NO.

X / 2007 ISSN 1301-2746

A D A LYA
(AYRIBASIM/OFFPRINT)

SUNA-İNAN KIRAÇ AKDENİZ MEDENİYETLERİ ARAŞTIRMA ENSTİTÜSÜ

SUNA & İNAN KIRAÇ RESEARCH INSTITUTE ON MEDITERRANEAN CIVILIZATIONS
 A D A LYA
SUNA-İNAN KIRAÇ AKDENİZ MEDENİYETLERİ ARAŞTIRMA ENSTİTÜSÜ YILLIĞI
THE ANNUAL OF THE SUNA & İNAN KIRAÇ RESEARCH INSTITUTE ON MEDITERRANEAN CIVILIZATIONS
ADALYA Sahibi: Vehbi Koç Vakfı Adına Erdal YILDIRIM
Vehbi Koç Vakfı Sorumlu Müdür: Kayhan DÖRTLÜK
Suna - İnan KIRAÇ Akdeniz Medeniyetleri Yap›m: Zero Prodüksiyon Ltd., İstanbul
Araştırma Enstitüsü Yıllık Dergisi Arslan Yatağı Sk. Sedef Palas No. 19/2
Yönetim Yeri: Barbaros Mh. Kocatepe Sk. No. 25 Cihangir 34433 İstanbul
Kaleiçi 07100 Antalya Tel: +90 242 243 42 74 Tel: +90 212 244 75 21 Faks: +90 212 244 32 09
Faks: +90 242 243 80 13 e-posta: akmed@akmed.org.tr Bask›: Graphis Matbaa
Yay›n Türü: Yerel Süreli Yayın Say›: X - 2007 Yüzyıl Mh. Matbaacılar Sit. 1. Cadde 139 Bağcılar - İstanbul

Bilim Dan›şma Kurulu / Editorial Advisory Board

Haluk ABBASOĞLU Max KUNZE
Ara ALTUN Thomas MARKSTEINER
Oluş ARIK Wolfram MARTINI
Cevdet BAYBURTLUOĞLU Gönül ÖNEY
Tuncer BAYKARA Mehmet ÖZSAİT
Jürgen BORCHHARDT Urs PESCHLOW
Jacques Des COURTILS Scott REDFORD
Ömer ÇAPAR Martin Ferguson SMITH
Vedat ÇELGİN Oğuz TEKİN
Bekir DENİZ Gülsün UMURTAK
Refik DURU Burhan VARKIVANÇ
Serra DURUGÖNÜL Michael WÖRRLE
Hansgerd HELLENKEMPER Martin ZIMMERMAN
Frank KOLB

Adalya, A&HCI (Arts & Humanities Citation Index) ve

CC/A&H (Current Contents / Art & Humanities) tarafından taranmaktadır.

Adalya is indexed in the A&HCI (Arts & Humanities Citation Index) and
CC/A&H (Current Contents / Art & Humanities).

Editörler / Editors
Kayhan DÖRTLÜK
Tarkan KAHYA
Remziye BOYRAZ
İngilizce Editörleri / English Editors
T. M. P. DUGGAN
İnci TÜRKOĞLU

Yaz›şma Adresi / Mailing Address

Barbaros Mah. Kocatepe Sk. No. 25
Kaleiçi 07100 ANTALYA-TURKEY
Tel: +90 242 243 42 74 • Fax: +90 242 243 80 13
akmed@akmed.org.tr
www.akmed.org.tr

ISSN 1301-2746
 ‹çindekiler

Gülsün Umurtak
Silos in Neolithic Settlements of Burdur-Antalya Region ............................................................................................... 1

Mehmet Özhanlı
Side’de Bulunan Bir Yeni Hitit Eserinin Düşündürdükleri ..................................................................................... 17

Şükrü Özüdoğru
Pttara and the Dynast Wakhssepddimi Wekhssere II .................................................................................................... 31

Burhan Varkıvanç
Zum Fenster des sog. hellenistischen Baues in Sillyon ................................................................................................. 49

Orhan Köse – Recai Tekoğlu

Money Lending in Hellenistic Lycia: The Union of Copper Money ..................................................................... 63

Elif Uğurlu
Olympos ve Zeniketes’in Kalesinin Lokalizasyonu . ......................................................................................................... 81

Nevzat Çevik – Süleyman Bulut

The Belen and Kelbessos farmsteads with towers on the border of Pisidia-Lycia and some
thoughts on security in the countryside ................................................................................................................................. 105

Julian Bennett
The Roman Army in Lycia and Pamphylia ........................................................................................................................ 131

Neslihan Yılmaz
Necropoleis and Funerary Monuments in Pisidia during the Roman Period ....................................... 155

Mehmet Özsait – Guy Labarre – Nesrin Özsait

Nouvelles inscriptions de Senitli Yayla (Pisidie) ............................................................................................................. 205

F. Fatih Gülşen
Wall Heating Systems in the Roman Period Lycian Baths
-The Examples from Patara and Tlos- . ................................................................................................................................... 223

Guntram Koch
Das Heiligtum des Hg. Theodoros bei Holmoi (Isauria) Wiedergefunden! .............................................. 259

Ayşe Aydın
Adana Müzesi’ndeki Kurşun Lahitler . .................................................................................................................................... 271

Celal Şimşek – Bahadır Duman

Laodikeia’da Bulunan Geç Antik Çağ Unguentariumları . ................................................................................... 285
T. M. P. Duggan
A 13th century profile portrait seal depicting the face of the Rum Seljuk Sultan Alaed-Din
Keykubat I (1220-37) from Antalya Province - precedents and possible influence ....................... 309

Scott Redford
The Kıble Wall of the Kargı Hanı ................................................................................................................................................ 351

A. Pelin Şahin Tekinalp

Geleneksel Antakya Evlerinde Yer Alan Boyalı Nakışlar Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme:
Başkent’ten Akdeniz’e Ulaşan Bezeme Programı .......................................................................................................... 369

Mevlüt Çelebi
Antalya Bölgesi’nde İtalyan Arkeoloji Heyetleri .............................................................................................................. 387
ADALYA X, 2007

Money Lending in Hellenistic Lycia:

The Union of Copper Money

Orhan KÖSE – Recai TEKOĞLU*

The present study deals with some financial and social facts of Hellenistic Lycia in
the light of the inscription preserved in the private collection of artifacts belonging to
Mr. Oğuz Kocagil, registered with the inventory number 285 by Fethiye Archaeological
Museum. The provenance of this inscription is unknown, as it was privately sold to the
owner by some persons. It was important for our research to establish the provenance of
this inscription, as it is only half its original size and we expended much effort in this mat-
ter, but could obtained no result.
There is no mention of any city, nor is any regional name recorded in this inscription.
There are some doubts concerning exactly which region it was illegally excavated from as
the inscription shows no signs of weathering and was found in a good condition. It is sug-
gested that the provenance could be Lycia from various text implications. Firstly, attributes
such as Bellerophonteios, Sarpedionios and Iobateios mentioned in different lines as family
names (s.A. 23, s.B. 28 and s.C. 28) are well known from the mythology concerning Lycia
and are strongly connected to this region. Moreover, personal names of Anatolian origin,
such as Symmasis, Sortias, Tinzasis etc., are attested to mostly from the epigraphy of Lycia
and a regulation in the text, that “a disputed matter should be arrived at a decision in the
temple of Goddess Letoo” again supports a connection with Lycia.
It is therefore most probable that this inscription was found in Lycia. In our opinion the
provenance might be some place between Xanthos and Araxa in Middle West Lycia. Even
though the inscription has lost its important role in the relevant city’s historiography, it fur-
nishes precious and enlightening information concerning the socio-economic structure of
the region in the Hellenistic age.
The text mainly includes different regulations of the economic, social and religious
context reached between to koinon tôn khalkeôn and Symmasis who deposited his own
principal as credit, in order to lend at interest and acted as a founder, together with other

* Orhan Köse, Archaeologist, Fethiye Müzesi, Fethiye, Muğla.

