue what is believed will cre
ate a person's private good life. "If human identity is dialogically created

and constituted, then public recognition of identity requires a politics that

leaves room for public deliberation about those aspects of identity that are
shared, or potentially shared with other citizens" (Gutman 7).
In terms of the Estonian context, true liberty and liberation demands
fully embracing deliberative democracy. The first-hand life experience of
Eastern Europe inspired Alexandras Shtromas to believe that "People have
to come to an agreement on the principles that will establish a peaceful order.
A peaceful social order is built on the recognition and resolute defense of
the inalienable human rights of both the individual and the nation, which
after all is nothing but a collective personality" (Shtromas 413).
Dr. Anderson recognizes that the Social Contract provides a means of
structuring "The role and use of power so that the values of'life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness' could be achieved." He asserts that to make this
work in reality "self evident truths" must be articulated in terms of values
that are so apparent that all citizens can accept them. Establishing such "self
evident" values is necessary in the case of Estonia for sake of establishing
a more unified national character to offset the tendency toward cultural
bi-polarity. The basis of a unified national character is the creation of such
values and this process is tantamount to creating a Civil Religion.
CIVIL RELIGION IN AN ESTONIAN CONTEXT

The historical background of Estonia has resulted in most Estonians feeling
that after so many years of interference and mixing it is almost impossible
to reestablish an authentic cultural mythos. The fact that about a third of
the population are immigrants from Russia or some other former Soviet
state makes it extremely difficult to create a unified national character
(although equally extremely necessary). I propose that the solution to this
national dilemma is found in Rousseau's claims that a culture like Estonia
could more than make up for what was lost from the "Original Position"
by means of the Social Contract and Civil Religion.
Initially, the purpose of my work in Estonia (partly as a university
instructor and partly on behalf of the International Association of Religious
Freedom) was to provide some insight into what institutional changes were
necessary to make the transition from a communist society to a democratic
society. I realized that this meant training young professionals to be West

ern oriented, moving them into strategic official positions and attempting
to reeducate the older employees that had been educated with a Soviet
orientation. During this period, balancing positive and negative rights for
all the citizens of Estonia was enormously difficult. There were frequent
accusations of apparent discrimination. These legal and economic factors
were exasperated with the Estonian attempt to reestablish some sense of a
uniquely Estonian cultural pride in a society with such bipolar tensions.
The role of the Estonian language, in a world where perhaps only
around one and half million people speak the language, became a crucial
issue. Language is certainly a key factor in cultural identity, cultural pride
and the preservation of one of the most
immediately recognizable features of a
Shaping post-Soviet culture. Language, language training and
states into a democracy the need to be multi-lingual immediately
requires mediating became a factor in being able to enjoy new
differences through opportunities.
a legal process that The demands of the modern world
assures distributive (EU membership, for example) neces
justice and human rights. sitated multi-lingual skills in order to
The process demands improve one's quality of life. In Estonia
the deliberation of free this means that the best opportunities go
to those who speak the national language
and equal consociates.
as well as English and Russian. "Because
many of the former officials?trained
with a Soviet orientation?were ethnic Russians it appeared to them that
they were specially targeted and laid off because of their ethnicity. This
was accentuated by the laws on citizenship, aliens, language and the like,
which were adopted and promulgated while at the same time the economic
restructuring took place, this led to accusations of ethnic discrimination
perpetrated against ethnic Russians" (Demuth 223).
It is the goal of Estonia to effectively model a deep respect for liberal
democracy by successfully facilitating its pluralism. However, shaping post
Soviet states into a democracy requires mediating differences through a
legal process that assures distributive justice and human rights. The process
demands the deliberation of free and equal consociates. The participants
voluntarily agree to shape their contending interests into a legally binding

