Militaria Horvath

ACROSS THE MEDITERRANEAN – ALONG THE NILE
Studies in Egyptology, Nubiology and Late Antiquity Dedicated to

László Török on the Occasion of His 75th Birthday
Volume 1
László Török
(photo: Csaba Villányi and Zalán Péter Salát)
ACROSS THE MEDITERRANEAN – ALONG THE NILE
Studies in Egyptology, Nubiology and Late Antiquity Dedicated to
László Török on the Occasion of His 75th Birthday
Volume 1
Edited by
Tamás A. Bács, Ádám Bollók and Tivadar Vida
Institute of Archaeology, Research Centre for the Humanities,

Hungarian Academy of Sciences
and
Museum of Fine Arts
Budapest 2018
The publication of this volume was funded by generous grants from
the Eötvös Loránd University,
the Book and Journal Publishing Committee of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences,
the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest, and
the Research Centre for the Humanities of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Cover photos
Late Antique Egyptian orbiculus, detail, Inv. No. 7480, Museum of Applied Arts, Budapest;
photo: Attila Ferancz (©Museum of Applied Arts, Budapest; ©Attila Ferancz).
Terracotta head, Inv. No. SzM T 252, Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest;
photo: László Mátyus (©Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest; ©László Mátyus)
Responsible editor
Pál Fodor
ISBN 978-615-5766-18-3 (Volume 1–2)

ISBN 978-615-5766-11-4 (Volume 1)
© Institute of Archaeology, Research Centre of the Humanities,

Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2018
© Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest, 2018
© Archaeolingua Foundation, 2018
© The authors, 2018
© The editors, 2018
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Tabula Gratulatoria ..................................................................................................................................... 9
Editors’ Preface .......................................................................................................................................... 11
I. P REHISTORIC EUROPE AND THE ANCIENT WORLD
Pál RACZKY
A Complex Monument in the Making
at the Late Neolithic Site of Polgár-Csőszhalom (Hungary) .......................................................... 15
Gábor ZÓLYOMI
How to Let Someone Swear an Oath by a Battle Net in Sumerian ................................................ 61
Julie Renee ANDERSON
The Chryselephantine Lion Plaques from Nimrud ......................................................................... 71
Tamás DEZSŐ – Ádám VÉR
Ἀσσυρικός λόγος? Assyrian Military Allusions in Xenophon’s Cyropaedia .......................... 79
András PATAY-HORVÁTH
The Temple Builders of Apollo Epikourios at Bassai .................................................................... 109
István M. BODNÁR
Hipparchus on the Ratio of Longest Day to Shortest Night in Eudoxus, Aratus and Attalus
(In Arati et Eudoxi Phaenomena I.3.10) .................................................................................. 123
Miklós SZABÓ
Un dessinateur pas comme les autres ........................................................................................... 137
György NÉMETH
Bones in Dolls: Magic Figurines of the Anna Perenna Fountain ................................................ 147
László BORHY
Stirnschutzplatte eines bronzenen Pferdekopfpanzers aus Athen:
Berichtigung zu CMRDM D.1 .................................................................................................... 155
Ádám SZABÓ
New Evidence for the Domina-Dominus Religion and Cult from Illyricum:
A Lost Pre-Roman Mythologem from the Roman Age .............................................................. 163
Friderika HORVÁTH
Militaria Finds from the Rural Settlement at Dunaszentgyörgy-Középső-Dűlő
Early Roman Settlements in the Hinterland of the Limes ............................................................ 177
II. ANCIENT EGYPT
Zoltán Imre FÁBIÁN

The Autobiographic Inscription of Seni-Iqer (Tt 185),
a Theban Dignitary of the Late Old Kingdom − 2016 .................................................................. 215
VI Table of Contents
Carola VOGEL
20 Years of Silence? The Assumed Long-Lasting Coregency of Senusret III
with Amenemhat III – Additional Thoughts ................................................................................ 225
Balázs J. IRSAY-NAGY
Accession to the Throne in Ancient Egypt and Modern Japan: Parallels? .................................. 233
Boyo G. OCKINGA
A Magical Plate in the Museum of Ancient Cultures, Macquarie University:
A Tool of Trade of an Ancient Egyptian Medico-Magical Practitioner ........................................ 243
Gábor SCHREIBER
Yet Another Kushite Tomb Group from the el-Khokha Cemetery ................................................. 259
Attila FERENCZI
Germanicus in Egypt .................................................................................................................... 269
Lajos BERKES
An Unusual Party Invitation from Graeco-Roman Egypt ........................................................... 277
Alexandra VON LIEVEN
Porphyrios und die ägyptische Religion im Lichte ägyptischer Quellen II:
Der Magen als Sündenbock? (De abstinentia IV.10.3–5) .......................................................... 283
III. ANCIENT N UBIA
Tibor MARTON
Traces of the Dispersal of Modern Humans:
Middle Palaeolithic Sites in the Egyptian Eastern Desert ........................................................... 307
Stuart Tyson SMITH
Gift of the Nile? Climate Change, the Origins of Egyptian Civilization and
Its Interactions within Northeast Africa ...................................................................................... 325
William Vivian DAVIS
The Statue of Usersatet from Uronarti (Khartoum, SNM 32) ..................................................... 347
Tamás A. BÁCS
Remarks on a “Nubian Tribute Scene” ......................................................................................... 361
Julia BUDKA
Addressing the Gods Home Away from Home: Case Studies from New Kingdom Nubia ........... 379
Vincent RONDOT – Luc GABOLDE
Les dhnw.t de Kouch ..................................................................................................................... 391
Dan’el KAHN
Some Thoughts on Egyptian Elements in Kushite Religion and Rituals ..................................... 411
Angelika LOHWASSER
Triaden und Dyaden in Kusch ...................................................................................................... 427
Irene VINCENTELLI
Household and State Economy in Napatan Times ....................................................................... 437
Dominique VALBELLE
Egyptian Usage of Nubian Toponyms: Iam, Kush and Pnubs ..................................................... 445
Table of Contents VII
Bogdan ŻURAWSKI
Where Was the “Land of Shas”? Some Comments on Psamtik II’s Expedition to the
South Caused by the Recent Archaeological Discoveries in the Southern Dongola Reach .......... 455
Joachim Friedrich QUACK
Nubisch-meroitische Lexeme im Papyrus Brooklyn 47.218.47 vs.? ............................................. 477
Jochen HALLOF
Eine Dotation für Amesemi? Die Inschrift REM 1251 aus Meroe .............................................. 489
Jeremy POPE
The “Gum-Eaters” of Nubia Revisited ......................................................................................... 503
Karol MYŚLIWIEC
Once More about Hellenistic Coroplathy from Lower Egypt ....................................................... 515
Krzysztof GRZYMSKI
A Decorated Meroitic Jar with a Guinea Fowl Scene ................................................................... 533
IV. LATE ANTIQUE N UBIA
David N. EDWARDS
Late Antique Nubia Revisited ....................................................................................................... 539
Adam ŁAJTAR – Grzegorz OCHAŁA
Kimeliarches, ‘Treasurer’: a So-Far Unidentified Office in the Kingdom of Makuria
(With Notes on Several Other Offices and Titles) ........................................................................ 557
Pamela ROSE
Stamped Pottery of the Early Medieval Period from Lower Nubia .............................................. 575
Peter GROSSMANN
Examples of the Use of a Khurus in Nubian Church Architecture ............................................. 591
Artur OBŁUSKI – Małgorzata KORZENIOWSKA
The Dormitory of the Ghazali Monastery, Sudan ........................................................................ 601
Magdalena ŁAPTAŚ
Transformations of Royal Images. Some Comments on the Regalia from Banganarti ................. 613
Helmut SATZINGER
On the “Absolutive Genitive” of Old Nubian .............................................................................. 631
V. THE LATE ANTIQUE AND EARLY BYZANTINE WORLD IN EGYPT AND BEYOND
Bente KIILERICH – Hjalmar TORP

From Alexandria to Kenchreai? The Puzzle of the Glass Sectile Panels ...................................... 643
Thelma K. THOMAS
Portraits of Apa Jeremias at His Monastery in Memphis (Saqqara):
Holy Man, Philosopher, Prophet, and Monastic Father ............................................................... 659
Dominique BÉNAZETH – Cédric MEURICE
Les niches de l’église nord de Baouît: emplacements et décors sculptés ....................................... 685
Beatrice HUBER
Qarara – Hundert Jahre danach ................................................................................................... 707
VIII Table of Contents
Claudia NAUERTH
Aus Alt mach Neu: Vom Flicken, Verändern und Wiederverwenden antiker Textilien ............... 725
Andrea HASZNOS
How Naked Is the Egyptian Woman? .......................................................................................... 747
Ádám BOLLÓK
“Portable Sanctity” Brought to the Afterlife: Pilgrim Eulogiai as Grave Goods
in the Late Antique Eastern Mediterranean ................................................................................. 763
Marianne SÁGHY
Ad Aegypti Extrema Contendi:
Egyptian Monasticism in Sulpicius Severus’ Dialogues ............................................................ 805
György GERÉBY
The Angels of the Nations: Is a National Christianity Possible? ................................................. 819
Volker MENZE
Christians Becoming Christians: Conversions, Conversion-Motifs and
Doctrinal Boundaries in the Sixth Century ................................................................................. 849
Gábor KALLA
Date Palms, Deer/Gazelles and Birds in Ancient Mesopotamia and Early Byzantine Syria.
A Christian Iconographic Scheme and Its Sources in the Ancient Orient ................................... 863
Per Jonas NORDHAGEN
Byzantium, the Enigmatic Seventh Century ................................................................................ 901
Tivadar VIDA
Late Antique and Early Medieval Female Headwear Ornaments
from the Carpathian Basin (Veils, Hairnets and Headbands) ....................................................... 915
VI. THE ANCIENT W ORLD IN MODERN EUROPE
Árpád Miklós NAGY

L’Anguipede d’Avenches .............................................................................................................. 939
Charles BONNET
Archaeology as a Means of Preserving Cultural Heritage ........................................................... 953
Richard Holton PIERCE – Alexandros TSAKOS
The Past and the Future of Fontes Historiae Nubiorum .......................................................... 961
Péter GYÖRGY
The Art of the Holocaust: Ethical Norms and Aesthetic Experiences –
The Unavoidable Tension .............................................................................................................. 967
List of Contributors ...................................................................................................................................... 975

