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    FOUR ESSAYS ON NEO-~-COLONIALISM uw WEANDA THE BARBARITY OF IDI AMIN BY HORACE CAMPBELL THE TEARS OF UGANDAN FAMILIES WHO HAVE LOST THEIR LOVED ONES AT THE HANDS OF... IDE AMIN AND HIS BARBARIC ARMY.....___ Four Essays on Neo-Colonialism in Uganda: The Military Dictatorship of Idi Amin by Horace Campbell Forthe people of Wandegeya and all the peasants and workers of Ugenda. COPYRIGHT © 1975 Afio-Carib Publications PO. Box 582, Station K Toronto, Ontario, Canada Special thanks to the comrades at Better Read Graphics and Dumont Press Graphix, and Lynn, Art work and cover by Comrade Ainsley Vaughan Table Of Contents: 1. Preface 5 . The Expulsion Of The Asian Commercial Petty Bourgeoisie From Uganda 7 Letter Written March 3, 1973 to Afticansiin the West, After The Visit of Roy Innis, Director of C.O.R.E. (Congress of Racial Equality) to Uganda 19 . The Rise of the Lumpenmilitariat in Uganda 25 . The Saga of Idi Amin and Bob Astles st Preface ‘These four essays were written and smuggled out of Uganda while the author lived and worked in Kampala. The essays should shed some light on the regime of Idi Amin Dada. ‘The government has evoked many responses throughout the ‘world. For the British and white South Africans Idi Amin is seen as a useful tool toexpose the supposed stupidity of Africans. Africans in West Africa, the Americas, and the West Indies, primarily because of lack of proper information, see Idi Amin as a defender of African rights. This view is reinforced by blacks like Roy Innis and Stokely Carmichael who blind themselves to the brutality of Idi Amin, However, to the masses of Ugandan Africans and progressive Africans throughout the world Idi Amin remains a serious impedi- ‘ment to the liberation of Africa. Schooled by the British and trained by the Israelis, Idi Amin has proved to be one of the most dangerous and bloodthirsty leaders, His pro-British sentiments are manifest everyday by his telegrams to the Queen, and dressing his soldiers in Scottish kilts The peasants and workers of Uganda have shown exceptional fortitude during the extremities of Idi Amin. Patiently and humbly they scratch the surface of the earth to survive while the fruit of their labour is appropriated by Idi Amin and his army. Twas extremely influenced by the humility and good humor of the people of Wandegeya who demonstrated that Aftican people everywhere are one. Everyday the Western Press highlights the political instability of Uganda. The most recent saga of Idi Amin and his former Mis- tress, Princess Bagaya of Toro, is presented to the world as another manifestation of the crusdeness of Idi Amin. However, the World Press never revealed that Elizabeth Bagaya hurriedly be- 5 6 came Uganda’s Foreign Minister after the former Minister, Michael Ondoga, was humiliated. Ondoga’s body was later found floating in the River Nile. ‘But the stress on figures such as Bagaya, Kibedi and other such notables only hide the reality of the neo-colonial exploitation of Uganda. ‘The British and South African banks still dominate the Ugandan economy. The copper, tea, coffee, and cotton of Uganda still end up in the metropole and the peasants remain exploited. Living for three years without sugar and salt they say “We the peasants and workers are tired of the brutality of Tdi Amin". ‘The recent escalated international struggles against Amer- ican imperialism and the impending 0.A.U. Conference due to be held in Kampala this year, may force the U.S. imperialists to once again meddle in Ugandan affairs. The volatile nature of Ugandan politics emanated from its colonial past. Idi Amin remains as part of the chain between colonialism and neo-colonialism. He was recruited in the army in 1946 to suppress peasant revolts in Uganda. He was hoisted to power with the help of Israel and Britain in order to stem the anti-colonial struggle in Southern Africa. ‘The same forces which placed him in power will topple him. But the conditions of the poor peasants will not change. The solution to the problems in Uganda will emanate when all imperialist forces are expelled from the continent of Africa April 3, 1975 ‘The Expulsion of the Asian Commercial Petty Bourgeoisie from Uganda. On January 25, 1971, Milton Obote, the constitutional head of the government, was overthrown by a military coup. Obote’s over- throw ushered in an era of military rule when his strong arm military leader General Idi Amin Dada assumed power while Obote was in Singapore denouncing British and South African complicity. While Obote was no socialist, he was a serious Pan- ‘African Nationalist, His moderate moves to the left and his efforts, to unite the heterogeneous ‘ribal units in Uganda had earned him the enmity of the business section and the Baganda, the tribe through which the British ruled in the colonial era. ‘The fall of Obote was welcomed by the Baganda and by the ‘Asian business community who felt threatened by Obote’s plan for ‘nationalization and government participation in industry at a 60/40 level. “The Asians who controlled 97.5% of the retail trade in the main city of Kampala and who controlled 92% of the total commercial trade welcomed the regime of General Idi Amin Dada. The Gen- ceral had the dubious distinction of having served under the British against the revolutionary freedom fighters in Kenya who were called Mau Mav. To the Brisish he was a model soldier who obeyed orders. Because the expulsion of the Asians in 1972 has rocked General Amin on the front pages of the world press, itis important to understand the relationship of the Asians to the Uganda ‘economy and the effects this will have on the serious economic problems of Uganda. "The first significant number of Asians who came to East Africa ‘were imported from the Indian subcontinent by the British. They were used to build the railway from Mombassa, on the Kenyan coast, to Kampala, on Lake Victoria, The large influx of 32,000 ‘Asian's from 1896-1901 precipitated the development of some small, 7 ‘ime entrepreneurs from the sub-continent who attempted to seize opportunities which were denied the African population, There ‘were some 350,000 Asians in East Africa before Idi Amin decided to expel most of the 8,200 who had resided in Uganda, ‘The last available statistics show that the average annual wage of the Asians in Uganda was $1,493, while for the African it was $243. Apart from controlling 97.5% of the trade in the main cities, almost the entire sugar industry was in their hands, Most of the professional and technical people in Uganda were Asians. They ranged from teachers, lawyers, medical practitioners, pharma- cists, dentists, chemists, auiditors to motor ear mechanics. Inspite ofthe fact that many of the Asians living in Uganda were born in Ugenda after 1900 and made their living in the country, ‘they were not committed to the country. Many of these Asians sent their children to separate schools, worshipped together and even sent for wives for