agreement on how to achieve the common good. "This aim is thoroughly

compatible with the theory of rights, because the primary goods are either
distributed among individuals or used by individuals (transportation, health
care and education), and can thus take the form of individual claims to
benefits" (Habermas 109).
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, with its resultant social eco
nomic setback in Russia, most immigrants to Estonia from various parts of
the former Union felt that Estonia offered more promising opportunities
than existed in their places of origin. Thus, as suggested by L?fgren and
Herd in their 2000 "Integration and Social Security" report on Estonia,
the Estonian population as a whole envisioned cooperatively forging a new
community of people based on Western Europe's claims of greater human
rights and social justice. This is evident in the Eurobarometer report that
in the same year 78 percent of the population indicated satisfaction with
their Estonian quality of life. This is no doubt due to the fact that EU
offers a new identity factor. Both ethnic groups in Estonia see a preferable
advantage to an identity that embraces progressive values while at the same
time inclusive of their unique ethnic heritage.
The advantages of a swing to the West were obvious in the new pros
perity all Estonians were enjoying after so many years of the shelves being
empty. It also gradually became obvious that consumerism and commercial
ism alone do not provide a strong value base for binding people together
into a truly democratic society. The Post-World War I experience reminds us
that the hard-won battle for liberty, liberalism and liberation fail if freedom
efforts are not accompanied with deepening values, integrity and delibera
tive constitutionalism. The Eastern European lapse into communism after
Word War II is a testimony that the best interest of the public cannot be
dictated from the top down, as Alexandras Shtromas asserted.
As is true for the overall European Union there is a need to highlight
aspects of Estonia's unique heritage that can serve as a unifying factor
contributing to nationally shared values. I claim that these, in part, can
be found in the European "Sacred Canons" that seem to be cherished by
all Estonians regardless of ethnic difference. These sacred canons are in
line with the cultural values of Estonia and are the basis of realizing the
intention to establish liberal democracy. These sacred canons of Western
Civilization become the basis of a more unified national character. However,

that there are additional values that are more uniquely Estonian that all the
members of the society identify with. The orientation toward nature that
predominates with a large portion of the Estonian population reflects the
deep cultural value for environmentalism.
The fact that environmentalism is one of the most viable ways of
generating international agreement, treaties and cooperation offers the
possibility that this cultural trait could play an important factor in the
national character. Such a national character would be a reflection of the
Estonian passion for peace and freedom that is generated by their long his
tory of oppression. I believe all of the population would accept the image
of Estonians as a people truly committed to modeling what it means to
put an end to tyranny. This would give Estonia the image of employing
"Soft Power" in its domestic and international relations. In other words, all
Estonians would support a national image based on a desire to put the past
behind, put an end to tyranny and stand as a nation on a deep respect for
nature, peace, freedom and a deep respect for the rights of the individual
(self determination).
CONCLUSION
In the article, "Estonian Civil Religion" I describe a model for how Estonia
can achieve its effort to create a stronger and more unified national char
acter. I propose that Estonia draw from its cultural heritage to establish
a national character that all of its people can identity with. Dr. Anderson
responds to the article by raising questions like: "The problem that develops
when one both tries to combine the concept of liberty and the protection
of the basic right to pursue individual happiness with concepts of positive
social goods like healthcare, housing, and public education is that there is
mutual exclusivity."
The issue is whether or not a small society like Estonia can establish an
agreement on common positive goods, thus reconciling possible conflicting
interests. It is indeed true that there is great difficulty in shaping democracy
so that it equally guarantees justice and rights. Often this difficulty is felt
most by a nation's minority. I believe, however, that all Estonians (regard
less of ethnicity) agree that it is equally to the advantage of all Estonians
to employ the process of public discourse to establish a common good

reinforced with legal binding.

I argue that the more pluralistic the society the more there is a need
for a connection that transcends mere citizenship. "Formal citizenship is
different from becoming a member of society. Being a member of society
goes beyond politics (Freire 174). Members of democratic society are
bound together by the belief that their individual best interests can only be
met by shaping a unity out of their diversity. I propose that each Estonian
prefers such a democracy. If we think of the Body Politic as social coopera
tion between equal members of a pluralistic society then civil religion is
tantamount to expressing such cooperation as the national character. Thus,
civil religion would portray the Estonian national character in a way that
reflects the fundamental values of the culture. You can say that Estonian
civil religion would be an expression of what brings the society together
to celebrate its more unified national character.
WORKS CITED
BBC NEWS, http://news.bbc.co.Uk/2/hi/europe/4521663.stm.

