Inthe realm of the Incas... the social product neither circulated os a commodity nor was is: tributed by means of exchan Capital: A Critique of Po (tare 1gp2 867-1894}2:226) Beonomy Alen. pleasurable tendency to "barter 1 truck” as a wniversal condition, The institu tionalization ofthis into markets and their consequent evolutionar ‘been implicit in any argu or absence of mar has always potenti about the pres ‘on a worldwide scal not ta have had money and were, therefore, inter esting more as an exception to & then-unilineal the process of development ofeivilizations “The Inca, it seems, ‘money, neither markets nor merchants. The e reports of marketplaces by the sixteonth-century c’honiclers are confusing: just because the Spanish KR In the Realm of the Incas ENRIQUE MAYER saw large groups of people convening ata certain place and time does not necessarily mean that those gatherings were marketplaces. Those urban markets the chroniclers did describe were clearly in contexts of postconquest society-—such as urban Lima, Cusco, and Potosi—and not easly linked to preconquest situations. Furth he state taxed through Isbor rather than through goods, there was no state Incentive to issue coin- ‘age. High-end luxuey items such as cumbi textiles used in elaborate ore, because ‘were not traded but were, insta ritual and ceremonial exchanges. ie chroniclers’ lescriptions of storage, textile how t oads, and bridges phasiz Inca state forbade trade in ptuaty goods, ceserving for itself a monopoly over their production, transportation, and rest bution as pact of the att of statecaft and control Despite his Karl Polanpi-tailue predisposition, John Murra in is 1956 dissertation ‘Economic Organization of the Inca State” argued that markets did exist in the Inca Empire but that they were not tht important (Murra 1956:ch. 5). 309{ill argue here that in subsequent yearshe tended to dismiss his own evidence for mar de Jats, there was a significant shift in Murra's thinking, His homecoming to US. aca demia in 1967, after many yeuss of work in Peru, was strongly tinged by the concept of *vetc Ade iyy!_a discovery he was busily propaga (Murra 1972) By “verticality.” Murra meant that ‘Andeans tended to use 60 izing number of vertically stacked ecological niches far direct production, transportation, and reds on, His evidence showed that the model oper sted at the sub-Inca ethnic group level (hurakasgos or seforfs), such as the Chupaychu, Lupaqa, or Cantas. The main products were salt, cotton, chili peppers, coca, cottan fiber, wood, and feath items not easily produced is their home terito tlesThese tems could have been obtained through trade, but they evidently were not Acceptance of the verticality model—the direct contsol of ecological niches—makes the ex change of goods through market mechanisms and rmatketplaces level. Murra, etn contradictory at an intellectual f course, would have liked to have had clear evidence that vertical arrangements for the direct production, together with redistributive ns, operated at all levels of soclal com plexity and geographical locations throughout the ‘Andes und through tite as wel, idence for mar kets would have weakened his verticality argument. ‘When confronted with clear evidence of the exis tence of barter, he would say tha ‘ond option, an alternative when verti lity fied. Verticality propelled Murra to an unprec edented level of international fame and prestlg Ie latched on to then-fashionable cultural eco arguments and further bolstered fascination with the possibility that exotic civilizations could thrive without marcets, Murra’s reiteration of Karl Polanyi’ antiniorket position was part of « pope: fist echo in those years that Mura deity exploited olanyl wrote, the Soviet Union In the sg3os, when was a great social experiment In building a soct ety in which an eve present organized political party supervised a strong cos te with al plana ava to be she driving force in the economy, with the inten- Jn of building a classless socialism. The Inca state fascinated scholars because it could be considered a non-Western precedent to socialist ideals. Margaret Mead, for exansple, was absorbed by Louis Baudin's “The Inens of Per (Boudin 1961; Lis72) The idea of them resurfaced in the 1980s: ket as a negative influence but ina different context, "Andean peasants who opted to resist market forces (by using barter, for example) or found ways to circumvent it (¢heough vertiality or reciprocity) were of special interest to intellectuals because of the argoment that markets were 2 necessary ee yea in capitals. A debate then ensued among scholars, some af whom contended that the lack of market integration mat sontemporary Andean households precapitalist, or noncapitalist (Harris 1982, 2000; Larson etal. 1995; Plat 1982). This per spective made Aadetis Courageous Fessler, For other scholars, evidence of market penetration showed the pernicious inroads of capitalism and, therefore, a weakened Andean cultural identity (Montoye 1980 1982) Scholars from both points of view contributed torn elited volume with ogy and Exch the appropriate title P Aides. In his introduction tothe volume, the editor David Lehmann (1982) used sophisticated Marsism 0 argue how marcetless and moneyless contempo. rary Andean peasants nonetheless could be part of the world capitalist system. ‘This debate also