MILITARIA FINDS FROM THE RURAL SETTLEMENT AT
DUNASZENTGYÖRGY-KÖZÉPSŐ-DŰLŐ EARLY ROMAN
SETTLEMENTS IN THE HINTERLAND OF THE LIMES
Friderika Horváth
The archaeological site of Dunaszentgyörgy-Középső-dűlő, Site M6-RM 11 (County Tolna), was

discovered on the settlement’s outskirts during work on the planned track of Motorway M6. The
remains of settlements from various periods were uncovered during the excavations: settlement
features from the La Tène B2–C1 period and an early Roman settlement whose occupation continued
into the middle Roman period as well as the features of a sixteenth–seventeenth-century settlement.
Most of the rural settlements in the immediate hinterland of the limes investigated in County Tolna
in the wake of the extensive development-led excavations had no immediate late Celtic antecedents or
were established following the construction of the military defence line. The growth in the number of
settlements in the area of the limes can no doubt be traced to economic factors: in addition to catering
to the needs of their own population, these settlements also played a major role in the provisioning
of the army. The economic integration of the newly-conquered territories was an important pillar
of Romanisation, to which the discharged veterans with their good financial potential had much to
contribute. The early Roman militaria articles brought to light on rural settlements provide evidence
for the settlement of veterans.
Keywords: LT B2–C1; early Roman period; limes; veteran settlement; civilian vici; sunken
house; Celtic anklet; Norican-Pannonian winged brooch; militaria; apron terminal pendant
The archaeological site of Dunaszentgyörgy-Középső-dűlő, Site M6-RM 11, in County Tolna was
discovered on the settlement’s outskirts, north of kilometre marker 120 km, during the monitoring
of construction work on Motorway M6.1 The track of Motorway M6 runs some 2 km west of Road 6
passing by the settlement’s western edge. The settlement section investigated in the area of the
planned motorway service areas lies north-west of the modern settlement centre (Fig. 1).
Although the archaeological features along the line of the planned track could not be salvaged,
the excavations in the area of the planned rainwater storage facility and the two motorway service
areas on either side of the road brought to light 80 features and 240 stratigraphic units.2 The
investigated area totalled 22,721 m2; its coverage with archaeological features was low.3 The remains
of settlements dating from various periods were uncovered during the excavation: settlement
features from the La Tène period and an early Roman settlement that was still occupied during
1
KÖH Site id. 59615, Hungarian National Museum, Archaeological Archives, document no. 59615/2009,
Hungarian National Museum, Archaeological Database: http://archeodatabase.hnm.hu/hu/node/1641
2
The excavation conducted in the area of the planned rainwater storage facility was directed by Barbara
Berecz of the Field Service for Cultural Heritage between March 2 and April 9, 2009; the excavation in the
planned area of the motorway service area undertaken by the Institute of Archaeology of the Hungarian
Academy of Sciences was directed by József Szarka of Archaeosztráda Kft. between April 8 and April 30,
2009. I am grateful to József Szarka for kindly providing access to the documentation and the finds.
3
A total of 1149 features were recorded over the 41,000 m2 large investigated area at the Paks-Gyapa-Rosti-
puszta site (FÜZESI 2012, 7); at Paks-Felső-Csámpa (KÖH 59813), the investigated area was 19,620 m2
large and 153 features were documented (HARGITAI 2010, 303); the size of the excavated area at Bátaszék-
Körtvélyes-dűlő was 27,000 m2 and some 1400 feature were uncovered (MAGYAR 2013, 61).
178 Friderika Horváth
Fig. 1. 1. Location of the site; 2. plan of the excavation

Militaria Finds from the Rural Settlement at Dunaszentgyörgy-Középső-dűlő 179
middle Roman period as well as the features of a

sixteenth–seventeenth-century settlement.4
The site’s earliest occupation is represented
by a cast, hollow-knobbed, bronze anklet of
the La Tène period, whose double knob hinged
clasp was an unstratified find (Fig. 2).5 Anklets
of this type can be assigned to a well-definable
chronological phase: their use fell into the LT
B2–C1 period.6 An oven can in all likelihood also
be associated with this period (Features 33/70,
33/72).
Settlement features of the LT B2–C1 period
also came to light at Dunaszentgyörgy during
the excavations ahead of the rehabilitation work
on Road 6 at Site 7 (Dögkút, KÖH Site id. 48578).7
The two Celtic settlement sections at Duna-
szentgyörgy fall into the same period. There is
no evidence for a Roman-period occupation at
the Dögkút site: the excavated burials can be
assigned to the second half and the close of the
fourth century.8
Additional information on the region’s
settlement network during the LT B2–C1 period
Fig. 2. Double knob hinged clasp of a hollow-knobbed
is provided by the sites at Paks-Gyapa-Rosti-
anklet of the La Tène period, unstratified find
puszta, Site M6-TO 15,9 and Harc-Janyapuszta,10
as well as the settlement section at Paks-Gyapa,
Site M6-TO 33,11 lying some 1 km south of the
Rosti-puszta site, where finds of the period preceding the early Roman occupation were brought
to light.12
The next occupation at Dunaszentgyörgy-Középső-dűlő is represented by the features of a
rural Roman-period settlement (a civilian vicus). The pottery from the roughly twenty-five features
dated to the early Roman period included a substantial number of wares that could be derived
from La Tène traditions, even though there was nothing to indicate that the area had been settled
during the period immediately preceding the Roman occupation. The pottery and the metal finds
suggest that the settlement had lived to see the later second century or even the third.13 No import
4
The late medieval features showed a concentration in the site’s northern and north-eastern part, east of
the ditch system. József Szarka’s report, Hungarian National Museum, Archaeological Database: http://
archeodatabase.hnm.hu/node/1641 (accessed June 30, 2017)
5
H. of knob 5 cm, W. 3.5 cm. An anklet with a similar double knob hinged clasp is known from Grave 10 of
the Magyarszerdahely cemetery: HORVÁTH 1979, Pl. X. 2.
6
SZABÓ 2009, 86; HORVÁTH–NÉMETH 2009, 156; MASSE–SZABÓ 2005; FÁBRY 2012, 181–182.
7
VIRÁGOS 2009, 13–14; KREITER ET AL. 2009; TUGYA 2009a; SZÖLLŐSI 2009; SZÖLLŐSI 2010–2013, 27–48.
8
Eleven late Roman graves were uncovered at the site: HERBÁLY 2009; LÁSZLÓ 2009; TUGYA 2009.
9
10
SZÖLLŐSI 2010–2013, 28, with further literature.
11
12
I am grateful to Klára Henriett Horváth for her kind permission to read her MA thesis, submitted to the
Institute of Archaeological Sciences of the Eötvös Lorand University in 2012 and to quote the data on the
site (HORVÁTH 2012a).
13
For the dating of the military finds, see below, in the discussion of the apron terminal pendant from Feature
55/112 and the unstratified bronze stud with foot plate.
wares enabling a finer dating were brought to light during the excavation, and neither were any
stone buildings uncovered in the investigated area.14
A 1–6 km wide late Upper Pleistocene terrace extends along the Danube’s right bank between
Paks and Fadd, immediately adjacent to the fringes of the Mezőföld region. The modern settlement
at Dunaszentgyörgy lies on the western edge of this terrace, where two infilled oxbow lakes meet.
The archaeological site is located north-west of the modern settlement, on a sand-covered alluvial
cone, in a landscape resembling the southern Mezőföld region. This southern region is the most
strongly subsided area, and is slightly rippled and strongly dissected. The sand dunes and the
long wide depression between them extend from north-west to south-east.15 The Középső-dűlő
site is located on a slightly raised north-west to south-east running ridge, and it seems likely that
it extended across the entire area bounded by the 100 m contour line: the excavated ditch system
runs along the midline of the ridge, its line corresponding to its axis. The ridge’s currently highest
point is 105 m high.
The excavated Roman-period settlement features included two wells, several smaller pits,
five simple sunken houses without any heating facilities and two larger sunken buildings with
heating facilities,16 alongside a cluster of ovens unassociated with the buildings, but dating to the
same period. A north-west to south-east running ditch system of parallel ditches, interpreted as
marking the settlement’s northern boundary, was noted in the northern and north-eastern part of
the planned service areas.17
The relative depth of the Roman-period feature was rather low; the site had been heavily
damaged during the preparatory work phases for the road construction.18 The floor of most features
lay some 30–40 cm from the shovel-shined level on the average, while the sunken floor of the house
lay 15–20 cm deeper.19 A superposition could be noted in one single case: House 55/112 was cut by
two ovens and their joint ash-pit (Features 56/113, 56/114, 56/115).20
14
The boundaries of the settlement could not be determined in either direction of the investigated area. It
seems likely that the excavated area represented a smaller portion of the settlement. A fairly high number
of the settlements in the province’s inner region and in the hinterland of the limes apparently lacked stone
buildings. Szilvia Bíró reviewed over fifty settlements of this type (BÍRÓ 2016, Abb. 3C).
15
Részletes Megvalósíthatósági Tanulmány. Élőhelyrekonstrukciók a Duna-Dráva Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság
működési területén, Duna-Dráva Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság 2013, http://www.ddnp.hu/–user/browser/
File/downloads/elohelyr–megvalosithatosagi–t.pdf (accessed March 17, 2016).
16
The average vicus accommodated fifteen to twenty-five houses, corresponding to ten to twenty households:
there were usually two outbuildings associated with a residential building (BÍRÓ 2016, 216–217).
17
It was not a ditch enclosing the settlement, but a repeatedly renewed drainage ditch (cf. Mosonszentmiklós:
SZŐNYI 2005, 404; Dunaszentgyörgy-Tengelic, Site TO-19B: http://archeodatabase.hnm.hu/hu/node/1639,
Zoltán Boldog’s site report) or a ditch with some other function because there were settlement features
on both sides. Pannonian vici were typically not enclosed by a stone wall, the single exception being the
settlement uncovered at Levél (SZŐNYI 2005, 404, Abb. 3; cf. also BÍRÓ 2016, 217).
18
The depth of the north-west to south-east running double ditches was 80 cm in some spots in the section
of the excavation trench; however, only a maximum depth of 30 cm could be documented in the excavated
area: 04–59615–2009–SEL 17/39, Photo documentation, Hungarian National Museum, Archaeological
Database: http://archeodatabase.hnm.hu/hu/node/1641 (accessed June 30, 2017).
19
There is a general consensus that only pits deeper than 60 cm (or roughly three spade spits) are regarded
as residential structures. At Budaörs, Katalin Ottományi drew this line at 70–80 cm (OTTOMÁNYI 2012, 103).
20
This phenomenon was noted on other sites too: the firing chamber of the open-air ovens was on the one-
time occupation surface. The use of the oven was facilitated by digging a pit in front of its mouth or by
recessing the ovens into the wall of abandoned sunken buildings.
Three types of sunken houses21 lacking heating facilities22 could be distinguished: (a) an oval
building with slightly irregular sides lacking post-holes (Feature 61/120)(Fig. 3);23 (b) an oval
building with steep sides and slightly dished floor with the post-holes for the forked ridge posts
supporting the purlin (Feature 47/93);24 and (c) rectangular buildings with rounded corners lacking
post-holes (Features 52/98,25 55/112,26 59/11827).28
Most buildings were east to west oriented with a slight divergence of a few degrees. The
southern side of Buildings 52/98 and 59/118 was slightly less steep and widened, suggesting an
entrance. In terms of their size, the buildings were fairly uniform, with a width of 3.5–4 m, a length
of 5 m,29 and a relative depth of 15–60 cm. The daub fragments recovered from the houses indicate
buildings with wattle-and-daub walls.
Two larger buildings adjacent to each other were uncovered. One was rectangular with an
observable floor level (Feature 62/127), conforming to Budai Balogh’s Type II/E2.30 Its fill yielded
21
In Roman provincial studies, these are usually described as pit-houses, sunken houses or dwelling pits.
Katalin Ottományi reconstructed the sunken buildings as having upright walls (65% of the houses uncovered
at Budaörs represented this type: OTTOMÁNYI 2012, 103). In late Celtic and Árpádian Age studies, these
buildings are designated as pit-houses, while in ethnographic studies, buildings with upright walls are
termed pit-houses with roofs resting on the ground (TAKÁCS 1999; SABJÁN 1999, 138, with further literature).
22
In Iron Age archaeological scholarship, only buildings with a hearth or an oven are regarded as residential
in nature (HORVÁTH 1987, 66; GALLINA–MOLNÁR–SOMOGYI 2007, 201). The number of buildings with a built
oven is rather low during the Roman period, accounting for no more than 17.5 % (BUDAI BALOGH 2009, 78–80,
Abb. 1). Even in the more urbane Budaörs vicus, the proportion of buildings with heating facilities was around
24–27%, and this proportion only began to rise from the second century onward; following the Severan
period, there was a substantial decline in their number (8–9%), despite the onset of a cooler and wetter climate.
Ottományi suggested that hot stones and portable hearths were used for heating beside the use of open-air
ovens, based on examples from the Roman-period Barbaricum. At Budaörs, the distance between the houses
and the open-air ovens was 1–2 m on the average, but never more than 3 m (OTTOMÁNYI 2012, 138–142, 154–
166, notes 76 and 471, Table 8). Comparable features were not found on the Dunaszentgyörgy settlement.
23
BUDAI BALOGH 2009, 86–87, Tabelle 1, Gruppe I/A. In terms of its size, it is a smaller type (2 m x 4 m) that
can be best interpreted as a workshop. This type is relatively rare; Budai Balogh cited variants with a
heating facility from Páty, Herceghalom and Balatonaliga as well as variants without such facilities from
Budatétény and Albertfalva (SZIRMAI 1978, 54, Abb. 2.4; SZIRMAI 1994–1995, 28). At Páty, the oval structures
were used for a longer period than the rectangular ones, again confirming their function as workshops
(OTTOMÁNYI 2007, 83–84, 141). At Budaörs, oval sunken buildings, three-quarters of which lacked post-
holes, were typical for the late Celtic-early Roman period (OTTOMÁNYI 2012, 119).
24
Relative depth 60 cm, size 4.5 x 5.5 m. Budai Balogh’s Group I/C1, a type current in the late Celtic period
(BUDAI BALOGH 2009, 88, Tabelle 1).
25
Relative depth 45 cm, size 3–3.5 x 5 m.
26
Relative depth 15 cm, size 4 x 5 m.
27
Relative depth 50 cm, size 3.5–4 x 5 m.
28
Budai Balogh’s Group II/A= SZŐNYI 1996, Type 3, representing an early La Tène house type, which is
attested in the early Roman period to varying degrees (BUDAI BALOGH 2009, 89, Tabelle 1). Eszter Szőnyi
assumed that these buildings resembled log cabins (SZŐNYI 2005, 402). Most of the houses at Budaörs could
be assigned to this type (OTTOMÁNYI 2012, 108).
29
Eszter Szőnyi classified buildings with floor areas of 5–9 m2 as workshops, while buildings with floor
areas of 12–15 m2 on an average were categorised as being residential in nature (SZŐNYI 2005, 402). For a
discussion of the size of the buildings, cf. also BUDAI BALOGH 2009, 78.
30
The remains of an oven were brought to light in the building’s western half (Feature 62/208), whose
northern side was adjacent to another small domed oven (Feature 62/128). The were three post-holes along
the two shorter sides and the post-holes of a partitioning wall sunk into the beaten clay floor formed a
north to south row in its interior. The building measured 3.5–4.5 m x 8 m and had a relative depth of 15 cm.
This type is attested sporadically in the province: a comparable building uncovered at Szólád-Bozótmellék
was also assigned to the early Roman period in view of its find material (BUDAI BALOGH 2009, 94–95;
HONTI ET AL. 2004, 64). A rare variant, a rectangular house with six post-holes was uncovered at Budaörs
(OTTOMÁNYI 2012, 106, 110, note 377).
Fig. 3. 1. Plan and section of Feature 61/120; 2. fragment of a brooch spring;