Bellah, Robert. "Religious Reasons and Secular Revelations." The Imma
nent Flame (updated 1-2009). http://www.ssrc.org/blogs/immanent_
frame/2008/02/26/religious - reasons - secular- revelations /.
Bellah, Robert and Hammond, Phillip E. "Varieties of Civil Religion" Religion
On-line, updated Jan. 3, 2008. http://www.religion-online.org/about.
htm.
Demuth, Andreas. Politics, Migration and Minorities: in I Soviet and Indepen
dent Estonia. Dissertation published by Universit?t Osnabr?ck. 2002.
Ehala, Martin. "The Birth of the Russian Speaking Minority in Estonia." Euro
zine. (updated 2-2-09). http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2008-09-ll
ehala-en.html.
Eurobarometer 67: Public Opinion in the European Union. Standard Eurobarom

eter67 / Spring 2007). http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb/
eb67/eb_6 7_first_en.pdf.

Freire, Maria, Raquel. Conflict and Security in the Former Soviet Union: The Role
of the OSCE (Global Interdisciplinary Studies Series). Burlington, VT: Ash
gate Publishing Company, 2003.
Gutman, Amy. Multiculturalism: The Politics of Recognition. Princeton, N.J:
Princeton University Press, 1994.
Habermas, J?rgen. Multiculturalism: The Politics of Recognition, edited by Amy
Gutman. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994.
Halpin, Tony. "Russia Cries Blasphemy as Statue to War Dead is Taken Down."
Times, 4-28-2007.
L?fgren, J. and Herd, P. G. "Estonia and the EU: Integration and Societal Se
curity in the Baltic Context." Tamperre Peace Research Institute, Research
Report no. 91,2000.
Rutherford. Jonathan. Identity: Community, Culture, Difference, edited by Jona
than Rutherford, Lawrence and Wishart, London: 1990.
Shakespeare, Frank. "Quo Vadis, Russia?" Heritage Foundation's President's
Club Speech, May 8, 1991.
Smith, David. "Minority Rights, Multiculturalism and EU Enlargement:the Case
of Estonia." Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe. Issue
1/2003.
Shtromas, Aleksandras. Totalitarianism and the Prospects for World Order : Clos
ing the Door on the Twentieth Century, (Applications of Political Theory).
Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2003.
Sustainable Estonia 21. "Estonian National Strategy on Sustainable Develop
ment." Published under the supervision of the Estonian Commission for
Sustainable Development, 2005. http://www.riigikantselei.ee/failid/Esto
nia_SDS_2005.pdf.


RELIGION'S ROLE IN CREATING NATIONAL UNITY (With COMMENT and REJOINDER) Author(s) - Leon Miller and Gordon L. Anderson PDF

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Professors World Peace Academy

RELIGION'S ROLE IN CREATING NATIONAL UNITY [with COMMENT and REJOINDER]

This article explains the INTRODUCTION

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

Civil religion consists of a pattern of symbols, ideas, and practices that

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

to act with a single motive power, and cause it to act in concert.

THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN LIBERAL SOCIETY

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

inherent in the nature of human existence. The people of Europe instituted

When public policy follows this liberal approach to government people

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

For Locke, the cornerstone of liberty is religious freedom. The prin

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

making in the field of European social policy" (White Paper 5, 6).

Separation of church and state, integra

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

religion would result from an interchange "Between the identity discourse

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

as an important part of his philosophy as described in The Social Contract.

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

including the political sphere" (Bellah 2). Like D?rkheim, he considered

political) relationships. Europe has guidelines clarifying the

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

that social policies will be influenced by special interest groups.

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

CIVIL RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

harmony, enjoying the abundance nature provided. In this original state

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

primary way of organizing and expressing a cultural worldview. Emile D?r

D?rkheim believed that cultures develop rites, ceremonies and traditions

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

Civil religion, from the viewpoint of political liberalism, is a process

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

FAITH IN ESTONIA'S LIBERAL DEMOCRACY

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beliefs. It satisfies the community's need and desire to have a rationally

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Political liberalism calls eignty. A constitutional identity built on

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

synthesis of various truth perspectives on what promotes the social good.

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

Bellah, Robert. (CRA) "Civil Religion in America." Journal of the American

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

Kurtz, Stanley. "Culture and Vak^^

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THE OPEN SOCIETY vs. A PLANNED SOCIETY

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

IS THE NATION-STATE A FICTION?

In advocating civil religion Miller would like to see a political entity in

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE

In the past, ethnic and national groups traditionally imposed their

THE PLURALISTIC STATE

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on its territory. The late Dr. Alexandras Shtromas, a founding member of

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ON WORLD PEACE