Nationalism and
Internationalism in
Modern Art
National identity
ition in the art capital of the
Jea moment in the troubled hi
Poland, abattle that took place inx4r0, and to representitin such aw:
Baaera7 —— er seems literally immersed in hist2a arta
1878. alenesno
Tia Bile Gren
aman teen gts
ec a ferce buts.
‘iment carta pining
blood, and raw aggression in ways that are simply unexplainable in
words. Few pages of prose in any language (maybe only Caesar's Gale
ars) have its beeadth and majesty. Even today, as Poland attains
nother independence, schoolchildren sit in front of it for hours,
theie teachers identifying the figures and explaining the historical
significance ofthe moment evoked by Matej
How can one cll The Battle of Grunetsald modern? Its historicism
is marked, and its style makes one chink of artists ftom Altdrfer to
Delacroix: Yetits sheer vastness and the urgency with which tsnation-
slism i expressed is moder. It was not commanded by a king o gea~
cra; nor was it state commission, designed to be an emblem ofthe
slory of the nation for official use. Instead, it was made privately for
public exhibition nthe hope thatits lessons of the strugee of the Poles
and their neighbours against foreign oppression would provide an ex
ample for young rebels and nationalists. Matejko bet on the survival
and continued strength of Poland as a nation, thatits national museum,
would become home to the glory of Polish painting, and that The
Battle of Granewal would occupy a place of pride in it. Few painters,
from other nations bad such vast dreams for painting, and none of
‘hem attempted anything so magnificent and defiant.
Yet, when thinking about this canvas-spectale conceived on sucha
grand scale, one struggles to find anything quite comparable, and it
might be best at this juncture to contrast it with another battle paint
ing, this one painted in rps by a Russian painter living and workingin
Manich, Kandinsky’s White Cro is everywhere and in every way the
‘opposite of Matej’ self conscious manifesto/masterpiece (128).
Although large by the atandarde of the modernist easel picture
Kandinsky’ canvas is minuscule when compared to that by Mateo.
With its slashing blak lines, hints of spears, mountains, castles, and
batde cashes, it evokes rather than describes war. Yet is bilan seat
tering of colour and its ttle make one think more readily of musical
5 Wass ananty—
Fees, Joan-lire
cose teers
fending bane
Ioougntehascenes
fnosrat eneConcsring
alte Rectan become
Bein wheat poeta
va di
recitals than historic battles. We all recognize rushing soldiers, boats
with rowers, and landscape elements, yet none of these helps us to
place this battle either geographically or temporally. When we search
for cluesin the if of the painter, we learn that this painted representa
tion of a battle (the single subject type most readily associated with
national history) was made by a man from one country, living and
working in another, speaking a language foreign to him, and, most
evealingly, working for a completely international group of collectors
and clientele. This, we have long been taught, is modern.
‘Why is the cosmopolitan tradition in modern art coequal with
‘modern itself? We have already learned that a good deal of modern att
associates more readily withthe present than with the past, and that it
isall but obsessed with the manner of representation, or what we might
call technique. Yer it must be said that nationalism is among the most
powerful force in modern society, that it has been at the root of most
cataclysmic political events, and that, in spite of cosmopolitan, the
history of modern art remains a sequence of largely national histories
‘written in national languages by historians who view arta the embodi-
_ment of national values, The histories of every enstern European coun
sry’s art, as well as that of Russa, are not easily accessible to the West,
and even the histores of other nations’ modern art are written largely
for a national audience. The minority of painters who worked in the
modern world are treated as part of their national heritage, both inFis pcven ata
panonf
so
ted
stot ced anaes
econqueed by each Poh
university courses and, even more pervasively in the collections of
national and regional museums, and this follows fom the earliest
arrangements of works of art into national and regional schools
arranged by geographical area 11301. The histories of Florentine,
Venetian, and Roman painting ae treated in most Euro-American at
smuscums as part ofthe history of painting in Tal, in spite ofthe far
that aly didatteastas apolitical uni until he nineteenth century the
same can be said for German art,
Time and place
Every modern art muscum teaches us that place is as important to art
as time, and the primary mode of organization in art museums of both
painting and sculprure is by nation and region, through which time is
allowed to flow. Hence, in every major European museum of European
art, we ee works produced in the same geopolitical place at different
‘times ina single area ofthe museum, but almost never works produced
a the same time in different places. And, as if this restrictive geo-
graphical organization in art museums were not sufficient, i extended
also to most of the great temporary exhibitions of art held in inter-
national exhibitions and other sorts of airs. For modern institutions in
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, art was presented as product
of nations, not ofthe Zeigest or of individual people. Many modera
artists accepted this condition as true, and, for some, such as Mucha in
the Slav Epic and Hodler in the Zarich Landecrauseum, their greatest
efforts as artists were directed toward vast nationalist works with many
vast canvases covering acres of wall?
