Todd H.J. Pettigrew, Stephanie M. Pettigrew and Jacques A. Bailly - The Major Works of John Cotta - The Short Discovery (1612) and The Trial of Witchcraft (1616) - BRILL (2018)

The Major Works of John Cotta
The Renaissance Society of America

texts and studies series
Editor-in-Chief
Ingrid De Smet (University of Warwick)
Editorial Board
Anne Coldiron (Florida State University)

Paul Grendler, Emeritus (University of Toronto)
James Hankins (Harvard University)
Craig Kallendorf (Texas A&M University)
Gerhild Scholz-Williams (Washington University in St. Louis)
Lía Schwartz Lerner (CUNY Graduate Center)
volume 12
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/rsa

The Major Works of John Cotta
The Short Discovery (1612) and
The Trial of Witchcraft (1616)
Edited by
Todd H.J. Pettigrew

Stephanie M. Pettigrew
Jacques A. Bailly
LEIDEN | BOSTON
Cover illustration: A witch at her cauldron surrounded by monsters. Etching by Jan van de Velde II, 1626.
Wellcome Collection.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Cotta, John, 1575?-1650?, author. | Pettigrew, Todd Howard James, 1970-
editor. | Pettigrew, Stephanie M., editor. | Bailly, Jacques, editor. | Container of
(work): Cotta, John, 1575?-1650? Short discoverie of the unobserved dangers of
severall sorts of ignorant and unconsiderate practisers of physicke in England. |
Container of (work): Cotta, John, 1575?-1650? Triall of witch-craft.
Title: The major works of John Cotta : The short discovery (1612) and The trial of
witchcraft (1616) / edited by Todd H.J. Pettigrew, Stephanie M. Pettigrew,
Jacques A. Bailly.
Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2018] | Series: The Renaissance Society of
America texts and studies series, ISSN 2212-3091 ; volume 12 | Includes
bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018039461 (print) | LCCN 2018045258 (ebook) |
ISBN 9789004372849 (e-book) | ISBN 9789004367166 (hardback : alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Cotta, John, 1575?-1650? | Physicians–England–History–17th
century. | Quacks and quackery–Early works to 1800. | Witchcraft–Early works
to 1800.
Classification: LCC R489.C83 (ebook) | LCC R489.C83 A3 2018 (print) |
DDC 610.92–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018039461
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ISSN 2212-3091
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ISBN 978-90-04-37284-9 (e-book)
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Contents
Acknowledgments ix
Abbreviations Used in Notes x
Introduction 1
1 An Early Modern English Physician 3
2 Cotta and the Medical Landscape 6
3 Cotta and Witchcraft 18
4 Cotta’s Learning 30
5 Cotta’s Style 48
6 The Minor Works of John Cotta 52
7 A Modern Edition 57
8 Preparing the Edition 61
A Short Discovery of the Unobserved Dangers of Several Sorts of

Ignorant and Unconsiderate Practicers of Physic in England
To the right honorable, right worshipful, and worthy gentlemen, my

desired friends and deserving patients of Northamptonshire, honor,
health and happiness of life 69
To the Reader 71
The First Book
1 The Introduction 75
2 Of the Empiric 88
3 Women, their custom and practice about the sick, common-visiting

counselors, and commenders of medicines 109
4 Fugitives, workers of juggling wonders, quacksalvers 120
5 Surgeons 123
vi contents
6 Apothecaries 135
7 Of Practicers by Spells 140
8 The explication of the true discovery of witchcraft in the sick,

together with many and wondered instances of that kind 144
9 Wizards 171
10 Servants of Physician, Ministering Helpers 173
The Second Book
1 The Methodian Learned Deceiver or Heretic Physician 179
2 Of Beneficed Practicers 193
3 Of Astrologers, Ephemerides-masters 203
4 Of Conjectors by Urine 217
5 Of Travelers 228
The Third Book
1 The True Artist, His Right Description and Election 233
2 Of the Physician’s Education 247
3 Conclusion 259
The Trial of Witchcraft, Showing the True and Right Method of

the Discovery, with a Confutation of Erroneous Ways
To the Right Honorable Sir Edward Coke, Knight, Lord Chief Justice of
England and one of his Majesty’s most honorable Privy Council and to
the rest of the honorable and worthy judges 269
To the Reader 273

contents vii
1 Of natural knowledge and how it is solely acquired, either by sense or

reason or by artificial and prudent conjection 275
2 That no knowledge can come unto man in any art or science, but by
sense or reason, or likely and artificial conjecture, is proved by the
science and knowledge of physic instead of all other arts and
sciences 283
3 Whether witchcraft have any other ways or means of investigation

than those before mentioned and what is the true investigation 293
4 Of the works of witches and devils 297
5 The works of the Devil by himself, solely wrought without the

association of man 301
6 Works done by the Devil, with respect unto covenant with man 306
7 The works of the Devil or witches manifest to reason, or consequence

of reason 320
8 Of divers kinds and manners, wherein sorcerers and witches receive

knowledge from spirits 329
9 Of wizards and impostors, how they differ from witches 336
10 How men may by reason and nature be satisfied, concerning such as

are indeed and truly bewitched 346
11 The production of the works of witches and sorcerers, unto the public
seat and censure of justice 354
12 That witches and witchcraft may be discovered by probable reason

and presumption 360
13 The confutation of divers erroneous ways unto the discovery of

witches, vulgarly received and approved 378
14 The casting of witches into the water, scratching, beating, pinching,

and drawing of blood of witches 380
viii contents
15 The exploration of witches, by supernatural revelations in the

bewitched, by signs and secret marks, declared by the bewitched to be
in the body of the suspected witch, by the touch of the witch curing
the touched bewitched 390
Conclusion 401
Appendix 1: Textual Notes 403

Appendix 2: A Biographical Glossary of Figures Important in Cotta’s
Major Works 423
Bibliography 433
Index 444
Acknowledgments
The editors wish to express gratitude to several people for their assistance
in preparing this edition. Vanessa Sage helped access some early documents;
Wolfgang Mieder leant his ample expertise in helping with proverbs; Yayo
Umetsubo at the Cape Breton University Library provided help regarding loca-
tion of certain early texts. The staff at the Houghton Library at Harvard Uni-
versity gave us access to original printed editions. Steffi Lee Pettigrew provided
invaluable assistance with proofreading the MS and reviewing early editions.
We are also grateful for the work of Stephen MacNeil who spent much of one
summer helping transcribe the texts and conducting preliminary research for
the explanatory notes. A grant from Cape Breton University helped make his
work possible.
Finally, the publication of this book and its final shape were aided greatly by
the reviewers and editors at the Renaissance Society of America and Brill. We
are tremendously grateful for their encouragement in elucidating and expand-
ing on important points and in saving us from many errors. Any mistakes which
remain, of course, are our own.
Abbreviations Used in Notes
EW Encyclopedia of Witchcraft
GB Geneva Bible of 1583
ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
OED Oxford English Dictionary
For classical Latin and Greek authors and works, we have used the standard abbre-
viations found in the Oxford Latin Dictionary and Liddell, Scott, and Jones’s A Greek-
English Lexicon, although Galen presents a problem because most of his works have no
abbreviation in A Greek-English Lexicon, and some of their titles differ depending on
who cites them. Hence most Galenic works have their full titles here, long as they are.
Cic. Cicero
Hor. Horace
Juv. Juvenal
Ov. Ovid
Sen. Seneca
Arist. Aristotle
Hp. Hippocrates
Introduction
Around the year AD 1600, in the English county of Northamptonshire, there

lived an old Irish doctor. Locals held the Irishman in high esteem, for though he
was plain spoken and did not have extensive formal education, he seemed able
to diagnose and treat diseases more effectively than the supposedly learned
university doctors. His secret, people said, was his skillful examinations of his
patients’ urine. So much could he divine from this one bodily fluid, including
whether a woman was pregnant, he seemed, to some, to possess a kind of mag-
ical foreknowledge.
Yet, whatever his skill in prolonginging the lives of others, the old man’s own
time was drawing to a close. Aware of his impending death, the aged doctor
called to his side—surely to the surprise of many—a young, university-trained
physician, saying that he would impart to his junior colleague the secrets that
had led him to success and fame. But what the young practitioner heard at the
dying man’s bedside was not an enlightening lecture on innovative practice,
but a startling revelation of guile and fraud. He had, in fact, no real medical
skill, the old man confessed; instead, his sterling reputation had been built on
the ignorance and credulity of his patients. Throughout his career, it had been
his habit, he explained, to make grand predictions for his diagnoses and treat-
ments: if they came to nothing, few took notice, but if his wild guesses were
correct, he was hailed as a prophet and a miracle worker. Sometimes those he
deceived realized they had been duped, but they would usually remain silent
out of shame for having been so foolhardy. And thus the Irishman’s reputation
as a healer had grown.
At times the old man had, he admitted, felt qualms about deceiving his
patients, but, as confidence artists often do, he had rationalized his crimes.
Some people, he had told himself, deserved to be cheated. Others insisted so
ardently on being treated that he felt he had no choice but to try something.
Still, at the end of his life, he was burdened by the crushing weight of regret,
and his justifications crumbled. He admitted it all to the young doctor and
died. Why confess his dark, deathbed secret to a physician he could barely have
known? It is impossible to say for certain. Perhaps he felt that only a doctor of
medicine, one who bore the responsibility for the lives of the sick on his own
shoulders, could truly understand the profound nature of his deception. Per-
haps, he thought, only such a man could forgive him.
The young Northampton physician was named John Cotta, and it seems
that he did understand the profound nature of the deception, for stories
like this one would loom large in his imagination for the rest of his ca-
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004372849_002

2 introduction
reer.1 Indeed, he recounts this tale in his 1612 polemic against illegitimate med-
ical practice, A Short Discovery of the Unobserved Dangers of Several Sorts of
Ignorant and Unconsiderate Practicers of Physic in England, the first of two
books included in this volume.
Fakery through uroscopy is one of the many abuses that Cotta decries,
devoting, perhaps because of the memory of the old Irishman, an entire chap-
ter in the book to “Conjectors by Urine.” Careful not to overstep, Cotta con-
cedes that the inspection of urine can be a vital diagnostic tool in certain
instances. Indeed, Cotta references his own observations of urine elsewhere in
the volume.2 Moreover, uroscopy had a long history of use by important physi-
cians, dating back to *Hippocrates himself who had suggested, for example,
that bubbles on the surface of a urine sample could indicate illness. *Galen
would later take up the study of urine, noting, for instance that excessive
urination could be a symptom of disease.3 Still, Cotta insists, the diagnostic
utility of urine is limited to very specific kinds of illness, particularly those
related to the liver and kidneys. Fraudulent physicians ignore such restrictions,
however, he says, and try to use a patient’s urine to determine almost any-
thing:
It is a common practice in these days, by colorable derivation of sup-

posed cunning from the urine, to foretell casualties, and the ordinary
events of life, conceptions of women with child, and definite distinc-
tions of the male and female in the womb, which while impudence doth
gloriously set forth, the common simplicity doth worship and revere …
Erroneously, therefore, the common sort imagine that in the urine is
1 For Cotta’s account, see pages 226–227 of this volume.

2 See pages 94–95 in this edition for examples.
3 Armstrong, “Urinalysis,” 384–385. Uroscopy flourished in the medieval period, but increas-
ingly became suspect in the sixteenth century. The English physician Thomas Linacre joked
that, as far as diagnosis was concerned, a patient might as well bring in one of his shoes as a
specimen of his urine. Ibid., 386. But since ordinary people still put great stock in the method,
mainstream Galenists frequently penned attacks on the technique. Stolberg, “Decline of
Uroscopy,” 332. James Hart, in 1625, chastized “country people” who bring “urine to the physi-
cian, … in some old oily or inky bottle, and then to demand of him as of some Delphian oracle,
the whole nature of the disease, the patient’s age, and diverse other things wherewith they
ought to acquaint us, as also with all the other signs and circumstances of the disease.” Hart
may have been directly influenced by Cotta in this instance, because in the same part of his
book, he credits Cotta by name as one of England’s “maintainers of truth and opposers of
imposture.” Hart, Anatomy, “To the Reader.”
introduction 3
contained the ample understanding of all things necessary to inform a

physician by his judgment of the urine.4
“Common simplicity” would become Cotta’s archenemy. It is the tendency of

ordinary people to assume that their untrained eye is superior to the trained eye
of the physician, that their personal experience measures up well to the rigor-
ous training of the medical doctor. It is, in Cotta’s view, a dangerous concoction
of pride, half-understood hearsay, and wishful thinking. Such views are dan-
gerous in any context, but Cotta emphasizes that it is particularly worrisome in
medicine where foolish choices and misplaced trust can be deadly. “Simplicity,”
the old Irishman had said, “is ever ready unwittingly to betray itself.”5
So it was that Cotta came to despise ignorance in his colleagues. More than
that, he hated how so many ordinary people were deceived by implausible
claims about wondrous cures and, along similar lines, magical curses. Even-
tually, as we have seen, he would commit himself to setting down a definitive
account of the ways in which medical frauds deceive their patients, the Short
Discovery. There, Cotta included substantial discussions of the relationship
between magic and healing, including how impostors pretend to use phony
spells, and how to determine whether an illness was caused by black magic.
On this last point, Cotta seems to have been unsatisfied, later saying that the
account there contained “many errors both in some words and sense,”6 and
resolved to compose a longer work on the subject, The Trial of Witchcraft,
Showing the True and Right Method, With a Confutation of Erroneous Ways
(1616). These works appear here, for the first time, in a modern, scholarly edi-
tion.
1 An Early Modern English Physician
John Cotta was born in Coventry. The year of his birth is sometimes given as
1575, but in the Short Discovery (1612), Cotta implies that he is just over forty
years old, suggesting that he was born closer to 1571. He seems to have followed
in the footsteps of his father, the physician Peter Cotta.
Since the fifteenth century, English physicians had been required to have
a degree from one of the English universities. Since many Englishmen stud-
ied abroad in Italy, they were often forced to become incorporated at either
4 See pages 217–218 in this edition.

