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India and Its Neighborhood - Relations PDF
India and Its Neighborhood - Relations PDF
India and Its Neighborhood - Relations PDF
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If the first fundamental right of every human being is the right to life, then terrorism becomes
the very antithesis of human rights. Terrorists challenge the very concept of the nation state,
and seek to reorder the world along the geography of faith. They believe in faith-supremacy, not
faith-equality, and want to displace nations with faith-based concepts like a Caliphate. A
regressive concept like faith-supremacy includes gender oppression, cultural hegemony and
ever-widening ravines of extremism.
The most telling evidence of near-unanimous international support for Modi’s mobilisation
against terrorism came in the wake of surgical strikes across the LoC. Privately, some countries
wondered why this had not been done before.
Intensive diplomacy has delivered in substantive ways. A significant example is the expansion of
relations with UAE. This correction has helped make UAE an important strategic partner and a
major investor in India.
Equally impressive is the manner in which India has maintained relations across binaries. Better
relations with UAE and Saudi Arabia have not come at the cost of traditional relations with Iran.
The commissioning of the Chabahar port, developed by Iran and India, close to the Chinese-Pak
port of Gwadar, tells its own story.
The foreign policy of the government concerns the policy initiatives made towards other states.
The Ministry of External Affairs is responsible for carrying out the foreign policy of India. Foreign
policy is currently focused on improving relations with neighboring countries in South Asia,
engaging the extended neighbor-hood in Southeast Asia and the major global powers.
Even before independence, the Government of India maintained semi-autonomous diplomatic
relations. After India gained independence it soon joined the Commonwealth of Nations and
strongly supported independence movements in other colonies. During the Cold War, India
adopted a foreign policy of not aligning itself with any major power bloc. However, India
developed close ties with the Soviet Union and received extensive military support from it. The
end of the Cold War significantly affected India’s foreign policy, as it did for much of the world.
Recent Developments
Neighbourhood First
1. New Delhi’s willingness to give political and diplomatic priority to its immediate neighbours
and the Indian Ocean island states
2. Provide neighbours with support, as needed, in the form of resources, equipment, and
training.
3. Greater connectivity and integration, so as to improve the free flow of goods, people, energy,
capital, and information.
4. India has also become more forthcoming in providing support and in capacity building,
whether concluding its biggest ever defense sale to Mauritius, or in providing humanitarian
assistance to Nepal or Sri Lanka.
5. With Bangladesh, the completion of the Land Boundary Agreement, improvements in energy
connectivity and steps taken towards accessing the port of Chittagong have all been crucial
developments.
6. India’s focus on connectivity is also gradually extending outward, whether to Chabahar in Iran
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or Kaladan in Myanmar.
7. India has also expressed its willingness to develop issue-specific groupings that are not held
hostage to consensus.
8. For example Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal (BBIN) grouping – meant to advance motor
vehicle movement, water power management, and inter-grid connectivity
9. With respect to all of its neighbours, including Nepal, India has taken concrete steps over the
past two years to promote goodwill and deepen economic and social connectivity
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Concerns:
1. Even as India is increasing its geo-strategic sphere of South Asia, its influence within it is
steadily weakened by Chinese economic and military power.
2. New Delhi’s focus on terrorism has compromised India’s strategic relationship with China.
3. India’s insufficient commercial integration with Southeast and East Asia.
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Way forward
1. Long-term strategic thinking requires intellectual depth and an ability to look beyond the
tactical considerations.
2. There needs to be institutional coordination and follow-up action on the government’s key
initiatives.
3. If there are well-articulated strategic doctrines, institutions will learn to refer to them and
adjust their policies accordingly, leading to a lot more coherence in the country’s strategic
behavior.
4. A national security doctrine would require a great deal of political consultation, careful
scenario building, and net assessment by experts.
5. Strategic thinking can flourish when the political class commits to institutional reform,
intellectual investment and consensus building.
SAARC
SAARC is an organization of eight countries located in South Asia. It stands for the South Asian
Association for Regional Corporation. The Secretariat of this organization is located in
Kathmandu which is capital of Nepal. 3% of the area of the world is represented by SAARC
countries. It is around 1.7 billion of the world’s people and 21% of the world population.
All six member countries share boarders with the big brother of the SAARC nations, India. Only
exception is Afghanistan.
Initial members of the SAARC countries were India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Bhutan, Nepal,
Maldives and Sri Lanka. Later Afghanistan was awarded full membership and there are several
other countries given observer memberships.
