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The Critical Moment Language Socializati
The Critical Moment Language Socializati
The Critical Moment Language Socializati
(RE)VISIONING OF FIRST AND SECOND LANGUAGE LEARNING
by
Matthew Clay Bronson & Karen Ann WatsonGegeo
INTRODUCTION
A Japanese graduate student studying at an American university, Keiko struggled
with the details of English grammar in writing academic papers. Despite twelve years of
formal study in English and a Master’s degree in the UK, Keiko continued routinely to
write phrases such as “….political shifts of the international aid towards…” (Bronson,
2005). In fact, her most persistent problem was use of ‘the,’ which seemed to randomly
appear or be omitted in her sentences. She received volumes of teacher feedback on all
drafts. Her professors tried nearly every strategy in the ESL repertoire to help Keiko
achieve a more nativelike proficiency in academic English. Improvement in her
awareness of the problem and her ability to appropriately selfedit her drafts finally
occurred when interventions based on Language Socialization (LS) assumptions were
enacted.
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The older Second Language Acquisition (SLA) approach might have identified
Keiko’s problem as ‘fossilization’ – a term still current among ESL practitioners – and
performed an intervention based on error analysis. Fossilization was an unhelpful cover
term for disparate phenomena that added up to nonlearning in even advanced students
(see extensive review in Han, 2004). In contrast, discoursebased analyses reveal the
complexity of the given/new distinction that underlies native English competence in
article usage (Chafe, 1994). But can fossilization, functionality, or discoursebased
interlanguage error analysis in and of itself explain what was really going on with Keiko?
Is there something missing in grammaticallyoriented SLA assumptions that we need to
consider in order to help a student like Keiko who, in all other respects, is extremely
bright and successful?
Keiko’s case suggests the need for a wider and deeper sociocultural/political
perspective on how human beings learn, experience, and use language and culture. The
evolving criticalist (defined below) approach to LS theory not only situates all
languaculture (the intersection of language and culture; Agar, 1994) in the holistic
contexts of everyday life, but focuses on the roles of gender, race, ethnicity, and power in
local (immediate) and remote (societal) structural levels of influence on language
attitudes, rights, learning, and performance. We highlight the importance of critically
oriented LS theory for SLA, while distinguishing among the diverse research programs
and perspectives that claim a space under the LS umbrella.
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We will return to article usage by Keiko to demonstrate that LS research can vary
in how fully it embodies the emergent LS paradigm – for example, in the level of detail at
which languagelearning and associated contexts are represented in the primary record
and associated timeframe. We maintain that practitioners and critical readers should
attend to the integrity of the design and actual methods employed when assessing any
study that claims to be ‘language socialization.’ The explanatory power of LS research
for rethinking even the most entrenched issues in SLA is enhanced where best practices
in data collection and analysis are brought to bear, and where researchers ground the
power of their claims in the rigor of their methods.
EARLY WORK
We use criticalist as a cover term for all critical perspectives from the left
concerned with identifying and analyzing issues of race, ethnicity, class, gender, and
power, and pursuing research towards social justice and transformation of knowledge and
action. A criticalist sensibility, in the widest, nondogmatic sense of the term, has been
seminal in LS research, and should be foundational for future work in this area.
LS research began in the 1970s (e.g., Philips, 1972), but the term was not applied
nor a theoretical approach articulated until anthropologists Schieffelin and Ochs’ (1986a;
1986b) classic formulations in their groundbreaking edited collection and major analytic
3
review of the field. Originally a response to the narrowness of mainstream first language
acquisition (FLA) and child development research models of the 1960s1970s, LS
recognized that language learning and enculturation are part of the same process. Early
LS researchers were students of John Gumperz (e.g., 1982), Susan ErvinTripp, or Dell
Hymes (1980, 1974), and influenced by William Labov. These scholars, whose graduate
seminars and research on classrooms and other social institutions examined how
discrimination by language variety and discourse styles associated with race, ethnicity,
class, and gender disadvantaged certain populations, did not explicitly situate their work
in critical theory(ies). However, expert testimony by such sociolinguists before the US
Supreme Court helped bring about the Lau Remedies that mandated bilingual, bicultural
education following the court’s decision in favor of the plaintiffs in Lau vs. Nichols,
1974.