Te goes without saying that none of these works is included in @
mascum of modern art anywhere in the world. Indeed, these
institutions have conceived of themselves as modem in a way that
is fundamentally dissociated from nationalism (hence the almost
universal distrust of museums of modem art by nationalists in
the United States, the Soviet Union, England, Scotland, et.). The
theorists of modern art would contend that place is more important
than time in traditional culture (when communications were more
difficult and travel unusual). The modem condition, for them, pro~
duced a culture in which time replaced phce as the signifying variable
in classifying works of art. To put it simply, the fact that a work of
modern art was made in 1890 or r9a5 is more important than that it
‘was made in Munich or Oslo. Baudelaire’ dictum literally became the
rallying cry for modernism—that the modern artist be of his own time.
‘A good deal ofthe cosmopolitanism of modern art has to do with
the urban art system created in the nineteenth century, a multi-centred
system of urban communication nodes surrounding a central city,
Paris, and a small number of subsidiary capitals, Vienna, Berlin,
London, St Petersburg, and New York. For that reason, an artist who
worked in a place like Melbourne or Bucharest was focused on one
major centre, about which artists, eritcs, dealers, and patrons knew a
great deal more than they did about other peripheral places, Its m=
portant to remember that travelling exhibitions of provincial modern
art were organized to be shown in large geographic areas. One need
only think ofthe exhibitions organized in Melbourne, San Francisco,
Pietsburgh, Chicago, Buenos Aires, and Copenhagen during che late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries recognize just how cosmo~
politan the system actually was.
Life in the capital ety was very much organized around colonies of
foreigners, artists and otherwise. It would not be difficult to read the
art ertcism of any grat nation a a patil atempr to define the char-
acter ofthe national school of act, particulary since some of the most
intensely reviewed exhibitions ofthe nine‘eenth century contained the
work of foreign artists or, inthe cases ofthe huge exhibitions held in
conjunction with the Worlds Fairs, atterapted global coverage in na~
tional terms. Even the venerated Paris Salon came increasingly to be an
international affas as artists from most fart of Europe and America,
artempred to place their works atthe epicentre of world ar.
‘The ability to succeed in a multi-lingual artistic society was seem
ingly essential for success as a modem artist, and those who were able
to cross boundaries were often more sucessfil in expicating their art
than were artists who remained at home. The lists of men and women
who ‘paseed’ for ‘French’ or ‘British’ when they were Americans or
Romanians are legion. Although most of them eventually returned
hhome, it was their ability to bring back idea and stimuli from abroad
that in many ways validated them and gave them important aesthetic
currency. In this way, we have learned from recent studies of Jewishcontributions to vanguard culture that the Diaspora encouraged
Jewish artists, collector, critics, and intellectuals to cross national and,
linguistic borders, making them, a a group, considerably more mod-
cermin the sense of international and cosmopolitan culture than others,
Ieis surely no accident, given this cosmopolitanism, that one of the
most powerful strands in modem arc was anti-nationalist. For every
‘work made to be Polish or Russian, there were others made not to be
classifiable in national terms. We have already noted that Kandinsky.
‘wrote the first full-scale manifesto of international abstraction, Con
cerning the Spiritual in Art, in ws. Iti not so far from there to the
‘Cazch Kupkea, developing transnational colour abstraction in Paris or
to the Dutchman Mondrian, reining Neo-Plastcism inthe same city.
‘Thereis plenty of evidence to assert that the inventors of Suprematism
actually believed that they were charting a new aesthetic course for all
‘humanity as part of the particular revolutionary struggles of the
Russian people. What would American modernism have been without
the presence of Duchamp and Francis Peabia (1879-1983) (among oth~
ess) in New York using and justater the Firse World War or without
the ertical presences of the Steins or Patrick Henry Bruce in Paris in
the first chree decades of the twentieth century? And the travels of
Seguntini are crucial for the development of transnational modernism,
throughout Europe.
Abstract art spiritualism, and internationalism
In the context of nationalism, abstraction plays a very small role
Indeed, the aims and achievements of most abstract painters were, a
the very least, transnational and, at most, cosmic and universal (131).