5 See page 226 in this edition.
4 introduction
Oxford or Cambridge, though by the seventeenth century this process seems

to have become routine.7 Cotta avoided even the routine, though, choosing
to study medicine at Cambridge itself. His strong protestant views may have
attracted him there, since Cambridge was, in the period, a leader in reforma-
tion thought.8
The medical faculty at Cambridge was small, especially compared to Ital-
ian institutions which focused more heavily on medicine and law in general.
Still, by Cotta’s time, Cambridge and its medical students had benefitted from
several innovations that had improved academic conditions over the course of
the preceding decades. The university had, for instance, seen a host of newly
endowed scholarships, lectureships, and professorships in medicine. Similarly,
Cotta would have benefitted from the newly instituted anatomy lectures, cre-
ated largely through the efforts of the English surgeon John Caius.9
To earn his bachelor’s degree in medicine, which he did in 1593, Cotta
would have attended a series of dissections, participated in disputations, and
have sat an examination. The doctorate, which Cotta earned in 1604, required
additional disputations, dissections, examinations, and demonstrated cures.10
Cotta’s instructors would have followed the medical curriculum common to
most Europeans universities. To wit, the young man would have received deep
and broad instruction in both the classical traditions of ancient medicine and
the Islamic tradition of more recent centuries. Additionally, Cotta would have
been trained in the broad principles of natural philosophy based on Aris-
totelian conventions.11
Cotta may have spent some time working with his father in Coventry after
receiving his MA in 1596. In the Short Discovery, he mentions a case involving
a child of the Barker family of Coventry in 1598 at which he specifically men-
tions being present, but does not mention treating the patient, nor offering his
own advice, perhaps implying he was an observer.12 Even so, Cotta established
his medical practice in Northamptonshire around 1600. Northamptonshire in
Cotta’s time was a productive agricultural center, particularly known for its
grain and wool. The town of Northampton itself was prospering as a site of
commerce and host to all manner of commercial travelers. Socially, sixteenth-
7 Allen, “Medical Education,” 116.

8 Grendler, “Universities of the Renaissance and Reformation,” 20.
9 Allen, “Medical Education,” 117.
10 Ibid., 118. His first degree was from Trinity College. Cotta earned an MA from Corpus Christi
College in 1596. Elmer, ODNB.
11 Grendler, “Universities,” 4. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine, 55–57.
12 See Book 1, Chapter 8, note 28 in this edition.
introduction 5
century Northamptonshire had seen the rise of a new, wealthy aristocratic

class, comprised of prominent families helped by the Tudor regime to replace
the familes whose fortunes had fallen during the War of the Roses.13
Northamptonshire was also a center, perhaps the center, for English Puri-
tanism,14 and Cotta’s medical practice appears to have been successful in part
because of his ability to cultivate friends and patients among the leading Puri-
tan families of the area.15 In particular, he was likely aided by the influential
Winthrop family to whom he was related through his mother. He would even-
tually retire to Coventry sometime after 1620.16 He died in late 1627 or early 1628.
During his long and successful practice, Cotta, as we have said, became
increasingly concerned about intellectual and professional standards among
his fellow physicians and other practitioners.17 For one, he resented what he
saw as the large number of illegitimate practitioners undertaking the treatment
of the sick, a common complaint by learned physicians, especially members
and supporters of the College of Physicians of London.18 For another, he came
to believe that physicians and people generally, employed too little intellectual
rigor in considerations of witchcraft. These concerns were, of course, by no
means unusual—continental physicians frequently expressed concerns over
the rigor of witchcraft accusations—though Cotta wrote on both subjects with
13 Greenall, Northamptonshire, 60–63.

14 Ibid., 67–68.
15 For more details see Elmer, ODNB
16 Elmer, Witch-Hunting and Politics, 54–55. Cotta’s uncle Adam Winthrop was the father
of John Winthrop the Elder, the first Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Elmer,
ODNB. Adam owned a copy of Cotta’s Trial of Witchcraft which John Winthrop brought to
New England. It has been suggested that the tract may have moderated John Winthrop’s
views on the subject. Bremer, Founding Father, 69, 374. Bremer mistakenly identifies
Susannah Winthrop as the wife of John Cotta, when she was, in fact, his mother; thus
he mistakenly calls Adam Winthrop John Cotta’s brother-in-law (really Cotta’s uncle) and
John Winthrop Cotta’s uncle (really Cotta’s cousin).
17 Some have assumed that Cotta is, in the Short Discovery, particularly taking aim at the
astrologer and physician Richard Napier (1559–1634). After all, Napier was visited by thou-
sands of patients and lived only a short distance from Northampton. Dandridge, “Anti-
Quack Literature,” 87. But it is the view of the present editors that while Napier was
undoubtedly known to Cotta, and may be the sort of practitioner Cotta disliked, his cri-
tique is general and wide ranging. If he had been looking to skewer Napier directly, he
might have done so directly and by name, as he would later do with Francis Anthony. For
more on Napier and his practice, see MacDonald, Mystical Bedlam.
18 On this point, see Nutton, “‘A Diet for Barbarians.’” See also Christi Sumich, Divine Doctors,
especially Chapters 3 and 4. An indispensible general history is Conrad et al., The Western
Medical Tradition.
6 introduction
unusual detail, particularly for an English observer.19 As such, his works provide
us a rarely-rivalled look at two fascinating sites of social crisis in early modern
Britain.
As a physician, he supported the long-standing effort to professionalize
medicine, bringing it strictly into the domain of university-educated doctors of
medicine—that is, strictly into the domain of men like himself.20 Further, Cotta
had absorbed the classical penchant for systematic reason and investigation.
Thus, when he turned to providing a critique of the state of medical authority
and practice in his time, it was not in a brief counterblast or as an introduction
to a more staid volume of medical advice, as he might easily have done, and,
indeed, as had been done before. Rather, in the Short Discovery, Cotta system-
atically categorized and attacked the wide range of practitioners and practices
he saw as foolish at best and fatal at worst.
At the same time, no physician of the period could have practiced without
having to consider issues of magical harm brought to bear on the bodies of
men and women, and this seems to have spurred Cotta’s interest in magic and
witchcraft. That the same man would write at length on both illicit medicine
and illicit spirituality is not surprising, given the period, for, as historians have
pointed out, health had long been understood in religious terms, and was, by
Cotta’s time, intricately linked with religion. The cognitive and cultural unrav-
eling of bodily and spiritual health has been a slow process.21 Moreover, Cotta
himself sees both medicine and religion each in the light of the other. In his
book on medical practice, he sees witchcraft as a supposed means of inflicting
illness; in his book on witchcraft, he presents medical expertise as the bench-
mark for the building of all sound knowledge.
2 Cotta and the Medical Landscape
2.1 Experience and Method

Then as now, early modern medical experts placed strong emphasis on the
learning of a physician, and legal authorities stressed that only by digesting
19 The Early English Books Online copy of Short Discovery has been annotated by an early
owner. Most of the annotations are quickly scrawled marginal summaries of the content
such as “apothecary poisoned” and the like. On the last page however, the reader has added
note critiquing Cotta for “stolen wisdom” and citing the Latin proverb nihil dictum quod
non fuit dictum prius, “Nothing has been said that has not been said before.”
20 For more, see Pelling and Webster, “Medical Practitioners.” See also Pettigrew, “Medical
Practice.”
21 Wear, “Perceptions of Health,” 238–239.
introduction 7
the substantial corpus of classical medical knowledge could a physician hope

to practice adeptly. Still, most experts conceded that there was also value
in the practical experience that practitioners gained from hands-on work.
Since ancient times, however, the exact balance between learned medicine,
in English often simply termed “art,” and experiential savvy was a matter of
debate. Indeed, this balance is fundamental to the Short Discovery, for Cotta
sees almost all medical malpractice as based on an over-emphasis on one
or the other. The empiric eschews learning, relying only on experience; the
methodian depends only on learning without applying real-world knowledge,
or applies learning improperly.
In other words, if it was foolish pedantry to focus only on theory, it was dan-
gerous contempt for human life to practice based only on experience. He sums
up this middle position early in the Short Discovery:
Right reason and true experience are the two sole inseparable instru-
ments of all human knowledge: the empiric, trusting unto experience
alone without reason, and the methodian unto the abuse of right reason.
The ancients have divided all sorts of erroneous physicians into these two.
For ignorant experience and without reason, is a false sense, and mis-
taking reason is a denial of reason. As therefore unto these two, other
ages before, so we now may reduce all the faulty practitioners of our
times.22
For Cotta, experience must be used “rightly,” a term that echoes throughout
his books, and that he uses to mean that which is seen through an exquisitely
ground theoretical lens.
This is not to say that experience is unimportant. And yet, in classical times,
the Methodian or Methodist school had, somewhat remarkably, trusted
entirely on the side of pure knowledge, arguing that if one truly understood the
nature of the disease, the means of curing it would be obvious. Such a notion
seems counter-intuitive to the modern reader, and indeed, as contemporary
philosopher Michael Frede writes:
It is difficult to see … how the mere knowledge of a disease by itself could

provide one with a knowledge of its treatment. And yet this is what the
Methodists do want to maintain. The very brevity and apparent deficiency
of their characterisation just serves to draw our attention to the point that

8 introduction
all the doctor really has to know are the affections and diseases them-
selves; knowing them he will also know their treatment.23
Reading Cotta, we come to see why a methodian approach would be vexing to

him. Though he does foreground learning, Cotta also stresses the importance
of taking in as wide a range of contextual factors as possible in diagnosis and
treatment. In discussing a case where a foolish parson advised against blood-
letting, for instance, Cotta gives a list of the patient’s characteristics that show
how, in this specific instance, bloodletting is safe:
The habit of his body and his flesh were musculous and well liking, the
season warm, his age firm, and constitution sanguine, his pulse high, full,
large, and in vehemence and strength of motion manifest even unto the
beholder’s eye.24
But for the methodian physician, none of these characteristics matter. The dis-
ease in itself tells him everything he needs to know.25 No wonder Cotta specu-
lates that the “method” part of their name might have been meant ironically.26
2.2 Humors
Those familiar with early modern medicine will not be surprised by Cotta’s fre-
quent reference to the humoral theory originally devised by the ancient Greek
physician *Hippocrates and systematized by the Roman *Galen. According to
classical humoral theory, somatic health was embodied in a balance of four
fluids, each with its own qualities. The surgeon Peter Lowe, a contemporary of
Cotta’s, describes a humor, generally, as
A thin substance, into which our nourishment first is converted; or, it is a

natural juice wherewith the body is entertained, nourished, or preserved
… Galen calleth them the elements of the body.27
There are four humors, each with its own particular qualities. Blood, for in-
stance, is, he explains,
23 Frede, “Methodist School,” 4.

25 Edelstein, Ancient Medicine, 180.
27 Lowe, Art of Chirurgery, C1v.
introduction 9
an humor hot, aereous, of good consistance, red colored, sweet tasted,

most necessary for nourishment of the parts of our body.28
And so on through the other humors: phlegm (“cold and humid”), choler (“hot
and dry”), and melancholy (“cold and dry”).
Ideally, the humors were kept in balance, though perfect balance was not
always practical, since a wide variety of factors—age, sex, time of year, even
time of day—could alter the humoral complexion.29 Slight imbalances were
reflected in personality and constitution, sometimes, confusingly, referred to
a person’s particular “humor.” A larger imbalance of humors could mean an
unevenness of the emotions. Lowe, for example, describes “sadness” as
an affection that doth revoke the natural health inwardly, to the center of
the body, but at great leisure it presseth the heart, dryeth up the body, that
hardly the spirit vital can govern as before.30
When, however, the humors were put too far out of balance, the body was ill,
and a physician could intervene in various ways to try to restore the humoral
balance. Hence, bleeding, Lowe advises, may be done
because it doth take away abundance of humors which often are con-
tained in the veins above measure.31
Thus, humoral medicine involves continual attempts to both ascertain the cur-
rent state of balance in the body, maintaining that state if a healthful balance
has been achieved, and restoring the equilibrium when the balance has tipped
too far in one direction.
Still, as we have seen, determing and maintaining humoral balance was com-
plex and relied on a wide range of factors. Was the person male or female?
Old or young? How robust generally was the patient? These factors and more
were crucial in determining the appropriate course of treatment. The nature
of the remedy itself also had to be taken into consideration. Was a particu-
lar herb likely to cause drying in the patient and to what degree? Diet, too,
could help or hinder illness, since foods also affected humoral states. A patient
28 Ibid., C2r
29 The humors were given various associations at various times, notably with the four ele-
ments, and even the four evangelists. Harrison, Disease and the Modern World, 18.
30 Lowe, Art of Chyrurgerie, E6r
31 Ibid., Bb1r
10 introduction
whose humors were too hot and dry, and thus choleric, would have to avoid
overroasted beef, for instance, which itself was also hot and dry.32
These complexities play an important role in Cotta’s thinking on medical
malpractice because they underscore his case for permitting only the best-
trained doctors to serve as genuine physicians. It takes the rigorous classical
training of men like himself, he argues, to equip a man to weigh all these fac-
tors and prescribe medicines accordingly. Without that complex background
in humoral physiology, Cotta writes, powerful medicines may well do
not only no good or small good, but ofttimes incorrigible hurt and mis-
chiefs never after able to be reformed, or by the most learned counsel to
be redressed. While from the plenty or ill disposition of humors in the
body, these searching and piercing medicines carry with them into the
stopped parts either more or worse matter than was before, and thereby
there leave a disease which shall never after die except by exchange for a
more pernicious.33
Similarly, humoral physiology grounds Cotta’s case against overweening