At that time most LS researchers were focused on proving the ‘scientific’ value of
their ethnographic work to psycholinguists and child development researchers whose
preoccupation was FLA, and this concern took precedence over framing LS work
critically beyond a ‘culture difference’ perspective. Early researchers focused on
children’s FL learning in usually small (seemingly) monolingual societies, and although
gender was typically addressed, power, oppression, multilingualism and macro
sociopolitical issues of a globalizing world were bracketed. Researchers emphasized all
participants’ agency in interactions with multiple (rather than dyadic) others in the
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dialectic of structure and agency (Giddens, 1979), laying the groundwork for a turn
toward an overtly critical perspective. For the past two decades, linguistic anthropologists
have argued that everyday linguistic and discursive practices both mirror and help to
create broader social structures and systems of cultural meaning. Children play an
important role in changing the culture that they are learning as they learn.
LS research projects from the beginning were based on a combination of
longitudinal ethnographic methods and discourse analysis. Final research reports
presented language development and ‘acquisition’ of particular features or discourse
routines in the context of an evolving sociocultural competence negotiated by the learner
in use and constrained by social structure. Keiko’s struggle with the definite article in
English documented over three years is typical of the use of finegrained data to
exemplify larger patterns and issues at stake in language socialization.
MAJOR CONTRIBUTIONS
The seemingly pristine, largely isolated community in which language and culture
are learned without other languacultural hybridity or influence is rare if not nonexistent
today. Other than studies of privileged middle and uppermiddle class families
essentially cordoned off from the struggles of multiethnic communities that surround
them, most of the populations all LS researchers encounter face formidable barriers to
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their livelihood and ‘success’ that are regulated by access to specific language varieties
and other sociopolitical resources. If LS theory was to evolve into a paradigm for the
complex processes of languaculture socialization, it needed to expand the sociocultural
and situational settings in which it was applied, and incorporate theoretical advances in
applied linguistics, sociohistorical and cognitive theories, and identity theory.
In the past two decades, LS studies have been undertaken in bi/multicultural and
second language (SL) classroom and community settings, and in postcolonial, hybridized,
hetereogeneous situations. Most of this research has been undertaken by SL researchers
(e.g., Duff, 1995; Sidnell, 1997; Bayley & Schecter, 2003, but see Garrett, 2004), even as
the paradigm itself continues to be developed theoretically and methodologically by these
researchers (e.g., WatsonGegeo, 1992, 2004; Garrett & BaquedanoLópez, 2002).
Criticalist approaches to LS in SLA examine language learning through postcolonial and
postmodern theoretical lenses where issues of power, privilege, and sociopolitical history
are central rather than incidental to the analysis, and where the research is positioned to
serve subaltern communities in crisis as well as to advance scholarly discourse.
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WORK IN PROGRESS
Three analytic reviews of LS and related theory that help to advance LS in a
criticalist direction have been published in the past five years: Garrett & Baquedano
López (2002), WatsonGegeo & Nielsen (2003), and WatsonGegeo (2004). Garrett and
BaquedanoLópez (2002), who are among the current generation (second wave) of LS
theorists, show how LS work today is taking place in a wide variety of heterogeneous
settings, including institutional contexts, where speakers’ lives are impacted by rapidly
changing linguistic and social processes. WatsonGegeo & Nielsen (2003) and Watson
Gegeo (2004) argue for LS as a sociohistorical, sociopolitical paradigm for languacultural
learning, and set out minimum standards for a study to be grounded in LS theory as well
as robust enough to explain diverse situations researchers and the people they study
encounter. The three reviews also examine and critique specific LS studies.