Doç. Dr. Recai Tekoğlu, Akdeniz Üniversitesi, Fen – Edebiyat Fakültesi, Eskiçağ Dilleri ve Kültürleri Bölümü,
Kampüs 07058 Antalya
E-mail: rtekoglu@akdeniz.edu.tr
The present study is supported as a publication project by the Administrative Unit of Scientific Research Projects of
Akdeniz University in Antalya, Turkiye.
We should like to express to Oğuz Kocagil our deepest thanks for the publication rights to this inscription.
64 Orhan Köse – Recai Tekoğlu

close relatives in a body. The designation of this body is the generative name koinon,
‘commonalty, union’.
This is one of its rare occurrences in the epigraphy of the region and provides us with
the possibility to evaluate the financial and the social activities of a private association in
terms of money lending and the fenomeno associativo. As revealed in the present study,
Hellenistic associations like private koina, eranistai or thiasotai etc. are very scarcely docu-
mented in Asia Minor. The presence of these kinds of associations may have played an im-
portant role, and help us to understand the passage in social level from the local civilizations
of the epichoric age to the degree of Hellenization reached in Asia Minor. Rhodes where
about two hundred different associations are known provides the example. Some costal
states like Lycia and Caria established strong relations with Rhodes and there may have been
a good reason to seek new procedures in the region through private associations.
We have no direct evidence to date this inscription. The paleography is likely to be
Hellenistic. The context presents much more connection in structure and function with
the Rhodian koina of the 2nd century B.C. Moreover, some lines in the inscription mention
some political obstacles and the risk of war during the feastings and sacrifices organized
by the koinon. Such expressions may be better understood in the historical context of
Lycia in the 2nd part of the 2nd century B.C.
The inscription was recorded on three faces of a marble block of varied size ranging
from c. 1.5 m to c. 2 m. high and it was set up probably at the some point around the
temenos of the heroon dedicated to Symmasis and to his wife Mamma. The upper part of
the inscription, nearly equal to the remaining half is lost. As is to be seen on the C face,
this block was cut up and dressed in earlier times. The faces of the present inscription are
well preserved and the whole text can be read easily.

Dimensions:
Stone: 98x34cm.
Inscription:
A side: length 84 cm, width 34 cm
B side: length 82 cm, width 34 cm
C side: length 52 cm, width 34 cm
Letters: variable from 1.1 to 1.3 cm

Text: 10 νον [ζ]ῆ Συμμασις πρώτῃ γεινο-

A Side (A s.) μέ[ν]ῃ μερίδι. ὡς ἄν δὲ μεταλλά-
[. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .κοιν-] ξη Συμμασις τὸν βίον δώσου-
[. τ]ῶν χαλκέων, ἐὰν δέ τι πε- σιν τῇ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ Μαμμᾳ
[ρ]ισὸν γένηται τῶν τόκων ἀμφοτέρας, ὡς ἄν δὲ καὶ αὐ-
προσάξουσιν εἰς τὸν ἀρχαῖον. 15 τὴ μεταλλάξη τὸν βίον δώ-
5 παραθήσουσιν δὲ Συμμασει σουσιν τοῖς υἱοῖς μου ὁμοίω δὲ καὶ
καὶ ἄλλην ἐπὶ κῶλον μερίδα ἀεὶ τοῖς ἐπιγεινομένοις ἐκ τού-
ὀπίσθιαν καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐ- των. παρέσονται δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς
τ[ο]ῦ Μαμμας ἄλλην μερίδα ἐπ[ὶ] εὐωιχίας οἱ υἱοί μου Συμμα-
κῶλον ἐμπρόσθιαν ὅσον ἄν χρό- 20 χος καὶ ‘Ἑρμάφιλος καὶ Κλεῖ-
 Money Lending in Hellenistic Lycia: The Union of Copper Money
νος καὶ οἱ γαμβροί μοι Ερμα-
κτυβελις καὶ ‘Ἑρμόλυκος οἱ
Τινζασιος Βελλεροφόντει-
οι καὶ οἱ τῶν ἐπιγεινόμενοι.
25 οἱ πρωτοίπρωτοι ἔως ἄν γέ-
μωνται δέκα ὅταν δέ τις τού-
των ἀποθάνῃ παρέσται ὁ πρε[σ-]
βύτατος ἐκ τούτων. ἐὰν δέ τις
ἀνφισβήτηισις γείνηιται κρινεῖ
30 τὸ κοινὸν τῶν χαλκέων ἐν τῶι τῆς
Λητοῦς ἱερῶι ὁποῖον δεῖ παρεῖναι κ[αὶ]
ὡς κρεινῶσιν ἕσται κυρίαι ὥσ-
τε μὴ πλεῖονας παρεῖναι τῶν
ἀνχιστέων ἀν[δ]ρῶν δέκα. τὸ δὲ
35 ἀργύριον ὅ δέδωκεν Συμμασις ἐ-
κτοκίουσιν οἱ χιρισταί ὥς τι ἀσφα-
λὲς τὰ προσγράφοντες ἐν τοῖς
συναλλάγμασιν ὅτι ἐστὶν τοῦ-
το τὸ ἀργύριον τῆς Συμμασι-
40 ος δοσέως. ἐὰν δὲ τὸ κοινὸν
[τ]ῶν χαλκέων μὴ ποιῇ ἢ ἄλ-
λος τις κατὰ τὰ γεγραμ-
μένα ἀποτ[ιν]έτωσαν οἱ ἄλ<λ>-
οι αὐτῶν <͵α καθ’ἑκάστην
45 αἰτίαν ἱερὰς ‘Ἡλίου καὶ ἐξέ-
στω τοῖς Συμμασιος ἀν-
χιστεῦσιν ἐκδικάζεσ-
θαι καὶ ἄλλῳ τῶι βουλομέ-
νωι ἐπὶ τῶι ἡμίσει. ἐὰν
50 τὰς θυσίας ἢ εὐωχίας δι-
ὰ πόλεμον ἢ ἄλλο τι πολι-
τικὸν κωλύμα μὴ δύνηται ἐπι-
τέλεσαι λυθέντος τοῦ κωλύ-
ματος
B Side (B s.)
ἐπέ[κρ]εινεν ἀνελέσθαι
καὶ χειρίζειν κατ’ἐνιαυτὸν
διὰ τῶν αἱρουμένων ἀεὶ
‘Ερμολύκῳ Κρεγδειτος ’Ιοβα-
5 τείῳ, Ινονδει ’Ερμοκλέους Σαρ-
πηδονίωι, Κλείνῳ Συμμασιος καὶ
Συμμασει Σορτιου Αραιλεισευ-
σιν. οἱ καὶ πάροντες ἀνθωμολο-
γήσαντο ἀπέχειν τὸ ἀργύριον πᾶν,
65
10 ἐφ’ᾧ τὸ μὲν ἀρχαῖον διατηρήσου-
σιν σώιον ἀεὶ τὸν ἅπαντα χρονὸν
ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν κατ’ἐνιαυτὸν προσ-
πεῖπτον. τῶν τόκων τῶν χω-
ρούντων θύσουσιν εἰς τὸν ἅπαν-
15 τα χρονὸν ἀεὶ κατ’ἐνιαυτὸν ἐμ
μηνὶ λωίῳ τῆι εἰκάδι καὶ πέμπτῃ
τὸ μίαν τριέτην ‘Ἡλίῳ ὅς εὔξησεν
Συμμασιν καὶ Μαμμαν τὴν γυ-
ναῖκα αὐτοῦ καὶ εὐωχηθήσονται ἐν
20 ταύτῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἄγοντες ἐπώνυ-
μον ἡμέραν Συμμασιος καὶ Μαμ-
μας τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν
εὐωχίαν παρέσονται ἀεὶ κα-
τ’ἐνιαυτὸν οἱ υἱοί μου Συμμα-
25 χος καὶ ‘Ερμάφιλος καὶ Κλεῖνος
οἱ Συμμασιος καὶ οἱ γαμβροί μοι
Ερμακτυβελις καὶ ‘Ερμόλυκος
οἱ Τινζασιος Βελλεροφόντειο[ι,]
θύσουσιν δὲ ἀεὶ κατ’ἐνιαυτὸν ο[ἱ]
30 αἱρούμενοι ἄρχοντες τοῦ κοινοῦ
τῶν χαλκέων ἥρωι Συμμασιος
καὶ Μαμμας ἐπὶ τοῦ ἱδρυθησομέ-
νου ὑπ’αὐτοῦ βωμοῦ ἱερεῖον αἴ-
γεον προβάτεον καὶ εὐωχηθή-
35 σονται καὶ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ
πρὸς τῷ τάφῳ οἱ χειρισταὶ καὶ
οἱ ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες οἱ προγ[ε-]
γραμμένοι ἀνχιστεῖς δώσο[υ-]
[σι]ν δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῇ γεινομένῃ
40 [μ]ερίδι καὶ ἄλλην ἐπὶ κῶλον με-
ρίδα ὀπίσθιαν Συμμασει Σο[ρ-]
τιου ὅσον ἂν χρονὸν ζῆ ὅ-
ταν δὲ μεταλλάξῃ προσ-
παρατιθέτωσαν τοῖς υἱοῖς μου
45 ὅσαν δὲ κἂν οὗτοι μεταλλάξ[ου-]
σιν διδότωσαν τοῖς ἐνγό[νοις]
διὰ γένους, ἀεὶ τῆς δὲ θυσ[ίας]
καὶ εὐωχίας προστήσονται
C Side (C s.)
[ἐπ]ιτελείτωσαν ἐν ἄλλαι[ς]
[ἡ]μέραις τριάκοντα ἀπὸ δὲ
[τ]οῦ δεδομένου ἀργυρίου ὑπὸ
Συμμασιος. μηθένι ἐξέστω ἀφε-
66 Orhan Köse – Recai Tekoğlu