their children in India and Pakistan. Because of the increasing resentment from the Africans who were incensed at the exploitation by Asian businessmen in the rural areas, there were riots in 1948 and 1949. The Asians had controlled tne cotton ginning and the coffee processing industries. Ten years later there was another boycott of Asian shops. The Asians by 1960 had been concentrated in the urban areas of ‘Uganda an¢ controlled almost all the commercial trade through skill and nepotism. While there may be strong social and religious reasons why the Asians refused to integrate into Uganda, they were viewed by the Africans with suspicion and hostility. At the time of independence, in 1962, they were given an opportunity to show their allegiance to the country where most of them were bom, A small number chose to become citizens of Uganda. The vvast majority chose to remain aloof, thus trusting the British more than their African compatriots. Concomitant to their aloofness ‘was the fact that the Asians chose to send their money to Switzer- land, the U.S. and Britain thus draining the economy of badly needed capital. One of the major concerns of the governments of East Africa was the drain on their foreign reserves, It has been reported that the East African Asians have wealth amounting to over $725 million in Britain alone, As early as 1965, Dr. Bruce A. Blomstrom made a study of flight from Uganda. He calculated that the Asian commun- ity was exporting $50-85 million dollars annually from the economy of Uganda. Dr. Bruce A. Blomstrom suggested that because of the methods used to export capital, his figures could be inaccurate as much as one hundred percent. This flight of capital had seriously contributed to the stagnation of the Ugandan economy. From 1955 through 1963 the annual rate of capital formation decreased from 21.39% to 13.6% or about one third. ‘The commercial banks, which were conscious of this export of capital, continued to grant credit to Asians even though they were aware of the serious problem of capital flight, This was, at the same time, when Africans found difficulty getting credit from the com- mercial banks. Loans which were granted to Asians were then exported instead of being invested in the economy. There was « trend among the Ugandan Asians to mortgage themselves to the hilt and to secure overdrafts which were then sent overseas, The most graphic example was that of the Mehta group of companies which, with the backing of the Uganda government had secured a Ioan from the World Bank for industrial development. This group of companies borrowed twice the amount of money required, placing the bonus in European banks. Every subterfuge was used to send money abroad. Valuables such as gold, silver and ivory were shipped overseas. Importers got their trading partners ab- road to send inflated bills on the understanding that amounts in excess of the actual bills would be paid into the importers’ ac- abroad. Soon after Amin’s expulsion order, radios and television sets, refrigerators and other valuable consumer items ‘were bought to be shipped abroad for resale, admittedly ata loss of| the actual value, but nevertheless as a way of exporting cash, This sabotage of the economy was of obvious concer to the government of Uganda. In 1968 the world was aware of the prob- lem when thousands of Asians left Nairobi, Kenya for England before the Commonwealth Immigration Act rescinded their right of unrestricted entry. The Kenyan government hat devised a policy withdrawing trading licenses for non-citizens in certain areas. She also cut down on residence permits. The Tanzanian approach was in line with the government's policy of self-reliance and socialist nationalization. The nationali- zation policy hit the Asian community, especially the take over of houses. However, these measures which were directed against all capitalists allowed Asians who were sympathetic with the prog: 0 ressive development of the Tanzania government to work for the government Jn Uganda, Milton Obote had called for complete Afticanization by 1977. In his *Nakivubo Pronouncement’ where he announced his move to the left policy in May 1970, Obote had announced plans to rlgce restrictions on the retail trade and require non- citizens to obtain work permits. It is necessary to bear the historical background when one considers the dramatic announcement of General Idi Amin Dada fon August 9th, 1972. The expulsion order given by the General Drought tte plight of the Asians to the front pages of the world press. The reasons given for the expulsion were ()) the main interest of the Asians had been to exploit the economy of Uganda and Uganda Africans (ii) they had been milking the economy of the country (ii) they had exported large sums of money from the country. ‘The General who stated that he had an obligation to put the economy of Uganda into the hands of ts citizens, then declared that non-citizen Asians had 90 days, from August 9th, in which to leave the country. The order gave tens of thousands of people of all ages barely 3 months to uproot themselves from Ugandan soil, where the British planted them many years ago. ‘The world press used the issue of the expulsion to demonstrate the supposed racism of Africans and in particular the inhumanity of Genera. Amin. The serious racial and emotional issue evoked from General Amin’s announcements overshadows some of the real problems facing Uganda as a nation and the nature of the relationshp of Asians to the Ugandan economy. While economic nationalism is a very current stand among most governments given the prevalence of multi-national corporation, the question of the Asians should be seen first of all as the conse quence of their own reluctance to become Ugandans when the opportunicy arose. Even more important, the Asians should be seen as inthe words of Africa Magazine‘‘as hapless victims of an tunscrupulous imperial policy”. Blame should be placed squarely ‘on the British who offered them counterfeit citizenship at a deci- sive moment in their lives. The fact is that while the British government denounced the expulsion of the Asians.as racist, it was their own policy to grant citizenship to the Asians and it was their own racism which continued to exclude non-white com- ‘monwealta citizens from migrating to Britain. n Other white nations, eg. Canada, U.S.A. and Australia enjoyed moral superiority in their efforts to allow some of the Asians to ‘enter their country. However, it vas clear that only the profession= als eg. lawyers, doctors, engineers and surveyors were allowed to enter these countries. Consequently, the brain drain from the underdeveloped nations continued. India, Pakistan, and Bangla Desh had to settle with the Asians without skills. ‘While the western press bemoaned the fact that the departing Asians were not allowed to take more than $140 when they left, they did not add that the average annual income in Uganda was less. than $130. Moreover the departing Asians had huge