As Garrett & BaquedanoLópez (2002:1) argue, LS has “proven coherent and
flexible enough not merely to endure, but to adapt, to rise to…new theoretical and
methodological challenges, and to grow.” Critical LS theory may embrace a variety of
criticalist positionings – radical feminist, poststructuralist, postmodernist, postcolonialist,
et al. Recent empirical studies in linguistic relativity (e.g., Silverstein, 2000) demonstrate
that differences in languages do have a significant impact on differences in thinking. This
work resonates with research on cultural models for thinking and behaving by cognitive
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anthropologists using schema and prototype theory (Holland & Quinn, 1987), and
psychologist Katharine Nelson (1996) on Mental Event Representations (MER), an
advance on Vygotskian theory for how children develop ways of representing the world.
At the heart of the matter are the indigenous/local and societal ontologies and
epistemologies that shape thinking, including perception itself, exciting work on which is
being done now by indigenous scholars from a variety of third world settings – bringing a
criticalist ‘insider’s’ emic perspective into the academy (e.g., Sinha, 1997; Gegeo &
WatsonGegeo, 2001). Standpoint epistemology developed by feminists (Alcoff &
Potter, 1993) lays the groundwork for recognizing a range of positionings and ways of
knowing different from Western white male orientations. This also includes the
realization that children’s epistemologies differ from those of adults. Culture is
recognized as variable, an ongoing conversation embodying conflict and change, shaped
by the dialectic of structure and agency, inherently ideological, and prone to manipulation
and distortion by powerful interests (e.g., Habermas, 1979). Culture and identity are
inextricably linked, but highly complex.
Bhabha’s (1994) concept of the ‘third space,’ that cultural forms in the continuous
process of hybridity can allow the possibility for one to create new cultural positionings,
does not take away from people’s own interior sense of a ‘deep culture’ (WatsonGegeo
& Gegeo, 2004) on which they draw for a sense of continuing and ‘authentic’ (a concept
8
we must problematize) identity. As Hall (1991:223) argues, cultural identity and
knowledge(s) involve two senses of the self: of “one shared culture, a sort of collective
‘one true self,’ hiding inside the many other, more superficial or artificially imposed
‘selves’ which people with a shared history and ancestry hold in common” (e.g.,
Anzaldúa, 1990), and secondly, of identity and knowledges produced by “the ruptures
and discontinuities” that result in “critical points of deep and significant difference.”
Hybridity is associated with diaspora(s), colonialism, postcolonial history, and
globalization, yet the complexity it evokes occurs also in dominant firstworld societies
where mainstream interests try to suppress difference.
LS theory incorporates new perspectives on learning, as well. Drawing on Soviet
activity theory, Lave (1993:56) defines learning as “changing participation [and
understanding] in the culturally designed settings of everyday life.” Learning involves
situated cognition, that “every cognitive act must be viewed as a specific response to a
specific set of circumstances” (Resnick, 1991:4), and situated learning, involving the
“relational character of knowledge and learning,” “negotiated character of meaning,” and
“concerned (engaged, dilemmadriven) nature of the learning activity for the people
involved in it.” Thus do “agent, activity, and the world mutually constitute each other”
(Lave & Wenger, 1991:33). All activities and relationships are inherently political.
Bourdieu’s (1980, 1993) work on field, habitus, and cultural capital informs a deeper
analysis of the “dispositions” of behavior in everyday life and the contexts in which
9
learning occurs. Learning in contexts takes place through legitimate peripheral
participation, i.e., learners begin at the periphery and gradually move to the center as
their skills grow. The concept of legitimate peripheral participation has entered the LS
canon – virtually every major LS study includes the source in its bibliography as
foundational.
PROBLEMS AND DIFFICULTIES
LS research in its most robust implementations is very difficult and time
consuming, and only a few will ever have the access to resources required and the
requisite motivation – on par with an extensive Ph.D. dissertation – to do it fully. The
researchers, theorists and practitioners who seek to interpret and make use of findings
from selfdescribed LS studies can benefit from a more mindful and transparent
characterization of the actual methods by which knowledge was constructed, and the
background philosophical assumptions that guided that construction in each instance.