5 λεῖν ἢ μετενέγκαι εἰς ἄλ<λ>ο- θον ἢ ὀφειλέτω τῶι κοινῶι

ν καταχρήσασθαι. ἐὰν δέ
τις ἀφέλῃ ἢ μετενέγκῃ ἢ ε-
ἰς ἄλλον καταχρήσηται ἁμα-
[ρ]τωλὸς ἔστω ‘Ἡλίου καὶ τῶν
10 ἄλλων θεῶν καὶ ἀποτινέτω-
σαν οἱ αἴτιοι ὅσον ἂν ἀφέλω-
σιν τοῦτο διπλοῦν καὶ ἔστω
ἐγδικασία τῷ βουλομένωι ἐ-
πὶ τῷ ἡμίσει. εἰς δὲ τὸν τάφον
15 μηθένι ἐξουσία ἔστω θάψαι
οὗ ἔστιν τὸ πῶμα μονόλι-
τῶι προγεγραμμένῶι <ρ´
ὁ θάψας καθάπερ ἐγδίκης,
20 καὶ κύριοι ἔστωσαν ἐνεχυρά-
ζοντες ὅσαν προαιρῶνται
κατ’ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν ὄντες
χειρισταὶ. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς προγεγραμ-
μένοις πᾶσιν εὐδόκησεν τὸ κοινὸν
25 τῶν χαλκέων ἀναδοθείσης ψήφου, ἐ-
κρίθη πᾶσαις. μάρτυρες Ιδλαιμις
Μίδου, Αττινᾶς ’Ἐπίγονος οἱ Ερμαδε-
[ι]ρου Βελλεροφόντειοι ἀρχόντων

Translation:
A s.: to/by/in Union] of Copper Money. If any income bears interest they will add it to the
principal. They will deposit both the hind portion over the lamb and fore portion over the
lamb belonging to his wife Mamma as the main share in the name of Symmasis while
Symmasis is alive. When Symmasis is dead they will give both portions to his wife Mamma.
When Mamma is dead they will give to my sons and to their descendants always and equal-
ly. My sons, Symmakhos, Hermaphilos and Kleinos, and my sons-in-law Ermaktybelis and
Ermolykos, sons of Tinzasis, the Bellerophonteioi, and their descendants will participate in
the feastings. The 10 persons (are) prôtoiprôtoi when the number is completed. If someone
from these persons is dead the oldest one takes the deceased’s place. If any dispute occurs the
Union of Copper Money will arrive at a decision in the temple of Letoo who will participate
and besides let them decide in the executive committee not to receive anybody more than 10
related persons. As the regulation, i.e. this is the money which Symmasis deposited as credit,
is exact in the written paragraphs administrators (kheiristai) will lend at interest the money
which Symmasis gave. If the Union of Copper Money or anybody else do not act according to
the written (paragraphs) those who acted contrary will pay 1000 drakhmi for every offence
to the priests of Helios and let the right be to ask the half of the payment to the descendents
of Symmasis and to anyone who wishes. If the ceremonies of feasting and sacrifice can not
be celebrated because of any war or any political obstacle they will be carried out after the
obstacle was disappeared.
B s.: (The Union of Copper Money) decided to increase interest and by voters to always and
every year give the management to Hermolykos, son of Kregdeis, the Iobateios, Inondis, son
of Hermokles, the Sarpedonios, Kleinos, son of Symmasis, and Symmasis, son of Sortias, the
Arailiseus. The participants made a contract in order to not to spend whole money and to
keep the principal always in safety in every time to which the yearly income of interest will
be added. By spending always a sum of money from the income of interest they will sacri-
fice in order to sanctify Symmasis and his wife Mamma on the 25th day of the month Loios
every year and Helios once every three years and on that day the feastings will be celebrated
giving the name of Symmasis and Mamma to the day. My sons, Symmakhos, Hermaphilos
and Kleinos, sons of Symmasis, and my sons-in-law, Ermaktybelis and Hermolykos, sons of
Tinzasis, the Bellerophonteioi, will always participate in the feastings. Every year the elected
archons of the Union of Copper Money will sacrifice sheep and goat as vows over the altar
built by Symmasis in the heroon of Symmasis and Mamma and celebrate feastings and on
that day administrators (kheiristai) and other close relative archons whose names were men-
tioned above will give the hind portion over lamb in addition to the above share to Symmasis,
 Money Lending in Hellenistic Lycia: The Union of Copper Money 67

son of Sortias, if he is alive. When he is dead they will transfer it to my sons. If these are also
dead they will give it to the descendants from that generation and they will always take place
in sacrifices and feastings.
C. s.: let them realize religious duties with the money given by Symmasis in other 30 days.
None can steal and keep it or use it for different purposes. If someone steals (and) keeps it or
uses it for different purposes, he will be sinful to Helios and the other gods and let the siners
pay back double the amount that they stole and let the right be to ask the half to anyone who
wishes. None is permitted to bury a dead person in the tomb of which the cover is a mono
stone. If anyone does, let the person who buried a dead person be fined 100 drakhmi to the
koinon mentioned above. Whatever those being administrators on that day propose to do let
the masters be guarantors. The Union of Copper Money admitted all the matters written above
and approved all after they were decided. Idlaimis, son of Midas, Attinas and Epigonos, sons
of Ermadeiros, the Bellerophonteioi, amongst the archons are witnesses to this.