Again, one can return to our two battle paintings by Matejko and
Kandinsky. In the ealier, and clearly nationalist endeavour, itis neces
sary to know Polish history, to know the names of the factions in the
battle, and to decode a good deal of information from the armour, cos-
‘umes, and heraldic devices in the painting. None of these areas of
knowledge applies to Kandinsky’s cosmic was, which seems more to
come from memories of childhood tales in which heroic knights
stormed turreted castles in countries with no real existence. The same
kind of comparison can be made between the modernist repres-
entations of Amsterdam made in both photography and paint by
the Dutchman George Breitner (i857-1923), and the facades of hit
countryman Mondrian that present architecture freed from place.
Tthas long been known thata good deal ofthe theory of abstraction
in northern Europe and the Americas developed from forms of rans-
national mysticism, many of which were textually based.* Rendering.
visible sounds, spirits, cosmic forces, and other invisible forms was a
principal task of a particularly vital form of cosmopolitan modernism
in the first two decades of the ewentieth century. Although these
‘Gaomare ete,
182 peernaateur
petted as
Ecntaedtatlreste
Fecoreue watson
advances in pictorial practice were heralded as completely revolution
ary in the years following their appearance, recent scholarship
and museological practice have taught us that abstraction grew out of,
many ideas powerfully associated with Symbolism and other forms
of occult image/modernism. The representation of unseeable forms
has been a challenge to artists since the beginning of human history,
and representational solutions have tended towards abstraction long
before the development of the various strands of abstract art. The
representation of a chimera, of innocence or of any idea, deity, or
force involved levels of abstraction. Curiously, most of these non-
representable ideas transcend nations and national languages and are
more closely involved with borderless insiutons such as religions
Tris nota great leap to arcert that well-ravalled, multi-lingual cow
‘mopolitan capitalists tended toward such forms of mysticism more
than did their opposite, Its for that reascn that many of the greatest
figures in nineteenth- and early twentieth-centary mysticism were
voyagers for whom the mundane necessities of daily life were provided
ABSTRACT ARF, SPURETUALISM, AND INERNATIONALSM. 303,Tine 119 ot andere
ecophsieston arte
Prenbieuraon Amerin
tere wer te
ich Cont sient
‘recipi na naterali
dlce whe tombodes ee.
by others (or, a leat, by the fruits of working cap
githered in Sweden, rural England, northem New Mexico, or the
forests of Transylvania, the men and women who created various
Euro-global spiritual evolutions between 1880 and 930 did so without
feeling great material need. They also dd so with a good many books,
dliagsams, and representations to explain and embody their visions,
‘The association of artists with these colonies of seekers has long been
kenowa, and the ani-national aspiration of most ofthese groups isan
important component of their thinking 132)
‘With the proliferation of publi libraries and easily accessible shops
for illustrated books, an entire range of occult and scientife literature
became available to artists. Whether a Manual of Zen Buddhism, The
Book of Osslt Pbiloophy, or The Principles of Light and Colour, illu
trated books had an entire range of visal information documenting
Alagramming, or describing the unseeable and we know from the ast
generation of scholars just how assiduous artists were in their use of
these sources, Kandinsky’ familiarity with popular usrations tothe
Book of Revelations has been documented by Carol Washton Longs
Linds Henderson has proved that Duchamp used scientific and
1s Ga Ova
‘Buwand een Buns TT,
reas erascT
Sowntoher tana
tei hey were
rraphcabsraen
Sires ar
Bema denon
(law played domino
ety ara esuaty
‘steel tamer
staconthget he
1Siteara 19208
te
pseudo-scientifc illustrations with all the subtlety of a connoisseur;
and John Boult has identified connections between the Esoteric
Movement in Russia and both Symbolistand abstract atin that vast
nation."Indeed, scholarshave combed libraries and archives toidentify
precise sources in the image world for forms that were previously
thought to have had no such attachment to iconography. The search
‘was fora utopia beyond nationalism where artists would be viewed as
both inevitable and necessary parts of scciety rather than as image-
workers for the dominant bourgeoisie.