LS has increasingly become an umbrella under which many kinds of work are
undertaken, sometimes evoking sharp critique that these forms of work are not genuinely
LS. It is therefore useful to consider the varying ways that research on language learning
articulates with the LS paradigm in relatively current research programs: LS as topic,
approach, method, and intervention. This taxonomy is an informal, suggestive
10
framework for thinking about the range of studies termed LS, provocatively offering a
guideline for assessing the strength and credibility of studies via their underlying
philosophical assumptions and adherence to standards of LS research. The taxonomy is
intended neither as a set of mutually exclusive categories, nor an attempt to definitively
pigeonhole every study representing itself as LS.
LS as Topic
‘LS as topic’ refers to studies that touch on aspects of the LS process without
necessarily embodying an LS approach or methods in the way the inquiry is actually
conceived and conducted. Such researchers may examine the intersection of social life,
language use, and language development. In this sense, LS has been applied as a rubric
for studies of, for instance, the lexical and discoursal indices of language shift and
EnglishSpanish bilingual identity in the US (PeaseAlvares), the multimediabased
interpretations of identity among immigrant students in the US (Harklau), sexual
orientation in Egypt (Khayatt), and AymaraSpanish codemixing among bilinguals in
Bolivia (Luykx; all in Bayley & Schecter, 2003). Such research is often based on
relatively thin data sets, perhaps interviews and a few examples without intensive
analysis of primary discourse data in a longitudinal frame (e.g., Lamarre examines
language attitudes and bilingualism in Montréal based entirely on interviews with
bilinguals; and PeaseAlvares’s study includes no discourse data at all to empirically
examine use; both in Bayley & Schecter, 2003). These studies may include methods that
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are based neither on a genuinely sociocultural nor criticalist perspective, such as those
associated with Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) (see Chouliaraki and Fairclough,
2001, and Sullivan, 1995 for a critique of SFL's asocial and cryptopositivist roots).
Critical readers should ascribe more validity to studies that are longitudinal, genuinely
ethnographic, and that are both ‘thickly’ documented and explained – i.e., that include
multiple perspectives and rich data sets – than to those that focus on a single incident.
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Nevertheless, studies treating LS as a topic can contribute to a collective
understanding of aspects of the langaculture complex, despite using disparate modes of
research within diverse contexts and communities of practice. Notable collected volumes
using LS as a topic have appeared (Bayley and Schecter, 2003; Kramsch, 2002) and are
important contributions. The opportunity for a more substantive dialogue among
researchers with differing approaches and methods should be one goal of such volumes.
The value of refining and advancing the discussion is that it will lead to a more common
understanding of appropriate standards for the next generation of LS research, inspiring
researchers to a higher degree of transparency and accountability, articulating more
explicitly how they have approached research design, data collection and analysis. This
move is advocated here as a way of amplifying a ‘critical moment’ in SLA, that will
require researchers to assess what they have left out as well as what they have included in
their data sets and procedures. They must grapple with questions of accountability and
responsibility to the communities they are studying as well as to their own communities
ofpractice when they assess the explanatory power and impact of their final
interpretations.
LS as Approach
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‘LS as approach’ includes studies that embody LS ontology and epistemology,
i.e., studies that take into account the lived realities of learners and the social conditions
in which their learning is occurring, but does not necessarily follow a longitudinal design.
Returning to Keiko's use of ‘the,’ her problem could be approached from many different
theoretical perspectives that are not aligned with LS. Much nonLS inspired research and
certainly many ESL teachers in the field evoke a unidirectional image of acquisition and
onedimensional understanding of a learner as a ‘language acquisition device’ (as
critiqued by McGroarty, 1998 in her discussion of the Chomskyinspired generative
paradigm in SLA). The context and taskdependent nature of performance and the
complex interplay of cognitive, psychological and even political factors in learning and
social life may be obscured by this image.