3. iron chain links; 4a–b. photo of the feature and its section
a few pottery fragments, animal bones and a stone as well as a bronze stud, a whetstone and iron
slag. The other building was slightly smaller, measuring 4 m by 5.5 m, and had a similar rectangu-
lar plan (Feature 68/172).31 The nature of the features and the finds suggest an economic function
for these two structures.32
Owing to the small size of the excavated area, little can be said about the settlement’s spatial
organisation; a layout with the buildings organised into rows running parallel to the ditches seems
most likely.33
The house types identified at Dunaszentgyörgy survived in unchanged form after the Late Iron
Age too.34
One controversial issue regarding sunken houses is their function. We do not know of any
other settlement features with a residential function from the early Roman period. There was no
sharp boundary between habitation space and the spaces used for domestic activities necessary for
daily sustenance such as grinding, bread baking and weaving.35 In addition to the quern stone, the
spindle whorl used in weaving, a knife, scissors and iron chain links (Fig. 3.3)36 attest to the arable
farming and animal husbandry practiced by the settlement’s occupants. The whetstone and the
iron slag from Building 62/127 suggest that ironworking and the repair of tools was undertaken
locally, as was perhaps also the latter’s’ manufacture.37 It was for a long time assumed that economic
activities on similar settlements had been on the household craft level. The possibility that a major
portion of the settlements resembling Dunaszentgyörgy lying immediately in the hinterland of the
limes had been engaged in the supply of the army was raised by Eszter Szőnyi.38
In terms of their emergence, the early Roman settlements engaged in farming can be divided
into two major groups. The first group comprises the settlements of the La Tène D period whose
31
Two ovens lay adjacent to the building in the north and one in the south; a baking surface enclosed by post-
holes was uncovered in the south-eastern corner and in the middle. Its relative depth was 40–45 cm and its
fill yielded a quern stone in addition to other finds.
32
Buildings with several ovens and pits of the Budaörs vicus were interpreted as workshops (OTTOMÁNYI
2012, 104).
33
The houses were arranged in rows in one part of the rural settlements at Ménfőcsanak and Levél, and into
smaller clusters in the settlement’s other part (SZŐNYI 2005, 405–406).
34
HORVÁTH 1987, 65–67. The sunken houses current during the LT C period in the Carpathian Basin can be
regarded as specific to the region; the use of these buildings survived into the Roman period too (TIMÁR
2011, 291–292). Roman-period settlements with sunken houses are attested in Pannonia and Dacia as well
as in the Barbaricum between the two provinces and in the regions occupied by Germanic peoples (BÍRÓ
2015, 92–93; BÍRÓ 2016, 211.
35
BUDAI BALOGH 2009, 77–78, n. 6. In order to eliminate the inconsistency between the designation and
the function implied by it, Bíró proposed the introduction of the term “Gruben mit Multifunktionalität”
(BÍRÓ 2015, 90). Lőrinc Tímár made a similar case for the interpretation of the Iron Age sunken buildings
(TIMÁR 2011, 292). Ákos Pető and his colleagues uncovered a Celtic and a Roman-period sunken house
with a similar structure at Győr-Ménfőcsanak-Széles-földek, which they examined as part of a household
archaeology case study and found that neither of the two buildings had a well-definable, specific function,
but were seasonally used for different purposes (cereal storage barns, stables, dung storage and perhaps
for the preparation of the clay for pottery production: PETŐ ET AL. 2012, 199–200).
36
Chains with figure-of-eight links were used for a variety of purposes, for example as plough chains,
although these had larger links (PALÁGYI 2000, 22, Fig. 7.3–5). The chain links from Dunaszentgyörgy
have a length of 5 cm. Their type and size resemble the chain links of the curb chain of a Pelham bit
from Kalkriese, possibly indicating a similar use in the case of the exemplar from the Dunaszentgyörgy
settlement (WILBERS-ROST 2008, Fig. 10b).
37
To avoid the risk of fire, metal and pottery workshops were generally located on the edge of the settlements
(Páty, Budaörs, Balatonszemes: BÍRÓ 2016, 217, with further literature). Several smaller metal workshops
for meeting the demands of local markets are known from Szakály-Réti-földek and Ménfőcsanak (GABLER
2003, 241). The iron slag found at Páty-Malom-dűlő was associated with second–third-century features
(OTTOMÁNYI 2007, 207).
38
SZŐNYI 2005, 405–407.
Fig. 4. Early Roman civilian sites along the M6 Motorway in County Tolna
occupation continued unbroken.39 However, in the case of most settlements, there was either
no Celtic antecedent or there was a gap of some 250–300 years between the late Celtic and the
early Roman occupation, as in the case of the Dunaszentgyörgy settlement.40 In both cases, the
settlement’s spatial organisation, the nature of its buildings and the pottery wares continue the late
La Tène traditions, which does not necessarily imply a continuous occupation.
The Dunaszentgyörgy settlement lies in the southern part of the extensive Eraviscan tribal
territory, close to the line of the Sió-Sárviz channel, which, following András Mócsy’s view, is
regarded as marking the boundary between the Eravisci and the Hercuniates.41
Several rural settlements (vici) of the Eravisci have been investigated in the northern part
of their settlement territory, in the foreland of Aquincum, as part of large-scale development-
led excavations. Katalin Ottományi argued for continuously occupied settlements at Budaörs-
39
GABLER 2003, 241.
40
Szőnyi suggested that instead of the term “native settlements”, which would imply the continuous presence of
an earlier population under Roman rule that is only rarely confirmed by the chronology of these settlements,
their designation as “dörfliche Siedlungen” would be more appropriate (SZŐNYI 2005, 401; BÍRÓ 2015, 94).
41
MÓCSY 1959, 59; based on the inscription of the gravestone that was secondarily built into the wall of the
Bonyhád parsonage, Péter Kovács argued that the Eraviscan territory extended to the line of the Sió or
perhaps even farther to the south (KOVÁCS 2011, 50).
Kamaraerdő42 and Páty-Malom-dűlő.43 An earlier LT C occupation could be demonstrated at