While i is tempting to consider the various forms of abstraction
developed in Europe and America between 1900 and 1920 as com-
pletely cosmopolitan or international in charactes, that conclusion
‘would be wrong in at least one case—that of Georgia O'Keeffe
O'Keeffe developed a mode of abstract sainting that combined the
mysticism of the American Arthur Wesley Dow (1657-1922) and
Kandinsky and that seems to have been formed as partof a search, mis~
guided as it seems now, fora legitimately American art*Theough her
association with the American-born and German-educated Stieglit,
she had access to the Cubism of Braque and Picasso as well as to the
English text of Kandinsky's Concerning the Spiritual in Art. Although
she rejected Cubism as European, she fle liberated by the ideas of
Kandinsky and attempted to create a kind of abstraction rooted in het
‘own experiences. As she had never been outside the United States,
and because of her stubborn independence, O'Keeffe seems to have
believed that her abstractions ofthe late gros and early 19208 sprang
from herself and from American sol, although its much esier to find
ABSTRACT ARF, SPUREFUALIGM, ANDINTEANATIONALIBNE 205Ceara
‘tiara iescoe
pats Src eam
‘his ayn
Iningona Fronee. ante
precedents for her work in the theories of European modernists. In
fact, comparison between a small work on paper by the Belgian artist
Henri van de Velde (1863-1957) entitled Abstraction, made in 1893, nd
O'Keeffe’ Blue and Green Music (919), shows that the similarities of
form and, most likely, intention, are greater than the differences (133),
Van de Velde abstracts from vegetal forms, the origins of which are
petty clear to the viewer, while O'Keeffe tite tells us that she is make
ing a representation of music, In each case, the artists anxious that we
read the sources ofthe abstraction and, thus, guides us on an aesthetic
journey. Granted, both works were produced by individuals in dif
ferent countries for different audiences. Yet O'Keeffe’s is no more
‘American than van de Velde'sis Belgian.
Nationalist landscape painting
‘Many of the most compelling efforts to cteate viable American,
Russian, of many other national artistic identities had to do with mod
‘enist view painting, The entrapment ofthe national scene using the
advances in colour perception and painting techniques developed on
the international stage is one of the unifying elements in national art
history. Each one of the great national collections proves that inter~
national art was produced by national artists using native scenery as
their raw material. In this way, Tom ‘Thomson (1877-1917) or Lawren
Harts (1885-1970) created a bold international image of Canada that
linked the pictorial achievements of avant-garde E
3 arnt
FrontaeNat She
tears men mt
shores taunt
most isolated national scenery of their country (134, 1351? Not only
were these paintings emblems of pride in Canada, they were routinely
exported to the nations chat mattered most for Canada: Britain,
Trance, and the United State, for exhibitons of Canadian art. Yet it
was precisely their modernity (and, by implication, foreignnes) that
Jed many Canadian writers and critics to decry them
‘We feel the very same forces throughcut Europe and the United
States. A selection of modernist landscape paintings that represent
national scenery using international techniques would be very large
and would contain many ofthe best-loved images in ther respective
countries. Whether O'Keeffe, or the American painter John Marin
(870-1933) evoking the mythic, pre-United States landscapes of New
Mexico, or Tivardar Csontvary Kosta creating vast ‘Hungarian
panoramas centred on impresive Greek and Roman ruins like thoce
at Taormina (Sicily) in 3904-5 (1361, modernist painters served the
nationalist shetric of much ofthe capitalist work through powerful
images that could be reproduced and sent throughout the nation
and abroad for exhibition. This aspect of modernism is rarely stressed
in the most theoretically sophisticated teats and exhibitions devoted
to the movement. It was pervasive throughout the petiod covered
by this volume. Recent scholars of American, French, indeed any
national painting, have carefilly analyed the construction of na
tional imagery by modernist painters a process of construction which
‘was almost never related to government commissions or othe less ob-
vious forms of intervention, but was, rather, part ofa general cultural
climate that prefered artists to identify with their own place of birth,136 Tar Crary
hunse!avrina ny
ste tring Narie
‘The fact chat many of the greatest modern emblems of America were
created by immigrants or foreigners (Bierstadt, Bodmes, Steichen,
Kertesz) has never troubled students of American at, perhaps because
the immigrant experience isso central to the American experience.
‘There is no doubt chat one could selec’ avery large exhibition of
‘moder landscape paintings from the international world. These land-
scapes, when shown together, would demonstrate just how global the
modes of representation actually were. The national landscapes pro-
duced by the Swiss painter Alexandre Calan (810-64) in Switzerland
cor Bietstad in California are in no way different as representations
Even the vast, land-rich Russa was awash in images ofthe national
forests lakes, and villages that stretch almost forev
Asia, and certain images, ike the Rusian Nicol Dubovekoy’s
(859-1918) Calm before the Storm (i890), were produced in many ver~
sions to satisfy the national demand for images of Russia. Even the
anti-national regionalism of Brittany in France produced a sort of
avant-garde or modernist imagery intended to erode the conservative
nationalism that was at the core of much political culture in the
modem world, Iv s searcely an accident tat Irelands fst important
modernist painter, Roderic O'Conor (1860-1940, lived viwally his
entire lifein Pars, but thathe was attracted to the non-French imagery
of Brittany asa kind of analogue to his own noa-Englsh Ireland.