Paleography and language features:

The inscription was recorded in a literary Greek standardized in the forms of the Attic
dialect and in the Ionic paleography of the 4th century B.C. which began to appear in in-
scriptions of the Hellenistic age in Asia Minor. It does not show any particular feature of
local dialect. Except for some simple errors made by the stone carver, only some manners
of writing in the dative case of the nominal paradigm were formed, sometimes with and
without iota adscriptum, cf. τῶι βουλομένωι ἐπὶ τῶι ἡμίσει in A s. 48-49 beside τῷ βουλομένωι
ἐπὶ τῷ ἡμίσει in C s. 13-14. Other similar examples can be seen like τῆι in B s. 16, ἥρωι in
B s. 31 and τῶι κοινῶι τῶι προγεγραμμένωι in C s. 17-18. This kind of writing with iota ad-
scriptum was used for decorative purposes in the paleography. Its use was phased out
in the 2nd century B. C. and expired in the Roman age. It is moreover attested that the
stone carver did not care for the pronunciation of ει diphthong and abbreviated it to ε or ι
vowels, cfr. προβάτεον in B s. 34, γένηται in A s. 3, but γεινομένη in A s. 10-11 and B s. 39,
ἐπιγεινομένοις in A s. 17 and 24, γείνηιται in A s. 29, χιρισταί in A s. 36 but χειρισταί in B s.
36 and C s. 23. On the contrary it is observed that in some cases he strengthened the long
vowels like ω and η by adding a superfluous ι, cfr. εὐωιχία in A s. 19, but εὐωχία in A s.
50, B s. 23 and 48, ἀνφισβήτηισις γείνηιται in A s. 29. On the orthography of double palatal
sounds he preferred to write with ν, cfr. ἀνχιστέων in A s. 34 and ἀνχιστεῖς in B s. 38. In the
latter, ἄλοι is a simple error of the stone carver for ἄλλοι, cfr. A s. 43 and C s. 5.

Commentary:
This inscription shows features of Hellenistic associations. The title of the institution is
koinon and it was defined by χαλκέων which refers to a noun in the genitive plural case.
The noun may have different possibilities of explanation. The first may be χαλκέυς which
means basically “coppersmith, goldsmith” or “blacksmith” in a more strict sense1. In Greek
epigraphy from Asia Minor there is not much evidence concerning the social and profes-
sional life of persons having this employment in the Hellenistic and Roman imperial ages.
Scarcity of documents cannot have been the usual case if one takes into account only the
inscriptions in Lycia in the Roman imperial period, when many persons were frequently

1 The meanings of the words cited in this study always refer to H. G. Liddle – R. Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon
(1996).
68 Orhan Köse – Recai Tekoğlu

honored by a copper statue or by a copper crown. The profession titles such as χαλκεύς
and χαλκότυπος recur mostly in some inscriptions from Korykos in Cilicia, many of which
can be dated to the Late Roman imperial era or to the early Christian period2 , but no
epigraphic document proves that coppersmiths established any society or any associa-
tion3. Pliny recorded in the part concerning ancient metallurgy that Numa, the legendary
king of Rome, built a collegium aerarium fabrum4. An inscription from Cordoba in Spain
speaks of a certain societas aeriorum in Roman times5. Only terms like τόπος αὐραρίων and
προταυράριος derived from the Latin aurarius, “a goldsmith”, appear in some inscription
dating from the late Roman imperial era in Asia Minor and they have been interpreted to
show that aurarii worked in collegium aurarium6. The term χαλκεύς is not so frequently
mentioned in inscriptions, as well as χαλκότυπος, χαλκοκολλήτης and χαλκομώτης to express
“persons who work in copper”. In a general sense it meant “coppersmith, goldsmith” or
“blacksmith”, while goldsmith was defined only by χρυσόχοος, χρυσοποιός, χρυσοτέκτων,
χρυσουργός, χρυσοχοικός. Thus some questions remain to be answered. Firstly we are not
sure if the form χαλκέων can refer to χαλκεύς. Secondly there is no information as to if the
khalkeus working as a goldsmith invested money on loan at interest, as their name was
not mentioned among the moneylenders7. In any case the owners or partners or sharers
in the koinon cannot be members of a profession needing body or hands. As will be seen
they belong to the local aristocratic class bearing the most famous eponyms of the region
as a family attribute.
Another possibility is that the word may refer to χαλκός, “copper”, χάλκεος or χάλκειος,
“of copper or bronze, brazen”, adjectives which were used to express copper money. In a
collective sense χαλκέων may be related to *χάλκε(ι)ον, “copper money treasury”, which is
very likely in the context of this text and reflects the main financial activity of the koinon.
When one looks at the raison d’être of the generic term koinon and the koinon itself in
the inscription it will be obvious that to koinon tôn khalkeôn was established not only for
giving loans at interest, but at the same time for social and religious practices amongst the
members of a particular society8. The word was used to express a political unit, especially
in Lycia, e.g. the Lycian League (τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Λυκίων)9. A different kind of koinon is not
attested to so far in the epigraphy of the region and a contextual resemblance cannot be
seen with other koina known in different regions of Asia Minor, especially with those in

2 The inscriptions in MAMA III 214a, 214b, 264, 274, 317, 318, 319, 329, 367, 404, 476, 483, 514, 518, 524, 525, 632,
634b, 658.
3 Cfr. F. Poland, Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens (1909); B. Laum, Stiftungen in der griechischen und rö-
mischen Antike (1914); G. Pugliese Caratelli, “Per la Storia dele associazioni in rodi antica”, ASSA n.s. 1-2, 1939-40,
147-200. Cfr. also concerning general aspects of associations. N. R. E. Fisher, “Greek Associations, Symposia and
Clubs”, Grant and Kitzinger (ed.), Civilization of the Ancient Mediterranean: Greece and Rome (1988) 1167-1197; M.
N. Tod, “Clubs and Societies in the Greek World”, Lecture III in Sidelights in Greek History: Three Lectures (1932);
O. M. van Nijf, The Civic World of Professional Associations in the Roman East (1997).
4 Pliny, Naturalis Historiae XXXIV 1.
5 AE (1971) 181.
6 Ch. Roueché, “Aurarii in the Auditoria”, ZPE 105 (1995) 37-50.
7 Cfr. P. Millett, Lending and Borrowing in Ancient Athens (1991) 197 sqq. and J. Andreau, Banking and Business in
the Roman World (1999) 30 sqq. for Roman banking.
8 Cfr. J. D. Gauger, “Koinon”, in H. Schmitt – E. Ernst (eds.), Lexikon des Hellenismus (2005) 567-570 on different
koina and the structure.
9 Cfr. R. Behrwald, Der lykische Bund. Untersuchungen zu Geschichte und Verfassung (2000), on the Lycian League.
 Money Lending in Hellenistic Lycia: The Union of Copper Money 69