sums invested abroad. A typical example was the case of Mr. M. Madhuani, who ‘was managing director of the Madhuani Group Companies. In spite of the fact that he controlled a $90 million empire, when he ‘was expelled from Uganda his bank account had only $2. Probably the most crucial facts the effect of the expulsion of the Asians on the Ugandan economy. The exodus of the Asians is ‘expected to speed up a process of economic decline in Uganda. Unlike Nyerere, who chose to nationalize the economy of Tan- ania and who is squarely in the ant-imperialist eamp in Africa, the machinations of the Ugandan leader show that he is clearly no socialist. When Amin toppled Obote ia the military coup, Amin had promised to reverse the nationalization proposals of Obote. It should be remembered that the Asian businessmen had welcomed the regime of Amin. The expulsion of the Asians was however a serious blow to the Asian businessmen who felt Amin would allow them to continue their domination of the economy. While the effort to Ugandanize the economy is an admirable venture, the method used leaves a lot to be desired. In the first place, the fact that the economy will be handed over to Aftican businessmen will in no way alleviate the plight of the masses of| poor Ugandans, Secondly, the whole expulsion of the Asians did not take into consideration the number of Asians who were in the vital sectors of the economy, i.e. teachers, chemists, accountants and other skilled personnel ‘The regime of General Amin must be understood. His economic policies place him squarely in thecapitalist camp. Moreover in the 19th century Europe, the capitalists were progressive insofar as they broke up the feudal system. However, in 1972 the underde- 2 veloped African bourgeoisie is bankrupt, they are backwards, unimaginative and imitative. The effort of the Ugandan govern- ment to create black capitalists overnight will pose serious and. Brave economic problems for the country in the very near future. Many black people, especially those in the United States, should be careful in their support for the regime of Idi Amin. Three examples will serve (0 show the man’s ideological proclivities. (i) ‘The General announced to students at Makerere University that any private individual will be able to buy the Kampala Interna- tional Hotel. This skyscraper which dominates the skyline in Kampala, the main city in Uganda, is at present owned by the government. (ii) On December 1, 1972 when the government took ‘over the only English language daily newspaper, the government made it clear that the government's decision should not be misin- terpreted to mean nationalization of the Uganda Argus “because the question of nationalization does not arise in the Government of the Second Republic of Uganda, under the leadership of President Amin’”Gii)The businesses left by the departing Asians are being allocated to individual businessmen irom Uganda. In Uganda the expulsion of the Asiznsis called Economic War. ‘The first stage was the successful expulsion of Asian businessmen. ‘The second stage involves “handing over of the economy to black Africans" ‘The question of most people is whether the government will win the Economic War. There is widespread belief that it will not. The future of the economy of Uganda is being closely watched by detractors of Africa. These detractors argue that it was premature to give independence to Africans. They cite examples of the re- gimes of people like Bokassa of Central Aftican Republic, and Idi Amin Dada of Uganda to prove their case. However, a close examination of the political socialization and education of these men will show that their behaviour is a result of the mental confu- sion created by colonial education, colonial exploitation and con- ‘tinuous neo-colonialism. ‘Although in Uganda there are few genuine socialists or even socialists with genuine administrative ability, after the expulsion of the Asians, there was the unique possibility that the government ‘would take steps to lift the living standards of Ugandans by taking bold steps not only to end the exploitation of man by man, but also to lead Uganda on the road to self-reliance. The efforts of Siad B Barre of Somalia and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania are striking examples of progressive governments moving to develop their economy on the principles of self-reliance. ‘The military regime of Uganda continues to lead the country into, economic problems. When the army first took overit could blame its ‘economic problems on Obote, this is hardly possible now. Part of the economic problems lay in the money spenton the military. Since coming to power Amin has consolidated his position by spending an estimated $100 million — one third of Uganda's entire budget — on military arms and equipment. The efforts of Amin to place the economy in the hands of Ugandans, can only be viewed skeptically in face of the fear which is prevalent in Uganda. There is total absence of the rule of law. There is rule by military decree. Many people disappear mysteriously. The Vice-Chancellor of the University disappeared one night never to be seen again. In broad daylight two men burst into Uganda’ high court building, clamped handcuffs on the country’s Chief Justice, former Prime Minister Benedicto Kiwanauka and led him away to oblivion. Many businessmen fear participation in the Economic War because the government is unpredictable ‘The very serious problems of Uganda can be traced to the era of colonial rile under the British. The proliferation of military coups can be traced to the low level of political participation under colonialism hence alow level of political skills and the neo-colonial relationship of many African nations. Uganda is the product of boundaries drawn by a British adminis- trator, who have little thought to ethnic claims and differences. About 40 tribes call some part of Uganda their homeland. The largest and best educated among them is the Baganda, heirs to an ancient kingdom, lying around Kampala. In the colonial era the British ruled Uganda through the Kabaka, the Baganda tribal king. At the time of independence the British sought to enshrine the special retationship enjoyed by the Baganda since 1900 in an Inde- pendence Constitution. The situation created a state within a stat. ‘The efforts of Obote to straighten out this situation had earned him the enmity of the Baganda, Moreover, there are many scholars who point to Uganda as a country fraught with tribalism. A close examination will show that while in their primary relationships most people identify with their own ethnic groups, itis the opportunistic politicians who exploit tribal and ethnic differences for their own purposes. ‘The term tribalism, in its common journalistic setting stood to mean that Africans have a basic loyalty to a tribe rather than a nation, and that each tribe still retains a fundamental hostil- ity to their neighbours. However, the case in most African coun- tries is