involved a chronolog ause the penetration of the market cout ical issue b cleasly be dated to the setting up of the Spanish colonial ecomomy in thesixteenth century (Wallerstein 1974, ‘with varying degroes ofsuccessandl/or resistance by theconquered people. The effects of market pene tion over time as well as over space were important because the impact colonial markets depended on ‘whether the people studied were within the colonial core econamic institutions—suchas estates (haciet as), mines, workshops (obrmjes), roads, cities, ane ports—or whether they were differently affected because they were in the peripheral hinterlands in isolated indigenous territories in enconendas and resettlements (reduccioues); or, as we now know,constantly perambulating between the two poles (Assedourian 1982; Larson 1995; Stern 1995), The issue of chronology and geography was Important to Murra, too, and not simply for his verticalty argument. His Seitinients were against the European invasion—the arrival of E op inthe sixteenth century. The more the people of the ‘Andes resisted colonial, modern, and contempo: wen tater sy fdas In bi, Trke Laron, lv Ha, nrg and opaaeds consent, inthe Andes before and after the Spanish invasion. ‘The publication, availabe in Spanish as La partic pacininidigenaen ls mercadossurandinos(Hartis tal 1987) and in English as Ethnicity, Markets, and Migration in the Andes: At the Crossroads of History ‘nd Anthropology (Larson et al 1995) is one of the most outstanding volumes on post-Spanish inva sion rsatket penetration in the Southern Andes, specifically Argentina, Bolivia, and Peru. At the same time, iti also a remai Kable record of how ‘Andean peoples of diffrent classes and regions survived, reconfigured themselves, and redrew ethnic lines, The symposium was a notable collab- orative encounter of anthropologist ans, but arclisealoglste Were not summoned, so the {question of whether one can extend the Incs model of a marketless society backward in time was not broached there, But the transition from nonmarket Inca to colonial market economies itself can pro- vide some idea of how the pendulum could poten: tially swing in both directions Murra as, of course, invited and had a star role in the Sucre conference. There, he estated his antitrade and antimarket position for the Leaning heavily on Bronislaw Malinowski, he reit crated that Inca trade was not commescia: “With Marcel Mauss, Kar! Polanyi, Marshall Sabin, and Paul Bohannan we have learned that all over capitalist world, exchanges did and do take phe ina variety of noncommercial contexts. sug gest that and histori 1¢ Andean zones longedistance, mari time exchange of precious goods (rain-making Spondylus, unworn textiles that took literally years to weave and were then buried with the dead, and fancy metals that imitated gold) took place in con- texts which it is our task to unravel, not to dismiss with Western Inbels such as ‘trade, ‘tribute, or “markets” (Murra 1995-68, Another international symposium was con. vvened in Coral Gables, Florida, in 1983, to examine the vertiallty idea, The papers of that conference were published by the organizers, Izumi Shimada, Craig Mortis, and Shozo Masuda (Masuda etal 1983). In that volume, Mnera’s two short pieces altempted to respond to challenges about ve ity made by colleagues (Murra 1985a, 19856). One quote may summarize how Murra’s persistent argument for the uniqueness of Andean solutions ale In the Mesoamerican civilizations, the incomes andthe sate were based (although nat exclusively) on tribute extorted from the eanquered thn giOups; parallel to this,a lou. ishing commerce existed, moving the resources its and from one ecologial level to others; fa sigantic market places faclitated exchange and racro-economic integration; a gulld of profes- sional meschants, the pochtece, not only orga nized interzonal tac but also served the political ends ofthe state apparatus In conta there was na tibute in the Andean kingéoms political authorities received thelrincomesin the form of human energy invested in the cultiva tion of papakancha, the expansion oftexigation ‘works othe colonization of new envionmental iiches... Although there wes, no doubt, cca sional trade of high mountain ane. low valley products, the trafic of Andean resoutees fom one ecological tier to another was realized not through commerce but through meclionisms tmaximniing the reciprocal use of human ener sles (Merce 98h), Thus, by the 308, Murra had hardened his ticality it tll is possible to make the following arguments. First, if people were already used to markets—and antimarket position, staking alot on his ve idea, Ben if there is agreement with Murr In the Rea ofthe Deespress thens-—then markets quickly rote to prom pr Inca state ceased For canternporaty examples, one ccan Jook at the rapid and sometimes violent and Vicious ways in which matkets and matketideology reasserted themselves in the formes Soviet Union astern Europe, and Chinato gelan analogous iden ofthe chaotic transition i the former Inea Emp alters he way ethnicity and ler issues crisscrossed in the market of Potost p inthe sixteenth century and how these components uminate pre-Inca conditions (Choque Cangui 1967, Murra 2007; Tandeter etal 1987) For exam (2002) noted that a male Andean lord (arn) of spaga ethnicity owned scattered lands laely