Caria10. One of the rare cases in the epigraphy of Asia Minor, the present koinon is a fi-
nancial company built by 10 close relatives in order to deposit the principal of partners as
creditum by making an agreement. Thus to koinon tôn khalkeôn should mean something
approximating to “The Union of Copper Money”.
On the first side of the block the fact that the participants, e.g. Symmasis here, depos-
ited their principal as credit in the koinon was defined in different lines of the inscrip-
tion. The relationship amongst them was stressed by the partnership of close relatives
(A s. 34 and B s. 38) and was put under regulation. The agreement between the koinon
and Symmasis who asked conditions upon the use of his own principal was regulated in
the different paragraphs of the whole inscription. Symmasis clearly states under rule that
shares of his own and of his wife were deposited as a single share (A s. 4-11) and will be
used only for loans at interest (A s. 34-40). Just for these features alone this koinon seems
to have a basic function of banking (τράπεζα).
The koinon prepared an agreement for the sharers and they approved it after a deci-
sion had been taken. The lines C s. 23-26 follow as “The Union of Copper Money admitted
all the paragraphs written above and approved all after a decision making”. They show us
also that the sharers have the right to market their own principal on their own conditions
that then needed to be approved by the koinon. The main paragraphs of the agreement
can be underlined as follows:
1) The founders of the koinon are ten close relatives and they can not be more in
number. If one of these died, the oldest one from the family of the same founder
takes his place. If a dispute occurred as to who should take the seat in the koinon,
the Union of Copper Money will arrive at a decision in the temple of the Goddess
Letoo (A s. 25-34).
2) The ten close relatives are at the same time the natural founder archons of the koi-
non (ἄρχοντες οἱ προγεγραμμένοι ἀνχιστεῖς, B s. 37-38).
3) The shares belonging to Symmasis and to his wife Mamma will be deposited as a
main share in the name of Symmasis in the koinon (παραθήσουσιν Συμμασει πρώτῃ
γεινομένῃ μερίδι A s. 5-11).
4) The principal given by Symmasis will always be kept safely by the administrators of
the koinon (τὸ ἀρχαῖον διατηρήσουσιν σώιον ἀεὶ τὸν ἅπαντα χρονόν, B s. 8-13).
5) The administrators of the koinon will only lend at interest the money given by
Symmasis (οἱ χειρισταὶ ἐκτοκίσουσιν τὸ ἀργύριον ὃ δέδωκεν Συμμασις, B s. 34-36). The
Union of Copper Money or anybody else cannot use the money for different pur-
poses (A s. 40-43, C s. 4-6). In case the money was stolen or kept or used for differ-
ent purposes the guilty persons must be considered to have sinned against Helios
and other gods (C s. 8-10) and must pay 1000 drakhmi for every fault to the priests
of Helios (A s. 43-46) or double the amount of that which they stole (C s. 11-12).
6) The income of interest will always be added to the principal (A s. 2-4 and B s. 10-
13).
7) The loans will be carried at the yearly interest rate and the rate can be increased by
the committee decision of the koinon (B s. 1 and 13-14).

10 Cfr. P. Debord, “Cité grecque – village carien. Des usages du mot koinon”, Studi Ellenistici XV, 2003, 115-180 and
Th. Corsten, “Das koinon der Laodikener in Panamara”, EA XXV, 1995, 87-88.
70 Orhan Köse – Recai Tekoğlu

8) The principal and the income from interest belong to Symmasis. When he dies the
inheritance passes to his wife and, after her death to their sons and to the descen-
dants of their sons always and equally (A s. 5-11 and B s. 36-42).
9) The administrators and archons of the koinon will come together at the heroon built
by Symmasis on the 25th day of the month Loios every year to make sacrifices and
celebrate feastings by spending a sum of the yearly income of interest and on that
day they will pay in cash the shares to Symmasis while he is alive, or to his heirs if
he is dead (B s. 29-48). If the ceremonies of sacrifice and feasting can not be cel-
ebrated because of any war or political obstacle they will be carried out after that
obstacle has disappeared (B s. 49-54).
10) The masters (kyrioi) will be guarantors for any decision of the administrators of
the koinon (C s. 23-28).
11) The Union of Copper Money admitted all the matters and approved all after they
were decided. Idlaimis, son of Midas, Attinas and Epigonos, sons of Ermadeiros, the
Bellerophonteioi, among the archons are the witnesses (C s. 23-28).
Many other lines in the inscription, as well as the paragraphs of the agreement, pro-
vide us with an idea of how to evaluate the structural function of the koinon. At first it is
revealed that the koinon had a committee of founders composed of ten close relatives.
They were called prôtoiprôtoi in the inscription (οἱ πρωτοίπρωτοι, A s. 25). This word has
not been attested to before in the prôtoiprôtoi form in the epigraphy. Thus an analysis like
prôtoi prôtoi in separate words cannot be excluded, but the reason why they were taken
into account as a single word is the use of prôtoi as a suffix for words like dekaprôtoi
and eikosaprôtoi in Greek. Even though they appeared in the inscription dating from the
Roman imperial period in Asia Minor, there is no reason to think some similar forms were
not used in earlier periods11. In our opinion prôtoiprôtoi was a title employed to express a
committee of partnership founders in an association during the Hellenistic period.
Beside the prôtoiprôtoi, the koinon had a committee composed of four archons whose
names were mentioned: Hermolykos, Inondis, Kleinos and Symmasis. Symmasis himself
and his son Kleinos are members of this committee of archons. They were elected for life
by voting (κατ’ἐνιαυτὸν διὰ αἱρουμένων ἀεί, B s. 2-3). Their duty was defined by the verb
χειρίζειν, “to manage, administer, etc.” (B s. 2). They were responsible for the affairs of
the koinon. The term “the elected archons” recurs in lines B s. 29-31 (οἱ αἱρούμενοι ἄρχοντες
τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν χαλκέων). These elected archons participated in the feastings carried out
every year and they organized ceremonies of sacrifice. There is moreover another expres-
sion concerning archons like, “other close relative archons whose names were mentioned
above” (οἱ ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες οἱ προγεγραμμένοι ἀνχιστεῖς, B s. 36-38). These other archons are
functionally different from the elected archons and correspond to the ten close relatives
(ἀνχιστεῖς ἄνδρες δέκα) who established the prôtoiprôtoi. Still a definition for archons in the
inscription indicates it was for those who were introduced as witnesses to the agreement.
It surely cannot be suggested these archons were employed in the koinon or were officials
in the city or state. Two of these archons come from the Bellerophonteios phyle which
Symmasis’ sons-in-law belonged to. In any case it is not beyond the realms of probability
that the members of such a large family, who established a body for important financial,

11 Cfr. S. Dmitriev, Government in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor (2005) 197-200.
 Money Lending in Hellenistic Lycia: The Union of Copper Money 71

social and religious activities also functioned as officials in the city or state government.
The archonship as is well seen in the inscription is a title characterizing both civil and
public duties12.
Another employee group of the koinon was defined as kheiristes (χειρισταί) in the
inscription. These were the same persons with the elected archons of the koinon. In
particular they had the duty of managing the principal of the koinon (A s. 36). Symmasis
underlined the condition that his principal was deposited in order to be lent at interest
by kheiristai. It means that they were responsible for the management of the principal
belonging to the sharers and to the koinon. Their names were mentioned among the
employees of the koinon who should deliver the share portion to Symmasis or to his
heirs in B s. 36 and the following lines. They were moreover responsible for the social
and religious activities of the koinon. In B s. 29 and the following lines they organized
to celebrate with feastings, to realize agons and to sacrifice sheep and goat in the heroon
of Symmasis and his wife Mamma. It was shown by implication that the kheiristai were
held responsible for their financial activities and decisions needed an affirmation and con-
firmation by or before a general committee of the koinon. The lines 20-23 are as follow:
“Whatever those being administrators proposes to do in that day let masters be guarantors”.
The word “masters (κύριοι)” refers mainly to an upper committee, that is, the founders
of the koinon, from which the kheiristai may ask a guarantee for any payment. This line
implies that they were not free in the use of money in the market. It is in fact revealed in
A s. 32 that the koinon had an executive committee composed of the founders. The line
reads: “let them decide in the executive committee” (κρεινῶσιν ἕσται κυρίαι). The hesta kyria
in the sentence is interpreted in dative singular case and is not an attested form in Greek
inscriptions. In our opinion *ἕστα or *ἕστη should be a noun derived from the verb ἵστημι,
“make to stand, stand, set, set up, place, establish, institute etc.” and means” an executive
committee” in accord with “kyria” in g.f. dative singular. Just as in the example of ekklesia
kyria, it should express an authoritative meeting of the executive committee in which the
founders of the koinon come together once a year or in necessarily needed cases13.
In addition to the functional features of the koinon, the financial particularity in the
light of the data in the inscription should be defined. At the first the koinon comprised
some founder members like Symmasis. He is a founder partner as his name was men-
tioned among the elected archons of the koinon and deposited his principal as credit
(παρατίθημι). The whole sum of the money given by the founders was the principal (τὸ
ἀρχαῖον). The income gained from interest was added to the principal and the principal
was kept in safety in every condition and circumstance. The proper use of the whole
money (τὸ ἀργύριον πᾶν) was managed by the elected archons. It seems they wanted to
economize in increasing the principal without spending money. It was pointed out that
only a sum of the income that was gained from interest belonging to Summasis would be
spent for social and religious purposes.
The whole principal of the koinon was divided into portions belonging to the founders
according to the amount that was contributed by the owner. Two different shares belong-