Budaörs, although the number of features was insubstantial compared to the LT D period.44 Mihály
Miklósity Szőke dated the settlement investigated at nearby Biatorbágy-Kukorica-dűlő to after the
Roman conquest, to the first century AD.45 Katalin Ottományi regarded these three vici, whose core
was a simple early Roman settlement lacking stone buildings, as occupying a position somewhere
between settlements with municipal rank and “small native villages”.46 She found a regular pattern
in their geographic location: they formed the centre of an area with a radius of roughly 3 km and
the smaller settlements within the circle were under their administrative authority.47
The large-scale archaeological investigations preceding road constructions during the past two
decades (Roads 6 and 56, Motorways M6 and M60) have enriched our knowledge of the southern
zone of the Eraviscan settlement territory as well as of the Hercuniates territory, and have led to a
substantial increase in the number of known rural settlements (Fig. 4).
Table 1. Rural settlement investigated during the salvage excavations ahead of road constructions
in County Tolna
Rural settlements, settlement Celtic antecedents Roman-period date
sections
1. Dunaföldvár-Vén homok kert, none Flavian Age–third century
Site RM 09, Site TO 21
2. Paks-Gyapa-Vörösmalom-dűlő, LT B1–C cemetery Flavian Age–third century
Rosti-puszta, Site TO 15
3. Paks-Gyapa, Site TO 33 LT B2–D1 settlement Flavian Age–third century
4. Paks-Cseresznyés, Site TO 18 none Flavian Age–fourth century
5. Paks-Felső-Csámpa, Site RM 10 none
6. Dunaszentgyörgy-Középső-dűlő, LT B2–C1 settlement Flavian Age–third century
Site RM 11
7. Bátaszék-Körtvélyesi-dűlő LT D (?) settlement Flavian Age–second century,
fourth century
Seven civilian settlements whose early Roman-period occupation began in the late first or the
early second century by the latest were investigated during the salvage excavations in County
Tolna. There were no indications of a La Tène-period occupation at Dunaföldvár-Vén homok kert,
Paks-Cseresznyés and Paks-Felső-Csámpa, while the settlements at Paks-Gyapa-Rosti-puszta, Site
M6-TO 15,48 and Paks-Gyapa, Site M6-TO 33,49 were founded during the early Roman period,
similarly to Dunaszentgyörgy-Középső-dűlő, and an occupation during the LT B2–C or LT C–D1
period50 could be documented too.
42
It was rebuilt in stone in the early second century, at a relatively early date compared to other Pannonian
buildings. The more urban layout of the second-century vicus differs significantly from the scarcely
occupied earlier settlement with a dispersed layout (OTTOMÁNYI 2005a, 362, 366–367; OTTOMÁNYI 2005b,
67, 70–72).
43
Celtic traditions can be clearly traced in the find material during the first two centuries of the Roman rule
as well as in the settlement features up to the last third of the second century. The first stone buildings were
erected in the earlier second century (OTTOMÁNYI 2007, 124).
44
OTTOMÁNYI 2005b, 72.
45
MIKLÓSITY 2010.
46
OTTOMÁNYI 2014, 98.
47
OTTOMÁNYI 2014, 98, 100–102, Fig. 2.
48
VÁCZI 2009; FÜZESI 2012, 7; SÁRÓ 2014.
49
HORVÁTH 2012a.
50
HORVÁTH 2012a, 5.
The ceramic material from the Dunaszentgyörgy settlement was made up of a high number of
body sherds from light grey, well-levigated, partly polished late Celtic vessels, of rim fragments from
S-profiled bowls and of hand-thrown large pots tempered with grog, which in some features were
found together with typical Roman provincial wares such as vessels with painted bands and painted
marbled decoration, Pannonian grey ware and grey vessels with coarse-grained fabric.51 The typical
Roman-period metal finds provide important anchors for the settlement’s chronology: a Norican-
Pannonian winged brooch52 and a brooch fragment of the kräftig profilierte type with a moulded knob
on its bow.53 The winged brooch (Fig. 5.1) can be assigned to Variant 1 of Merczi’s Type 10 (Almgren
238, Grabsch A 238c),54 which on the testimony of the coin finds was current during the Flavian
period55 and the first third of the second century.56 In Pannonia, they are not attested before the
Flavian period and neither do the more recently found exemplars indicate an earlier date.57
The kräftig profilierte brooch with a moulded knob on its bow (Fig. 5.2) represents Merczi’s
Type 8.58 These brooches were used over a longer period at Budaörs, from the Claudian period
though the second century to the earlier third century.59 These brooches account for the largest
group at the nearby site of Paks-Gyapa-Rosti-puszta, Site M6-TO 15.60
Aside from the brooches, an as issued by Domitian in 85 AD found in House 59/118 likewise
indicates that the Dunaszentgyörgy settlement was established around the late first–early second
century.61 The militaria finds, accessories of the military equipment brought to light on the
settlement, fall within the period indicated by the use of the brooches and the coin, namely the late
first to the earlier third century.
51
The presence of Celtic-type pottery in early Roman contexts is attested for a longer period of time, up to
the Flavian period in western Pannonia and up to the mid-second century in the province’s eastern part
(GABLER–OTTOMÁNYI 1990, 174).
52
Inv. no. 1.59615.000.023.
53
Inv. no. 1.59615.000.032.
54
Brooch with a hook for the chord. The triangular head flares towards the chord, a pair of rivets are attached
to the outcurved, plain wings, the trapezoidal catchplate is pierced by round perforations arranged in
rows. Surviving L. 10.5 cm, the lower part of the catchplate is missing. It can be assigned to the medium
size in Grabsch’s size range (9.5–13.5 cm). Five of the ten winged brooches from Budaörs represented this
variant (MERCZI 2012, 489–490).
55
A coin of Vespasian provided the terminus post quem date of the brooch from Grave 609 in the western
cemetery of Poetovio (ISTENIČ 1999–2000, 58, Pl. 132. 4).
56
GARBSCH 1965, 53, Abb. 21; GARBSCH 1974, 173, Abb. 5.
57
The lower chronological boundary, based on the material from the emporium at Magdalensberg, is the
late Tiberian–early Claudian period (SEDLMAYER 2009, 75; MERCZI 2012, 489–490). On the testimony of
the Budaörs material, Katalin Ottományi suggested that their use may have extended up to the Antonine
period; however, it is uncertain whether the brooches in question originated from the feature’s fill or from
the overlying levelling layer dating from the Severan period (OTTOMÁNYI 2012, 284, note 978). Csilla Sáró
published four winged brooches from the nearby settlement at Paks-Gyapa-Rosti-puszta, Site M6-TO 15,
one of which, representing Type Grabsch A 238c, is identical with the piece from Dunaszentgyörgy, while
the other pieces represent variants of Type Grabsch A 238v (SÁRÓ 2014, 300–301, Figs 1.1, 2.1, Cat. Nos 2–5).
58
The brooch has a triangular-sectioned cathcplate and a median rib down the foot. The wide catchplate is
trapezoidal, the moulded semi-spherical knob on the foot projects forward, the moulded knob and the
collars on the bow do not extend to the underside. Merczi distinguished several types: the Dunaszentgyörgy
exemplar can be assigned to her Type 2 because the median rib on the foot does not extend to the bow
(MERCZI 2014, 17). Curiously enough, Merczi only identified a single representative of this variant of the
type, which accounted for the largest group in the Budaörs material (MERCZI 2012, 479–487).
59
MERCZI 2012, 509–510.
60
SÁRÓ 2014, 301–303, Cat. 7–17.
61
IMP CAES DOMIT AVG GERM COS XI CENS PER PP, SALVTI AVGVSTI S-C, altar (RIC 304b, Cohen 419).
As, mint: Roma, 85 A.D.
Fig. 5. 1. Norican-Pannonian winged brooch; 2. kräftig profilierte brooch, unstratified find
Although the settlement investigated at Dunaföldvár-Vén homok kert, Site RM-09, is dated
to the second–third centuries, coin circulation began with the coins of Domitian and Trajan.62 The
earliest occupation at Paks-Gyapa, Site M6-TO 33, can similarly be dated to the later first or early
second century63 on the testimony of the brooches.64 In several features at Paks-Cseresznyés, Site
M6-TO 18,65 that contained Celtic-type finds, the earliest coin was a worn issue of Vespasian.66 The
site at Paks-Felső-Csámpa, Site RM 10, is interpreted as a farm-like settlement, whose chronological
position cannot be determined more closely.67
The apparently smaller settlements established in the late first–early second century along the
line of Motorway M6, lying some 3–5 km from the limes in its immediate hinterland, outline a zone
that was apparently abandoned by the Celts after the LT C2/D1 period. However, we identified
some settlements both in Inner Pannonia and along the limes in the study area that lived to see the
Roman occupation and the creation of the Roman administration, and remained occupied without
a break (Szakály-Réti földek,68 Bátaszék-Körtvélyes-dűlő69).70
A concentration of five settlements can be found in the above zone: Lussonium/Paks, in the
immediate hinterland of the Dunakömlőd fort; Dunaföldvár lies close to the Annamatia fort, while
62
Gergely Szenthe’s report, Hungarian National Museum, Archaeological Database: http://archeodatabase.
hnm.hu/hu/node/1637
63
HORVÁTH 2012a, 5.
64
Norican-Pannonian winged brooch of Type A 238o (inv. no. 01.45.846.000.025, HORVÁTH 2012a, Fig. I.23),
plate brooch with rhomboidal body of Riha’s Type 7.16 (inv. no. 01.45846.134.1293, HORVÁTH 2012a, 73–74,
Fig. I.18) and plate brooch with rhomboidal body of Riha’s Type 7.4 (inv. no. 01.45846.000.34, HORVÁTH
2012a, Fig. I.23).
65
The ditch system and the militaria finds suggested an interpretation as a marching camp or a road station:
András Hargitai’s report and the description of the stratigraphic units, Hungarian National Museum,
Archaeological Database: http://archeodatabase.hnm.hu/hu/node/1620
66
András Hargitai’s report, Hungarian National Museum, Archaeological Database: http://archeodatabase.
hnm.hu/hu/node/1620
67
András Hargitai’s report, Hungarian National Museum, Archaeological Database: http://archeodatabase.
hnm.hu/hu/node/1621
68
Changes in the settlement’s layout and in the nature of the find material can be demonstrated from the
early third century onwards (GABLER 1982).
69
The mass-produced Roman glass and pottery wares as well as brooches from the Flavian-Domitian
period (Aucissa brooches, oil lamps of Loeschke’s Type X and amphorae of Bojović’s Type 549/554) occur
alongside vessels bespeaking formal elements of Celtic pottery (MAGYAR 2013, 64–66; Hungarian National
Museum, Archaeological Database: http://archeodatabase.hnm.hu/hu/node/1612).
70
Although the region’s LT D settlement network and the chronology of the settlements is not known precisely,
it seems unlikely that the Celts had withdrawn from the territory similarly to the Celtic retreat from the
regions east of the Rhine in Germania superior and northwards of the Alps in Raetia around the mid-first
century B.C. or after 15 B.C. by the latest as documented by Sebastian C. Sommer (SOMMER 1990, 121–123).
Bátaszék to the auxiliary fort of Ad Statuas. The distance between the settlements near Lussonium
ranges between 0.77 and 8 km. Paks and Felső-Csámpa lie some 11 km from Lussonium, Duna-
szentgyörgy at a distance of ca. 14 km, while the other three settlements lie within a radius of 5 km.71
The administrative relationship between them and their functional morphology remains unclear.
It yet remains to be determined whether each acted as an independent unit or whether there was a
central settlement/vicus resembling the one posited by Ottományi in the Aquincum area.72
Studies on the interactions between the military and the local population, and of the impact of
the army on the development of the settlement network have since long enjoyed scholarly attention
in the western provinces.73 It is generally assumed that the provisioning of the army troops with
agricultural products and other goods was a burden borne by the rural settlements in the hinterland
and that the area’s economic integration in this manner74 was an important pillar of Romanisation.
The army garrisons had no doubt exerted a significant stimulus as potential markets, leading to
the growth in the number of settlements in the agglomeration zone.75 The sites in the broader
area of Lussonium indicate the appearance of a series of smaller rural settlements which had no
local antecedents roughly simultaneously with, or only slightly later than, the construction of the
military defence line.
The other key issue is to what extent the military played an active role in this process.76 Militaria
finds representing military equipment or weapons came to light on five settlements (Fig. 4), raising
the possibility that veterans had settled on these settlements.
The significant growth in the number of settlements can be linked to the soldiers’ discharge
with a grant of land (missio agraria)77 or to the land bought by the veterans who were relatively
affluent, both of which became the core of the later settlements.78 While it is strongly debatable
whether all the settlements yielding militaria can be linked to land owned by veterans, their role
in the settlement’s spatial organisation and in the broader area’s cultivation, either as leasers or
owners (first in the civilian vici, later in the villae rusticae) can hardly be doubted.79
71
Citing the findings of cultural anthropological studies, according to which a distance of 7 km can be
regarded as an average day’s return journey to settlements engaged in specialised activities, Keith J.
Matthews determined a spacing of 8 km as falling within the economic pull of Roman Chester based on
the archaeological record (MATTHEWS 1999, 33).
72
OTTOMÁNYI 2014, 98.
73
For comprehensive overviews, cf. the studies by David J. Breeze, R. F. J. Jones, J. H. F: Bloemers, C. Sebastian
Sommer, Iva Mikl-Clurk, Andrew G. Poulter and W. Groenman–van Waateringe in: VETTERS–KANDLER
1990, 83–160; KRÓLCZYK 2003.
74
JONES 1990; MEHL 1990; detailed studies on settlement morphology, changes in farming practices, the
tendencies in crop cultivation and the period’s demography in Pannonia remain a task of future research;
one major advance in this field is the household archaeology study undertaken by Ákos Pető and his
colleagues, which demonstrated the differences in the species composition and species diversity as well
as in the spatial organisation between the Celtic and early Roman features at Győr-Ménfőcsanak-Széles-
földek, a settlement surviving into the Roman period (PETŐ ET AL. 2012, 195–200).
75
FISCHER 1992, 234–235.
76
STOLL 2001, 452.
77
The gratuity received by discharged soldiers enabled them to partake in economic life after concluding
their term of service (BLEI 2013, 74–75).
78
Dénes Gabler associated the appearance of settlements without a LT D antecedent near the forts and inner
roads with the grants of land received by discharged veterans, which contributed to the survival of the
system of mid-size estates in the limes zone (GABLER 2003, 236, 243). A similar phenomenon was noted in
other provinces too, namely that the number of settlements in the hinterland grew from the period when
the stability of the military defence line was ensured and that these settlements provisioned the troops.
This process can be traced from Vespasian’s age in the Vindonissa area (TRUMM 2001, 111; BLEI 2013, 72,
n. 229, with further literature).
79
Thomas Fischer argued that the population of the Regensburg area could be ascribed to the army’s
increased demand for agricultural produce, which was essentially ensured by the villa estates owned or
leased by the veterans (FISCHER 1990, 113, 115).
Fig. 6. 1. Drop-shaped strap-end, Feature 55/112; 2. stud with foot plate, unstratified find;
3. apron terminal pendant, Feature 61/120 (drawing: Viktor Szinyei)
The three military fittings found at Dunaszentgyörgy-Középső-dűlő merit special attention.