Again, modernism was both politically elastic and capable of giving
powerful expression todas that are non-cosmopoltan.
‘We must remember, however, thatal these images, from Matejko's
Batle of Grunewald with which we began this ea, to the Finnish
Aaseli Gallen-Kallel’ (1865-1931) Lemmintainen Meeber [1371 with
which we end it, were made for pubic exhitiion both within and out.
side the national boundaries. They were thus national images created
to permeate the boundaries of the nation and to being world-class
techniques and visual ideas to the service of local stories. Gallen
Kallela had conceived his great nationalist project while a student in
Paris and had extended and refined his mision on another extended
vist to Bertin (where he was impressed by the painting of the
Norwegian Fatvard Munch, also an exemplir of his own countryin the
international arena). From this meling-pct of sources and ideas, he
created a visual vocabulary that allowed him to construc representa~
tional re-enactments ofhis national myths witha power thatcan be fel
from Europe to
to this day,Notes
Intoduetion
1 Thefe Engshedon ar ended
Mase eBags Condon ac
Sym of thts (London sad NewYork,
90 lo Meer Grace asthe
Jvihinduti ere Cechosoa
{Ghenparofte Aare Horgan Ei)
andthe fist my oumoplan haar
‘foment
1 oremodan pine ft compete
Engl enslsion (7 Wis Sie)
Signachd Enel Ne
Inpro ex Poy Rais Pe Spe
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‘opp Beenseasoigisin Face,
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thefrmaton ef mer eet efre
‘hemorcomlerand ne bonkof Meier
rt
4, Thee mimeousioftbeCel
Foe Whee ema: pinay
soncernditn Pantin ark
Bewer dewihthe ply tnth
the rumeou teri Eg iat
Ferman ciguefin tre Sec
Bane Te yea Pla 5-0-4
Borie Vitro Eipre Lande 70)
Arthitrasshme nega best
Fleece ey bce nected
‘ue concentingon heaped arsand
feulpe Howeves tet petern
‘sinequem editors nam, Pha,
Viens Chis nd numero
which amped ge oe
1 Secloba Gage, Ctr and Calne Pie
nd Dersingon ntti dri
Gleadonsaeas fi 7.3
5, Sect Tne Galery Th Pre Rabie
Londo i98al orn. The ctw
ly Main me
Them ean Engh edtonof
‘Bisand terry Banlieis The
Pointe Moe if Otero,
(Condon
Part: Reals to Suess
2 Seemingly ed tay Renato Poult
Tie They efit ds Gare Nee Yak,
apne rte as bot
int an indpennbe srr
che ptnemenon ofan ge
1 Arnengthe ce vabl bea
‘trodes hay Johan Driers
TiriingMode ity Vial drtend Te
(ita Trai New Yorke) Deckert
‘wotconcee ie ode oper
Ipreopatonsh pce sera
‘bj sits cartingfparalar
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jena rane noe at
icasectting
Thess gpdinezated isn}
ff photogrpy puming a printing
Internet iene
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sted rand Pomp Lend
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sdacnionelthernbetectnterof
‘slypeappond pata ee
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(nen 9
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eenene geese itis or
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endovandNow Yo ycabonkol
thor wenthedineicl eso.
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onthe desing moment ofthe mvenenti
Trance Necks caer awide swe icing
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pistagervedantiteaf erp:
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1970. Ae iene oe cue
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so ube dew Fen
{ellen pectoris Bagi
‘hon inp Bro,
i Brame Yk 99).
‘eer Fest andol Urges
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Inpro To ntti events,
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yeston|
6 Thebestscentpcon that dee wi
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(Sania 88) Atwo-vlameedion
le compltecrimcabetedtorthe
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emmedtotallinagh intekstny
acral hell aparrre
Engi eto themacere prinedin
‘heigl each, Thee oad
(Gromeienty aoderan notte
i, The Piingnpnae-
1886 Deanna Son Francia
“Seale 99)
1 Thebtrecent prevention ofthe Ea
{baled onrmetnanpec ofS
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sndetedy ean Cito Para Sm
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nde aging of oma Ci
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ai ty, Gender Care
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ve, Thebstandmostowepigl coed
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empress (Gren NY, 70).
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‘ment othe Nei Chie Pach
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‘eaters calopbiicted
tresmentofehe jectirJy Pema,
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24 Torstematinl peda
Pisin ena de iat at
‘faba. Perhaps becuse ofthe Pane
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‘shan AA Cabesedon, TeesArte a: Te Wing of bert Sena
Deane New York 78),
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