12 idem, 109-114.
13 Cfr. M. H. Hansen, The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demostenes: Structures, Principles and Ideology (1991)
132-135 on ekklesia kyria.
72 Orhan Köse – Recai Tekoğlu

ing to the same family could be registered as a main share in the name of the family fa-
ther (πρώτη γεινομένη μερίς). The profit was paid yearly at the rate of the share and cashed
on delivery to the owner - if he was still alive - or to his heirs -if he was dead- on the
25th day of the month of Loios, a date which corresponds approximately in our calendar
to sometime between July and August. In the inscription a kind of share was defined as
ἄλλην ἐπὶ κῶλον μερίδα ὀπίσθιαν in A s. 6-7, B s. 40-41 and ἄλλην μερίδα ἐπὶ κῶλον ἐμπρόσθιαν
in A s. 8-9. An explanation of the lines may be suggestive as they have not been attested
in a similar formula. Meris means “portion, share”. Another word accompanied it in both
definitions is epi kôlon. The word kôlon means generally “limb, arms and legs of animals,
side or front of a building”. The adjectives opisthian and emprosthian were not declined
in concord with kôlon, but with meris in g.f. acc. sing. Thus a translation may be “fore por-
tion over the lamb and hind portion over the lamb”. These definitions may indicate they
did not have any particular share system similar to the market economy, but the profit de-
livering mechanism was closer to the parceling out of an animal for sacrifice. The fact that
Symmasis had the hind limb and his wife had the fore limb means that Symmasis’ portion
was bigger and heavier than his wife’s. A notable case was also observed on the delivery
of the shares. The portion belonging to Symmasis’s wife Mamma was mentioned once as
the “fore portion over the lamb” only in A s. 7-9 and not indicated anymore among the
portions which will be delivered to Symmasis. In our opinion this may be explained in
this way. Mamma was a founder partner of the koinon like Symmasis and had participated
with a small part of the principal. She left her own share to her husband according to an
agreement in the family and protected her own voting right. This may be the reason why
her son Kleinos, mentioned as son of Symmasis, was among the elected archons.
We have no information from the inscription about how and in which way the money
invested or the loans provided were used. Any answer may be suggestive, but it seems
plausible that in a country like Lycia, where the economy depended upon agriculture and
maritime commerce, the loans must have been given mostly to close friends of the found-
ers’ families who wished to enlarge or to buy new lands for agricultural purposes or to
export or import needed products through international maritime commerce. In any case
this is a sign of economic growth in Lycia.
Obviously economic growth opened the way to realize efficient activities in the so-
cial life of the local aristocratic class. This example indicates the economic, political and
religious power among the members, of close relatives, over the society. One of the
agreement paragraphs reads as follows “the elected archons of the Union of Copper Money
will carry out games, feastings and sacrifice ceremonies in the heroon of Symmasis and
Mamma every year”. Participants of this organization were not only the members of the
family, but at the same time were large bodies of society including acrobats, actors, cooks
etc. in addition to the elite. This is a kind of festival organized for a particular society by
individuals and can be understood as a fenomeno associativo. The term was not used here
to express any social activity, but refers to conviviality among close friends and relatives
and the cultivation of religious practices performed because of the profit that had been
obtained through the financial activities of an association14.

14 Cfr. V. Gabrielsen, “The Rhodian Associations and Economic Activities” in J. Davies, Hellenistic Economies (2001)
215-216.
 Money Lending in Hellenistic Lycia: The Union of Copper Money 73

The inscription furnishes some titles on legislation and commercial ethics. It seems that
loans ran a risk of late payment and a guarantee was therefore asked. The guarantee of
back payment was ἐνεχυρασία, a property taken in pledge and the masters of the koinon
were the guarantors of the loans. Apparently any risk or damages were substituted just
before the loan began. This was of course a guarantee mechanism that functioned among
best friends and close relatives and did not include foreigners. There was a risk that the
principal or loan could be stolen, be usurped or be used for some other purposes. The
agreement defined with foresight this possibility.
Another title can be seen in the field of citizenship law. The word ὁ βουλομενος which
means “someone who wishes” is mentioned twice in the inscription. Ho boulomenos
which was considered one of important citizenship rights developed by Solon represented
the right of public claim in the name of those citizens who were abused or whose goods
were damaged unjustly15. This legal practice shows us that the democratic civil law of
Athens had been adopted in Lycia in Hellenistic time.
The inheritance law could furnish a new opportunity for evaluation if there were more
evidence in the region to establish a synchronic comparison with other Hellenic centers.
Firstly it could be determined if the inheritance law was formed in the traditional struc-
ture of the region or carried some effects from the legal modals like those of Athens or
Gortyn16. Unfortunately we are far from able to give an evaluation for this region. The
paragraphs that deal with the inheritance law in the inscription demonstrate at the same
time features of a last will and testament. Some kinds of last will before the death of a
father or property owner were possibly prepared in Hellenistic Lycia. The father, accord-
ing to the paragraphs recorded in the inscription, was the single and authoritative owner
of the whole income and goods of the house while he was alive. After his death this right
then passed his wife and then to his sons and finally to his descendants always in equal
portions. The position of sons-in-law and daughters according to the heir order in the in-
scription was in part uncertain, while brothers and other family members were never men-
tioned. The sons-in-law and daughters participated always in the feasting and sacrifice cer-
emonies, but it is possible that they were not included as heirs, as the daughters received
a certain trousseau from the father’s goods when they married. In any case this argument
is actually a thematic study for the culture history of the region and requires many more
epigraphic sources.
As for the themes dealing with religion there is little to say. Letoo and Helios were
mentioned. It was pointed out that a disputed matter should be decided in the temple of
Goddess Letoo by the members of the koinon. It seems that temples played an important
juridical role over Hellenistic society in Lycia. Possibly, because of the lack of any juridi-
cal place or organization known and accepted by the state, citizen sought to solve their
private disputes in a temple sanctified by the majority of population. This Letoo temple
should be that in the Letoon. Helios was mentioned because of sin, violation of tombs and
fines. In lines A s. 44 and 45 it was pointed out that violators, or sinners, should pay 1000
drachmi to the priests of Helios for every offence that they committed. This was very large

15 Cfr. L. Rubinstein, “Volunteer Prosecutor in the Greek World”, Dike 6, 2003, 92-95 and Ch. Carey, Trials from
Classical Athens (1997) 10-11 on ho boulomenos.
16 On a diachronic analysis of the inheritance law cfr. I. Arnaoutoglou, Ancient Greek Laws: A Source Book (1998)
1-34.
74 Orhan Köse – Recai Tekoğlu

sum at that time. Moreover it is not a rule, but occasionally some ex-priests were counted
among the eranistes or founders of a koinon, especially in inscriptions from Rhodes. It is
not impossible that Symmasis could have been an ex-priest of the Helios temple, even
though no title was indicated.
Finally it was observed that the inscription included a rich list of personal names.
Some of these were defined by (family) attributes, three of which were mythological and
characterized particularly in Lycia. These are Bellerophonteios, Sarpedonios and Iobateios.
Bellerophonteios is a known attribute in some inscriptions from Tlos in TAM II 1-3 548
(third times) and 590. Sarpedonios appears both at Tlos in TAM 1-3 552, 597, 609 and
at Xanthos in TAM II 1-3 264 and 265. The Iobateios attribute derived from Iobates, the
legendary king of Lycia, recurs at Tlos in TAM 1-3 589 and at Xanthos in TAM II 1-3 283,
309, 372, 386 and 389. These were undoubtedly family and phyle attributes, used by the
local aristocratic class. Another attribute was mentioned as Araileiseusin, dative plural for
Kleinos and Symmasis, of which the nominative should be *Arailiseus. It has not been at-
tested before in the inscriptions from Lycia and is unknown for any cultural or historical
connection. As a probability it may be related to Aralleis, a city in Phrygia, from the ety-
mological background and be considered an ethnic form of the same city17.
Personal names show a rich variety of local Anatolian and Greek traditions. A notable
mixture of personal names of both Anatolian and Greek origin was used among the
members of the same family. While patronymic names like Symmasis and Tinzasis were
of Anatolian origin sons had personal names like Symmakhos, Kleinos, Hermaphilos and
Hermalykos of Greek origin. Some kind of examples in changing personal names was ac-
cepted in the passage to adapt to new socio-cultural layers in Lycia18.
The personal names in the inscription can be classified as follows according to their
origin:

Greek Personal Names:

’Ἐπίγονος
‘Ἑρμάφιλος
‘Ἑρμόκλης
Ἑρμόλυκος
Κλεῖνος
Σύμμαχος.