astrologers who seek to ascribe every illness and recovery to the movements
of stars and planets. But while the heavenly bodies may have an indirect influ-
ence on health, thus giving astrology a limited but useful role, the particular
causes of actual diseases in specific patients, along with cures, must be under-
stood in a more direct, bodily way. Though “the heavens are outward causes,”
Cotta writes, their influence is distant and limited, while the “inward causes
of diseases stick nearer, and so closely touch in their effects, that they suffer no
interposition, it is manifest, that the heavens have no certain or absolute power
in the diseased.”34
Humoral theory was connected in various ways with other kinds of learning
and thus formed “part of the cultural common ground in Western Europe.”35
Nevertheless, by Cotta’s time, humoral theory was, to some extent, under
attack, particularly from those sympathetic to the ideas of *Paracelsus. Cotta’s
own views are traditional, so much so, that he does not deign to attack Paracel-
32 Shakespeare’s Petruccio uses this medical commonplace as an excuse for denying his
shrewish wife supposedly overcooked meat: “For it engenders choler, planteth anger; /
And better ’twere that both of us did fast, / Since, of ourselves, ourselves are choleric.”
(Shrew 4.1.160–162). All references to Shakespeare are to the Arden Complete Works.
35 Taavitsainen, “Humoral Theory,” 96.
introduction 11
sus frequently, though he does mention him by name once, and not approv-
ingly, in an account of the use of a Paracelsian sleeping remedy by a foolish
and dangerous mountebank.36
2.3 Practitioners
What it meant to be a physician in Cotta’s time was somewhat more complex
than it is in our own. To be sure, many physicians followed a path that today’s
patients would easily recognize. These men attended universities to complete
degrees in medicine, and were duly licensed by the appropriate authorities, in
particular the College of Physicians of London. For authors such as Cotta, the
story of the legitimate physician more or less ends there.
But as scholars have frequently pointed out, the reality of medical practice,
even by men calling themselves physicians or doctors, was not so simple.37
Indeed, Cotta’s first book, on the abuses in physic, would hardly have been nec-
essary if things were just so simple. Many healers practiced without a medical
degree and despite the admonitions of licensed practitioners such as Cotta,
early modern English patients sought and received medical help from a wide
variety of sources. Some people relied on friends and relatives for their treat-
ment, or on a local priest, or perhaps the wife of a local lord who, out of a sense
of charity, cared for injured and sick community members.38 If one was will-
ing to pay for treatment, but unable or unwilling to pay the fee of a physician,
one could consult a local wisewoman, or try one’s luck with a traveling herbal-
ist, or, as we have seen, a local uroscopist.39 No doubt, the results likely varied
widely; some irregular practitioners surely rivaled what one could expect from
a trained doctor. In the worst of these cases, however, rural Englishmen and
women were likely easy marks for those who were little more than fraudsters
and swindlers.40
Those looking to avoid a fee might also turn to the variety of English-
language books available.41 Others cultivated and prepared their own
medicines, while still others purchased ready-made remedies directly from an
apothecaries—thus bypassing the normal practice of securing a prescription
36 See page 124 in this edition. For more on *Paracelsus, see Webster, Paracelsus.
37 Ian Mortimer has shown that, in some parts of England at least, reliance on official physi-
cians grew steadily over the course of the seventeenth century. Mortimer, “The Triumph
of the Doctors.”
38 Wear, Knowledge and Practice, 21–22.
39 Ibid., 22.
40 Smith, “Practice of Medicine,” 68.
41 Richards, “Reading Vernacular Regimens,” 251.
12 introduction
from a doctor.42 Likewise, surgeons were sometimes sought to treat various ail-
ments, though their scope of practice was supposed to be limited to external
wounds and injuries. Physicians argued that surgeons ought not to dabble in
physic per se, while surgeons pushed for an ever-widening role.43
In any case, the fact that ordinary folk could not always afford, or were not
always willing to pay the physician’s fees is demonstrated by the large num-
ber of times that Cotta refers to so many of his own patients as “a gentleman”
or “gentlewoman.” And yet, this problem—that patients might be unwilling
or unable to pay a licensed physician—is largely, though not entirely, ignored
by Cotta. He does indulge in a whimsical remark that the Short Discovery
itself may serve as the “counsel of a physician without a fee,”44 and in a few
places he laments that poor patients, spurred by their “their necessities,” some-
times choose an unqualified practitioner and forfeit their life as a result.45 This
expression of concern, however, does not, in itself, explain what such a poor
patient ought to do if his or her means are insufficient to afford a licensed
doctor. Cotta occasionally shows that he is aware of the problem though, for
he does condone some medical practice by religious men provided it is done
only out of charity. Further, and somewhat surprisingly, he concedes that if one
must consult a healer other than a trained physician, one’s best bet (though a
risky one at that) is the empiric, whose remedies are, even if misused at times,
usually genuine and traditional.46
Still, despite the wide and rocky reality of the medical landscape, physi-
cians often continued to insist on their own ideal version of practice. The wise
patient, Cotta argues throughout, therefore, must seek out the prudent physi-
cian and carefully follow his advice. Anything else, Cotta considers rash and
dangerous. Thus, he writes, “Who discerneth not that without prudent circum-
spection and provident forecast, blind rashness and ignorance do always haz-
ard and oft unrecoverably overthrow all good success?” This notion, prudence,
contrasted with rashness, appears over and over in Cotta’s writing. Indeed, it
appears in Cotta’s at the beginning of the first chapter of Short Discovery:
The dignity and worth of physic’s skill consisteth not (as is imagined com-
monly) in the excellence and preeminence of remedies, but in their wise
and prudent use.
42 Wear, Knowledge and Practice, 55.

43 Ibid., 212.
introduction 13
This formulation might be taken as a thesis for the entire book: that medi-
cines are not medicine. Having the remedy is no shortcut to having the training
needed to understand the remedy and employ it safely.47 To miss this crucial
distinction is to invite disaster.
2.4 Against the Empirics

Cotta was not the first to express concerns about the abilities, judgment, and
qualifications of medical practioners in the period. A generation earlier, in
1565, the surgeon John Halle published his Historical Expostulation Against the
Beastly Abusers Both of Chirurgery and Physic. Halle may have inspired Cotta’s
use of specific narrative examples to demonstrate potential harms, though
unlike Cotta, Halle has no reticence when it comes to naming the beastly
abusers he mentions. He lambastes one “abominable deceiver” named “Valen-
tine” in Kent who “made people believe that he could tell all things present,
past, and to come, and the very thoughts of men, and their diseases by only
looking in their faces.” Likewise, he cites the case of Robert Nicols whom he
calls “a false deceiver … of the profession of vagabonds” who kills a patient
through an overdose of purgatives.48 Cotta himself will later caution readers
that purgatives, though they can be effective, are dangerous when “not rightly
administered.”49
Like Cotta, Halle has little patience for females who dabble in medicine. In
one case he berates a meddling woman who promised to easily cure a critically
injured child, telling her:
You may brag, lie, and face till you have murdered or destroyed such as
credit you, and then you are gone, you show your heels, and that is your
only defense. But honest men of art must have truth for their defense, and
experience of their true work, and may promise no more than they might
perform.50
Cotta is slightly more moderate in his condemnation of women, often conced-

ing that they may, in fact, mean well. But even the well-intentioned delivery
of seemingly wholesome food and herbs can, he stresses, in certain circum-
47 As Stephen Pender puts it, “Cotta proposes prudence as a master skill, the property of the
sagacious in various pursuits, from pedagogy to medicine to natural philosophy.” Pender,
“Between Medicine and Rhetoric,” 57.
48 Halle, Expostulation, Aaa4r, Bbb3r.
50 Halle, Expostulation, Aaa4v–Aaa5r.
14 introduction
stances, be dangerous. On this point, Cotta goes right back to the apple in the
Garden of Eden, which may have seemed like wholesome fruit, but was really
the source of profound disaster. In this way, women who dole out their tradi-
tional remedies daily reenact the fall itself, tempting men with death in the
guise of enriching nourishment. “Old Eve,” Cotta intones gravely, “will never be
worn out of Adam’s children.”51
A year after Halle’s tract appeared, John Securis produced a longer and more
systematic appraisal of medical malpractice in his Detection and Querimony of
the Daily Enormities and Abuses Committed in Physic. Securis is much more lim-
ited in his scope compared to Cotta, but his aims and perspectives are much the
same, and thus Cotta’s turns of phrase often echo his. Securis, for instance calls
for a physician to have “a modest and sober mind” just as Cotta notes that while
many abuse the study of the stars and planets, there “is a sober and modest use
of astronomy.”52
Like Cotta, Securis identifies formal, classical learning as the indispensable
foundation for medical practice, and, like Cotta, he liberally cites authors in
Latin before assisting the common reader with a translation. Most importantly,
Securis, like Cotta, rails at those who pretend to medical learning and skill, thus
risking the lives of those they deceive. Thus Securis writes:
I beseech God that every man may beware of such false physicians which
may be likened to wolves or foxes, clothed outwardly with lambs’ skins,
but inwardly are full of subtlety and deceit. Many perish through the year
at their hands whereby the good science of physic is brought into an oblo-
quy and reproach.53
In this way, he adumbrates Cotta, who complains:
As from all parts of the world, true knowledge doth fetch home his sub-
stantial grounds to enrich itself, so falsehood and lying imitation doth
likewise derive deceivable colors to beguile the imprudent. Hence, under
the name of travelers supposed much knowing, by much seeing of things
worthy be known (the common expectation of wonder giving glad enter-

52 Securis, Detection, A4r. For Cotta, see page 215 of this edition. Likewise, Oberndorrf
instructs the physician to be “sober and temperate that he may be fit and ready to visit
his patients at any hour of the day or night, being as good an afternoon man as a morning
man.” Oberndorff, Anatomies, B4v.
53 Securis, Detection, C3v–C4r.
introduction 15
tainment, and desire of novelty joyous welcome), insufficiency clothed

with this outward figure of sufficiency, doth oft enter into the rights of bet-
ter desert, and by casual profiting some few, deceiveth most, and ruineth
many.54
The ordinary person, both men insist, cannot easily distinguish the outward
show of learning from the inward ignorance of the false physician. Both men’s
books seek to give them the tools they need to see the wolf under the lamb’s
skin, the liar who hides under “deceivable colors.”
Between Securis and Cotta were many other statements against illegitimate
medical practice, often short digressions embedded in tracts devoted to med-
ical practice more generally or some other aspect of the medical arts. A poem
that introduces a 1575 tract on surgery, for example, attacks “The treacherous
trade of paltry practicers,” asking, for instance:
And can a man in gripping grief

Have aid to ease his smart
Of such as have no skill at all
In noble physic’s art?55
Similarly, William Clever’s 1590 book The Flower of Physic begins by express-
ing concern that the reputation of the medical profession is endangered the
“many unskillful practitioners with whom this world is overcharged.” Likewise
the surgeon William Clowes urged his readers “not to commit themselves into
the hands of every blind buzzard that will take upon them to let blood, yea, to
the utter undoing of a number.”56
A few other tracts devoted themselves specifically to the case against irreg-
ular practice. Two notable ones appeared in England in 1602. Arriving early
in Cotta’s career and becoming available in the years leading up to the Short
Discovery, they must have helped spur his interest in writing his own, either
because he wanted to emulate the work of those writers, or because he felt
their accounts were too superficial, or, indeed, both. The first of these early sev-
enteenth century treatises is Francis Herring’s Discovery of Certain Strategems
(1602). Herring is particularly critical of the type of empiric who pretends to
have special, secret remedies of which regular physicians were supposedly
unaware. He cites one “tattling gossip” who had a cure for coughs that “had

55 Banister, Treatise of Chirurgy, D3r.
56 Clever, Flower of Physic, A3r. Clowes, Selected Writings, 76.
16 introduction
done so great acts” that the male physicians, she said, were lining up, begging
to pay her for the remedy. She insisted, however, that she would not “teach
the doctors” who, she claimed, would exploit the cure only to enrich them-
selves. To this, a nearby physician answered back that he believed that she did,
indeed, have nothing to teach the doctors and that he himself would guaran-
tee it. “Was not this,” Herring concludes gleefully, “a goodly sweet parrot trow
ye?”57
Herring’s account was published as an addendum to a translation of a Ger-
man tract by John Oberndorff, The Anatomies of the True Physician and Coun-
terfeit Mountebank. Oberndorff’s general direction will not surprise the present
reader, and is most notable for the wide net that he casts in identifying types of
illicit healers. Indeed, reading this account, one might imagine that everyone in
Europe was practicing medicine except physicians. “If we pluck off the vizards”
of the deceivers, Oberndorff contends, we find a veritable rogue’s gallery of clin-
ical dissemblers and cheats. These he lists in language so richly thersitical that
his English translator, likely Herring himself, must have strained his vocabularly
to its limits to do it justice. Among the villains, he says, are:
Runagate Jews, the cut-throats and robbers of Christians, slow-bellied

monks who have made escape from their cloisters, simoniacal and per-
jured changelings, busy Sir John Lack-Latins, thrasonical and unlettered
chemists, shifting and outcast pettifoggers, light-headed and trivial drug-
gers and apothecaries, sun-shunning night birds and corner-creepers,
dull-pated and base mechanics, stage players, jugglers, peddlars, prattle-
prattling barbers, filthy graziers, curious bath-keepers, common shifters
and cogging cavaliers, bragging soldiers, bankrupt merchants, lazy
clowns, one-eyed or lamed fencers, toothless and tattling old wives, chat-
tering charwomen and nurse-keepers, long-tongued midwives, scape-
tabors, dog-leeches, and such like baggage and earth dung.58
Cotta, one senses, would not stoop to such rambling, but, here again the under-
lying sentiment is not alien to him and his Short Discovery. There are, for
instances, traces of Oberndorff’s invective spirit in Cotta when he attacks:
57 Herring, Stratagems, E2v. Cotta: “It is strange to see how these men, leaving their old occu-
pations and mechanical mysteries wherein they were educate, suddenly find themselves
inspired with a spirit of revelation, of rare secrets, and thereby promise … miraculous won-
ders.” See pages 119–121 in this edition.
58 Oberndorff, Anatomies, B2v.
introduction 17
Quacksalvers, bankrupt apothecaries, and fugitive surgeons every where

overtraveling the face of this kingdom, hunted by want of riot from place
to place, [and] are oft compelled to insinuate and creep into the favor
of mean people, and in their necessity do sell for gain and entertain-
ment, and in their prodigality for lust and love, these generous and noble
secrets carrying on the outside of the titles of famous medicines, and
being within infamous poisons.
The Short Discovery then, was not new in its themes when it appeared in 1612,
but it was new in its orderly approach and its detail. In it, Cotta has absorbed
and systematized fifty years of English anxiety over the abuse of medicine and
medical practice.
Cotta’s insistence on a theoretically educated and highly regulated medical
profession seems hardly surprising to us since we now live in an age well after
Cotta and men like him largely prevailed. Though there are today occassional
cases of physicians and surgeons found to be working without the necessary
credentials, such practitioners face swift and harsh punishment if they are
found out. But in the sixteenth century especially, when Cotta was learning
his trade, the notion of a legally consituted entity that oversaw the licensing
and practice of physicians was still in its youth, if not its infancy. To be sure,
the College of Physicians of London had been founded nearly a century before
Cotta wrote the Short Discovery, but even by Cotta’s time its resources and legal
power were extremely limited, and there remained a diverse range of healers
with no formal credentials at all and others who, as we have seen, overstepped
the limits of what they were allowed to do.
Even relatively credentialed physicians were often not full time medical
practitioners, and this variety of professional roles seems to have especially
troubled Cotta. Again and again in the Short Discovery, he assails those who
practice medicine as well as some other art—especially religion. How can one
man be fully expert in many disciplines?, he demands. He cannot, especially
when one of those disciplines is medicine which requires years of deep study
and constant diligence to attain and achieve that expertise. The wise man stays
true to his own area of endeavor: thus laymen should not pretend to be physi-
cians, nor physicians pretend to be anything else.
Cotta finds himself in danger of contradicting his own edict when he writes
his subsequent book on witchcraft, a discussion that involves considerable dis-
cussion of theology and other philosophical subjects. Is Cotta, the physician,
meddling in affairs in which he is not expert? Is he doing precisely what he
condemned others for doing? Perhaps, though Cotta anticipates and answers
those concerns. Chiefly, he argues that matters of religion are, by their nature,
18 introduction
not matters that can be limited to any one group of experts, for they involve
all men equally and all men must contemplate divinity for the sake of their
souls.59
3 Cotta and Witchcraft
In The Trial of Witchcraft, Cotta sets out to create the same kind of systematic
analysis as he did with his book on medical practice. In so doing, he confronts
the tensions in his own thinking that arise from his multi-faceted personal-
ity and identity. He is, on one hand, a devout Protestant steeped in scriptural
knowledge,60 but he is also a classically-trained physician who has seen first-
hand the dangers of unconsidered witchcraft allegations. Thus, Cotta’s faith
is always tempered by his experience, and his experience always evaluated
through the magnifying lens of his faith.
3.1 Witches, Skeptics, and Evidence