Objective of the SAARC to develop economies, collective self reliance in the South Asian
countries and to step up the social and cultural development in South Asian countries.
SAARC has established permanent diplomatic relations with the European Union and United
Nations as observers. Foreign Minsters of the SAARC counties meet twice a year and the
official meeting of the leaders of the SAARC countries are held once a year.
Regional Centers have been established in member countries in order to promote regional
cooperation. These centers are handled by Boards of representatives from all SAARC countries.
Such regional centers are , Dhaka, Bangladesh, SAARC Meteorological Research Centre (SMRC),
Dhaka, Bangladesh, SAARC Tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS Centre (STAC), Kathmandu, Nepal, SAARC
Documentation Centre (SDC), New Delhi, India, SAARC Human Resources Development Centre
(SHRDC), Islamabad, Pakistan, SAARC Coastal Zone Management Centre (SCZMC), Maldives,
SAARC Information Centre (SIC), Nepal, SAARC Energy Centre (SEC), Pakistan, SAARC Disaster
Management Centre (SDMC), India, SAARC Forestry Centre (SFC), Bhutan and SAARC Cultural
Centre (SCC), Sri Lanka.
The main objective of the SAARC organization is the lasting peace and prosperity of its member
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nations. Political situation is discussed at meetings and member countries are desist from
interfering in the domestic issues of member countries.
Visa exemption scheme was instituted in the year 1992. On 29th and 31st December 1988 at
the fourth SAARC summit which was held at Islamabad in Pakistan leaders realized the
significance of having cooperation among the peoples of SAARC countries. It decided that
certain categories of dignitaries should be entitled to a special travel document which would
exempt them from visas within the SAARC countries. Visa exemption categories are
Parlimentarians, judges of higher courts, Senior Government Officials, Jounalists,
Businessmen and Sportsman.
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Vietnam has offered India oil and natural gas blocks in the South China Sea, much to the chagrin
of China. In addition to this, ONGC Videsh (the overseas arm of India’s state owned Oil and
Natural Gas Corporation) and PetroVietnam (the trading name of the Vietnam Oil and Gas
Group) have also recently signed a memorandum of understanding to promote joint
cooperation in the hydrocarbon sector.
In brief, the India-Southeast Asia relationship is multi-dimensional and there is a political
consensus for maintaining good relations for a variety of economic and strategic reasons.
Finally, it is not sensitive to issues such as ties with the US or other countries in the
neighborhood.
Given these facts, it is fair to say the relationship will continue to grow. Trade reached 76 billion
dollars in 2012-2013 and defense and strategic ties between India and Southeast Asia have
strengthened. However, there are a number of obstacles which need to be addressed.
Unlike the Chinese government, India has not fully utilized its cultural and historical linkages and
has been slow to build cultural centers in the region. India has also not attracted Southeast
Asian students to Indian universities in sizable numbers, something which is feasible. Even the
large Indian diaspora in these countries has not been channeled to its full potential.
Furthermore, the pace of implementing initiatives like the Kaladan Transport Project, which will
link India to Myanmar’s Sitwe port, and the proposed India-Myanmar-Thailand highway, has
been disappointing. China has been much faster in this aspect. Also, in order to have a more
meaningful economic relationship with ASEAN, it is imperative that India gets its own economy
back on the rails.
The Look East Policy needs to be given another push to take it to the next level. India needs to
send out a clear message that the relationship with Southeast Asia remains of immense
importance.
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Process.
Multilaterally, it helped initiate a dialogue on Afghanistan through various platforms like the
Afghanistan-India-US trilateral and the Afghanistan-India-Iran trilateral that seek to bring
together international partners with disparate worldviews in pursuit of the common goal of
securing peace and prosperity in Afghanistan. India also expressed its support to international
cooperation on Afghanistan at the UN and at various international conferences focused on the
future of Afghanistan, including the seminal Tokyo Developmental Conference in July 2012 and
London Conference in December 2014.
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It is pre-eminent for the both the states to flesh out common threads to strengthen mutual
‘trust’ and build up cooperation on trade, security and military lines. One such common thorn is
the rising threat of extremism, Islamic radicalism — in particular.
Over the years, Bangladesh has struggled to maintain stability and more so, in the face of
proliferating Islamic extremism. With the advantage of technology accompanied by easy modes
for spread of ideas such as the social media platforms, the transnational Jihadist organizations
readily taps into the domestic fora.