Anatolian Personal Names:

Ἀττινᾶς KPN § 119-20
Ερμαδε[ι]ρ-ος/-ας/, gen. Ερμαδε[ι]ρου
Ερμακτυβελις, cfr. Ερμακτιβιλος in KPN § 355-11’de
Ιδλαιμις
Ινονδις
*Κρεγδεις, gen. Κρεγδειτος
Μαμμα KPN § 850-11

17 Cfr. L. Zgusta, Kleinasiatische Ortsnamen (1984) 87 §85-11.

18 Cfr. S. Colvin, “Names in Hellenistic and Roman Lycia”, in S. Colvin (ed.), The Greco-Roman East (2004) 44-84.
 Money Lending in Hellenistic Lycia: The Union of Copper Money 75

Μίδας KPN § 912

Σορτιας KPN § 1453
Συμμασις KPN § 1482
Τινζασις

Conclusion:
The fact as to how and in which way different local civilizations and Greek colonies
in western Asia Minor reacted synchronically and in transition phases to great progresses
in socio-economic life occurring in classical Athenian society and in important Hellenic
centers can be the subject matter of various researches. Asia Minor in this period was char-
acterized mostly by local cultures connected linguistically to the field of ancient Anatolian
languages. The distinction of local interior dynamics from Hellenic elements of accultura-
tion is frequently open to dispute, as is the epigraphic documentation of the period which
is not sufficiently rich, as also the archaeological data. On the contrary the Hellenistic
period presented new and relatively rich epigraphic argumentation by which the effects
of Hellenic elements of acculturation in socio-political and economic life of a particular
civilization with, in part, still local features can be observed. The present inscription is an
opportunity to evaluate this situation.
The inscription mainly included an agreement reached between a creditor who was
also founder as one of the main shareholders, and a finance institution, the partners of
which were ten close relatives. The financial activity of the creditor was determined by a
loan bearing interest. This is one of the main and basic functions of an ancient bank and
of banking. It is therefore suggested that the institute called koinon in the inscription was
a Union of Copper Money.
Many other cases of banking and financial activities are sufficiently well documented
in different Hellenic centers from epigraphic and literary sources19. The methodological
approaches to the study of ancient Greek and Roman banking and financial system were
mainly differentiated by “primitivist”20 and “market economy”21 explanations22. The finan-
cial activity recorded in this inscription, even though with some missing parts, can be de-
fined by the term “usury”. The organization as is clearly defined was not professional and
personal relationships were a primarily characteristic of the koinon.
The desire for enrichment and earning money without doubt was among the main
purposes in the establishment of similar associations. Symmasis preferred not to touch in-
come, but to increase the principal for the future. Only a sum from the income from inter-
est was spent for feastings and sacrifices. It was one of Symmasis main purposes to keep
together the whole family in a social sense and money lending at interest seemed to be
a mechanism to pay for the expenses of social and religious activities. This is a feature of
the fenomeno associativo in Lycia.

19 Cfr. R. Bogaert, Banque et banquiers dans les cites grecques (1968).

20 Cfr. M. I. Finley, Ancient Economy2 (1985) and P. Millet, Lending and Borrowing in Ancient Athens (1991).
21 Cfr. J. Andreu, Banking and Business in the Roman World (1999) and E. E. Cohen, Athenian Economy and Society:
A Banking Perspective (1997).
22 Finleyan, anti-Finleyan and other explanations were treated also by different authors in W. Scheidel – S. von
Reden (eds), The Ancient Economy (2002).
76 Orhan Köse – Recai Tekoğlu

The present koinon provides unique intelligence concerning the social and economic
history of the region in the Hellenistic period. Possibly it was founded after strong connec-
tions were established between Lycia and Rhodes. Many persons from different regions of
Asia Minor were amongst the members of many Rhodian koina and eranistai, especially
during the Hellenistic period from the 3rd to the 1st centuries B.C. As can be seen in the
epigraphy of Asia Minor, similar kinds of association were absent in the Hellenistic pe-
riod23. Possibly the new political structure of Lycia in the 2nd century B.C. opened the way
for new developments in the socio-economic life of the citizens. Their desire to create
new institutions for collaboration in political, economic and religious fields and their ac-
tive role in an association or in the form of a family body, were reflections of social values
in a democratic and civic Lycia in the Hellenistic period. The new city or state order pro-
vided the opportunity for Lycian citizens to live within more Hellenic forms.
We have no information about the destiny of these associations in Lycia. They may
have survived for only a short period, because they were established in a land not com-
pletely Hellenized. For the moment we limit our comments to the fact that Lycian citizens
imitated Hellenic institutions in their models concerning financial and social values.

23 For the Roman period cfr. O. M. van Nijf, The Civic World of Professional Associations in the Roman East (1997).
 Özet