Compared to the more zealous witch hunters of the day, Cotta can seem deeply
skeptical, and, to be sure, he frequently questions and rejects the assumptions
and practices of his countrymen. Yet his skepticism was measured compared
to his most radical contemporaries, particularly Reginald *Scot and Johann
Weyer, widely known in the period, and to Cotta, as *Wierus.
Scot’s Discovery of Witchcraft (1584) is unrelenting in its denial of the very
existence of witchcraft itself. To Scot, there was no diabolism involved in sup-
posed witchcraft cases, despite what ordinary people might think. For one, he
writes, people are absurdly quick to blame nearly anything on sorcery: “a clap of
thunder, or a gale of wind is no sooner heard, but either they run to ring bells
or cry out to burn witches.” Further, he argues, those who managed to make
others believe they had magical powers did so by sleight of hand and other
forms of trickery. Witches were imagined to disrupt households by preventing
cream from being turned into butter, he notes, but, he says, “putting a little soap
or sugar into your churn” will cause the same difficulty. Indeed, Scot lamented
that English divines made charges of witchcraft at all, for such charges gave
credence to superstition.61

60 A foundational tenet of this understanding is simple: only God can contravene the laws of
nature; therefore anything that outside the laws of nature must necessarily be the result
of the Devil’s delusions. EW, s.v. “Cotta, John.”
61 Scot, Discovery, C1v. Clark, “Protestant Demonology,” 179.
introduction 19
Scot’s ideology left little room for genuine black magic; to ascribe misfor-
tunes to witchcraft was, in fact, to be guilty of a lack of faith.62 His disbelief
in witchcraft, and his mocking of those who claimed it to be reality, left him
open to critics who accused him of denying the existence of any spiritual agents
whatsoever. He did not do so, though he scoffed at the idea of using rituals to
drive away demons and devils “as though spirits could be frayed away with such
external toys.” Although there were Protestants who shared his views, Scot’s
work was viewed with hostility by many other demonologists, Protestant and
Catholic alike.63
*Wierus was, if anything, even more deeply skeptical than Scot.64 But like
Scot, he scoffed when natural events were given supernatural explanations.
Why should one imagine that a spell had brought on a damaging storm, he
asked, when such storms happened in ordinary nature? Where others saw pos-
session, Wierus saw mental illness. Where others accepted testimony obtained
via torture, Wierus knew, as Shakespeare’s Portia did, that when on the rack,
“men enforced do speak anything.”65 And when torture could not extract a con-
fession, Wierus pointed to cases where lying priests told suspected witches that
if they confessed they would be delivered from prison, only to watch as they
were, on the basis of their false confessions, “sentenced to be sacrificed in Vul-
can’s fires.”66
Scot, Wierus and their skeptical views were frequently condemned by Cotta’s
contemporaries.67 Perhaps the most notable British objector to this kind of
skepticism was King James himself. In Demonology, James’s preface explains
that he intends, not to show off his own learning, but
so far as I can, to resolve the doubting hearts of many, both that such
assaults of Satan are most certainly practiced, and that the instrumentes
thereof, merit most severely to be punished.
62 Sharpe, Instruments of Darkness, 51, 54.

63 Ibid., 53–55. Similarly, “It was constantly urged [by the clergy] that to blame these afflic-
tions only on witches was at least a kind of hypocrisy, and probably outright atheism.”
Clark, “Protestant Demonology,” 193.
64 Sharpe, 50.
65 Adler, Medical Firsts, 65. Shakespeare, Merchant, 3.2.31–33.
66 Wierus, De Praestigiis Daemonium, 288.
67 Sam Migliore has argued that Wierus’s critique ultimately failed because he advanced this
new, radical position within the old system of medical knowledge. The resulting inconsis-
tencies were exploited by his opponents. Migliore, “Melancholy Witch,” 163.
20 introduction
The ordinary man, James believes, is in danger of letting down his guard,
allowing the Devil to move among mortals and seduce them to his party. Thus,
James takes aim at the age’s two principal deniers of witchcraft who, he says,
mislead the world with their “damnable opinions”:
the one called Scot, an Englishman, is not ashamed in public print to deny
that there can be such a thing as witchcraft, and so maintains the old error
of the Sadducees, in denying of spirits. The other called Wierus, a Ger-
man physician, sets out a public apology for all these craftsfolk, whereby,
procuring for their impunity, he plainly bewrays himself to have been one
of that profession.68
Cotta neither accepts the full witchcraft denial of Scot and Wierus, but nei-
ther does he condemn those writers, as James does, as fools who ought to be
ashamed of their dangerous ignorance. Indeed, though Cotta chides Scot for
failing to distinguish impostors from real witches, Cotta praises Scot’s Discov-
ery for its cataloguing of “the mischiefs of imposture … as are practiced under
the lying pretense and false color of a transcendent and magic virtue.”69 As for
Wierus, Cotta memorably reproduces one of his illustrative stories of a sup-
posedly magical pendant whose inscription was actually a wish for the Devil to
defecate in the eyes of the wearer.70
While Cotta does not deny the existence of everyday witches as Wierus and
Scot do, he does advise extreme caution in identifying and convicting witches
in ordinary life. While he admits that there are devils who contract with men
and women, he fears the “rash, foolish, and fanatical abuse of circumstances”
along with “the conjuration or raising up of their likeness and shadows, without
any substance or truth.”71
We may better appreciate his call to rational caution if we contrast his
approach with that of Norfolk clergyman Alexander Roberts, whose own Trea-
tise of Witchcraft, occasioned by the conviction of one Mary Smith, was pub-
lished the same year (1616) as Cotta’s Trial. Early in his treatise, Roberts intro-
duces the question of “whether there be any witches.” And while he calls the
68 James, Demonology, A2v.

69 See page 342 in this edition. See also Trial, Chapter 9, note 2.
70 See pages 141–142 in this edition. Cotta, somewhat misleadingly, elsewhere cites *Wierus
as an authority for the incredible things that can happen to those suffering from super-
natural illness. See page 352 in this edition.
introduction 21
question “needless,” he nevertheless spends much of the tract aiming to prove

that there are, because, he almost seems to sigh, there are those like *Wierus
who plead a nullity in this case, persuade themselves, and would induce
others to be of the same mind, that there be no witches at all, but a sort
of melancholic, aged, and ignorant women, deluded in their imagination,
and acknowledge such things to be effected by them, which are unpossi-
ble, unlikely, and they never did; and therefore magistrates who inflict any
punishment upon them, be unmerciful and cruel butchers.
Roberts immediately decries the position as “dangerous, even infidelity”—that

is, blasphemy. Witches do exist, he insists, and he sets off on his demonstration
through “sundry pregnant and evident proofs.”72
To some of these proofs, Cotta would, not doubt, have made no objection.
For instance, Roberts notes that witches are mentioned in several places in
scripture, including the story of The Witch of Endor and “Pharoah’s Magicians”
whose magic came via the Devil.73 Cotta would have agreed, for the Witch of
Endor and the Egyptian sorcerers are, as we will see, two of Cotta’s favourite
examples in his own discussions.74
In other places, however, Cotta would have certainly been frustrated with
Roberts, for Roberts’s views on evidence in particular cases are just the sort of
ill-considered presumptions that Cotta seeks to challenge. Roberts’s proofs of
witchcraft include the fact that many people frequently witness the effects of
witchcraft such as illnesses which physicians cannot cure, or violent storms.75
But here, Cotta would surely have objected. For while Cotta does not deny that
the Devil can create storms and illnesses, when it comes to proving witchcraft
allegations, the evidence of the Devil’s work must be that which defies the
rules and course of nature itself, what he calls “true wonders above nature.”76
Otherwise, how could we know that a given illness or storm was not a natural
occurrence?
72 Roberts, Treatise of Witchcraft, B2v–B3r.

73 Ibid., B3r, D4r.
74 Scot, it is worth noting, did not even concede that the Bible affirmed the existence of
witches in any way that was relevant, arguing that supposed witches in scripture were
either not witches at all, or witches only in a metaphorical sense, or, at least, not the sort
of witches who are accused in the modern day. Scot, Discovery, K2v, Qq6r
75 Roberts, Treatise of Witchcraft, D1r–D2v. Other proofs cited by Roberts include the fact that
records exist of people having contracted wth the Devil, E2r–E2v.
22 introduction
Where Roberts cites strange sickness a as proof of withcraft, Cotta is at pains

to point out that medical conditions, even the most bizarre ones, do not prove
bewitching. There are all manner of strange and rare diseases that can cause
wild behavior and unexpected symptoms, he points out. Moreover, few lay peo-
ple are in a position to judge whether a supposed victim is bewitched or merely
ill. And even if an illness were supernatural in origin, that only proves the work
of a spirit; it does not prove witchcraft. Witchcraft was defined by Cotta, and
increasingly, the seventeenth century generally,77 as a willing pact with Satan.
Even a confession by the witch, in itself, is not enough for Cotta to convict for
witchcraft, for illness, madness, and old age can cause all manners of confu-
sions and misconceptions in the mind, and many have believed things about
themselves which were certainly false.78
Likewise, strange natural phenomena do not prove witchcraft as long as
they are within the normal bounds of nature—as sudden and violent storms
certainly are. The fact that a Roberts or even a King James cannot explain some-
thing, does not mean there is dark magic afoot. As Cotta notes, “Everything
whereof every man cannot give a reason is not, therefore, a miracle.”79
Further, the fact that witches exist, Cotta points out, does not mean that
every accusation has merit or that every condemnation is proof. Faith and
scripture may tell us that witches are real in general, but they tell us noth-
ing about whether the particular old woman on trial is, in fact, a witch. For
Cotta, the real danger is not, as Roberts fears, that people will be deceived into
thinking witchcraft is entirely fabricated; the real danger is that people will see
witchcraft where there is none or convict when the evidence is insufficient:
I do not deny nor patronage witches or witchcraft, but wish that the proofs
and trials thereof may be more carefully and with better circumspection
viewed and considered, that rash determination beguile not the wise, nor
condemn the innocent, upon whom the Devil can with more nimbleness
and agility transfer his own evil works than either they can avoid it, or
others easily espy it.80
77 Gaskill, “Witchcraft and Evidence,” 42.

78 See pages 417–419 in this edition where Cotta, in the second edition of Trial, expounds on
this point at length. In Short Discovery, he also points out that even if a witch confesses to
a pact with an evil spirit, and even if such a pact was real, it does not follow that any partic-
ular effect, such as an illness, was created supernaturally, for the devil might have deluded
the witch into thinking she was doing harms that were, in fact, natural. See page 169 in
this edition.
introduction 23
This gap—between proving that witches exist and proving that a particular
person is a witch—is essential to Cotta, but ignored by Roberts. Indeed, when
Roberts gets around to the accused witch Mary Smith and her supposed crimes,
we see just the sort of case where the evidence would not have satisfied our
author.
One of Smith’s purported crimes was the bewitching of the sailor John
Orkton who had quarreled with Smith’s son, striking the child and earning
curses from the mother. Soon after, Orkton became ill: his digestion faltered,
he became feeble, and his fingers and toes began to atrophy. His sea ventures
also began to fail, forcing him to give up his job, even as his illness lingered. He
sought out a skilfull surgeon in Yarmouth, but without relief. Officials implored
Smith to remove the curse, but if she was able to undo the magic, she did not.
Orkton was left to his suffering.
Roberts accepts all of this as compelling evidence of Smith’s guilt: “this is
not vaporous imagination,” he writes, “but a most undoubted proof.”81 Cotta,
however, would surely have objected that there was ample room for doubt.
First, nothing that happened to John Orkton was outside the bounds of ordi-
nary nature. Men become ill all every day and many diseases may cause poor
digestion, fatigue, or dead tissue. Moreover, sea ventures frequently fail, for
nothing in this world is certain, and marine excursions are especially unpre-
dictable.82 That Orkton could not be cured by a surgeon would have meant
little to Cotta since some diseases are incurable, and many surgeons are inept;
Cotta memorably calls ignorant surgeons “factors for the grave and the perdi-
tion of mankind.”83 And even if a devil had afflicted Orkton, that was no proof
that Smith was involved. All in all, there is nothing to prove that any diabolical
influence at all was present, let alone one arranged and directed by Mary Smith
with the aid of an evil spirit. In short, the Smith case looks exactly like the sort
of “rash determination” that Cotta hoped wise officials would avoid.84
81 Roberts, Treatise of Witchcraft, H1v.