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LS as an approach to Keiko’s problem raises a different set of questions and a
different ontology, one that is at once particularized, social and cognitive. The LS
approach can serve as a lens that brings into focus the lived experiences and challenges of
learners. It embraces the subjective, phenomenological dimension of the process of
socialization through language. When viewed through the lens of LS, transfer problems
such as those experienced by Keiko are always already nested within multiple systems
and levels. New questions occur to the researcher, lines of inquiry open up to augment
the contrastive analysis and learner language strand. The LS approach thus provides an
opening for SLA research and theory to catch up with developments in cognitive science
(WatsonGegeo, 2004).
LS as Method
‘LS as method’ characterizes studies that adhere to the highest standards,
including fullblown longitudinal ethnographic research and discourse analyses of
relevant data. Welldesigned language socialization research must embody design and
methods that are congruent with the theoretical and philosophical underpinnings of the
tradition in order to count as genuine contributions. A high degree of transparency about
the nature of the context, participants, setting, data, and analysis is essential. Methods
may be eclectic in a good LS study. To achieve what we might call a ‘gold standard’ for
design and methodological rigor in LS research from a criticalist perspective, however,
certain characteristics and strategies are essential (see also WatsonGegeo, 2004:34142).
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The study must encompass a combination of ethnographic, sociolinguistic and
discourse analytic methods at a minimum, drawing on criticalist work in these areas (e.g.,
van Dijk, 1993; Fairclough, 2005). Ecologically valid qualitative and quantitative data
may both be usefully combined, and usually are for indepth studies. The scope of the
research must include all relevant macro and microdimensions of context, and
incorporate whole events and behavior rather than short strips of time that have been
coded into preset categories; most categories must be generated from and grounded in
data. LS studies involve finegrained longitudinal studies of language and culture
learning in community and/or classroom settings that have been systematically
documented through audiotape, videotape and careful field notes of interaction. Indepth
ethnographic interviews with learners and others involved are an essential part of an LS
study. LS methods bring some a priori theory to the study, but depend greatly on
evolving theory and research questions ‘grounded theory’ style in the field site and
through accumulating data and continuing analysis.
Several recent examples of such work include Aminy (2004), who reports on a
longitudinal (twoandahalf year) study of literacy socialization (learning to recite the
Qu'ran) that spans three sites, exhaustive analysis of textual and contextual data, and a
fullydeveloped ethnography of the target community by an insider. Yang (2004) studies
a process of school reform in an urban highschool district in Oakland, California in
which participants helped to socialize each other into their varied social identities through
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conversations and formal and informal meetings. The study includes close analysis of
meetings through video and audiotapes as well as intense textual analysis of the
documents exchanged in the school reform process. Yang (2004:iii) uses an LS
framework to investigate how members of a grassroots school reform movement
"progressed from creating small schools toward recreating the urban school district
itself.” Participants in his study confronted the challenge of building a common
understanding of policy at a school undergoing statemandated reform using a process
that was heavily mediated by the exchange of texts. The idea of ‘challenge’ evokes the
purposes and intentions of those who are being researched and their lived struggle to
make the most of available choices as they respond to dynamic contexts.
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A return to the case of Keiko illustrates the value of the robust data sets and
grounded analysis required by best practices in LS methods. The study included
reflective journals written by Keiko wherein she engaged questions related to her
language learning process, and many writing conferences and interviews, as well as
samples of Keiko’s drafts. Bronson found that the placement of ‘the’ was emblematic of
the deepest issues of identity and ideology in language learning and use for Keiko. She
had discovered by reading multiple authors from different countries that there were many
‘Englishes.’ She decided to align herself with British English for most spelling forms in
her writing.
However, Keiko decided to also take the liberty of experimenting with her own
variety of English, including even the idiosyncratic way she used ‘the.’ As she wrote in
her journal, “I have found that I can subvert and create a sort of ‘my English’ and style
with following certain genres so that my articles can be read and understood.” This led
her to a ‘critical incident’ of realization as she worked on revisions of her writing with
Bronson, her writing coach. Their counterpoint negotiations led Keiko to write about her
own variety of English that (Bronson, 2005:333334); “I leant (sic) that subversion is not
a whatevergoes practice and it is a continuous negotiation with genres and dominant
styles of academic writing.”