that the British and the now African politicians exploited petty difierences for their own interests. In Uganda there are "unsubstantiated rumours of tribal victimization in the army and the civil service. However, there are definite signs of nepotism. While some people see the seething problems as emanating from tribalism, it is very clear that the middle class and the carcer bureaucrats organize in their own interests regardless of tribe ‘The ‘economic war’ is being fought against a background of a whole host of problems. The dependence of the economy on the ‘bourgeois nations places the country at the mercy of the market for primary products. Foreign exchange comes mainly from the ex- port of coffee, cotton and tea. The continuous dependence on the metropolitan countries for markets for foreign exchange places the Ugandan economy ina very vulnerable position, The dependence ‘on cash crops — (a by product of colonialism) — affects the total populaticn. While a few African and European landowners control the large coffee, cotton and tea estates, the vast majority of the population still farm small plots of land of about $ acres. Out of a total population of 10 million, the government projects that by 1976 ‘there willbe 380,000 in salaried jobs. However, this figure does not include the thousands of houseboys and domestic servants. (The Europeans and the African bourgeoisie all have a staff of two or three servants) Itis alleged that more than 150,000 domestics were ‘employed by the Asians. ‘While the majority of the population live at a subsistence level, there is very serious undemourishment and malnutrition. “Phe harsh reality is that while the Asian businesses are being handed over to African capitalists, the countryside remains underde- veloped. There was very little mobilization done in the coun- tryside during the independence period. The lack of mobilization and the lack of economic infrastructure in the countryside is tes- tament to the low level of living in the countryside. ‘Although the British boast of giving over $100 milion aid since independence itis difficult to see where this aid has gone. Itis quite probable that this is where the money comes from for the con- Is spicuous consumption of the African petty bourgeoisie. Since the ‘expulsion of the Asians the British have withdrawn their technical and financial ‘assistance’ to the Ugandans. However the sad fact: that this assistance was in the form of second rate personnel who could not fit in Europe, who went to Uganda to teach on some aid programme. The dominance of the British is still reflected in the ‘educational system. The examinations for the school leavers are set in England. The University is dominated by European person- nel. There is also @ high stress on classical education. The effect of the education received by Africans is clearly obvious now that the ‘country needs skilled personnel. Since the Africans were being trained to man the civil service and to become middle level bureaucrats, the Asians and Europeans dominated the profes- sional field. Now with the departure of the Asians and the crosion of the European community, there is a dire need for professional people. The government has ordered all 1973 graduates to go and teach in the school system. Here again the sad fact is that these ‘graduates will not go to the countryside with the kind of commit- ment and dedication needed to offset the loss of European and Asian teachers. Moreover, many of these graduates have been trained (o be black Englishmen. The serious problems of the lack of skilled personnel wil also be aggravated by the decision of the General on December 18th to give British aid personnel 13 days to leave the country. At midnight on December 18 the General an- ‘nounced the take over of eight major British firms, the scrapping of certain foreign corporations and a December 31 deadline by which British professionals who wish to leave Uganda would have to uit While it may seem desirable to some economic nationalists that Idi Amin decided to Ugandanize British property and tea estates, there are some serious questions which are left unanswered. (The major question is that the British commercial banks, eg. Grindlay's, Barclays and the South African Standard Banks have been left untouched. (2)Will the tea estates be turned over to the poor peasantry who need land or will they be handed over to the embryonic African capitalists? (3)Where will Uganda get the skil- led personnel to run the hospitals and schools? The answer to question number two is fairly obvious. The government has al- ready stated it is definitely against nationalization, Aminis already in the process of placing the businesses of departed Asians in the 16 hands of the African middie class. It is most likely that the busines- ses of the British will go to the same people. Probably the most serious question is the one of skilled person- nel in Uganda. While the General may be perfectly justified to expel the British it should be remembered that no people here have a monopoly on scientific and technological skills. The harsh reality is that since the departure of the Asians, many institutions have been operating at one-third capacity; now with the impending departure of British doctors and teachers some vital institutions will be closed. At present, the government has sent reeruiting missions to Singapore, to West Africa and to Western Europe and the Middle East to recruit skilled personnel, Unfortunately, with the exception of Western Europe, most of the countries where the recruitment teams have been sent are themselves in need of skilled personnel. The blatant contradiction is that the General is quite willing to substitute one European master for another. He has boasted that the French Government had promised to increase its aid to Uganda to offset much of what the British were taking away. Whether this is true or not remains to be seen. Since: the expulsion of the Israelis in 1972 from Uganda the General has placed himselfin the anti-Zionists and anti-imperatists camp. It is not known whether this is out of genuine sympathy for the Palestinians or because Uganda is now receiving aid from Libya and Saudi Arabia. There is increasing activity by the Arabs in Uganda. There was the recent state visit by King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, Prior to that the Saudi Arabian government had granted a loan of seven and three-quarter million U.S. dollars. The Arabs are to be seen everywhere in Uganda nowadays. ‘There is belief that Amin is trying to convert Uganda into a Moslem state. This is in spite of the fact that less than 10% of the present population are Moslems. (Moreover many Africans still remember that the Arabs continued the slave trade in Uganda up to the late 19th century.) Also, the recent hostilities between the ‘Arabs and Africans in the neighbouring state of Sudan is still fresh in the minds of Africans, Amin’s effort to entrench himself in power is visible from his