82 For illnesses of the stomach, see pages 104–105 in this edition. For a sleeping sickness, see
pages 124–125. For a description of dead and rotten flesh, see page 95. For human error as
the cause of shipwrecks, see Short Discovery, Book 1, Chapter 5, note 14.
83 See page 123 in this edition and Book 1, Chapter 5 of Short Discovery in general.
84 A century later, Francis Hutchinson would list this case citing Roberts, but calling his
account into question because Roberts was “one who had such an easy faith in these mat-
ters that he believed King Ericus could make the wind stand at what point he pleased by
setting his hat that way.” Hutchinson, Essay Concerning Witchcraft, D8r. In fairness, while
Roberts does believe the story of Ericus, he admits that it seems fictitious and can only be
credited because of the experience of navigators who had witnessed the unnatural winds.
Roberts, Treatise of Witchcraft, D2v–D3r.
24 introduction
Throughout, Cotta carefully balances his positions between a rationalist

approach that trusts in the power of reason to discover truth, and a religious
sensibility that concedes that ultimate truth is only to be found in the mind of
God.85 In the second chapter of The Trial of Witchcraft Cotta begins by insisting
that “nothing is or can be detected, or is liable to pass unto man’s knowledge
which cometh not unto him by the help of reason,” but later concedes that even
a trained physician cannot always deduce what exactly is ailing a patient. In
times such as this, “as certain proofs and evidences of the limitation and anni-
hilation of man’s knowledge in many things of this life, Almighty God ofttimes
decreeing to hide some truth from the sight of man, and detaining it in his own
secret will and pleasure.”86
Historians who have considered Cotta in the light of these issues have some-
times glossed over the complexity of his views. Consider a passage from a
recent study:
The theologians were not the only ones advocating the use of circum-
stantial evidence in witchcraft cases. John Cotta, for example, the sceptic
physician, supported detection of witches by reason, including presump-
tions and conjectures. Cotta, a firm believer in the power of reason as a
way to study the world, supposed that witchcraft, like other phenomena,
could be detected by logical inference. Each circumstance may not have
been much in itself, but it could lead to other circumstances, and grouped
together they made valuable proof.87
This analysis is not entirely inaccurate, but it leaves the reader with the distinct
impression that Cotta welcomed a case built mainly or solely on circumstantial
evidence and did not, conversely, insist upon a high standard of direct proof.
Such implications are misleading. To be sure, Cotta does not absolutely insist
on physical evidence, and he does acknowledge that “circumstances and the
like, though each alone and single, may seem of no moment or weight, yet con-
curring together, or aptly conferred, they oft produce a worth from whence doth
85 John Teall has argued that this difficult balance is typical of most witchcraft writers of
the period. “Witchcraft and Calvinism,” 21–36. Marian Gibson, by contrast, sees Cotta’s
position as not so much balanced as confused: “He prided himself on his ability often
to identify [his patients’] complaints as being of natural origin, but the limited medical
knowledge of the time and his own strong belief that witchcraft did indeed exist left him
frankly confusing in attempting an explanation of his beliefs.” Gibson, Witchcraft and Soci-
ety, 90.
87 Darr, Absolute Witch, 84.
introduction 25
issue full and complete satisfaction.” Still, in the very next sentence he quotes
a passage from *Cicero that indicates circumstances “consenting and concur-
ring together, they do much advantage.”88 Further, Cotta warns that too often
circumstantial evidence emerges “out of mere fancy or defect of true judgment,
without the due manifestation of a certain crime first in this kind assured.”89
Still, Cotta insists that while rash misconstruction leads us astray, we would
be likewise foolish to ignore circumstances altogether. Therefore, he writes,
I do not affirm circumstances and presumptions, simply in themselves

sufficient to prove or condemn a witch, but what reasonable man will or
can doubt or deny, where first a manifest work of sorcery is with true
judgment discerned, and known certainly perpetrate, that the former cir-
cumstances and presumptions pointing unto a particular, do give sufficient
warrant, reason, and matter of calling that particular into question, and of
enjoining and urging him unto his purgation and justification from those
evil appearances, whereby through the differencies, jars, contrarities, and
contradictions of the false faces and wizards of seeming truth (because
identity and unity is properly and solely found with truth itself inviolable
and the same) guiltiness is oft unable to find a covert to hide itself, but
rubbed or galled unto the quick, doth break out and issue forth in his own
perfect and undeceiving likeness.90
More serious misreadings of Cotta have appeared, though, as in a note to a mod-

ern study of Jacobean witchcraft:
John Cotta, the seventeenth-century Northamptonshire physician who

argued for the natural causation of many diseases commonly thought to
be inspired by the Devil, nonetheless realized that when “wholesome and
proper remedies” were without effect on the patient, the bewitchment
was to be suspected.91
This characterization is misleading since it implies that Cotta used this

standard—the disease does not respond to treatment—as sufficient to show
witchcraft by itself, which is not true, and, in fact, quite contrary to Cotta’s posi-
tion throughout his work. Indeed, the criterion the historian quotes is second in
88 See page 373 in this edition. Our emphasis.

89 See page 373 of this edition.
90 See pages 373–374 in this edition. Our emphasis.
91 Sawyer, “Witchcraft and Healing,” n. 43.
26 introduction
a list of three that, taken together, Cotta says are all necessary before witchcraft
should be suspected. The other two criteria are observable effects that could
not be natural, and speeches by the bewitched individual which show super-
natural effects (such as speaking a language unknown to the speaker).92 Cotta
makes it clear that all three must be present and the first and third are, we must
assume, quite rare. So Cotta’s standard is much higher than our modern reader
implies.
3.2 Witchcraft Investigations

Cotta’s thinking on the nature of witchcraft and his advice on the determina-
tion of the crime of witchcraft took place in the context of the anti-witchcraft
act of 1604 which updated the provisions of an existing statute of 1563. The new
act seemed to assume that the earlier law was too lenient, for it broadened the
range of activities that counted as witchcraft, and prescribed the death penalty
more broadly than had been the case in the past. In practice, however, the harsh
new law proved difficult for jurists to interpret. As historian Marion Gibson
points out, the new law made it a capital crime to entertain evil spirits. But
what exactly it meant to entertain such spirits was uncertain. If one could be
proven to have had an evil spirit in one’s house, would that constitute enter-
tainment?93
Difficulties like these, and the possibility that a person might be accused
and convicted of witchcraft merely for having encountered an evil spirit might
explain why Cotta is adamant that witchcraft is not simply the presence of
supernatural magic, nor the involvement of evil spirits, but must be, rather, the
deliberate and willful covenant with such spirits. Indeed, Cotta insists on the
careful distinction between works done by evil spirits and witchcraft, per se. As
he writes in Trial of Witchcraft:
In the first, the devil is solely an agent for himself, without the consent
or knowledge of man. In the second, the supernatural and transcen-
dent works are truly, essentially, and immediately from the devils—also
(because out of the reach or power of any command of man simply)
yet therein man hath a property and interest by covenant and contract,
and derivation thereof from the devil, which is truly and solely sorcery,

93 Gibson, “Applying the Act,” 117–118. Cotta rarely uses “entertain” in this sense, but when he
does he seems to assume that entertain means something similar to “contract with” for
he distinguishes between the possessed person who is the victim of devils and the witch
who “doth willingly entertain them.” See page 372 in this edition.
introduction 27
and witchcraft. For since supernatural works are only proper to a spirit,
and above the nature and power of man, they cannot truly and prop-
erly be esteemed his. And therefore it is not the supernatural work itself,
but man’s contract and combination therein with the devil, his consent
and allowance thereof, that doth make it his, and him a witch, a sorcerer,
which is a contractor with the devil.94
Cotta’s point here is that, strictly speaking, no human being can work magic.
Thus, to the extent that the witch seems to do evil magic in the world, it is only
indirectly by choosing to be an earthly conduit to a hellish force. But if the evil
magic is done without the knowledge and consent of the human soul, what
Cotta frequently calls “covenant and contract,” then the human can hardly be
blamed.
In addition to the general context of the 1604 act and its implementation,
Cotta writes both the Short Discovery and Trial of Witchcraft in the long shadow
of a series of witch cases held in 1612 in his home county of Northamptonshire.
He seems even to allude to those cases specifically, in Trial of Witchcraft, citing
a very rare, but true, description of a gentlewoman, about six years past,
cured of divers kinds of convulsions, and other apoplectic, epileptic,
cataleptic, and paralytic fits, and other kinds of accidents of affinity there-
with. After she was almost cured of those diseases, but the cure not
fully accomplished, it was by a reputed wizard whispered, and thereupon
believed, that the gentlewoman was merely bewitched. Supposed witches
were accused, and, after, executed.95
If these supposed witches were the same ones from the 1612 Northamptonshire
trials, then they were, in fact, Mary Barber of Stanwick, Agnes Browne of Guils-
borough, Helen Jenkinson of Thrapston; the daughter of Agnes Browne, Joan
Vaughan, and Arthur Bill of Raunds.96

96 The 1612 Witches of Northamptonshire focuses primarily on the terrible reputations of the
mother and daughter, Agnes and Joan, saying that Agnes was “of poor parentage and
poorer education, one that as she was born to no good, was for want of grace never in the
way to receive any,” and implying that Joan was illegitimate, “as gracious as the mother, and
both of them as far from grace as Heaven from Hell.” Arthur Bill is described as a “wretched
poor man, both in state and mind … born of parents that were both witches, and he would
not degenerate, nor suffer himself to stray from his father’s wicked counsels.” Witches of
Northamptonshire, B2r, B3r.
28 introduction
The accusations were varied, but, as with the Mary Smith case, the ways in
which witchcraft was identified and the evidence by which the accused were
convicted, could not have sat well with Cotta. The case against Vaughan, for
instance, relied on a Mistress Belcher falling ill after an altercation between
the two women.97 A contemporary account relates how Belcher was “suddenly
taken with such a gripping and gnawing in her body that she cried out and
could scarce be held by such as came to her.” Those helpers were frightened by
the way her face was “drawn awry” by the attack, and as she was taken to bed
Belcher cried out “here comes Joan Vaughan.”98 Of course, given Belcher’s his-
tory with Vaughan, it is easy to imagine how one could have blamed the other
for a sudden illness. And yet, Cotta repeatedly reminds us that strange and sud-
den illnesses are, in themselves, no reason to suppose anything supernatural
has occurred. Indeed, he cites many cases in which victims of natural sickness
are “suddenly taken” (using the same phrase as the 1612 writer) with symptoms
such as paralysis or sleep. In cases such as “falling sicknesses,” moreover
some bite their tongues and flesh, some make fearful and frightful shriek-
ing and outcries, some are violently tossed and tumbled from one place
unto another. Some spit, some froth, some gnash their teeth, some have
their faces continually deformed and drawn awry.99
The similarities to Belcher’s reported symptoms—including the face “drawn

awry” in both cases—are instructive. One might even wonder whether Cotta is,
perhaps even deliberately, recalling the wording of the 1612 pamphlet in order
to remind his readers of, or alert them to, the errors that had been made in that
year.
Arthur Bill was accused of bewitching one Martha Aspine, as well as
bewitching various cattle in the town of Raunds and was subjected to the swim-
ming test, or, as the author of the pamphlet calls it, apparently inspired by
James’s Demonology, “fleeting on the water.” James had written approvingly of
97 Witches of Northamptonshire, C1r. Elmer argues that Belcher was treated by Cotta him-
self and was the woman whose fits Cotta describes in Trial. This identification is plausible
because Cotta describes the events as happening about six years earlier (putting the events
around 1610) and that afterwards, witches were accused and executed. Likewise, Elmer
identifies the “reputed wizard” who suggested the fits were caused by witchcraft as Richard
Napier. Elmer, Politics, 58 n. 128. Cotta does not, however, identify the patient by name,
and he describes many other patients over the course of many years having suffered fits
of various kinds, so the identification cannot be considered certain.
98 Witches of Northamptonshire, B3r.
introduction 29
the practice of swimming as a means of detecting witchcraft, arguing that just

as God has ordained the supernatural sign whereby a murder victim will bleed
in the presence of the murderer,
so it appears that God hath appointed (for a supernatural sign of the mon-
struous impiety of the witches) that the water shall refuse to receive them
in her bosom, that have shaken off them the sacred water of baptism, and
willfully refused the benefit thereo.100
The Witches of Northamptonshire reproduces James’s thinking, with almost

identical phrasing, defending it as an instance of supernatural justice: “the ele-
ment of water should refuse to receive them in her bosom that have shaken
from them the sacred water of baptism, and willfully refused the benefit thereof
by making that breach and fall from God in participating thus boldly with the
Spirits of Belial.”101
Cotta refers to the practice of swimming, or dunking, or fleeting, as “casting
of witches into the water” and denounces the practice as unhelpful and illog-
ical.102 Natural substances like water, he argues, are inert; they cannot think
or evaluate, and as such they cannot “distinguish one person from another,
virtue from vice, a good man from an evil man.” Moreover, for Cotta, the notion
the element should reject a witch because she had rejected it from her bap-
tism holds no water. If a river will repel a witch who refused the holy water of
one sacrament, Cotta asks, how could the same sorceress be able to eat bread
or drink wine when those items are employed in another sacrament, the holy
communion?103
Helen Jenkinson was accused of bewitching a child to death, and after being
jailed by Sir Thomas Brooke, was searched for a witch’s mark: “that insensible
mark which commonly all witches have in some privy place or other of their
bodies.”104 Here again, Cotta would have objected strongly, for he insists that a
100 James, Demonology, L4v–M1r. James, then, calls for “fleeting on the water,” but the practice
goes by many names, including the “dunking method.”
101 Witches of Northamptonshire, C2.
102 By contrast, *Scot’s 1584 work does not mention swimming under any name, and the
posthumously published works of the Protestant preacher William *Perkins discusses
the test only as something done in other countries. It is possible that James introduced
the practice, though it might have crossed the channel from other sources; there was no
shortage of opportunities for experts in many countries to consult one another. Davies,
Witchcraft, Magic and Culture, 86.
103 Cotta discusses this question in detail in Chapter 14 of Trial.
104 Witches of Northamptonshire, D1.
30 introduction
strange mark on the body—such as the one that Jenkinson is supposed to have
had—need not be supernatural at all, for there are many kinds of growths that
can appear on the human form, and learned physicians have carefully cata-
logued them.105 And even if the mark itself was supernatural, who is to say that
it was not placed on her body by the Devil, without the woman’s consent or
even knowledge? The Devil could place such a mark, Cotta notes, to “make his
claim where he hath no interest.”106
Cotta’s careful analysis could not, of course, stop the persecution of witches
generally, or even among his neighbours. As one early historian of Northamp-
tonshire has memorably written, his work “was much too early to produce any
visible effect upon the multitude, who still howled and yelled round a newly-
found sorceress, and offered up their thanksgivings at the bloody shrine where
she was sacrificed.”107 And yet, other historians have argued that texts such
as Cotta’s, demanding as they did a higher standard of reason and evidence
“helped erode the reality” of the crime of witchcraft, gradually making it harder
and harder to prosecute.108
4 Cotta’s Learning
In the second book of the Short Discovery, Cotta gives a useful summary of the
conventional renaissance view of learned knowledge: “Antiquity hath given us
our first lights in all knowledges, succeeding times have added their several
lusters, and our latest posterity hath yielded also many things not unworthy
their worthy praise.”109 This pyramidal structure—a broad base of classical
knowledge, surmounted with considerable additional material from succeed-
ing centuries, and topped with the best of modern writers—is precisely what
we see Cotta demonstrate in his writing. For while he left behind a substantial
library, about which no details survive, the extent of Cotta’s learning, schol-
arly range and habits appear unmistakably in the margins of his works. As the
present reader will see, Cotta filled those margins with learned notes, mostly
quoted passages in Latin, some in Greek. These notes are, of course, in keeping
with Cotta’s training, in an era when Latin was the lingua franca of European
medicine, and a culture wherein “antiquity” was understood not as a benighted