Hellenistik Likya’da Ödünç Para: Bakır Para Kasası

Bu çalışmada ele alınmış olan yazıt Fethiye Müzesi tarafından 285 envanter numarası
verilmiş olan Sayın Oğuz Kocagil’e ait koleksiyonda yer almaktadır. Hemen hemen yarıya
yakın bir kısmının ele geçtiği yazıtta herhangi bir yer veya bölge adı geçmemekle birlikte
Likya Bölgesi’ne ait olabileceği varsayılmaktadır. Buluntu alanı bilinmemektedir. Yazıt,
kent tarihçiliğindeki yerini kaybetmekle birlikte bölgenin sosyo-ekonomik yapısı hakkında
oldukça değerli veriler sağlamaktadır.
Yazıtın tarihlenmesine yardımcı olabilecek temel herhangi bir öğe bulunmamakla bir-
likte, içeriği ve paleografyasındaki bir takım özellikleri nedeniyle Hellenistik Dönem’e, İ.Ö.
2. yy.’ın ikinci yarısına ve sonrasına tarihlenmesinin uygun olacağı kabul edilmektedir.
Yazıtın çevirisi şöyledir:
Ö.y.: Bakır Para Kas[ası…]….- eğer faizden her hangi bir gelir elde edilirse (bunu) ana
paraya ekleyecekler. Hem buttan arka payını ve hem de karısı Mamma’ya ait olan buttan
ön payını Symmasis hayatta iken ana hisse olarak Symmasis’in adına depozit edecek-
lerdir. Symmasis öldüğünde her iki hisseyi karısı Mamma’ya verecekler. Mamma öldüğü
zaman ise çocuklarıma ve onlardan doğacak olanlara her zaman ve eşit olarak verecek-
ler. Çocuklarım Symmakhos, Hermaphilos ve Kleinos ve Tinzasis’in çocukları damatlarım
Bellerophonteios’lardan Ermaktybelis ve Ermolykos ve bunlardan doğacak olanlar kutlama-
lara katılacaklar. Sayı tamamlanınca 10 kişi prôtoiprôtoi’dur, bu (kurucu) kimselerden bi-
risi ölürse bu (kurucuların soyundan gelen) en yaşlı kimse yerini alır. Eğer bir anlaşmazlık
olursa Bakır Para Kasası kimin katılması gerektiğini Letoo tapınağında karara bağlayacak-
tır ve ayrıca (bu kurucu) on akrabadan daha fazla üyenin [koinon’a] alınmamasını ana
toplantıyla karara bağlasınlar. Yönetmeliklerde “bu Symmasis’in hesaba koyduğu paradır”
(hükmü) kesin olduğu için yöneticiler (kheiristai) Symmasis’in vermiş olduğu parayı faiz
karşılığı ödünç vereceklerdir. Eğer Bakır Para Kasaı yada başka bir şahıs yazılan maddeler
uyarınca hareket etmezse, bunlardan bu davranış içinde bulunanlar Helios rahiplerine her
bir suç için 1000 drakhmi ödeyecekler ve Symmasis’in varislerine veya arzu eden başka bir
kimseye (bu paranın) yarısı üzerinde hak iddia etme hakkı olsun. Eğer kurban törenleri
veya kutlamalar savaş veya başka bir politik engel nedeniyle yerine getirilemezse bu engel
ortadan kalkınca yerine getirilecek.
Y.y.: (Bakır Para Kasası kurulda) seçim yaparak oy kullanmak suretiyle Iobateios’lardan
Kregdeis oğlu Ermolykos’a, Sarpedonios’lardan Hermokles oğlu Inondis’e, Arailiseus’lardan
Symmasis oğlu Kleinos’a ve Sortias oğlu Symmasis’e daimi olarak her yıl yönetimde bulun-
ma ve faizde artırım yapma kararı verdi. İştirakçiler, içine her yıl kazançlardan elde edilen
geliri ilave edecekleri ana sermayeyi her zaman her dönemde güvenli bir şekilde muhafaza
etmek suretiyle tüm parayı bozmama/harcamama konusunda bir sözleşme yaptılar. Her
zaman faizden elde edilen gelirden bir miktar para harcayarak her yıl Loios ayının 25.
gününde ve üç yılda bir Helios’a Symmasis ve eşi Mamma’yı kutsaması için kurban kese-
cekler ve o gün güne Symmasis ve eşi Mamma’nın adını vererek şenlikler kutlanacaktır.
78 Orhan Köse – Recai Tekoğlu

Kutlamalara çocuklarım, Symmasis’in oğulları Symmakhos, Hermaphilos ve Kleinos, da-

matlarım Bellerophonteios’lardan Tinzasis’in oğulları Ermaktybelis ve Ermolykos her zaman
katılacaklar. Bakır Para Kasasının seçilmiş arkhon’ları her yıl Symmasis ve Mamma’nın
heroon’unda Symmasis tarafından inşa edilmiş sunağın üzerinde adak olarak koyun
(ve) keçi kurban kesecekler ve kutlama yapacaklar ve o gün mezar başında yöneticiler
ve adı daha önce belirtilmiş olan diğer yakın akraba arkhon’lar, hayatta ise, Sortias oğlu
Symmasis’e ana hisseye ek olarak buttan arka payını verecekler. Öldüğünde ise çocuklarıma
devredecekler. Eğer bunlar da ölürse soydan gelenlere verecekler (ve bunlar) her zaman kur-
ban törenlerinde ve kutlamalarda yer alacaklar.
A.y.: Diğer otuz günde Symmasis’in vermiş olduğu parayla dini görevleri yerine getirsinler.
Hiç kimse (bu parayı) çalamaz, el koyamaz veya başka bir amaç için kullanamaz. Eğer bi-
risi çalar, el koyar veya başka bir amaç için kullanırsa Helios’un ve diğer tanrıların günah-
karı olsun ve suçlular ne kadar çalarlarsa iki misli geri ödesinler ve isteyene yarısı üzerinde
hak olsun. Hiç kimsenin tek taş kapağı olan bu mezara ölü gömme izni yoktur, aksi halde
gömen kimse yasa gereğince yukarıda adı geçen birliğe yüz drakhmi borçlu olsun. Yönetici
olanlar o zamana göre neyin yapılmasını teklif ederlerse koinon’un mutemetleri de (kyrioi)
kefil olsunlar. Yukarıda yazılmış olan bütün hususları Bakır Para Kasası kabul etmiş (ve)
karar alındıktan sonra hepsine onay vermiştir. Arkhon’lardan Midas oğlu Idlaimis (ve)
Bellerophonteios’lardan Ermade[i]ros oğlu Attinas ve Epigonos şahittir.
Yazıt, bir bakıma Symmasis adında bir şahısla kurucusu olarak yer aldığı Bakır Para
Kasası olarak tanımlayabileceğimiz bir koinon arasındaki sözleşmenin paragraflarını içer-
mektedir. Sözleşme içeriğinde iki olgu belirginleşmektedir. Bir tanesi faiz karşılığı ödünç
para verilmesi, diğeri de sosyalleşme fenomeni. Faiz karşılığı ödünç para verme işlemi, en
basit ve temel yanıyla bankacılık işlemlerinin başlangıcıdır. Bu tür bir müesseseyi oluştur-
muş olan kimseler bölgenin ileri gelen aristokrat sınıfının üyeleridirler. Ellerindeki nakit pa-
radan para kazanmayı planlamışlardır, yani bir tür tefecilik yapmışlardır. Ancak Symmasis’in
bu tür bir teşkilata kurucu olarak katılmasının nedeni daha farklı bir şekilde ifade edilebilir.
O faizden gelen paranın bir kısmını harcayarak, kendi aile üyelerini diğer akrabalarla birlik-
te çeşitli etkinliklerin içine katmıştır. Başka bir deyişle masraflarını karşılatarak kendi ailesi-
ne sosyal faaliyetlerde bulunma imkanı tanımıştır. İşte sosyalleşme fenomeniyle kast edilen
budur. Böyle bir gelir imkanı bulunmasaydı şölenler düzenleyemeyecek, kurban adayama-
yacaktı, ya da bunların masraflarını her seferinde kendi cebinden azalarak karşılayacaktı.
Bu anlayış, özellikle Hellenistik Dönem’de beliren ekonomik gelişmelerin bir sonucu olarak
ortaya çıkmaktadır ve ekonomik refaha sosyal ve dini faaliyetler eşlik etmektedir.
Gerek finans faaliyetleri gerekse sosyalleşme fenomeni bölgenin kendi sosyo-kültürel
ve iktisadi koşullarında gelişmiş konular değillerdir. Bu çağdaki çeşitli Hellen merkezleri,
başta Atina, Rodos ve Delos olmak üzere benzer temaları gösteren çeşitli teşkilatlar oluş-
turmuşlardır. Dolayısıyla bunlar Hellen kültüründe bulunan özelliklerdir ve Anadolu’da ve
Likya’da görünmesi bu merkezlerle olan ilişkilerin sonucu olmuştur. O çağ Rodos’unda
120 civarında benzer teşkilatlara rastlanmaktadır. Bunlardan bazılarında Anadolu’dan gel-
miş yabancılar da yer almış veya kurucu olarak katılmışlardır. Bu bize elimizdeki verilerin
Likya’nın Rodos’la olan ilişkileri sonucu doğduğunu söyleme imkanı vermektedir.
Gerçekten de özellikle Klasik Dönem’de yerli uygarlıklarla tanımlanan Batı Anadolu’nun
gelişim sürecinin anlaşılması bakımından bu tür etkileşim öğelerinin bulunup tanımlanması
büyük önem taşımaktadır. Bu yazıt aracılığıyla Likya yurttaşlarının Hellenistik Dönem’de
Hellen formlarında iktisadi ve sosyal yapılanmadan etkilenmeye başladıklarını söylemekle
yetineceğiz.
 Money Lending in Hellenistic Lycia: The Union of Copper Money 79

Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3