Two were recovered from settlement features (Nos 61/120 and 55/112), while the third, a stud with
foot plate, was an unstratified find (Fig. 6).
Fig. 7. Apron fittings from Pannonia: 1. Lussonium (after FAZEKAS 2009); 2. Siscia (after RADMAN-LIVAJA
2004); 3. Savaria (after MRÁV 2010–2013); 4. Baláca (after MRÁV 2008)
1. Apron terminal pendant (Schurzanhänger) (Fig. 6.3)

One important element of military equipment, the terminal pendants of military aprons, part of
the belt accessories, came to light from the fill of Feature 61/120. The house yielded Celtic and
provincial Roman pottery as well as animal bones, a millstone, a bronze spiral (a brooch fragment)
and figure-of-eight iron chain links (Fig. 3.2–3). It seems likely that the feature had functioned as a
workshop pit (Fig. 3).
Dimensions: Diam. of ornamental disc 1.6 cm, diam. of secondary pendant 0.8 cm, L. of pendant:
2.7 cm, W. of pendant 2.8 cm, L. of end coiled back on itself eight times 1 cm, surviving L. of chain
7 cm, complete surviving L. 11 cm. The thickness of the ornamental disc is less than 1 mm.
Description: The terminal pendant comprises three elements: a chain, a lunate pendant and an
ornamental disc.80 The pressed disc of delicate sheet bronze has a rectangular plate terminating
in a round suspension loop secured to its reverse by a copper-alloy rivet. The lunate pendant was
suspended from this loop. The pendant’s end was coiled back on itself eight times. The pendant is
decorated with punched tendril motifs retaining remnants of tinning. There is a circular perforation
on the inner edge in line with the suspension loop; a secondary pendant was threaded through
the perforation. The secondary pendant is similarly decorated with a tinned punched motif. The
suspension chain made of bronze wire, representing the so-called foxtail type,81 was threaded
through a lug on the rectangular plate on the reverse of the ornamental disc.
The edges of the disc made from delicate sheet bronze curve downward. The type, a diademed
male head facing right with ribbons hanging behind the nape, is enclosed within a narrow raised
rib. A stylised branch motif is engraved in the lower right half of the type. The man is portrayed
with a prominent chin and nose and exaggerated thick neck.
The use of apron fittings can be clearly associated with the military: their distribution can
be correlated with troop movements since they were not among the commodities of trade. The
currently known pieces show a concentration in the western provinces, in Britain, Germany and
Gaul, although they appear sporadically in other regions too.
Most apron fittings came to light in military forts such as Caerleon,82 Wroxeter,83 London
(Fig. 8.3),84 Ham Hill,85 Colchester Sheepen,86 Waddon Hill,87 Chichester,88 Herrera de Pisuerga
(Palencia),89 Rheingönheim,90 Heddernheim (Fig. 8.1–2),91 Mainz (Fig. 8.4–5),92 Rißtissen,93
Darmstadt (Fig. 8.6),94 Gnotzheim (Fig. 8.7),95 Vindonissa (Fig. 8.9),96 Sarmizegetusa (Fig. 8.8),97
others were parts of a grave assemblage (Aznalcázar, Sevilla area),98 or of a hoard (Tekija),99 while
some are known from Teba (Málaga)100 and Herculaneum.101
Pannonian apron pendants were reviewed by Zsolt Mráv, who mentions exemplars from
the Baláca villa (Fig. 7.4)102 and County Vas (Fig. 7.3);103 another piece was published by Ferenc
Fazekas from the nearby Lussonium fort (Fig. 7.1).104 Ivan Radman-Livaja reported a piece
80
In terms of their symbolic meaning, lunate pendants represented the Moon, while the round phalera-like
discs the Sun; together they depicted the eternal bond between the Sun and the Moon, and between male
and female, an imagery vested with apotropaic powers (STIEBEL 2014, 101).
81
RIHA 1990, 76, 150, Taf. 32. 739–754.
82
ZIENKIEWICZ 1986, 181–182; BISHOP 1992, Fig. 14.15, Fig. 16.7.
83
BISHOP 1992, Fig. 16.1, 5.
84
BISHOP 1992, Fig. 14.16–17.
85
BISHOP 1992, Fig. 15.4.
86
BISHOP 1992, Fig. 15.5.
87
BISHOP 1992, Fig. 15.6.
88
BISHOP 1992, Fig. 15.7.
89
FERNÁNDEZ 1998, 40, Fig. 3.7–8.
90
BISHOP 1992, 96, Fig. 14.1–5, 7–14, Fig. 15.1–2.
91
ULBERT 1971, Abb. 3.1–2.
92
LINDENSCHMIT 1870, Taf. 4.3; BISHOP 1992, 92–93, 98–99, Fig. 13.
93
BISHOP 1992, Fig. 16.2, 4.
94
LINDENSCHMIT 1870, Taf. 4.4; BISHOP 1992, Fig. 16.3.
95
LINDENSCHMIT 1870, Taf. 4.1; ULBERT 1971, Abb. 5.12.
96
UNZ–DESCHLER-ERB 1997, 38, Kat.-Nr. 1271–1311, Taf. 46–47.
97
FEUGÈRE 1985, Fig. 10.13.
98
FERNÁNDEZ 1998, 37–40, Figs 1–2.
99
BISHOP 1992, 93–94, 98–99, Fig. 14.6, Fig. 15.3, Fig. 16.6, 8.
100
FERNÁNDEZ 1998, 40, Fig. 3.1–5.
101
BISHOP 1992, 94.
102
MRÁV 2008.
103
MRÁV 2010–2013, Rum: 62–63, Fig. 12; Savaria: 63–64, Fig. 13.6–7.
104
FAZEKAS 2009, 46–48, Trench 9/12, from the fill of Feature 7.
Fig. 8. 1–2. Heddernheim (after ULBERT 1971); 3. London (https://collections.museumoflondon.org.uk/