107 Brief History of Witchcraft, 12.
108 Gaskill, “Witchcraft and Evidence,” 45.
introduction 31
age to be left behind, but as an enlighted period to be emulated. The notes

reveal a man steeped in belletristic Greek and Latin classical learning as well
as the scholarhip of his profession. At every turn, we know that the author is a
man of letters who has had good schooling and kept up and advanced what
he learned in school. Despite his large Latin and considerable Greek, how-
ever, Cotta uses no vernacular languages other than English. He may not, for
instance, have been comfortable reading in French, for he notes that he has
read the historian John *de Serres in a translation.110
Though the notes may be of interest individually, taken together they
reveal interesting patterns about Cotta’s learning, methods, and intellectual
approach. More specifically, we can discern patterns regarding the overall accu-
racy of Cotta’s quotations, how quotation and paraphrase interrelate, which
authors are cited for what reasons, how many citations each author receives,
and how the notes relate to the main text, among others. These patterns deserve
an extended discussion.
4.1 Ancient and Medieval Sources

Cotta cites over one hundred other authors for a total of over five hundred cita-
tions. In keeping with his views of knowledge, most are from antiquity: *Galen
accounts for over a hundred, *Hippocrates over thirty-five, and *Aristotle over
forty-five, followed by *Cicero, *Horace, and *Augustine with a dozen or more
apiece, and then *Ovid, *Martial, and *Plutarch with a half dozen or more each.
That means that six authors account for just under half of the citations or quo-
tations. There are also a small number of Arabs and Byzantines, the men of
“succeeding times,” and others whose works are cited. Other authors crop up
mostly just once, with a few receiving more than one but fewer than six cita-
tions.
Because Cotta’s notes are mainly intended, as he says, for the purpose of
“refreshing only the learned,”111 and since learned men of the time were steeped
in what we would today think of as classical literature, Cotta cites, in addition to
works related to medical expertise, a great number of works which can only be
called belletristic. These literary citations tie Cotta’s thought into larger streams
of culture that all learned men of the time were supposed to have mastered.
For instance, classical Latin poetry makes a strong appearance in his works. In
addition to *Horace, *Martial, and *Ovid (all cited more than six times), Cotta
quotes Terence, Catullus, *Virgil, Propertius, Tibullus, Persius, Juvenal, Lucan,
110 See page 338 in this edition

32 introduction
Maximian, and Ausonius (whom Cotta quotes unknowingly). *Euripides and

Theocritus are the only Greek poets cited or quoted by name, although others
are quoted without attribution. Often, the lines quoted are aphoristic, as, for
instance, when he quotes a fragment of the Old Comic poet Eupolis in Greek
(without attributing it to anyone): it serves as a bon mot and Cotta was probably
not aware of its origin.112
No poets who lived after Maximian (AD sixth century) appear. Maximian’s
writing was for a time considered to be written by Gallus (70BC–26 BC), but
Cotta evidently knew he was not Gallus. Every other poet cited by name lived
before AD 150. In general, poets are invoked for concise wisdom to reinforce
Cotta’s points. Occasionally, however, they are cited to provide evidence, as
when Theocritus’ Pharmakeutria is quoted to provide evidence about magic,
as is Virgil’s claim that poetry can bring the Moon down from the sky. Virgil’s
report of an oracle also provides historical precedent for a more recent ambigu-
ous oracle in England. And the elegiac love poet Propertius is actually cited for
a medical matter. In spite of these few exceptions, however, the poetic citations
serve mainly to add a flavor of learning, culture, and wisdom.
There are also many quotations from classical prose authors such as *Cicero,
Pseudo-Demosthenes, *Aristotle, *Plato, *Seneca, *Augustine, *Theophrastus,
*Ptolemy, Tacitus, Aulus *Gellius, Herodotus, Columella, Libanius, Jerome,
Quintilian, Diogenes Laertius, *Suetonius, Livy, or Pliny the Elder. In every case,
Cotta cites them either as evidence for something in antiquity or because the
passages he quotes or paraphrases somehow support what he is trying to estab-
lish. He exhibits no particular interest in their thought for its own sake, nor in
being strictly true to the various intentions and thoughts of the authors quoted,
nor in the context in which what he quotes appears. That is not to say that he
purposely distorts: in many cases, gobbets from an author appear to be treated
as contextless, as though they were simply isolated aphorisms to be used ad
hoc, whether or not their context in the original author fits Cotta’s context or
the meaning Cotta uses them to express.
4.2 The Philosopher

As philosophical background to medical thought, *Aristotle is cited often, and
provides an interesting picture of Cotta’s intellectual depth. In Cotta, a pas-
sage or just a word from Aristotle usually supports a straightforward principle
or point of explanation. Little more than a superficial understanding of Aris-
totelianism, Aristotle’s syllogistic logic, or Aristotle’s particular intentions and
112 See Short Discovery, Book 2, Chapter 1, note 9 in this edition.

introduction 33
exact meaning in the passage quoted are required, if that. In fact, often the
point Aristotle is making is irrelevant to Cotta’s. One note, for instance, con-
tains a partial quotation from Aristotle which concerns the interaction of our
mental capacities with Aristotelian particulars, an interesting and technical
issue in Aristotle’s ethics and psychology, but the point Cotta is making is the
mundane one that in treating a patient, a delay inspired by learning is not nec-
essarily a bad thing: a rather uncontroversial point that, to our sensibilities,
needs no support, much less a quotation from Aristotle. What is more, gen-
erally Cotta’s Aristotelian borrowings are not at all integrated into, nor do they
necessarily show knowledge of and concern with a larger Aristotelian theory
or system.
For Cotta, citing Aristotle seems to have less to do with Aristotelianism as
such than with invoking an important intellectual authority. By referencing
Aristotle, Cotta creates the impression that he has full classical support and
warrant for what he says. By way of contrast, the other giant figure of ancient
philosophy, *Plato, receives far fewer mentions and those are far less accurate.
For instance, one note refers to three works of Plato, none of which is apposite
or accurately reported.113
In terms of the mechanics of attribution, Cotta has quite different stan-
dards from those of this century. For instance, he reports entirely in Latin in
a footnote to Short Discovery that “Herophilus” attests to how medicines are
the helping hands of gods when used by learned doctors but poison when used
by unlearned doctors.114 In so doing, however, Cotta fails to mention any of the
following: Herophilus wrote in Greek; no writings of Herophilus survive intact
as such; we have the fragment Cotta cites of Herophilus via *Galen (who also
wrote in Greek); he took the entire Latin sentence about Herophilus verba-
tim from *Riolanus’ Ars Bene Medendi. In another note, Cotta writes in Latin
that Galen’s work De Puero Epileptico indicates that remedies must be varied
according to circumstances.115 Cotta fails to mention that he is quoting not
Galen nor a translation of Galen, but rather verbatim from Nicolaus Leonicus
Thomaeus Patavinus’s summary of Galen’s de Puero Epileptico Book 9, which
dates from 1549. Scholars today would carefully report each facet of those pas-
sages more accurately and carefully, but Cotta thinks nothing of such liberties.
Though Cotta is not egregious by the standards of the time, his practice does
leave a difficult task for modern scholars working to annotate Cotta’s many cita-
113 See Trial, Chapter 5, note 3 in this edition.

34 introduction
tions and quotations. The present reader should thus understand that, as a rule,
Cotta’s attributions and quotations are approximate.
4.3 Cotta’s Latin and Greek

Cotta obviously knew Latin not just to read, but could also compose correctly.
In more than one case, for instance, he reformulates quotations in Latin in ways
that require some fluency. When he misquotes, his Latin is usually (but not
always) correct, comprehensible, and appropriate. He quotes far less frequently
in Greek, despite the fact that *Galen and *Hippocrates, two of the authors he
quotes most, wrote in Greek. Once in a while, it seems that he composes bits of
Greek. But he quotes Greek authors mostly in Latin translation, probably a mix
of his own and others’. Occasionally, we have found that the Latin translation
he uses is identical or very close to someone else’s translation, but he does not
provide his sources. It is thus not clear whether he is quoting without attribu-
tion or whether he has just happened to translate with the same Latin words
in the same order.
Cotta’s Greek quotations are largely reliable as to the letters of words, but the
accents and breathing marks are often not. While Cotta’s accents are mostly on
vowels, as they should be, they are often not the correct accents and not on the
correct vowels. As with all such early modern texts, the fact that the composi-
tors may have especially struggled with Greek cannot be overlooked.
4.4 Citing Learned Sources

Cotta, especially in his notes, makes no explicit differentiation between quota-
tion and paraphrase, and it is nowhere made clear whether he is paraphrasing,
quoting, mixing paraphrase with quotation, or mixing more than one passage
together—and he does all of those things regularly. He neither acknowledges
nor hides that fact, and so the charitable conclusion is simply that he sees no
particular need to differentiate between quotation and paraphrase.
What is more, the mixing of more than one passage while citing only one
source (or none) shows that he sees no need to precisely identify the source of
each detail, although the sheer number of marginal notes and citations seems
to gainsay that claim. The only way to tell whether he is quoting, paraphrasing,
or mixing the two, and whether he is using one passage as a source or more than
one, is to consult the original. But that is difficult, because Cotta does not con-
sistently give his source and does not quote exactly. When he cites a source,
it is often incorrect in some way. For example, in some cases, Cotta presents
passages as if they might be quotations from *Aristotle when they seem to be
simply explanations of Aristotelian ideas, not even paraphrases of specific pas-
sages. In one instance, Cotta quotes *Augustine, then says “that is” which, when
introduction 35
used, is his way of indicating that he is translating the Latin. In this instance,
however, he offers not a translation but an interpretation of the application of
Augustine’s thought.
Conversely, Cotta sometimes quotes without acknowledging that he is quot-
ing: of thirteen quotations that come from *Riolanus, only seven are attributed
to that author by Cotta, for instance. Since Riolanus’s texts are not available
in totally reliable form for searching, it may be that there are more instances
where Cotta borrows from Riolanus than we have found. One must also won-
der whether in the main body of his text he has translated some of Riolanus or
others into English without attribution, which would be hard to detect. Since,
as we have just seen, a few of the unattributed Latin marginal notes come from
other authors, it is not safe to assume that unattributed snippets of Latin are
Cotta’s own words, but when no other source can be found, that is the charita-
ble default assumption one must make.
Sometimes Cotta gives the author of a quotation as well as the name of the
work, sometimes only the author (and often enough, he gives the wrong author,
the wrong work, or the wrong passage). That has sometimes made tracking
down sources with precision difficult. With *Galen in particular, it is extremely
arduous, for Galen wrote dozens of long works, and the digitized Latin transla-
tions are not fully accurately searchable, so that one must hazard a best guess as
to what the original Greek was to find the original Greek source. Often, several
possibilities are found, none of which fits exactly. Perhaps Cotta’s medical train-
ing gave him a great deal of knowledge that was synthesized over the course of
years and became rather jumbled from a modern scholarly point of view. The
jumbling may have occurred in his head or notes. For a contemporary of Cotta,
a quotation simply attributed to “Galen” would be difficult to track down, unless
the contemporary knew Galen well enough, which, to be fair, Cotta may have
safely assumed of the learned doctors in his audience. Most editions of medi-
cal texts had indices, however, which would have helped. And doctors of Cotta’s
school all should have known Galen’s ideas well enough to sense whether they
seemed accurate.
Given that Cotta knows Greek, it may seem unusual to us today to quote
a Latin translation of *Galen, or *Hippocrates, or *Aristotle, who all wrote in
Greek. Since he is using a translation in any case, he could have given an English
translation, or perhaps quoted the original Greek and provided an English
translation. One must bear in mind, however, that communication in the
medical and other learned professions was conducted in Latin, the language
of all the near-contemporary medical treatises Cotta cites. Doctors clearly
consulted Galen in Latin more often than the original Greek, and were much
more comfortable in Latin, just as today many scholars of Aristotle, Newton,
36 introduction
or Leibniz often consult and quote English or other modern language versions
rather than the originals.
Sometimes, it seems plausible to imagine Cotta writing while directly con-
sulting a particular work, as when he quotes several passages from the same
page in succession in separate footnotes. At other times, it seems Cotta must
be working from notes or memory rather than writing while or after directly
consulting the actual texts he quotes and cites. Working from notes or mem-
ory is a plausible explanation for why a completely unattributed Latin passage,
actually from Celsus, in one note is found again verbatim at another where
it is mistakenly attributed to *Fernelius, a favorite author of Cotta’s and one
whom we discuss in more detail below.116 Cotta quotes *Celsus, three times,
but cites him only once. Working from notes or memory would also explain the
occasional transposition of words or other mistakes in quotations: that is more
charitable than assuming that Cotta just couldn’t be bothered to quote exactly.
Because Latin and Greek texts must be collated from manuscript evidence, and
there are often several slightly varying versions of any given classical text, it is
also possible in any given case that Cotta was working with a different version
of the text than the modern one consulted in our research.
Cotta sometimes cites or quotes an author as the source, but omits to men-
tion that his actual source is an intermediary. This happens in more than one
case where he reports something about *Rhases and Avenzoar in Latin. Each
note is verbatim the same as what *Fernelius reports about Rhases and Aven-
zoar. Hence we know that he drew his information from Fernelius, but Cotta
does not mention Fernelius as the author and source of his information.117
An example of a more complicated phenomenon is Cotta’s repeated quota-
tions from “Galen de vict. febricit.,” which probably stands for De Victu Febrici-
tantium. No Galenic work with that title exists. Some of the quotations Cotta
attributes to it are from another work, Galen’s in Librum Hippocratis de Vic-
tus Ratione in Morbis Acutis Commentarii, and one is from Galen’s Methodi
Medendi. Brudus Lusitanus, however, did write a De Victu Febricitantium (alter-
natively titled de Ratione Victus Febricitantium as well as De Victu Febricitan-
tium Secundum Hippocratem et Galenum). In it, Brudus Lusitanus quotes one
of the same quotations Cotta uses, but attributes it to Galen’s in Librum Hip-
pocratis de Victus Ratione in Morbis Acutis Commentarii (that one is not, how-
ever, found there, as far as can be ascertained). We are left wondering whether
116 See Short Discovery, Book 1, Chapter 3, note 6. For more details on Fernelius, see pages 45–
47 in this edition.
117 See Short Discovery Book 2, Chapter 1, notes 22 and 23.
introduction 37
Cotta used Brudus Lusitanus’s work, but accidentally attributed it to Galen, or

took Brudus’s word that it was from Galen and failed to cite his intermediate
source, and why he confusedly attributed more to it than it contained.
In a few instances, Cotta misrepresents sources substantially perhaps
because he has failed to check an intermediary’s account. He misreports, for
instance, that *Theophrastus, *Dioscorides, and *Hippocrates all admit the
power of magic in cures. None of them do so. In fact, they reject it. Perhaps
Cotta got this all from *Codronchius, who reports the same thing in much the
same language.118 In one note, Cotta misattributes an item to *Plato’s Philebus,
and in another, he misattributes a thought to *Aristotle Metaphysics 7 which
is not really found in Aristotle. The thought could, however, possibly be one
in Metaphysics 6. An earlier doctor, Giovanni Battista da Monte, makes exactly
those same mistakes.119 Perhaps both da Monte and Cotta used a third source
or independently collocated these thoughts, but the mistaken reference seems
to argue that Cotta used da Monte without acknowledging it.120
Because Cotta occasionally misreports what others say, one must be careful
and tentative. For instance, in one note, Cotta reports that *Brasavolus says that
a wound without rot leads to a slow fever, which Brasavolus does not say.121 To
be fair, that may be simply Cotta’s informed extension of what Brasavolus does
say, but still, he reports it as Brasavolus’s view. Such mistakes occur frequently,
and are perhaps interesting in themselves. Hence it seems necessary at times to
make confirmatory remarks such as “Cotta accurately reports” where such con-
firmation might not be necessary if dealing with more careful, more scholarly
authors who routinely accurately report and attribute quotations and sources.
Most of Cotta’s quotations and citations have problems of some sort, and we
note them as succinctly as reasonably possible: if a source is given with no com-
ment, the reader should assume Cotta’s information is accurate.
118 See note a on page 333 of this edition.