Several homegrown extremist organizations — the likes of AQIS and Jaamat-ul Mujahideen —
have adopted both conventional and non-traditional mediums for spreading radicalism in
Bangladesh. In the immediate memory, the Holy Artisan incident has shaken up collective
conscience, claiming lives of over 20 civilians — including many foreigners in Bangladesh.
In the Indo-Bangladesh relation, several strains leave dark marks, let it be the prolonged water
dispute of Teesta river-water sharing. Another key factor that continues to imperil Indo-
Bangladesh ties is China’s growing links with Bangladesh.
As Bangladesh deepens mutual trust and trade ties with Beijing, India has an urgency to drum
up its Bangladesh policy. In countering terrorism, India’s intelligence sharing as well as
agreements over building comprehensive counter-terror mechanisms — both cyber and space
security is a must-do to strengthen bilateral ties. Both the countries being major stakeholders in
regional as well as international groupings: IORA, BIMSTEC, SAARC, and the commonwealth have
a range of options to cooperate and collaborate on.
Alongside, India has the onus to resolve issues pertaining to illegal immigration – supported by
adequate facts (suggesting the exact number of refugees) whilst maintaining sensitivity towards
Bangladesh’s historic tragedy. With the spiralling Rohingya refugee crisis inspired by
occurrences in the neighbouring state Myanmar, India has a proactive role to play — not only as
an advocate of democratic regimes but also as an endorser of international human right
doctrines.
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geographic location and size provides the key to Bhutan’s economic growth and prosperity.
Politically, it was India that encouraged Bhutan to abandon its policy of self imposed isolation
and start planned development in 1961. The first two Five Year Plans were financed entirely by
India and technical expertise was also extended. India also supported and sponsored Bhutan’s
membership to the United Nations in 1971. India continues to be Bhutan’s largest development
partner and the two countries work very closely together on issues of mutual concern and
interest.
As a genuine friend and close neighbour, Bhutan looks upon India’s rising economic power as
an asset for us since we stand to benefit from India’s growth and prosperity. Mutual trust and
understanding has always marked India-Bhutan relations. Bhutan has been genuine in its
friendship with India and India has also responded in the same spirit.
As bilateral relations like all other relationships are always a work in progress, it is important for
both sides not to take the exemplary relations for granted, but instead continue to work
together to further strengthen the close friendship, understanding and cooperation between
our two countries.
Under the 2007 India-Bhutan Friendship Treaty, the two sides have agreed to “cooperate closely
with each other on issues relating to their national interests. Neither Government shall allow the
use of its territory for activities harmful to the national security and interest of the other.”
Under the previous treaty, India was to “guide” Bhutan on foreign and defence policies. The
language of the 2007 treaty, is meant to respect the sensitivities of Bhutan regarding its
sovereignty. But the reality is that the Indian military is virtually responsible for protecting
Bhutan from the kind of external threat that the Chinese military poses.
The Eastern Army Command and the Eastern Air Command both have integrated protection of
Bhutan into their role. The Indian Military Training Team (IMTRAT), headed by a Major General,
plays a critical role in training Bhutanese security personnel.
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India is reportedly Myanmar’s fourth largest trading partner, preceded by Thailand, China, and
Singapore. The two countries began their formal trade relations in 1970 by signing a trade
agreement. Another bilateral trade agreement signed in 1994 allowed border trade to be
carried between the two countries at a designated point in Manipur, Mizoram, and Nagaland.
In 2001, the two countries inaugurated 250 Indo-Myanmar Friendship Road, built predominantly
by the India’s Border Roads Organisation to provide a strategic transport route connecting
South Asia to north-east India.
India and Myanmar have a long history of military cooperation. Myanmar’s location makes it
strategically important for India to help protect the country from northeast insurgents. For
decades, India has been working towards securing Myanmar’s cooperation for the same.
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tenth century mainly, due to the spread of Buddhism into China. These cultural links eventually
became the vital force of Sino-Indian dialogue, which continued for centuries.
Though India and China has been sharing centuries-old relationship, there was hardly any
political contact between the two neighbours till the mid-eighteenth century, mostly, due to the
physical barrier of high Himalayas on one hand and the far flung sea routes on the other. Thus,
Indo-China relations in the modern period appear to have begun with an armed conflict even
before proper political or diplomatic relations were established.
Friendship with China and the promotion of Asian solidarity was one of the primary visions of
Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India. But, during initial years of independence,
Indian government was more concerned about the administrative settlement and internal
developments and did not pay much attention towards the foreign policies. However, a majority
of political leadership, media and Indian public at large supported Chinese freedom movement
and showed their solidarity towards the People’s Liberation War. Several rallies and agitations
were conducted in India in the support of Chinese freedom struggle.