opportunistic and seemingly contradictory moves His move to place the economy in the hands of Ugandans has certainly endeared him to the middle class. However, ‘Amin is much stronger than he ever was sinee the abortive ” invasion by guerillas on September 17, 1972. ‘The guerillas wrongly assumed that Amin was unpopular with the massesof people in Uganda. The invasion andits aftermath has, made the General a hero in the eyes of a large.section of the population, Moreover, the invasion has given the General the excuse to wreak his vengeance on dissidents real or imagined. Prominent individuals continue to disappear. The government, at the same time, states that the government is innocent of what has ‘happened to such men. On a recent television interview the Gen- eral claimed with a straight face that the Chief Justice, Benedicto Kiwanauka, was kidnapped by guerillas. This isin spite of the fact that he was kidnapped in gestapo style in broad daylight. It will take some months to gather the real reasons why Nyerere allowed the guerillas to launch the invasion from Tanzanian soil. There is belief in some quarters that the invasion was given the go ahead in onder to pre-empt a planned British invasion, However, it may take months or years to test the veracity of this statement ‘The Mogadishu Agreement hras brought peace between Tan- zania and Uganda. However, there is still an uneasy calm in ‘Uganda. Half of the shops of the departing Asians were still closed at Christmas, The departure of skilled technical personnel from the country will precipitate the closure of many vital institutions. ‘There are already shortages in the country, Uganda which was accustomed to exporting sugar to her neighbours is now short of sugar, The climate of fear is most prevalent in the country. ‘The future of Uganda is indeed grim. The government of Idi ‘Amin could usher in an era of instability in Eastern and Central ‘Africa for the, forseeable future. It is clear that although Amin declares himself an anti-imperialist, he is not out of form with the arch imperialists — eg. the Americans. The U.S. has kept a low profile in Uganda, However, its clear that the imperialists derive pleasure from the confusion in Uganda. Itis said that Amin expel- led the Israelis because they were the ones who knew his weaknes- ses because they helped him to overthrow Obote. ‘While Obote was clearly not a socialist, his hostility to Apar- theid and Portuguese colonialism made him an enemy of the im- perialists, ‘The confusion of Uganda has taken the pressure off the prob- Jems of Portuguese colonialism in Africa, and South Africa's apar- theid and the illegal regime of lan Si 18 ‘The condition of the average Ugandan is indeed wretched. But true to the laws of the dialectics Amin has started a process at work, The precedent of placing the economy in the hands of the ‘Ugandans (in spite of the fact itis still capitalists) may precipitate the awareness of the masses of Ugandans of their true historical role, ie. total liberation. Whether this process will take 5, 10, or 20 years is another story. December 1972 Letter written March 3, 1973 to Africans in the West, after the visit of Roy Innis, Director of C.O.R.E. (Congress of Racial Equality) to Uganda Thave been concerned for some time now about statements being made by brothers in the diaspora about the situation in Uganda. ‘After a goodwill mission from Mr. Apollo Kironde, who came to the United States there has been a whole series of statements by the so-called progressive brothers in America about Amin. First it was by Roy Innis of CORE who said how great Amin is. ‘Then there were statements by Stokely Carmichael and others about the “revolutionary moves being made by brothers and sis- ters in Uganda."” Ttconcems me greatly that the consciousness of Black people in ‘America is such that their crass Black nationalism allows them to support a leader only because he is Black, and secondly because he rhetorically makes anti-imperialist statements. I was also con- cerned when the African Liberation Support Committee of San Francisco issued a statement supporting the regime of Idi Amin Dada. ‘Now my brothers and sisters, the imperialist press have made ‘good stories about Amin. The international bourgeoisie with their age old affinity to Private Property was naturally upset when Amin decided to expel the Asians, take away their property, and few months later, expropriate some of the British property in Uganda, However, my dear brothers and sisters, these two moves by the government of Idi Amin Dada has in no way changed the social relationships of the masses of Ugandan people. What the world press has not told you, brothers and sisters, is that this regime is ‘one of the most oppressive in Africa. The amountof Africans being killed by reckless soldiers is incredible. My brothers, I have es caped death twice at the hands of drunken soldiers. Once I came upon some soldiers stealing a car and killing the owner. They, thinking I saw them, were about to get rid of me. Pleading ignor- ance, and begging for my life, T managed to escape. In the insecurity of the military government, whole areas of young people have ‘“disappeared.”* To disappear in Uganda is the ‘euphemism which means to be killed. This is most important. If we do not place any value on the lives of the workers and peasants in one country, how can we express concern about the workers Southem Africa. How can we talk about their liberation when so-called Pan-Afticanists praise Idi Amin as the greatest African alive. Now the question of the economy of Uganda, I would like to be perfectly clear. One cannot talk about anti-imperialism unless one takes positive steps to disengsge from the psychological and economic dependence on the imperialists. In my analysis of this country, removing the intermediaries between the peasants and the imperialists is not in fact a move against imperialism. ‘The Asian sub-capitalists represented the buffer between the peasants and the imperialists. The commercial sector of Uganda ated by the Asians prevented the development of imperialist sentanent of ii Amin comes through clearly, He dresses his soldiers in Scottish Kilts, He has also sent telegrams to the Queen of England. ish bag piners to Uganda. 