120 The annotations identify at least forty instances in which the source of Cotta’s quotation
has been found but Cotta did not identify that source. In addition, at least twenty-five
instances have been found in which Cotta misattributes a quotation, either to the wrong
author or the wrong work. And there are more than twenty instances where Cotta offers a
quotation that is correctly attributed, but is somehow misquoted. In addition, there are a
handful of more unique transgressions that defy categorization, some of which have been
discussed above.
121 See Short Discovery, Book 2, Chapter 1, note 15.
38 introduction
4.5 The Bible

Not surprisingly, Cotta refers to the Bible frequently, especially in Trial of Witch-
craft where religious questions are paramount. He clearly has favorite examples
from scripture, for he refers to certain biblical episodes repeatedly when they
provide convenient support for his positions. Of these, three deserve special
attention: Job, the Witch of Endor, and the sorcerers in the court of the Pharoah
of Egypt.
4.5.1 Job
Relating, as it does, the tale of a man tormented by Satan, the book of Job pro-
vides Cotta with a clear and authoritative casebook in the power of the Devil.
There are two aspects of the story, in particular, that Cotta ties to his consider-
ation of withcraft: the Devil’s power over the bodies of human beings, and the
Devil’s ability to manipulate and destroy things in the material world.
Regarding the human body, Cotta, more than once points out that Satan was
able to bring about illness in the body of Job. In one crucial passage in the Short
Discovery, Cotta denies that any particular wonder can prove that a person has
contracted with the Devil, for we know that the Devil can work his will in the
world, even without the consent of the people involved:
For if he had power for his own malicious purpose upon the body of our
blessed Savior to transport it through the air and to set it upon a pinnacle
of the temple, and upon the body of righteous Job, with hope and desire
of his overthrow, by what prerogative dare any other man whatsoever pre-
sume to free himself from his power, but by a special grace and mercy of
God?122
Relevant here is the long-standing tradition that sees “righteous Job” as a

paragon of Godly patience amidst incomprehensible suffering, a tradition that
begins at least as early as the Epistle of James and continues into the seven-
teenth century in texts such as Milton’s Paradise Regained.123 If such a man
as Job can be the subject of diabolical actions—indeed, if Christ himself can
be subjected to Satan’s power—then how can anyone, Cotta asks, claim that
evidence of the Devil’s work, in and of itself, is evidence of the willing partici-
pation of a witch?

123 Kahn, “Job’s Complaint,” 625.
introduction 39
But it is not just humanity that suffers from Satan’s power in the Job story.
Cotta, on multiple occasions, remarks upon the massive destruction that the
Devil rains down on Job’s herds of animals. To establish that we can, in fact,
observe the works of the Devil empirically in the world, he cites Job’s flocks
both because they were destroyed but also because the Bible specifies that the
spectacular destruction was observed by other people:
Was not the fire which the Devil brought down from Heaven in so miracu-
lous manner, and in so extraordinary power to devour so many thousands
of Job’s sheep, truly visible? The messenger escaping to bring the tidings
doth witness it.124
Such an event shows that the Devil can wield great power over the world. But,
Cotta is careful to remind us, that power is only exercised with the just permis-
sion of God.
Indeed, Cotta prefaces the passage from the Short Discovery quoted above,
by saying explicitly that the Devil afflicted both Job and Christ with God’s per-
mission. Elsewhere, Cotta makes a similar point, that the Devil, despite being
what men in their limited understanding call “supernatural,” is still a creature
of nature in the broad sense, is still subject to nature’s rules, and cannot over-
rule nature itself. To do so would be to overrule nature’s Creator, and that is
something that Cotta will not allow. Thus, he takes pains to point out that even
afflicting Job with illness is not exactly outside of nature, but rather a manip-
ulation of it. “The Devil,” Cotta writes, “being a creature, could not bring those
diseases upon Job, but by created means preexisting in created nature in which
he is contained and limited.”125
4.5.2 The Witch of Endor

Modern Biblical scholars have noted that while witchcraft in general and necro-
mancy in particular are repeatedly condemned in the Old Testament, there is
one incident, that of the Witch of Endor, in which necromancy is neither con-
demned by the biblical narrator nor by the figures in the narrative.126 Fearing

126 Pigott, “Not So Wicked,” 435–438. Pigott argues that the Bible’s account emphasizes Saul’s
sin, not that of the witch herself. A contrary view states that in the Bible “all stories are
neutral in the sense that witches, devils, and demons are never elaborately conceptu-
alized, and the existence of an all-encompassing supernatural demonic world is never
mentioned.” Nachman, “European Witch Craze,” 2.
40 introduction
the outcome of an impending battle, and unable to reassure himself through

other means, Saul, who himself had cast out witches, seeks for a sorceress and
hears of one in Endor. The witch summons the spirit of Samuel who tells Saul
that he is doomed because he has turned away from the will of God. Saul is
crushed by the news, and after being fed a meal by the witch, he and his ser-
vants depart.127
Over the centuries, readers of this incident have struggled to make sense of
it, even on the level of what is literally supposed to have transpired, let alone
what meaning the tale bears. The logical problems inherent in the tale have
given, one account of the debate says, “expounders of every age much trou-
ble.”128 Some argued that the witch had no power over Samuel at all, but that
his spirit did really appear to Saul because it pleased God to send the dead king’s
soul to condemn the new king. Others objected that even if necromancy were
possible, and the witch could summon the spirits of the dead, Samuel could not
have been summoned since he would have been in Heaven with God, a realm
over which the sorceress could have had no power. To this, others rejoined that
Samuel’s soul, having left its body for less than twelve months, would not yet
have ascended to sit at the foot of God’s throne. Later observers suggested that
Samuel was never truly present at all, and that the scene was created by the
witch herself, either entirely through illusion or by summoning a demon that
took the shape of Samuel. Skeptics suggested the whole thing might have been
faked without magic.129
Cotta, however, does not wish to explain away the sorcery, for the Witch of
Endor has a fundamental place in his arguments. Though Cotta often casts
doubt on the means by which ordinary people discern witchcraft and cites
cases where such folk mistakenly ascribed to magic that which was natural,
Cotta does not want to suggest that there are no such things as witches at all.
Thus he writes:
It now followeth to give examples of such supernatural works as are

offered by the Devil, wherein man hath an interest and property by con-
tract with the Devil, as also to show that these works are manifest in
127 1Samuel 28.

128 Smelik, “Witch of Endor.” 161.
129 Bakon, “Saul and the Witch,” 21. Reginald Scot argues that the Witch of Endor was entirely
a fraud, and explains a modern case of a supposed witch in Westwell, who, subjected to
close examination (and not torture), was shown to be merely a deceiver and not allied with
any supernatural spirit. “Now compare this wench with the Witch of Endor,” Scot writes,
“and you shall see that both the cozenages may be done by one art.” Scot, Discovery, L2r.
introduction 41
like manner unto the outward sense. Unto this proof out of holy scrip-
ture, behold the Witch of Endor. Did not Saul contract with her, and she
promise unto Saul to bring up Samuel unto him? Did not Saul see the
vision raised by her, or at least speak thereto, and receive answer there-
from? Were not then his eyes and ears (those two outward senses) certain
witnesses of her sorcery?130
This passage does not make it precisely clear where Cotta stands on the ques-
tion of what actually happened when Saul encounters Samuel in Endor, though
he clearly does not think it is mere physical trickery such as ventriloquism, nor
does he suppose it was a holy vision provided by God.131 He does not enter-
tain the view of some commentators that the Witch was admirable in doing
what was asked of her and beneficently offering him refreshment in a time of
need.132 Cotta seems to agree with those who said the image of Samuel was
a magical illusion made possible through an evil spirit; he posits just such an
illusion to explain how Pythagoras was able to be in two places at once. In
that case, the Devil had magically created a “lively shape and portraiture” of
Pythagoras “adding a counterfeit livelihood of speech and gesture” to complete
the illusion.133 In any case, for Cotta’s purposes, the nature of her magic is not
central. What matters for Cotta is more basic: that she did use dark magic. And
thus the scriptures, he concludes, make it clear that real witches can, in fact,
exist.
Cotta later uses the case to reinforce his insistence on a high standard of evi-
dence. One might prove witchcraft, but only if the evidence is on par with the
details provided in scripture:
From hence we may then truly conclude, that against the acts of sorcery
and witchcraft manifest to sense, the due testimonies of understanding,
discreet, and just men, ought to be no less equivalent than against any
other open acts, or crime whatsoever, whereof the Witch of Endor may
serve to shut up and conclude all doubt forever herein, for an unanswer-
able instance and proof. She acknowledgeth her guilt and crime might be
made manifest unto Saul in these words, “Wherefore seekest thou to take
me in a snare, to cause me to die?” Saul likewise himself doth grant unto
130 See pages 306, and 358–359 in this edition.

131 Leigh, “Demon Possession to Magic Show,” 278–279.
132 Elizabeth Reis outlines this view, but does not support it, preferring to see the witch’s will-
ingness to help as simple self-preservation. Reis, “Eating the Blood,” 3–4.
42 introduction
her the sufficiency of this testimony to cause her to die, in these words,
“As the Lord liveth, no harm shall come unto thee for this thing,” meaning,
by his testimony of her fact, no harm should come unto her.
The modern witch must clear a high bar set by the Witch of Endor: she must do
evil magic (necromancy or a demonic facsimile), be seen to have done so, and
admit her crime. But undoubtedly few cases are so clear—which is precisely
Cotta’s overarching point. Witchcraft may be real, but convictions, if they are
to be just, will necessarily be difficult to attain.
4.5.3 The Enchanters of Egypt

The book of Exodus provides another biblical narrative, that, like the Witch
of Endor story, gives Cotta terms of reference for a discussion of the workings
of sorcery. When Moses demonstrates the power of God for Pharaoh, the great
king seeks to discredit the miracles by having his magicians replicate the effects
with their spells. That these sorcerers, or “enchanters of Egypt” as Cotta often
terms them, were, in fact, drawing their power from infernal sources seems evi-
dent to Cotta, for he identifies Egypt as a hotbed of magic, claiming that “There
is no doubt that Egypt … did abound with swarms of sorcerers, as the holy scrip-
ture and all times and writers report.”134
As with his references to the Witch of Endor, Cotta cites the enchanters of
Egypt largely to settle the basic fact that magic really can be done by those
empowered by the Devil:
Behold also the sorcerers of Egypt. Did not Pharaoh see and view with his
eyes those great and mighty sorceries, water turned into blood, rods into
serpents, frogs caused to issue out upon the face of the earth?135
Still, elsewhere Cotta points out that what Pharoah saw Moses do was not pre-
cisely what he saw his own enchanters do. As with his discussion of Job, Cotta
insists that the Devil has no real power of over nature itself, and that when he
seems to alter the natural world, he is creating illusions—convincing illusions,
134 See page 394 in this edition. The example was cited frequently by those seeking to demon-
strate that witches did, in fact, exist and had for ages. Thus, one contemporary explains,
“we must needs confess that it hath been of very ancient time, because the scriptures do
testify so much, for in the time of Moses it was very rife in Egypt.” Witches of Northamp-
tonshire, B1r.
introduction 43
but illusions nevertheless.136 Theologians likewise sometimes referenced this

part of scripture, citing, in particular, the snakes created by the enchanters and
noting that the Devil could not generate life—that was in the power of God
alone.137 This, and all genuine miracles come only through the power of God,
while the Devil is merely a skilled forger. As Cotta says,
The same eyes therefore that saw, in the true miracles of Moses, the sub-
stance of a serpent by the true inseparable inherent shape, saw likewise
the true image and picture of a serpent, in the false and seeming miracles
of the enchanters of Egypt.138
Cotta can scarcely stress this point enough, later providing a veritable the-
saurus entry for “fake” in describing what the enchanters of Egypt did to dis-
tinguish them from the holy doings of Moses, calling them “slights, cunning
imitations, counterfeits, and diabolical resemblances and shadows of the true
miracles.”139
4.6 Early Modern Authorities