online/object/10505.html [2015.07.01]); 4–5. Mainz (after ULBERT 1971); 6. Darmstadt (after BISHOP 1992);
7. Gnotzheim (after ULBERT 1971); 8. Sarmizegetusa (after FEUGÈRE 1985);
9. Vindonissa (after UNZ–DESCHLER-ERB 1997)
probably originating from in Siscia (Fig. 7.2);105 a pendant with punched decoration is known from
Carnuntum-Pfaffenberg, which can probably also be assigned to this artefact type.106
105
RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004, 91, 133, Pl. 39.249.
106
JOBST–KREMER 1987, Abb. 9.52/85.
The apron terminal from Lussonium has a long rectangular suspension mount and a crescentic
pendant, whose workmanship and punched decorative motifs match those of the Dunaszentgyörgy
piece.107
The pendant from Siscia is described as being silvered. It has a longish, rectangular suspension
mount resembling the one from Lussonium and a plain lunate pendant with a secondary pendant
decorated with a punched radiate design.108
The Baláca pendant is drop- or leaf-shaped with a small terminal knop and a perforation above
it for the secondary pendant.109 The blackish discolouration of the pendant suggests that it had
been tinned; no traces of a possible punched decoration survived.110 The suspension mount retains
the attachment rivet.111
Several variants of terminal apron pendants are known from the Roman Empire. The most
widespread type was made up of a longish rectangular mount secured to the leather strap with one
or two rivets and a lunate, drop- or heart-shaped pendant.112 The length of these fittings generally
ranged between 8–10.5 cm.113
The pendant from Dunaszentgyörgy is one of the most intact and best preserved pieces
from Pannonia. Its design is unique among the pieces published from Hungary. Günter Ulbert
designated this type the London-Heddernheim type after the find spots of the pendants he believed
to have been made in the same workshop.114 The stone sculptures solely depict aprons with leather
straps and pendants with a suspension plate. According to Ulbert’s proposed reconstruction, the
pendants and ornamental discs were suspended from a chain instead of leather straps, at least at
the lower end of the straps.115
The best formal counterparts of the Dunaszentgyörgy pendant are a pendant from Tokenhouse
Yard in London (Fig. 8.3),116 two pendants each from Heddernheim (Fig. 8.1–2)117 and Mainz
(Fig. 8.4–5),118 alongside an exemplar from Darmstadt (Fig. 8.6).119 A fragment from Gnotzheim
has a pendant that differs from the above, although its main traits are similar to the above pieces
(Fig. 8.7).120
According to its online description, the pendant displayed as part of the permanent exhibition
of the Museum of London was made from copper alloy. Its technology as well as the punched
decoration on the lunate and the secondary pendant are identical to the piece from Dunaszentgyörgy.
107
FAZEKAS 2009, Pl. 2.1.
108
RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004, Pl. 39.249.
109
MRÁV 2008, 18, Fig. 3.
110
PALÁGYI 2003, 8, Kat. Nr. 2.1; MRÁV 2008, 18.
111
The closest formal analogy is one of the brooches from the Aználcazar assemblage (FERNÁNDEZ 1998, 40 n.
5, Fig. 2.2; MRÁV 2008, 18–19, Figs 6–7).
112
A set of apron fittings could comprise pendants of different forms: for example, the Tekije set contained
eight lunate and two drop-shaped pendants, while a drop- or leaf-shaped pendant and three lunate
pendants can be seen on the depiction of the Pula cingulum (BISHOP 1992, 93–94, Fig. 12.44; FERNÁNDEZ
1995, 37–40).
113
MRÁV 2008, 18; the Lussonium exemplar has a length of 7.4 cm with the strap loop (FAZEKAS 2009, 47).
114
According to ULBERT 1971, 290, “die Gehänge aus Heddernheim und London [sind] sogar zweifelsfrei
werkstattgleich”; however, this claim is erroneous because while the outer diameter of the two discs is
indeed identical, the depiction on the die and the size of the portrait differ. The punched design of the
pendants is identical, but their size and form differ: the Hedderheim pendant is round, the one from
London has a longish oval form.
115
ULBERT 1971, 291.
116
FEUGÈRE 1985, Fig. 10.3; ULBERT 1971, Abb. 5.10.
117
ULBERT 1971, Abb. 3.1–2.
118
ULBERT 1971, Abb. 5.8, 11.
119
BISHOP 1992, Fig. 16.3, can probably be assigned to this type.
120
ULBERT 1971, Abb. 5.12.
However, the diameter of the ornamental disc (18 mm) and of the portrait is slightly larger,121 while
the pendant’s total length is 10 cm.122 The wire for the suspension of the London pendant is twisted
round on itself ten times.
The punched tendril design on the Dunaszentgyörgy lunate pendant is matched by the
ornamentation of the pendants from London (Fig. 8.3),123 Heddernheim (Fig. 8.1)124 and a piece
of uncertain provenance from Mainz (Fig. 8.5),125 all of which represent the same type, and share
many similarities with the exemplars from Lussonium (Fig. 7.1),126 Wroxeter,127 Darmstadt (Fig.
8.6)128 and Vindonissa (Fig. 8.9).129
The pendants do not, in themselves, imply an apron; although the variants of lunate pendants
with punched decoration were less typical adornments of horse gear,130 the finds from the Flavian
ala castellum in Carnuntum include variants adorned with a punched design, which are larger than
the currently known apron pendants and represent the variant with a drop-shaped secondary
pendant.131
The functional classification of the suspension mounts for securing the pendant to the strap
rests on a firmer foundation because these differ from the fittings of horse gears.
The intermediate element of the Dunaszentgyörgy pendant is a small ornamental disc, to which
the chain and the loop from which the pendant was suspended were secured. Considerably more
ornamental studs secured to the leather straps themselves are known because their number was
far higher in the sets used for adorning the aprons (often as many as a hundred for a single apron).
Neither do the studs in themselves denote military aprons. Contemporaneous depictions and
various find assemblages indicate a diverse range of decorative uses, since various other suspension
straps, small boxes, various utilitarian objects and horse gear were often decorated with similar
adornments. Their sizes vary, their diameter ranges between 1.5–4.5 cm.132
Relief-decorated disc mounts of various sizes were first catalogued by Ulbert, who distinguished
twelve main groups;133 his classification was later modified and refined by Michel Feugère.134
The most widespread type among the discs bear a bare, a laureate, a diademed or helmeted
male head facing right or left. A branch motif is often part of the design. Aside from the heads,
depictions of Victoria navalis,135 Hercules and two-horse chariots are frequent too.136
Ulbert assigned the combination of the male head facing right and the palm branch on the
London disc (Fig. 8.3), resembling the one from Dunaszentgyörgy, to his Group 6 (Feugère’s Type
6a)137; the Hedderheim variant has a slightly smaller head (Feugère’s Type 6b)138 (Fig. 8.1). The
London and Heddernheim portraits are larger than the one on the Dunaszentgyörgy disc (Fig. 6.3),
whose size is identical with a portrait on a piece from Siscia (Feugère’s Type 7c).139 However, given
121
FEUGÈRE 1985, Fig. 10.3.
122
http://collections.museumoflondon.org.uk/online/object/10505.html (last accessed July 1, 2015)
123
ULBERT 1971, Abb. 5.1.
124
125
ULBERT 1971, Abb. 5.11.
126
FAZEKAS 2009, 46–48, Trench 9/12, from the fill of Feature 7.
127
BISHOP 1992, Fig. 16.5.
128
BISHOP 1992, Fig. 16.3.
129
UNZ–DESCHLER-ERB 1997, 38, Taf. 46.1277.
130
NICOLAY 2007, 39, does not regard the variant with a punched design as typical for horse gear.
131
STIGLITZ 1987, 208, Taf. 5.2.
132
BISHOP 1992, 96.
133
ULBERT 1971, 279–287.
134
FEUGÈRE 1985.
135
ULBERT 1971, 287, Groups 13–14.
136
ULBERT 1971, 287, Groups 15–17.
137
FEUGÈRE 1985, 126, Fig. 2.
138
FEUGÈRE 1985, 126, Fig. 2.
139
FEUGÈRE 1985, 128, Fig. 5.
its overall diameter, the Siscia disc represents a smaller variant and the portrait is more schematic,
more “barbarised”.140 In terms of the portrait’s artistry, the Dunaszentgyörgy disc has more in
common with Type 6 in view of the fine details of the male head, the laurel wreath crowning his
head and the leaves of the branch, reflecting excellent craftsmanship.141
With the exception of one of the Hedderheim exemplars adorned with a portrait of Victory,142
the variants suspended from chains bear various types of male heads. The portraits resemble the
imperial portraits of the Flavian period. Ulbert contended that one of the discs from Siscia depicted
Vespasian or perhaps Titus.143 Unlike on the discs of Types 6 and 7, the depiction of palm branches
as attributes is uncommon on the obverse of the period’s coins.144 The interpretation of the palm
branch as a symbol of victory is underpinned by its association with mounts that portray heads
with a laurel wreath.145 Discs adorned with depictions of Victoria navalis146 and two-horse chariots147
were likewise symbols of victory, which are attested on coin reverses.
Similar pressed discs are known from but a few sites in Pannonia. Ulbert cites four pieces from
Brigetio148 and seven from Siscia.149 We know of eleven pieces from Carnuntum150 and of one each
from Gerulata (Oroszvár/Rusovce, SK),151 Savaria and Rum,152 to which we may add the disc from
Budaörs published by Mráv, a formal analogy to the specimen from Brigetio.153 Pressed discs of
delicate sheet bronze (about twenty-four pieces) have been published from the early Roman wagon
burial uncovered at Kálóz: they are of roughly the same size, the design of each piece is identical,
suggesting they had been made in the same workshop.154
Studies on military equipment ascribe a decorative and demonstrative role to military aprons,155
but not a protective function. In addition to possibly being a means of identifying a particular unit
or army group, the lavishly adorned straps suspended from the belt were an impressive visual
element designed to mediate imperial propaganda and the army’s might.156
Mike C. Bishop reviewed the stone sculptural evidence for military aprons, whose majority
could be broadly dated to the first century and the early second century; they were typically worn
140
ULBERT 1971, 279.
141
ULBERT 1971, 279.
142
143
ULBERT 1971, 287, Abb. 1.3.
144
In his interpretation of the motif, Günter Ulbert cites the fourth-century contorniate coins surveyed by
András Alföldi (ALFÖLDI 1943), on which a palm branch was subsequently engraved beside the imperial
portrait (ULBERT 1971, 289).
145
ULBERT 1971, 289.
146
Depictions of Victoria navalis on the reverse of the coins of Vespasian and Titus are particularly frequent,
usually associated with the victory over the Jews (ULBERT 1971, 289).
147
HALKE 1909, 43.
148
ULBERT 1971, 297, Abb. 1.9–12.
149
ULBERT 1971, 297, Abb. 1.2–8; FEUGÉRE 1985, 134, Cat. No. 39; Remza Koščević published some thirty pieces
(KOŠČEVIĆ–MAKJANIĆ 1995, 18, Plate 30, 258–285; RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004, 89–90, 131–132, Pls 36–39, 212–
246).
150
JOBST 1992, 253–255, Kat. Nr. 39–48; JILEK 2005, 174, Abb. 5.32.
151
FEUGÉRE 1985, 134, Cat. No. 35.
152
Cf. n. 142.
153
MRÁV 2012, 535, Fig. 2.5.
154
SZABÓ 1977, 135, 195; FEUGÉRE 1985, 123–125. In view of the wood remains on their reverse, Bóna interpreted
the discs as the ornamental fittings of a carriage seat and rejected Szabó’s arguments who regarded the
assemblage as the equipment of a soldier stationed in the auxiliary fort at Gorsium (BÓNA 1978, 274–277).
155
The jingling sound of the straps of military sandals and the straps lavishly adorned with mounts had
probably made a memorable and forceful impression (BISHOP–COULSTON 2006, 110; HOSS 2010, 103).
156
BISHOP 1992, 100–102; JUNKELMANN 1986, 161; BISHOP–COULSTON 2006, 109–110; HOSS 2010, 103.
by legionaries and the soldiers serving in infantry auxiliary troops,157 and many different variants
existed simultaneously.158
There are few depictions of soldiers sporting an apron from Pannonia; two appear on the grave
steles of two soldiers serving as miles legionis. The stele from Carnuntum, dated to the Claudian
period, was erected in memory of Rufus Lucilius, who had served in the legio XV Apollinaris.159
Three straps are shown on the stele, but the type of the terminal pendant cannot be made out, The
other stele, dated to Domitian’s reign, was erected in honour of C. Castricius Victor in Aquincum,
who had served in the legio II adiutrix.160 The depiction shows the soldier wearing a cingulum with
an apron of six straps with lunate pendants, while the straps suspended from the balteus are covered
with disc-shaped decorative mounts.161
Aprons first appeared during Tiberius’ reigns and their use continued until the early decades
of the second century.162 The overwhelming majority of the ornamental apron mounts from well-
dated contexts found in various regions of the empire can be dated to the Flavian horizon,163 the
period to which the exemplar from Dunaszentgyörgy can also be assigned.
2. Teardrop-shaped strap-end (Fig. 6.1)