procured a great num ps | which he ber of baskets of Andean sent to his male Spanish agent in Potos, The agent then resold it to indigenous women retailers of Catanga ethnic identity, described by the Spanish: Quechua term as patent for market, cata), who then sold the spice in the the Quechus term marketplaces to the indi tion. Male nos 20 spanish chroniclers had! long noted the presen of women bartering in the cent, but Garcilaso de ja'Vega had disiissed their ecouomie significance 0 de la Vega 1966 [16i7Fai): Maybe the absence of markets among the Incas isan issue of gender blind ‘Among kernels of ideas that might be worth sploring in archives and through archaeal cal reseaich is whether kurake entrepreneurship followed up on commoner initiatives or whether the kurakas were pioneers in opening up pro: duction and trade possibilities in new ecological niches (Mayer 2002:66-67). The following «ue tions should be further investigated: Were there What hap: pens when kurakas fail to live up to expectations? also redistebuted, such as coca 0 Contd commoner barter, vertical contra, and re distribution have positive feedback relationships to eacl other, rather than the contradictory and negative ones initially postulated under Murra’ traders Ramirez 982; Spalding 973)? Conceal, fuurakas could have traded among exch other for the goods they redistributed, or diectly produced n distant colonies. ‘Despite the elevation of Andean campesinos to inthe workof Murta \dwork shows that quite ‘heroic anticapltalis resistor followers,contemparary fi the oppositecase is, in fet, far more common. Avid acceptance of money and market participation asa vway to niake a living orto realize a modest profit in 5 now a fact of contemporary life (Harris, ‘gasa; Mayer 2002, 2005; Mayer and Glave 1995). Andean ethnographic studies of peasant math (Waleareel 1946) lagged behind more spectacular reports of the colorful markets in Onxaca (Beals 1975; Cook and Diskin 3976 Malinowski an de a Fuente 1982), Guaternala (Tax 1963), and elseschere in Latin Ameriew (Wolf 1955), and t entations (Wolf 1966) in the sixties and seventies retical or in the Andes Since then, contemporary stu hve closed the gap with excellent descriptions of success stories in market-oriented ventures t may no longer only be about how to make alivingin ‘extractive internal food macket forthe cites (Babb nsion into the 2004), but the exp 1998; Seligman peoples secssfully sell thelr CUE (Ci xn 2000) of WE Mansfield 1999; Meisch 2002 thelr gender and ethnicity for advantages in cre (Weismantel 200%) de enteeroneurs (Buechler and Buechiler 1996) T have recently become interested in cheatin informalityandil nomic behavior, and this might be « good place to speculate about how to project these aspects into ological past. Lam often struck by ty asintegralaspects of eco how archaeological studies assume doeileand abe dlentjpeasanteltizens in theTnca Empiteand how colonial historians peefer to document Ancean's anti-Spanishfeapitalist resistance (Spalding, 1970), ‘while social anthropologists tend co underline ing ‘yidual agency and iezeverence against officials (Mayer 1973, 3984, 2002:chs. 3-6) 4[always adiaized Murre’s efforts to document furtive stesling as resistance ageinst the ica state ‘He particulatly wanted to checkout the chroniclers’ assertions of the existence of two bridges across the deep gorges in Peru, one forthe state and the other for the plebeians (Murra 19623; Thompson and Mucra 1966638). He wanted archaeologists to find the checkpoints on the highvtays and tamibos to gute out how smugglers might circumvent the posted guards (he would have been intrigued by the ‘work of Axel Nielsen in this volume, for example). Murra also wanted to find ut what the chron at when they ased the phrase "paymentof tolls" (Hyslop 1984:327). For those of us wiio prefer to drive along the vie expresa and pay tolls instead of using the slower and potholed via libre in Latin Americe’s privatized highways, this kind of double arrangement isnot as uncommon oras weird as the ciaronicles’ assertions of double bridges once may havecounded, Maybethe modern writer Fernando de Soto (4989)—who praises the energetic push of today’s street vendors into creating unsightly marketplaces on street co and have a way of ex ers and in squares, nding trade as “informals” who challenge and erode elitist prohibitions and rules—could benefit from Murras subversive read: ing of Inca material and vice versa, Temple pla as and marketplaces are not necessarily cither or places; Jesus of Nazareth, afterall, with whip in hand, expelled money changers fs in Jerusalem. Wi separation of ered aid profane into prehistory al the costofmisunderstanding non-Judeo-Cheistian religious, social, and economic systems. Toratchseologists and art historians, the ques: tion of identifying and interpreting the social uses of copies and forgeries in Inca, Aztec, and Mays cultures becomes an interesting question of poten: tially subversive behavior that undermines eco: nomic and social structures. In our modern luxury art market, forgeries havea rle, ut even inconjec- tare, can't figure out whsata forgery might mean in redistributive context, Another questioa lam sure archaeologists have had more to say about is the role of mass production an replication of objects. Lopicelly, redistributive and gift economies