Amidst the Chinese civil war in early 1944, KMT Foreign Minister Sen We Te-Chen proposed an
alliance with Burma, Thailand, Philippines and India to fight communism in their respective
regions. India rejected the proposal immediately and vowed his support towards the anti-
imperialist struggle of Chinese people.
The issue of Chinese freedom struggle was also discussed in Indian Parliament (Constituent
Assembly as it was called earlier), which was widely supported by members across party line.
Despite declining to join Chinese freedom struggle, Nehru continued to support the Mao
Zedong led people’s movement against the Chiang Kai-shek (KMT) regime.
Throughout the Korean crisis, India always took modest stand to facilitate Chinese interest and
introduced a resolution in UN General Assembly in 1953, regarding the question on Prisoner of
war to accommodate the Chinese viewpoints. Similarly, India also refused to attend the San
Francisco Conference as China was not invited to the meeting. The Chinese leaderships also
admired the Indian position and praised Nehru’s statesmanship during the Korean crisis.
Though India is currently struggling to obtain a permanent membership at the UNSC and the
Chinese wall seems to be the biggest obstacle in its way, in past India was one of the front line
advocates of the Chinese admission into United Nations and UNSC. While most of the western
countries including US opposed China’s entry into United Nations, India was one of the first
Asian countries to sponsor the Soviet backed resolution
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2. Mutual non-aggression;
3. Mutual non-interference in each other’s internal affairs;
4. Equality and mutual benefit: and
5. Peaceful coexistence.
Apart for the preamble the body of the treaty contains five articles that have been explained
briefly below:
1. China to establish trade agencies at New Delhi, Calcutta and Kalimpong, on the other hand,
India got rights to establish its trade agencies at Yatung, Gyantse, and Gartok. The trade
agencies of both the countries are allowed to enjoy the traditional status, freedom and
privileges to conduct their business and granted immunity from arrest and deportation. (Article
1)
2. Both the countries agree to allot three specified market places on each side for trade as per
the customary practice. While China agrees to specify Yatung, Gyantse and Phari as markets for
Indian traders, India allotted three markets at Kalimpong, Siliguri and Calcutta for trade of
Chinese items. Both India and China also agree to identify the markets for common trade.
(Article 2)
3. Both the Parties agree to allow pilgrimages to visit holy places of both the countries. While
Indian pilgrimages are allowed to visit Kang Rimpoche (Kailash) and MavamTse (Mansarowar) in
the Tibet region of China, Pilgrims from the Tibet region of China are allowed to visit Banaras,
Sarnath, Gaya and Sanchi in India in accordance with custom. (Article 3)
4. India and China also agreed to open passes like Shipki La Pass, Mana Pass, Niti Pass,
KungriBingri Pass, Dana Pass, and LipuLekh Pass for traders and pilgrimages. (Article 4)
5. Finally, Other than the traders and pilgrimages, all diplomatic personnel, officials and nations
of the two countries shall hold passports issued by their own respective countries and visas by
the other party to travel each other’s territories.(Article 5)
Though the agreement helped to improve India’s bilateral relation with China, for many scholars
it was a major setback for India’s overall foreign and strategic policy. The treaty in no way had
served India’s interest on Tibet, rather surrendered India’s traditional rights and interests on
Tibet before China. In addition to this, mutual agreed notes had been exchanged that further
abandoned India’s decades long stand on Tibet.
By signing the treaty and bringing China into the fold of the principle of “Panchsheel” India
believed that it would permanently resolve the border disputes with China. Moreover, Nehru
assumed that the five principles of peaceful coexistence would automatically reduce most of the
existing differences and uphold peace in the region.
Due to their asymmetrical ideological perceptions and increasing suspicion over the Tibetan
crisis, the differences between India and China started widening and led to an all out war in the
Himalayan frontiers in 1962.
India and China, the oldest living civilizations of the world, had been warm, friendly and
cooperative long before their independence. India and China had established greater linkages
through cultural exchanges and trade throughout the history.
However, this momentum did not last long. The emergence of Tibetan uprising in 1959 and the
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Chinese allegation of Indian involvement in the armed struggle put these two neighbours apart.
India’s decision to grant political asylum to Tibetan spiritual leader and its permission to run a
Tibetan governmental in exile in the Indian soil further increased the Chinese suspicious
towards the New Delhi.