The significance of Keiko’s critical incident was that it induced her to
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come up with a reason for learning to produce grammatically wellformed English, a
reason that did not represent an automatic, corresponding submersion of her Japanese
identity. Moreover, it helped her to activate a strategy for breaking the daunting task of
mastering sentencelevel grammar down into a series of discrete and executable steps.
The LS methods of this study, encompassing field notes, learner journals, discourse and
textual analysis of her writing, allowed the researcher to describe not only the substance
of Keiko's struggle with English form, but what that struggle meant to her and to her
teachers. This ‘thick record’ of longitudinal data meant that the differences, conflicts and
points of resistance between participants were available in the research record as well as
the alignments in their motivations and actions. ‘Critical incidents’ serve as inflection
points in the trajectory of LS narratives where those being studied make an important
shift in understanding or perspective.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
‘LS as intervention’ foregrounds the possibilities of LS research to make a
difference in SLA teaching and sociopolitical languagerelated issues. Foundational LS
studies of inequities in educational outcome (e.g., Heath, 1983) challenged an established
‘fact’ hitherto attributed to such factors as low I.Q.s of minority students, and generated
the languacultural ‘mismatch hypothesis’ for minority children’s failure at school and
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schools’ failure to serve minority children. This hypothesis was the realization that the
perceived deficit in achievement was a social construction, not a reflection of inherent
capacities of children from diverse backgrounds caught at the crossroads between home
and school. Similarly, LS theory when rigorously applied leads to a radical, criticalist
empiricism, requiring researchers to grapple with the full complexity of languaculture as
it manifests in dynamic, evolving contexts. This in turn questions the roots of rationality
itself and problematizes the ‘common sense’ that normalizes practices of oppression and
distorts equitable discourse. LS theory then can become LS as intervention.
In Keiko’s case, Bronson enrolled her as a coresearcher who participated in the
creation of the official record of events – a classic example of legitimate peripheral
participation. She copresented with him at a research conference, reporting on the
results of the study. She found her inclusion in the study to be instrumental in her
learning. The LS research design helped her to empower herself to speak her mind about
difficult issues of power and identity. The criticalist orientation of LS invited her to name
something otherwise unnamable and to frame it in valid academic terms: her own
resistance to the colonization of her imagination by U.S. standard English, her desire to
retain her ‘Japaneseness’ as one pole in a complex and evolving dialectic (Bronson, 2004:
318). LS research can become a criticalist intervention when it does not automatically
embrace an unproblematic rush to assimilation and the erasing of indigenous identity and
history. LS research serves as an intervention to the extent that it is alert to the ‘third
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space’ where voices and spaces of resistance necessarily accompany the overwhelming
and legitimate desire of Englishlearners to ‘succeed’ in mainstream terms (Candela,
2005).
LS emerged as a kind of intervention in its origins, a move to focus the study of
FLA and later SLA on learners as active meaningmaking agents who were struggling to
construct their roles in society and to master the accompanying repertoire of
communicative strategies that index and realize those roles in everyday life. Researchers
who seek to bridge theory and practice and who spend extended periods of time in
settings where SL socialization is occurring tend to develop high degrees of empathy for
the subaltern people who are typically the focus of their studies. LS serves as an
intervention inasmuch as it inspires greater attention to the unexpressed and silenced
voices of those who labor under the burdens of a generally unjust social order, one that,
by default, tends to stack the game of language learning and academic socialization
against them.
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Beyond its impact upon the researcher and, by extension, the larger communities
ofpractice in which they operate, critical LS holds significance as a site for restoring
otherwise silenced voices into discourse about opportunity and access to society's
resources. It emphasizes the humanity and human rights of those whom it represents, and
depends on the cultivation of a longterm rapport between researcher and researched.
Critical LS comes into full flower when the researched are themselves enlisted as co
researchers in the spirit of ‘collaborative inquiry.’ When students and learners are taught
to read the world even as they read the word (Freire, 1970), they must also learn to
critically read the officially constructed accounts in which they themselves are inscribed.
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