1 ‘ois class. The expulsion of the Asians and the take-over of British property in no way changes the historical dependence of the Ugandan economy on the imperialists. As a ‘matter of fact, the new African traders have shown that they can be as exploitative as the Asians. How is the Ugandan economy organized? Uganda is a typical neo-colonial state. One of the most developed in Africain terms of the special relationship it had with the British. Ugandan goods for the past 70 years have been going to European markets. The ‘Ugandan economy is dependent on the export of cash crops, coffee, cotton and tea. The Ugandan peasant grows these pro- ducts. They were processed formerly by Asian middlemen, The cotton from Uganda found their way into the textile mills of Eng- land and France. The coffee, to be roasted in Nassau for Ameri- cans to consume. At the same time Uganda imported most of its manufactured ‘goods and consumer items. The commercial sector of th: economy was the crucial link where the surplus of the peasants would be consumed by Asian capitalists and now Africans. The important thing to understand is that 90 percent of the people in Uganda live in the subsistence sector. That is, most of them only have cash when they sell their produce. ‘These peasants have been continuously exploited by the African bourgeoisie. For example, the level of cornuption by the African bureaucrats prevents the peasants from getting paid fortheir crops. for years. With a cursory investigation ofthe level of corruption in the cooperative society, it is clear that the petty bourgeoisie amass surplus at the expense of the peasantry. A clear example of the surplus extraction by the petty bourgeoisie is the tractor-hire service. The Aftican farmers who have been carrying out a process of land consolidation in this country import expensive and inefficient tractors from Britain. This import of tractors was to help the British tractor industry which faced serious competition from West Germany, France, and other European Common Market countries. The cost per hour 10 run one of the tractors over one acre was Shs 45. Now it was clear ‘that when the government was subsidizing this tractor hre service, that the taxes paid by the poor peasantry were being used to finance this deficit. ‘One thing is clear, if one understands class formation, then the 2 expulsion of the Asians and the expropriation of British property is a logical and necessary historical step for the African bourgeoisie to consolidate its position. They have taken the step every decade to strengthen their position. 1, In 1949 there were riots by Africans against the Asians in coffee processing and cotton ginning, Result: control by new Afri- can Bureaucrats 2. 1959 riots against Asian traders in the rural areas. Result: new African traders. 3. 1972 expulsion of the Asians, Result: the allocation of businesses to the African petty bourgeoisie, ‘The insecurity of the African petty bourgeoisie is clear. The condition of the peasants has not changed seriously. The only difference is that now we have an African class who spends the money of the economy to buy big European cars and spare parts for tractors. These Europeans supply the technical capital. ‘The condition of the masses of African people leaves much to be desired. While Amin gives money to the new businessmen, no- thing has been done for 50 percent of the children who are eligible to go to school in this country but cannot go because they cannot afford it. ‘The elitist and British system of educations such that education at the university level is free, while from kindergarten to high school one has to pay. Consequently, when the petty bourgeoisie can afford to send his child to primary school and high school, then it is time for the University and the government to pay the fees. Ifwe are concerned about the future of our people, then we must bbe concerned with the level of living of all our African brothers and sisters, not with just a selected few. When General Amin expelled the British, he left the British Banking system intact, the main agent of metropolitan capital. The ‘Ugandan Army still buys all its materials from the imperialists. ‘The Ugandan economy still has its main trading partners: Britain, France, Germany, and the U.S.A. ‘We must differentiate between rhetoric and reality. If Black people are against imperialism, then this can only come about by ‘mobilizing the peasants and ridding them of the historic consequ- ences of imperialism: ignorance, poverty and disease. If wwe do not do this then all the talk about imperialism will be just babbie. 2 For ten years Papa Doc Duvalier ruted with the Tom Tom, Macote in Haiti. While Papa Doc ruled, he was always rhetorically against the Americans, but his economy was controlled by Rock- feller. Tam appealing to the AFRICAN WORLD to make the distinction between crass Black nationalism, and serious anti-imperialism. ‘The imperialists can easily undermine any government which does not have the confidence of the masses of the people. All Ugandans live in fear. Nearly every person in Uganda has a friend or relative who has been killed. The General's own henchman, Kibedi, former Foreign Minister, has run away. Tamextremely disgusted with my brothers and sisters who think that cresting a Black capitalist class isa good thing. The instability of this country forces the new capitalists to try to get rich quick. Subsequently, the prices have soared considerably. The masses have learned the hard way that exploitation can wear a Black face as well as a white one. ‘A final word. I am enclosing the itinerary of Roy Innis, the opportunist who came here to Uganda. The impression enacted in the minds of progressive Africans is that Black Americans are for exploitation. When they see statements reported to say that Amin is revolutionary. the progressive brothers here wonder what is the criteria for being revolutionary. ‘The future of the continent of Africa will not be decided by rhetorical statements about the nature of imperialism. The Viet ‘namese have shown that mobilizing the peasant is a necessary first principle in the criteria of a people. Amilcar Cabral has also died fighting the imperialist, In an age of neo-colonialism the im- perialists are very happy with Black capitalists who are dependent for technical advice and military hardware. It must be bome in mind that General Idi Amin is against socialism and nationalization. He has said this repeatedly. The imperialists can always manipulate any such leader. In 1969, the Sudanese government nationalized all British concerns. ‘Today the British are still very much in the Sudan, And they are not even calling for compensation. ‘Wher Roy Innis was in Uganda, he was given the red carpet treatment. However, he has had very little contact with the masses ‘of poor and depraved peasants. He has seen the new Black ‘capitalists. He has seen the expulsion of the Asians in total isola- tion from the needs of Uganda. was sure that when he returned to the United States, he would ‘make all kinds of noises about how well he was treated. Iti a pity that the masses of Ugandans cannot make such a claim. Itis a pity that they can only show dead bodies for the work of the Tom Tom Macote of Uganda. Black people in America, do not deceive yourselves. You must transcend nationalism and understand that the breaic with im- perialism necessitates scientific socialism and the mobilization of workers and peasants in order to liberate them from poverty, ignorance, and disease. Capitalism has never done this, it never will. We need to liberate ‘ourselves from the octupus of imperialism For our people, Sule Twa peasants on tir wey to execution, They were cnang the 12 publi cally executed on Feb, 11, 1973. All the workers and peasants were forced Moré shan 200,000 people hve been killed by Tdé to watch this spect a The Rise of the Lumpenmilitariat in Uganda ‘The nature of Uganda's polity must be traced to the socio economic structures imposed on Ugandan peoples at different levels of development by British capitalism in the form of col- onialism. When the British advanced into East Africa towards the end of the 19th century, they found in the area which is now called Uganda at least forty different ethnic groups making their own history. None of these societies had advanced beyond the stage of feudalism or tributary kingdoms.’ However, the British effected their hegemony over Uganda first by militaristic rule and then by sowing serious divisions among the indigenous peoples of Uganda, ‘The British first divided the strongest nation, the Baganda, using ious war between Protestant and Catholic factions to ‘weaken this strong African feudal kingdom. The Bagandaand their system of government were then introduced to the other parts of Uganda in order to facilitate the expansion of colonialism. The Northern Nubians* were used by Lugard in the battle of Mengo in 1891 to decisively entrench British colonial rule and afterwards to keep colonial peace. Consequently, while Gandan chiefs were used as agents of the colonial administration, the Northemers were placed in the colonial armed forces to put down peasant revolts. British and other European missionaries competed to inculcate the ideas of capitalism and individualism among Africans. It was no accident that the first agent of the Uganda Company, Christan Borup, who introduced cotton to Uganda, was also a missionary of the Church Missionary Society. Uganda was to produce cotton for the Lancashire cotton textile mills after the ‘cotton famine’ in “The Northern Nubians were a group of Aftcans fom the Sudan of the Mustim faith The tem "Nobian” in Uganda is used loosely today to defte Norther ‘anda ofthe Muslin faith, especially those from West Ni 26 2 Europe consequent to the American Civil War. The British Cotton Growing Association in Lancashire sent different seeds for the peasants to plant. Africans were coerced into planting cotton through the local chiefs. After this, the production needs of the ‘metropole received first consideration in Uganda. The peasant ‘grew cotton to be processed in England and in return he had to save for three or four years to buy a cotton shirt which was imported from England. Asa colonial state, the peoples of Uganda ceased to make their own history. They entered the trajectory of underdevelopment.? Henceforth, the capitalists in Britain would decide what was produced in Uganda. In order to spread the mercantile money economy, the British imported Indians from their most populous colony, which had for years been part of the British capitalist system. These Indians as traders, artisans, and labourers brought valuable skills for the expansion of capitalism to.an area where people still had not developed outof the stages of feudality. The three tiered system of rule by the British in Uganda evolved during the years of col- onialism to entrench the representative of European capitalism at the top, the Asian middleman in the middle, and the Africans at the bottom. As early as 1902, a number of trading ordinances were ‘enacted to keep Africans out of the commercial sector. By 1921 the Chief Secretary declared: “As regards cropsin Uganda, [consider the best policy is for the natives to grow these crops and for the Europeans and Asians to purchase and market them”. This policy meant that Asian and European capital in the market place could be protected. This protection of Asian capital was necessitated by the fact that after 1916, during the First World War, due to shipping problems, most of the Ugandan cotton went to India and Japan, and not to Britain. Indian ginners who had formerly made profits as itinerant traders and middlemen were therefore given a protected place along with inefficient British capital. ‘The Asian community was significantly commercial. After the 1938 Trading Ordinance and the wartime controls, their domi- nance of the commercial sector was unquestionable. This com- mercial petty bourgeoisie class was closely integrated with the British banks and commercial firms by the well-known 90-day credit arrangement Asian middlemen constituted the clearest expression of the de~ 28 pendent nature of the colonial economy of Uganda and they were at the same time one of its strongest props. This presence was highly visible because of the residential segregation within the towns, differences in life styles, and inequalities of access to social services and government institutions. For a more precise analysis, ‘one would need to distinguish between the Asian comprador capitalist like Madhvani and the small retailers, between those ‘who owned cotton ginneries and those who merely hired them- selves as fundis or craftsmen. But it was as a link in the import/export trade that the Asians were most valued by the system and where they kept out potential African traders. The conflicts generated from the Asian middlemen position in the Economy often presented themselves in racial terms. The strong ant-Asian sentiment among Africans and attacks on Asian property in 1945 and 1949 were really aspects of the class struggle, inevitable once the stratification of colonial society sharpened, but primitive because of the inability of the exploited Africans to see or strike at the controllers of the colonial political economy. Conse- quently, the struggle up to 1972 had been in terms of removing Asian middlemen, Meanwhile, Aftican society did not remain homogeneous. ‘There was considerable disparity between the amount of colonial activity carried on in the Southern parts of the country as opposed to the North mainly due to the transport infrastructure which concentrated attention on the Southern and Eastern districts. Cash crops and other economic activities were more easily promoted in the South and East, and the ‘North’ of Uganda acquired a signifi cance comparable to the South of Italy—that is, one of backward- ness. The North became a place where political agitators were deported, a iabour reservoir for the South, and the recruiting ground of bellicose peasants* for the colonial army. Usually regional differentiation is taken to mean contrasts bet- ween the indices of growth from one district to another. The Southern areas of Buganda and Busoga showed high growth characteristics compared to West Nile and Acholi in terms of money generated and circulated, the availability of roads, the types of houses, and the provision of social services such as ‘Before the advent of the Europeans the area of Nonbera Uganda had been characterized by serious inter-people warfare, The Langi and the Achol had the Feputation in Usanca of being “warrior uibes » schools and hospitals. The growth areas corresponded partially with thé better