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During the course of the conflict, India supported the right of the Government of Sri Lanka to act
against terrorist forces.
At the same time, it conveyed its deep concern at the plight of the mostly Tamil civilian
population, emphasizing that their rights and welfare should not get enmeshed in hostilities
against the LTTE. The need for national reconciliation through a political settlement of the ethnic
issue has been reiterated by India at the highest levels. India’s consistent position is in favour of
a negotiated political settlement, which is acceptable to all communities within the framework
of a united Sri Lanka.
Sri Lanka has long been a priority destination for direct investment from India. Sri Lanka is one
of India’s largest trading partner in SAARC. India in turn is Sri Lanka’s largest trade partner
globally. Trade between the two countries grew particularly rapidly after the entry into force of
the India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement in March 2000. According to Sri Lankan Customs,
bilateral trade in 2016 amounted to US $ 4.38 billion. Exports from India to Sri Lanka in 2016
were US$ 3.83 billion, while exports from Sri Lanka to India were US$ 551 million.
A number of new investments from Indian companies are in the pipeline or under
implementation. Notable among them are proposals of South City, Kolkota for real estate
development in Colombo (US $ 400 million), Tata Housing Slave Island Development project
along with Urban Development Authority of Sri Lanka (US $ 430 million), and ‘Colombo One’
project of ITC Ltd. (ITC has committed an investment of US$ 300 million, augmenting the earlier
committed US 140 million). Dabur has set up a fruit juice manufacturing plant (US$ 17 million) in
May 2013. On the other hand, the last few years have also witnessed an increasing trend of Sri
Lankan investments into India. Significant examples include Brandix (about US$ 1 billion to set
up a garment city in Vishakapatnam), MAS holdings, John Keels, Hayleys, and Aitken Spence
(Hotels), apart from other investments in the freight servicing and logistics sector.
Sri Lanka is one of the major recipients of development credit given by the Government of India,
with total commitment of around US$2.63 billion, including US$ 458 million as grants. Under a
line of credit of $167.4 million, the tsunami-damaged Colombo-Matara rail link has been
repaired and upgraded. Another line of credit of $800 million for track laying and supply of
rolling stock to support construction railway lines in Northern Sri Lanka is already operational.
In October 2014 the Pallai-Jaffna reconstructed railway track and signal system was inaugurated
thereby reconnecting Jaffna to Colombo by rail.
The Cultural Cooperation Agreement signed by the Government of India and the Government of
Sri Lanka on 29 November, 1977 at New Delhi forms the basis for periodic Cultural Exchange
Programmes between the two countries. The Indian Cultural Centre in Colombo actively
promotes awareness of Indian culture by offering classes in Indian music, dance, Hindi and
Yoga. On 21 June 2015 the First International Day of Yoga was celebrated at the iconic ocean
side promenade Galle Face Green. The event was attended by two thousand yoga enthusiasts.
In 2016, a similar event was organized at Mahavihara Devi Park to celebrate International Day of
Yoga. Celebrations of the 3rd International Day of Yoga has already started in Sri Lanka by way
of curtain raiser event and various road shows in different cities of Sri Lanka. Every year, cultural
troupes from both countries exchange visits. Pursuant to an announcement made by the Prime
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Minister during his visit to Sri Lanka, a Festival of India in Sri Lanka was launched in November
2015, with ‘Nrityarupa’, a scintillating dance medley from different parts of India performed in
Colombo, Kandy and Ga
The India-Sri Lanka Foundation, set up in December 1998 as an intergovernmental initiative,
also aims towards enhancement of scientific, technical, educational and cultural cooperation
through civil society exchanges and enhancing contact between the younger generations of the
two countries. Education is an important area of cooperation. India now offers about 290
scholarship slots annually to Sri Lankan students. In addition, under the Indian Technical and
Economic Cooperation Scheme and the Colombo Plan, India offers 370 slots annually to Sri
Lankan nationals.
Tourism also forms an important link between India and Sri Lanka. Government of India
formally launched the e-Tourist Visa (eTV) scheme for Sri Lankan tourists on 14 April 2015.
Subsequently, in a goodwill gesture, the visa fee for eTV was sharply reduced. In 2016, of the 2
million total tourist arrivals to Sri Lanka, 357,000 were from India constituting 14% of the total
number of tourist arrival to Sri Lanka. Sri Lankan tourists too are among the top ten sources for
the Indian tourism market. In 2016, around 215,000 visas were issued by the High Commission
and other posts in Sri Lanka to facilitate travel between Indian and Sri Lanka.
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