The teardrop- or lance-shaped bronze strap-end with perforated attachment end (lanzettenförmiger
Riemenendbeschlag), part of the military equipment,164 was recovered from the fill of House 55/112.
The finds from this feature included Celtic-type S-profiled bowl fragments, Pannonian grey bowls,
vessels with marbled painting and grey cooking pots of gritty fabric. This feature was cut by
Oven 56 and its ash-pit, which similarly yielded Roman-period pottery.
Distributed across the entire territory of the Roman empire,165 these strap-ends were usually
worn in pairs166 and they represent one of the most common types from the Antonine period to
close of the third century.167
The material from Siscia includes a semi-finished piece, suggesting local production.168 While
most of these fittings can be linked to the equipment of the infantry, a piece from Baláca indicates
their use on the straps of horse gear too,169 and some finds attest to their possible use by civilians.170
Dimensions: L. 4.9 cm.
Description: Teardrop-shaped bronze strap-end with rounded terminal and a rib down its
length. The attachment end is slightly lozenge-shaped with a rectangular perforation.
157
BISHOP 1992, 45, surveyed the depictions, most of which originate from the Rhine region.
158
BISHOP–COULSTON 2006, 109.
159
CIL 03, 13484; BURGER 1991: Carnuntum 250; http://www.ubi-erat-lupa.org/monument.php?id=12 (last
accessed: March 12, 2016), with further literature.
160
CIL 03, 14349 / 2; http://www.ubi-erat-lupa.org/monument.php?id=2706 (accessed March 12, 2016), with
further literature.
161
BISHOP 1992, 88, No. 27; MRÁV 2008, 20.
162
BISHOP 1992; JUNKELMANN 1986, 161; FERNÁNDEZ 1998; NICOLAY 2007, 38–39.
163
These were recently reviewed and discussed by Zsolt Mráv (MRÁV 2008, 19).
164
OLDENSTEIN 1976, 142–144.
165
The high number of southern Pannonian strap-ends from Siscia and Burgenae in the collection of the
Zagreb museum were published by Ivan Radman-Livaja (RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004, 96, 300–301, Kat. Nr. 313–
343, and 300–301, 48–65).
166
OLDENSTEIN 1976, 142–144, Kat. Nr. 291–304; RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004, 96, n. 569, with further literature.
167
BISHOP 1992, 99.
168
RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004, 96, Kat. Nr. 313.
169
PALÁGYI 1997, 467, Fig. 6.73; BISHOP 1992, 99.
170
OLDENSTEIN 1976, 144; RADMAN-LIVAJA 2004, 96.
3. Stud with foot plate (Fig. 6.2)

In view of their foot plates, these studs171 were principally used for securing the Ring- and
Rahmenschnallencingula to leather or textile.172 Jürgen Oldenstein’s comprehensive survey of these
finds indicates that dome-headed studs of this type were made from bone173 and bronze alike. A
semi-finished piece from the vicus of the fort at Regensburg-Großprüfening attests to the mass
production of these studs.174 Their function as attachment rivets on leather belts and the straps of the
horse gear175 is evidenced from the mid-second century176 to the close of the third century. Several
specimens are known from Pannonia. Both uses of studs were documented in the Roman cemetery
beside the villa rustica at Nagykanizsa-Inkey sírkápolna: in Grave 10, they were associated with the
cingulum,177 while in Grave 42, with the straps of the horse gear.178 The terminus post quem date of
the exemplar from Grave 10 is provided by two coins of Maximinus issued between 236–237.
Ring-buckle belts and their fittings,179 including studs with end plates for securing the strap-
ends threaded through the buckle, were quite widespread – including their imperial use – and
were part of third-century military equipment, thus their presence reflects an individual’s military
status even in the lack of weapons.180
Dimensions: W. 2.2 cm, H. 1.7 cm.
Description: Dome-headed stud with foot plate.
*
Various elements of military equipment and harness fittings were for a long time regarded as secure
indicators of an active military presence. However, a substantial portion of militaria finds came to
light from civilian contexts, in whose case a military installation, even if provisional in nature, or
events involving the army (such as a military marching route or battle) cannot be demonstrated.
These finds have attracted considerable scholarly attention and the past one and half decades have
seen a proliferation of studies in this field, in the wake of which the association of these finds
with discharged veterans has become widely accepted.181 Assuming that military service denoted
a crucial phase in an individual’s life, Johan A. W. Nicolay constructed a life-cycle model for
soldiers, in part based on these finds.182 He analysed the biography of the weapons and equipment
in relation to the active and passive phases of a military career.183 The high number of militaria
found in civilian contexts indicates that the discharged veterans could decide themselves the fate
171
OLDENSTEIN 1976, 167–169, Taf. 46.
172
OLDENSTEIN 1976, 168.
173
A substantial number of lathe-turned bone studs came to light from third-century contexts in the castella at
Niederbieber and Holzhausen (OLDENSTEIN 1976, 168).
174
FISCHER–FROSCHAUER 1982, 218, Nr. 266, Abb. 23.3; FISCHER 1988, 188.
175
OLDENSTEIN 1976, 168–169. In the late Roman period, buckle variants with a tongue re-appear (FISCHER
1988, 189–190).
176
At Carnuntum, studs were found together with a coin of Hadrian and a teardrop-shaped strap-end
(Ziegelgrab 31/84; JILEK–STIGLITZ 1987, Taf. 5.9).
177
EKE–HORVÁTH 2010, 159, Fig. 5.10/12–14.
178
EKE–HORVÁTH 2010, 167, Fig. 12.42/6–9, 12–13, 16–17, 19–20, 22–23, 25–27.
179
HOSS 2012, 39.
180
HOSS 2010, 100–102.
181
In some periods, the militaria finds from the hinterland can be associated with soldiers still in active service
(PFAHL–REUTER 1996, 134–136; TRUMM 2001, 113, notes 40–42; FISCHER 2002, 13–14; MRÁV 2008, 20).
182
NICOLAY 2002, 57–62.
183
In the case of weapons and military equipment, Nicolay draws a distinction between the active military
use and the social use of equipment, arguing that artefacts too have a “life-cycle” (NICOLAY 2002, 62;
NICOLAY 2009, Abb. 1).
of their equipment: the army purchased these items from them for a considerable sum,184 although
the more affluent probably kept their equipment and, on occasion, also their weapons even after
they were discharged.185 On the individual level, these articles no doubt had an emotional value,186
and as symbols of their military or veteran status,187 they also served as the basis of a higher social
prestige in their communities.188 Infantry soldiers expressed their social identity with the belt sets
lavishly adorned with metal mounts, while horse gear was the status symbol of the cavalry units.189
In the case of the veterans of the auxiliary units, we cannot speak of state-controlled settlement,
of veteran colonies created through deduction.190 Following the end of their term of service, they
either returned to their homeland where they had been recruited, or they settled in the hinterland
of their last army post, which, in the light of recent studies, appears to have been the more frequent
choice.191
The finds outline several spots in Pannonia where we may assume the more substantial presence
of veterans. In addition to the immediate hinterland of the limes, there is evidence from the Balaton
region192 and from along the Amber Route, serving as a military marching road and supply line
until Trajan’s reign, for the settlement of a high proportion of veterans beyond the active military
zones.193
The settlement of discharged soldiers is attested from the later first century onward in the
Balaton region; the later villa estate at Baláca evolved from a veteran colony.194 Aside from the
Balaton region, a roughly similar process can be assumed at Biatorbágy-Kukorica-dűlő in County
Pest195 and at Cserdi in County Baranya.196
Mráv has devoted a detailed study to the Aquincum area, the northern part of the civitas
Eraviscorum in relation to the veteran settlements. In addition to the military diplomas from Páty
and Tárnok, and the weapon burials from Albertfalva, militaria finds have been discovered in two
civilian vici, at Budaörs and Biatorbágy, all dating from the period between the first century and
the early second century.197 The majority of the militaria finds from Tác-Fövenypuszta, a settlement
184
One ongoing debate in Roman studies is whether or not weapons and military equipment were state-
owned. Johan Nicolay reviewed the evidence indicating that these were owned by the conscripted soldiers
(owners’ marks, names appearing on the equipment), which they had to purchase, while in the case of less
affluent soldiers, the price was deducted from their pay (NICOLAY 2009, 260).
185
NICOLAY 2002, 62; Zsolt Mráv discussed this issue in relation to the phalera pendant from Biatorbágy,
noting that the ornamentation of the fittings did not signal military rank, but rather indicted the individual’s
economic potential (MRÁV 2010, 151).
186
In addition to military diplomas and funerary and votive inscriptions, the military articles kept as personal
memorabilia provide the main sources for studies on the life of discharged soldiers; the distribution of
these finds provide a good indication of where the veterans of various units settled and the reasons behind
their choice of settlement.
187
NICOLAY 2002, 61–63; NICOLAY 2009, 263; MRÁV 2010, 150.
188
MRÁV 2013a, 111.
189
HOSS 2010, 102.
190
STOLL 2011, 461, n. 38.
191
A study of military diplomas suggested that roughly 69% of the veterans remained in the province where
there they had been enlisted, while 31% in the province where they been born, with about one-half of the
latter serving in that province too. The Pannonian record suggests that about two-thirds of the veterans
preferred a location in the area of military centres and the neighbouring settlements (ROXAN 1997, 483, 486;
NICOLAY 2002, 58–59; NICOLAY 2009, 259).
192
MRÁV 2008; MRÁV 2013a, 91–99, Figs 7–11.
193
For the main areas with the veterans’ settlements in Pannonia, cf. MRÁV 2013a.
194
A similar process can be assumed in the case of Gyulafirátót-Pogánytelek (GABLER 1994, 149; MRÁV 2008;
MRÁV 2013a, 91). The diploma fragment dating from the mid-second century found in the Siófok area
provides additional information on the veterans in the Balaton region (MRÁV–VIDA 2008–2010).
195
MIKLÓSITY 2010; MRÁV 2010.
196
SZABÓ–SZABÓ 2015, 155–156.
197
MRÁV 2010, 139; MRÁV 2013a, 91, n. 16, Fig. 3.
located in the middle zone of the Eraviscan settlement territory, were recovered from the settlement
features of the civilian vicus and not from the auxiliary castellum.198
No more than three inscriptions from the first century relate to soldiers from the southerly
corner of the Eraviscan territory in County Tolna. The military diploma found at Felsőnána was
issued to a soldier of the cohors I Augusta Ituraeorumin in 89.199 According to Barnabás Lőrincz, the
cohort was stationed in the fort at Ad Statuas/Várdomb, where it had been transferred from its
earlier Flavian-period camp at Solva/Esztergom.200 The other two inscriptions are of little relevance
regarding veterans.201 Another inscription relating to veterans dating from the early second century
was published by Péter Kovács: however, the grave stele fragment was re-used secondarily and thus
the exact location of where the veteran had actually settled cannot be identified with certainty.202
Several auxiliary camps are known within a 30 km radius of Dunaszentgyörgy: Annamatia/
Baracs, Lussonium/Dunakömlőd, Alta Ripa/Tolna, Alisca ad Latus (?)/Őcsény and Ad Statuas/
Várdomb, although little is known about which units were stationed there at the close of the first
century.
Military aprons were exclusively worn by the soldiers of infantry units. Alta Ripa was garrisoned
by cavalry troops, while the earliest known unit stationed in Ad Statuas was the cohors I Augusta
Ituraeorum on the testimony of the Felsőnána diploma, which was transferred to the defence of this
limes section under Domitian.203 The military fort lying closest to the Dunaszentgyörgy settlement
was Lussonium, where troops were probably stationed from as early as Claudius’ reign. The first
known unit stationed in the camp was the cohors I Alpinorum peditata, which garrisoned the fort
from Domitian’s reign or Trajan’s reign by the latest until their relocation after the Marcommannic
Wars.204
The apron terminal pendant can be confidently associated with the military, although it remains
unclear which garrison its owner had served in. Felsőnána and Dunaszentgyörgy both lie some
30 km from the Ad Statuas camp as the crow flies, meaning that this possibility cannot be ruled out.
The other feasible possibility is the army unit stationed in Lussonium where another variant of this
fitting with a similar ornamental motif on the pendant was found.
The apron fitting was recovered from a secondary context on the Dunaszentgyörgy settlement;205
it seems likely that the pit in whose fill it was found had functioned as a workshop pit (Feature
198
MRÁV 2013b, 174.
199
MÓCSY 1959, Inschriftenkatalog Nr. 211; LŐRINCZ 2001, Nr. 7.
200
LŐRINCZ 2001, 37, 155, Kat.-Nr. 7; CIL XVI 42.
201
One stele, found in Szekszárd, was erected in honour of an active soldier of the cohors I Vindelicorum (RIU 4
Nr. 1029; BURGER 1991: Sopianae 42; LŐRINCZ 2001, Nr. 467), although there is no conclusive evidence that
the cohort had been stationed in Pannonia; Lőrincz associated the grave inscriptions from Szekszárd and
Aquincum mentioning the unit (CIL III. 03562; http://www.ubi-erat-lupa.org/monument.php?id=6035,
with further literature) with the soldiers who died during the transferral of troops from Germania
inferior to Moesia superior (LŐRINCZ 2001, 48). The grave altar of C(aius) Iulius C(ai) f(ilius) / Fab(ia tribu)
Maximus, a veteran of the cohors VI Thracum, was retrieved from the Danube by the late Roman bridgehead
at Bölcske, from a secondary context. Its date falls between 80 and 100 A.D. (SZABÓ–TÓTH 2003, 144. Nr.
40). Lőrincz located the post of the unit to the Aquincum-Albertfalva area, on the Sarmatian front (LŐRINCZ
2001, 43–44).
202
According to the restoration of the fragmentary inscription from Bonyhád, the father was granted Roman
citizenship as the veteran of an auxiliary cavalry unit, while his son was a princeps Eraviscorum (KOVÁCS
2011, 47–48).
203
LŐRINCZ 2001, 37.
204
Visy contends that they were transferred to Lussonium under Domitian (VISY 1989, 395); in contrast,
Lőrincz believes that the unit was still stationed in Poetovio at this time and that it moved to Lussonium
after 105 (LŐRINCZ 2001, 28, 80, 233, Kat. Nr. 249).
205
The militaria finds brought to light on the Batavian settlements in the Rhine delta were in part found in
residential buildings and in part along the settlements’ boundaries; these buildings are believed to have
been occupied by the returning veterans (NICOLAY 2009, 264).
61/120) and that the fitting itself had been discarded or had perhaps been intended for re-use as
raw material.206
The other two fittings from Dunaszentgyörgy representing decorative elements of a belt
or horse gear date from a later period, with most of their parallels coming from third-century
contexts.207 The military fittings of this period have a smaller relevance in terms of denoting veteran
settlements because the role of local workshops had grown substantially by the middle Roman
period and the fittings produced in them were accessible to civilians too.208
The Dunaszentgyörgy settlement is not the single civilian site yielding military finds (Fig. 4,
Table 1).209 A lancehead recovered from the fill of a well has been published from the settlement
at Paks-Felső-Csámpa, Site M6-RM 10,210 lying roughly 2.5 km from Dunaszentgyörgy, while a
lancehead and a scale armour have been reported from Paks-Cseresznyés, Site M6-TO 18, located
to the north.211 The majority of the militaria finds from Paks-Gyapa, Site M6-TO 33, located some
14 km to the north, were recovered from the fill of a single feature, a large, rectangular, post-
framed sunken building with an oven measuring 9 m by 4 m. Several metal finds came to light in
the building’s south-western corner: the fragment of an iron plate (perhaps from a helmet), small
bronze plates (perhaps the mounts of a belt or some other leather article), a bronze knee brooch, the
handle of a bronze patera, a casket mount with figural decoration, the remains of a chain mail of
small links and caliga hobnails found in situ as well as two bronze rivets for repairing footwear.212
The building can be dated to the second century on the testimony of the finds.213
The above sites all lie in the foreland of the Lussonium fort. The military finds imply a continuous
interaction between the military and the immediate civilian hinterland, whose actual radius can
only be determined in the course of future research.
CONCLUSION
The large-scale salvage excavations in County Tolna during the past decade have enriched our
knowledge of the settlements in the immediate hinterland of the limes, most of which had no
direct Celtic antecedents (Dunaszentgyörgy-Középső-dűlő, Paks-Felső-Csámpa, Paks-Gyapa) or
were established after a chronological gap, either roughly simultaneously with the creation of the
defensive line or shortly afterwards. Despite the discontinuity with the earlier occupation, the
206
It is uncertain for how long the equipment kept by veterans preserved their symbolic meaning. Very often,
various military articles are found as discarded items, suggesting that most had only been important to the
veteran himself, although a more valuable piece may have been kept for one or two generations (NICOLAY
2009, 264). Soldiers were usually discharged when they turned 45, to which we can add a veteran life-cycle
of twenty years on average. Given that the use of military aprons is attested up to the early second century
and that the veteran settled at Dunaszentgyörgy around this time at the latest, the fittings were discarded
into the pit in the first third of the second century.
207
Studies focusing on the Batavian settlement territory have demonstrated that expressly military finds
appeared in civilian contexts during the first century, while militaria are mainly represented by belt and
horse gear fittings during the second–third centuries, and by the typical late belt types in the fourth century
(NICOLAY 2009, 265).
208
Arrowheads made for the army were used in hunting in civilian milieus, while the damaged weapons and
equipment were secondarily re-used in metalworking (PFAHL–REUTER 1996; NICOLAY 2009, 266; MRÁV
2010, 149–150).
209
Militaria finds originating from equipment have been principally found on rural settlements made up of
three to five byre-dwellings in the Batavian settlement territory (NICOLAY 2009, 264).
210
HARGITAI 2010, 303.
211
András Hargitai’s report and the description of the stratigraphic units, Hungarian National Museum,
Archaeological Database: http://archeodatabase.hnm.hu/hu/node/1620
212
HORVÁTH 2012a: in this case, the militaria finds served as raw material for a metal workshop, together with
the other metal finds, and their direct association with veterans is not as straightforward.
213
HORVÁTH 2012a.
ceramic traditions of the native La Tène population can be strongly felt and the adoption and
spread of provincial Roman wares is attested from the second century onward;214 the persistence of
Iron Age traditions in settlement layouts can in some cases be demonstrated for even longer. The
Roman metal finds such as brooches, coins and the occasional metal fittings represent the earliest
pieces.
The late Celtic settlements at Bátaszék-Körtvélyes-dűlő and Szakály-Réti-földek were occupied
continuously during the Roman period; however, no militaria finds are known from these two
sites.215
It would appear that La Tène traditions survived irrespective of whether a particular settlement
was continuously occupied from the Celtic period or was only established during the Roman
period.
It seems likely that economic factors should be sought behind the substantial growth in the
number of settlements within the economic pull of the limes: in addition to the archaeological
finds, the archaebotanical and archaezoological material similarly attest to arable farming and
animal husbandry which, in addition to meeting local demands, also played a major role in the
provisioning of the newly-arrived army.
The economic integration of the occupied territories was an important element of Romanisation,
to which the discharged veterans settling in the Danubian provinces made a major contribution
through their good financial potential and their impact on the settlement network and the
economy. There is still much to be discovered regarding the army’s impact on the development of
a particular region, calling for studies that simultaneously examine La Tène- and Roman-period
structures combined with systematic assessments of the finds brought to light and archaeometric
analyses as well as a more detailed mapping of the inner Pannonian regions in order to gain a more
comprehensive picture.
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Militaria Horvath