endowed ecological areas, and they were more closely integrated into the colonial economy than the non-growth (subsistence) or low growth areas. Contrasts also came about because of the particular way in which sections were integrated. West Nile and Acholi were no less involved in the colonial economy than Buganda or Busoga, considering the proportion of adult male labour affected. But the first two were labour suppliers, role which did not bequeath the population any tangible growth in their home areas. Unfortunately, however, even the Africans with ‘the most fortunate pockets of peasant production were not de- veloping any control over the environment, and they became most vulnerable to external forces as they increased their acreages. Growth and non-growth areas constituted together the dependent underdeveloped economy. Regional differentiation was mainly an expression of class stratification. To state that one place was more advanced than another in the Ugandan context was really to say that it comprised ‘more of those individuals who came to be loosely referred to as the AMrican elite and who, properly speaking constituted the African petty bourgeoisie and rich African farmers. These Africans were barred from trading, from participating in the processing of cash crops, and, by virtue of discriminating pay scales, were kept inthe lower ranks of the civil service. Precisely because this small petiy bourgeoisie was weak by itself, it had to link with the mass of exploited peasants to break the colonial economy which prevented Africans from participating more fully in the commercial sector. This small class had a capacity for organization, which was an advantage over the peasants. They had a firmer grasp of the tenets ‘of bourgeois democracy than any other section of the African ‘community. In the colonial context this was a progressive attribute and made it possible for the petty bourgeois elements to advance their own selfinterest without conflicting with those of the masses. It was this small class of Africans, mainly from the South, which led the call for self-government and independence and organized the 1945 and 1949 peasant revolts against colonial exploitation. ‘The result of ‘indirect’ rule by the British was such that this petty bourgeoisie was divided inio religious lines. The politiciza- tion of religion by Lugaro after the Battle of Mengo also guaran- {eed religious differences within this class. Because of these reg- 30 ional and religious differences in addition to the fact that the Africans were kept out of the commercial sector of the Economy, there was no unified group of Africans with the resources to challenge colonialism. The strugele for independence, therefore, entailed opportunistic alliances between the petty bourgeoisie of different ethnic groups. (The promotion of Asians* was partially a conscious gesture to maintain an alien, and hence politically docile layer to perform functions which would otherwise certainly be carried out by Africans in the skilled trades, in commerce, and in the middle ranks of the civil service). The struggle for indepen- dence, therefore, affords a clear expression of this opportunism in the alliance between the ‘nationalists’ ted by Obote, with the instrument of the King of Buganda, the Kabaka Yekka Party. The UPCIKY alliance was an effort by the petty bourgeoisie to control the state machinery so that they could become the intermediaries between the exploited peasants and the metropolitan bourgeoisie. In this way they would be ina position to appropriate what surplus they could. And, indeed, members of the petty bourgeoisie used their bureaucratic posts to amass wealth so that they could enter the commercial sector.” The state used its powers to place the processing of cash crops in a corrupt** and inefficient cooperative Sector. Ministers used their positions to set up ranches,® bars, night clubs, and to buy land. The. Asians controlied the lucrative*** commercial sector and in fact the surplus left for the African petty bourgeoisie was very small. A move against the Asians was a move against British imperialism and the petly bourgeoisie were unequal to this task. ‘The struggle for surplus and capital accumulation between di ferent clements of the petty bourgeoisie manifested itself in open conflict with the undeveloped Northern section seizing power from the “developed” Southern section of the petty bourgeoisie.” “The head ofthe cofee marketing Board was able, fom 1963, to amass more than US $71 million ina New York Bank, "The bureaucrats ofthe cooperative societies openly embezaed the funds ofthe societies. In one district in Uganda the poor peasants were not paid cash for thelr cotton for three years because ofthe dishonesty of coop offices, fhe Asians exported capital mainly to Britain. From 1960-1963 they exported lose fo £70 milion oF US $175 milion. The most glaring manifestation of hi fact ‘occured when the millionaire Madivani was expelled irom Usanda, These ‘was Shs. 16/- or 2 in his Uganda Bank account 31 ‘The collapse of the UPC/KY alliance ended in the 1966 crisis. Inthe Ses ature Rec ee ee ee pe ie Cpanel a ced who the victors would be. The former British forces now Af- Haase tated ep eK he aa ind escaped to Britain and with him went the crown of feudalism. Wits Otel Rw caer ts Milton Obote, the Northern politician, was a virtuoso at state- craft jugglery. He ruled Uganda after the 1966 crisis through Idi Kms Updeng A apy sams ere for the masses of African people, Obote did not seek to gain their ‘support. His government was riddled with intrigues and machina- tions. The Northern section of the petty bourgeoisie used the state machinery to amass wealth. They secured loans through the De- velopment Loans Fund section of the Uganda Commercial Bank, and set up maize mills in the North. The corrupt National Trading Ecrpraon was en namo conesenes Oct aae the explicit purpose of placing profits from import/export ex- ‘change with the metropolis in African hands.* The Obote regime used the power of the state to implement the Trade Licensing Act in 1969 to remove the small non-citizen Asians from the rural Obote shouted about ‘socialism’ and ‘Moving to the left’ while entrenching the economy in the jaws of international capital. The Nakivubo Declaration of May 1970 sought to place majority con- trol of the following sectors in public hands: all commercial banks, all petroleum distribution, the import/export trade, and manufac- colonial exploitation the choice open to Uganda was not one of puntipiagees mor vane oa eee tebe Cnonslectony oh eaiar ouslecsaeermen ear a choice between continuing to support the ‘inherited’ structure of thereby creating the possibility for building socialism in the future. Recent critical articles have rightly argued that the nationalization policy of the Obote regime was haphazard* and ill-conceived nationalized were not always the largest or even the most solvent.

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