should m the Temple end to follow this Durkheimian favor unique pieces that would symbolize the sin- sgularity of the relationship that is being expressed through the material gift. But what does it mean when the maker, the giver, and the receiver of a Moche portrait vessel know that itis mold-made and replicable? Why were these goods created, and how did they circulate? How many portraits and litle red books of Chairman Mao does the Chinese collective production system re ket, we know that replicas, limited editions, and mass-produced goods have their meaning, roles, places, prices, and profit ates. We can do this even for reproductions and simulacra of the Virgin of Lourdes and Saint Anthony- Following Murals call to heed Malinowsk!, what non-Western meanings ‘can we attach in pre-Hispanie, premarket times to the circulation of mass-produced craft items, in pathways that we do not yet know in the Americas? Remembering Malinowsli's roving eye while he ‘was observing the ceremonial exchange of Kula arm shells and necklaces between magically embel ished Polynesian males, he was also noticing, out of the corner of his eye, how women were crowd: ing the batsand actively doinggimwal! trading for ‘more useful stu Inconclusion, would keto referto my chapter inthe Handbook of Economic Anthropotagy (Mayer 22003) Init, make the point that the word *muarket™ quire? In a mar inthe singular is meaningless, and Istress that even n the most market-deiven capitalist systems, there -modities (Futures, derivatives, junk bonds, indul- saa kinda asker each with ts own com. ences, stolen of looted antiquities, refined essence of coca leaf, stamps-—not to mention slaves, body parts, hair semen, eggs, PNA, and so on). Markets also differamong ther pa cialized traders, means of exchange, rules, legal ties and systems of arbitrations, punishment, and kinds of state support that male it the stl of his- ipants, locations, spe tory, at history, and archaeology. The question of smatkets' existence lately attach further questionsto th sn which pla meaningless unless we imune e original ones, such as: In which goods? Retw eit For whom and how transacted? For whose benefits tnd whose loss? How long didi ast, and how di it fluctuate? How were items transported? How were In the Reni of the ensthey valued? How did the commodities cross geo. graphic, symbolic, social, and cultural barriers it is the pred to the question af whether mar kets existed oF not that make it interesting, not the ‘Wenced tobe ery aware that research on these Issues is far more important than whether mar kets existed in the Americas or not. Asan abstract term, the word "mtcet” has its dangers because it alludes to some organizational principle that has become a totalizing concept, Since the fll ofthe Berlin Wall, there has been a resurgence ofthe free market as ideology because economics as 8 disc pline (with its optimizing logic and the attached postulates that it produces greater efficiency) has become extremely influentil asa pretend scien and asa religion, Nesliberslishi waite Wet! at there is only 0 ingle abstr ciple, winch Is opreading its tentacles onto one ile global system asifthis weresan unquestioned truth with the same level of absolutene the prophecies ofa messianfe Secon Coming, And itsaysthat those who do not get on boat ave going as that of tobe the losers he questions asked and the nswers provided in this volume may help deflate such attempts to elevate the market into divine dimensions. If have learned something es an economic anthropologist with sympathies toward history and archaeology it wat markets are very unstable and that they org nae se i Peach thelr zenith ane fall. Aud tele the fo inte, i entirely predictable 1 Murra told me that Badin was en sat Communist who used the nea ease to illustrate how despotic the Incas wer, Tis is somewhat line with Karl Witloge’ (957 ideas om the same issue, Wilfoge wae refugee fram Germany, wn, In the Cold Was, shared a politica agends with Baudin, Witloge had boen a Communist belore he was persecuted in Geran. Ben toa, the race and gender iene related to market activities significantly cloud social eee tions, Olivia Hurrs (i993b:379) showed that in Andean Latin America, Indian participation is restricted to petty buying and soling inthe local markeiplice on market day. This is in stack con least to wale mics and blances, who assume the wholesale, merch trative functions The eates of profitability go up asone moves from the numeral predominant Indian market women cholas to the privileged comerciantes who actually contol the market. Choi sa term that hasethtc,lower-lass, and es qué gener connotations to describe independent ninded women whose brashness,astteness, and puted nonfamily-oriented sexual mores ar partof theirallue(hoth as attraction or a repul sive fascination), The term algo eeerences descent from an Indian status. The importance of chalas astraders in Andes ov ets allows us fllowing Seligmenn (2004) and Weismantel thatthe profession of foe rer inte mar otplace has strong influence inthe cretion of sa subethnic category based on tndians but die 20) noted that the transgressive behavior of cholos eatiated by thelr occupation, Wetsnuantel( oul usefully be analyzed with notions derived rom queer theory in gender studies,REFERENC! 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