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ACROSS THE MEDITERRANEAN – ALONG THE NILE

Studies in Egyptology, Nubiology and Late Antiquity Dedicated to

Institute of Archaeology, Research Centre for the Humanities,

ISBN 978-615-5766-18-3 (Volume 1–2)

© Institute of Archaeology, Research Centre of the Humanities,

Tabula Gratulatoria ..................................................................................................................................... 9

Editors’ Preface .......................................................................................................................................... 11

I. P REHISTORIC EUROPE AND THE ANCIENT WORLD

II. ANCIENT EGYPT

Zoltán Imre FÁBIÁN

III. ANCIENT N UBIA

IV. LATE ANTIQUE N UBIA

Bente KIILERICH – Hjalmar TORP

VI. THE ANCIENT W ORLD IN MODERN EUROPE

Árpád Miklós NAGY

List of Contributors ...................................................................................................................................... 975

The archaeological site of Dunaszentgyörgy-Középső-dűlő, Site M6-RM 11 (County Tolna), was

Fig. 1. 1. Location of the site; 2. plan of the excavation

middle Roman period as well as the features of a

Fig. 3. 1. Plan and section of Feature 61/120; 2. fragment of a brooch spring;

Kamaraerdő42 and Páty-Malom-dűlő.43 An earlier LT C occupation could be demonstrated at

Fig. 5. 1. Norican-Pannonian winged brooch; 2. kräftig profilierte brooch, unstratified find

The three military fittings found at Dunaszentgyörgy-Középső-dűlő merit special attention.

1. Apron terminal pendant (Schurzanhänger) (Fig. 6.3)

Fig. 8. 1–2. Heddernheim (after ULBERT 1971); 3. London (https://collections.museumoflondon.org.uk/

2. Teardrop-shaped strap-end (Fig. 6.1)

3. Stud with foot plate (Fig. 6.2)

ALFÖLDI 1943 ALFÖLDI, András: A kontorniát-érmek. Die Kontorniaten. A Magyar

FISCHER 1988 FISCHER, H. Thomas: Zur römischen Offizierausrüstung im 3.

GARBSCH 1974 GARBSCH, Jochen: Ein Flügelfibelfragment vom Lorenzberg bei

JILEK 2005 JILEK, Sonja: Militaria aus einem Zerstörungshorizont im

LUPA HARL, Friderike – HARL, Ortolf: www.ubi-erat-lupa.org (Bilddaten-

OTTOMÁNYI 2014 OTTOMÁNYI, Katalin: Újabb vicusok Aquincum territoriumán.

SÁRÓ 2014 SÁRÓ, Csilla: Roman brooches from Paks-Gyapa–Rosti-puszta.

SZÖLLŐSI 2009 SZÖLLŐSI, Szilvia: La Tène kerámiaművesség a Dél-

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