In addition to ancient writers and scripture, Cotta cites a limited number of
learned authors from, more or less, his own time. Among those, four near con-
temporaries stand out: Johannes *Riolanus the elder, Julius Caesar*Scaliger,
*Fernelius, and *Hollerius. Cotta cites Riolanus mainly on technical medical
matters, often, as we have seen, with dubious accuracy, and no more need be
said about him, here.140 The other three deserve further comment.
4.6.1 Scaliger
Scaliger accounts for over forty references in the works represented here. Cotta
pays particular attention to Scaliger’s best known work Exotericæ Exercitationes
de Subtilitate ad Cardanum, a work he often refers to simply as De Subtilitate
or, simply “his book of subtleties.” The book is a critique of the thought of the
136 “Demonologists did not simply pile up the positive evidence for the guilt of demonic
witchcraft. They tried to separate phenomena correctly attributed to demonic agency
from phenomena incorrectly so attributed, and to both they applied a second set of crite-
ria dealing with truth and illusion.” Clark, “Scientific Status,” 359.
137 Goodare, Witch-Hunt, 68.
140 Historian Linda Deer Richardson calls the work of Riolanus “remarkably dry and pedan-
tic.” His account of Fernelius, she writes, “is a rather bland and bloodless precis, with all
the intelligence wrung out of it.” Richardson, “Generation,” 189.
44 introduction
physician Girolamo Cardano (1501–1576) of Milan. So scathing is its attack that

when Scaliger heard (incorrectly, it turned out) that Cardano had died shortly
after its publication, he assumed De Subtilitate had killed him and even wrote
a gracious elegy for his still-living enemy.141 By Cotta’s time, Scaliger’s book had
become a standard reference work. It was praised highly by a wide variety of
intellectuals, including the philosopher Leibneiz,142 though others complained
that in correcting the errors of Cardano, Scaliger introduced an equal number
of his own.143
Cotta cites Scaliger as a rationalist like himself. He is not one who denies the
supernatural in general, but one who knows that things appearing to be mag-
ical and inexplicable in the moment are most likely the result of some natural
cause—even if that cause is not immediately apparent. Citing Scaliger, Cotta
employs prestidigitation as an instance of that which is mysterious without
being supernatural. A skilled “juggler,” Cotta notes, has something in his hand
at one moment, and, in the next, it has apparently changed into something else.
A coin, say, has become a kerchief. Cotta’s point, following Scaliger, is that we all
know it is a trick, even if we do not know how the trick was done. We know that
nothing supernatural has occurred, even if the precise manner of the illusion
eludes us.144 With sufficient knowledge, investigation, and intellect, a natural
and rational explanation may very well emerge. “Reason,” as Scaliger says, in a
passage that Cotta quotes in the Short Discovery, “is the hand of the intellect.”145
Thus, even an oarsman with a horn growing out of his back, a sight Scaliger
himself witnessed, is not, by itself, evidence of witchcraft, but merely a testa-
ment to the remarkable variation of things in nature, or, in some cases, “the
errors of nature.”146 Elsewhere, Cotta relies on Scaliger to help establish the
notion that, generally speaking, God has devised the world to function by rules
of nature. “Whatsoever is ordinary,” Cotta argues, “must be natural, because it
keepeth the same course and order, which is the property of nature.” And to bol-
ster this claim, Cotta quotes Scaliger in the main text, something he does only
occassionally with learned authors. Cotta continues, “For this cause *Scaliger in
his book De Subtilitate sayeth, Natura est ordinaria Dei potestas, that is, nature
is the ordinary power of God, in the ordinary course and government of all
141 Hall, Life of Scaliger, 142.

142 Sakamoto, “Creation,” 195.
143 Hall, Life of Scaliger, 144–145.
145 See Book 3, Chapter 1, note 6 in this edition.
introduction 45
things.”147 This passage is a foundational principle for Cotta and one that he
applies to questions of witchcraft, including the supposedly miraculous means
of finding witches such as casting them into water. Following Scaliger’s defini-
tion of nature, Cotta seeks to show that one cannot reliably test for witchcraft
by expecting aspects of nature to respond in miraculous ways. Nature, by its
very nature, responds according to its “ordinary course.” Nature is nature. A nat-
ural miracle is simply a contradiction.
4.6.2 Fernelius
Modern historians have called Johannes *Fernelius the most renowned physi-
cian of the early modern period,148 and Cotta would likely have agreed with
that assessment. He praises Fernelius as highly as any early modern expert,
calling him “a learned physician, and beyond exception worthy [of] credit.”149
That Cotta praises Fernelius and relies heavily on his work is not surprising,
for, like Cotta, Fernelius sought to reform medicine by, on one hand, bolster-
ing the authority of classical authorities, while at the same time interpreting
those texts, as one modern account has it, “in the light of Christian understand-
ing.”150 Cotta’s use of Fernelius, however, is not merely hero-worship, nor even
the hearty concurrence of a kindred intellectual spirit. It is an important part
of Cotta’s rhetorical strategy.
Reminding the audience that Fernelius’s intellectual reputation is unassail-
able allows Cotta to employ the physician as a deep well of anecdote and
example. As we suggest below, the use of narrative example is a key strategy
in Cotta and where Cotta cannot provide stories from his own experience, he
relies on an expert, such as Fernelius, as an unimpeachable source for a com-
pelling tale. Such an authority is vital in Cotta’s discussion of witchcraft. As we
have seen, Cotta wishes to neither deny witches outright, nor to be too credu-
lous in accepting claims of real witches. Thus he cites Fernelius as an authority
so sound that no reasonable person would doubt the account, even when those
accounts are extraordinary. Consider the following as an example:
Fernelius in his De Abditis Rerum Causis doth make mention of a man

who, by the force of charms, would conjure into a looking glass certain

148 Bono, “Theoretical Medicine,” 343–344.
150 Bono, “Theoretical Medicine,” 351. But Nancy Siraisi adds that while Fernelius generally
supported classical Galenism, he ultimately helped undermine it by arguing that imbal-
ances of humors were not responsible for all diseases. Siraisi, “History of Science,” 497.
46 introduction
shapes or visions, which there would either by writing, or by lively pre-

sentations so perfectly express and satisfy whatsoever he did demand or
command unto them, that easily and readily it might be distinguished
and known by standers by. This Fernelius doth report that he saw himself.
What shall we say herein? Was this devilish practice a thing doubtful?151
The last three sentences are particularly revealing. Cotta seems to recognize
that a magical glass that could summon whatever images one chose is far-
fetched, and yet the existence of what we might call a television is attested to
by Fernelius himself. How can we doubt such a distinguished source?
Thus, in Trial of Witchcraft, Cotta cites Fernelius’s case of a boy, “by a violent
convulsion in an extraordinary manner long time tormented,” a case so extraor-
dinary that it had to be caused by the Devil. Cotta continues:
In the fore-named book and chapter, there is another report or relation

of a man suddenly surprised, with an extraordinary fashion, or shape of
madness or frenzy, wherein he uttered and revealed things hidden, and
of profound science and revelation, not only above the pitch and power
of natural capacity, and the forgery of feigned ecstasy, but really in true
and upright judgment, and unpartial discerning beyond all question and
exception supernatural. The sequel after made it good.152
Cotta’s use of the book as a source of knowledge of the supernatural is con-

sistent with the modern scholarly view of De Abditis as working hand-in-hand
with Fernelius’s other great work, Physiologia, which Cotta also cites.153 As one
modern scholar puts it:
These two treatises form an inseparable pair fundamental to his medical

system. While the Physiologia deals with the natural and visible fields, its
counterpart De Abditis takes up the invisible, therefore more abstract and
philosophical, realms.154
It is not too much to say that the two major works presented here follow the
same basic pattern. The first, the Short Discovery, is a guide to preserving one’s

153 “For more than a century it remained the treatise on the subject.” Sherrington, Endeavour.
1. Emphasis in original.
154 Hirai, Medical Humanism, 47.
introduction 47
bodily health; the second, the Trial of Witchcraft, is an extended lesson in avoid-
ing the deepest fiery pits of spiritual illness.
4.6.3 Hollerius
Like Cotta himself, *Hollerius took pride in his knowledge of classical sources
and maintaining precise distinctions.155 Cotta frequently cites Hollerius, par-
ticularly his texts on internal medicine, as an authority on technical matters
such as the appropriate times for letting blood.
More interestingly, as with other learned authorities, Cotta cites Hollerius
to assure his readers that the remarkable examples he, Cotta, uses to make his
points are not fanciful but rather true stories attested to by famous physicians.
Here, however, the reader’s willingness to accept Cotta’s word—and, indeed,
that of Hollerius—is pushed to an extreme. For instance, Cotta cites Hollerius,
asking us to believe that a “child in the womb … thrust forth the hand at the
navel of the mother, and so continuing the space of fifteen days, in the end the
child born living and the mother saved.”156 In another case, he notes that Hol-
lerius once witnessed a post mortem exam that seemed to show the deceased
with a belly full of water snakes.157 The implausible nature of these accounts—
or so they might seem today—shows less about Cotta’s gullibility, or his read-
ers’, and more about Cotta’s reverence for authority.
Such wild tales appear, not for entertainment purposes, but to make an
important point about Cotta’s unapologetically elitist and unrelentingly pro-
fessional approach to medicine in the Short Discovery. Cotta’s point throughout
the work is that while practical experience may seem, to the uneducated, suf-
ficient qualification to practice medicine, such experience does not prepare
a practitioner for the full range of extraordinary occurrences that a physician
encounters in a medical career. It is all well and good to have seen a workaday
fever or a run-of-the-mill broken bone, but only rigorous training will prepare
a physician for a woman who has the arm of a fetus protruding through her
abdomen. For the physician, “every day,” Cotta insists, will “bring forth some-
what new or strange.”158
155 Lonie, “Paris Hippocratics,” 159.

48 introduction
5 Cotta’s Style
Cotta promises at the outset of the Short Discovery that he has deliberately cal-
ibrated his prose for the ordinary person. “For the meanest reader’s sake,” he
explains, “I have suited the plainness and simplicity of a familiar style.”159 To
some extent he keeps this promise, writing in a plain style, keeping erudite
medical references to a minimum, and mostly placing those in his marginal
notes. When he does give in to the temptation to cite classical authors and
quote Latin in the main text, he typically provides a translation immediately
thereafter.
Cotta is less restrained when it comes to newly-coined Latinate English
words, generally archaic now, and often obscure even in the period. Indeed,
in at least one case, the compositors seemed to have been confused, print-
ing “eminent” instead of “emunct,” a word they presumably did not recognize,
forcing Cotta to print the correction in the errata. Elsewhere, Cotta speaks of
“sternutations” and “exiguity,” leaving readers then, perhaps, to scratch their
heads, and now, to seek a dictionary or a helpful footnote. Such “inkhorn”
terms, as their early modern detractors called them, were common among
learned writers who used them either to showcase their knowledge of Latin,
or, more charitably, in the sincere belief that the existing English wordstock
was inadequate and needed to be be augmented with classically-inspired neol-
ogisms. Other early modern observers objected to such terms as pedantic non-
sense.160
To the modern reader, such words can be perplexing, but they do much to
express the way in which Cotta’s learning has infiltrated all aspects of his dis-
course. To one so long steeped in classical learning, they must have seemed
relatively, if not entirely, natural. Moreover, the inkhorn terms provide a unique
literary flavor that vivifies passages that might otherwise be plain. There is a zest
to Cotta’s use of “argute” where “sharp” would have sufficed. “Incautelous” has a
pleasing percussion that “unwary” lacks, and “exspuition” almost demands that
the speaker spits when saying it aloud, thus explaining its meaning.
5.1 Exempla
Like many medical writers of the period, Cotta makes frequent use of short
narrative instances to give force and support to abstract precepts.161 As Cotta

160 Vos, “Inkhorn Controversy,” 376.
161 In this way, Cotta’s Short Discovery is related to the relatively new genre of “observa-
tions,” in which physicians related case histories. Gianna Pomata notes that the rise of
introduction 49
himself often explicitly states, these examples serve, not so much to illuminate
by their particular details, but to provide a useful type or schema; the particular
case does demonstrate the point, and, moreover, we are to understand that he
could cite many more similar examples but refrains only out of respect for the
reader’s time.162
Beyond their rhetorical function, and, indeed, despite that function, Cotta’s
examples provide an unusually intimate look into the private lives of ordi-
nary men and women of the period. We see them fighting to deal with ill-
ness, struggling with the changing ideas of knowledge and authority, not as
part of the wide sweep of the history of ideas and culture (the way we tend
to see them now), but quite literally as matters of life and death in the very
moment.163
Still further, Cotta’s examples often provide useful evidence for understand-
ing how the larger economics of trade and mercantilism impacted the lives
of his contemporaries. Although historian Marcy Norton has recently argued
that Europeans did not immediately appreciate tobacco, finding it hellish and
disgusting,164 Cotta’s testimony suggests that the English, at least, may have
embraced it more quickly, to their detriment. Of the plant he writes:
With what high fame was it at his first arrival here in England enter-
tained as an incomparable jewel of health, and a universal antidote and
supersedeas against the force and capias of all diseases, every man with
the smoke thereof in his nostrils, breathing the praises and excellen-
cies thereof in his mouth? But now hath not time and many a man’s
woeful experience given testimony to right reason and judgment, from
the first suspecting and until this proving time suspending the too great
name thereof? Is not now this high-blazed remedy manifestly discovered
through intemperance and custom, to be a monster of many diseases?
Since the riotous use of this strange Indian, let it be noted how many
strange and before unknown diseases have crept in unnaturally, besides
the former custom and nature of the nation, proving now natural and cus-
tomary to the follies of the nation.165
the genre, can, in part, be attributed to the growing importance of practice itself in medi-
cal thought and discourse. Pomata, “Sharing Cases,” 199.
162 For some early modern observers, “medicine and history resembled one another, in that
both stored up past experience for present purposes.” Siraisi, “Anatomizing the Past,” 1.
163 For more, see Pettigrew, “‘Profitable Unto the Vulgar’.”
164 Norton, Sacred Gifts, 8.
50 introduction
Cotta’s perspective on tobacco may not surprise students of the period

who may be familiar with James’s own Counterblast to Tobacco (1604) which
denounced the use of the drug, in part, some have suggested, because what
Cotta calls “this strange Indian” came to England largely via an enemy, Spain.166
Of course, Cotta is likely quite genuinely concerned for the health of his
patients and for Englishmen generally. Every reader today, after all, is famil-
iar with the “many diseases” that tobacco can induce. And indeed, Cotta is, no
doubt, correct, that part of the problem is not smoking per se, but the “intem-
perance” of its use, spurred on by “custom.” Most important of all though, is
that, for Cotta, tobacco is a cautionary tale for the dangers of jumping to con-
clusions as to what is healthy and what it not without all the facts. Today’s
“universal antidote” often turns out to be tomorrow’s “monster.”
5.2 Objections
Cotta frequently entertains objections with the aim of refuting them. In one
sense, this strategy runs contrary to Cotta’s frequent suggestion that his posi-
tions are obvious and beyond criticism, but, of course, if that were really the
case, there would be no occasion for his writing in the first place. Thus, on
one hand Cotta maintains that his positions on learned medicine are nearly
self-evident, but at the same time acknowledges that they are not universally
evident by giving voice to a hypothetical objector whose arguments can be
refuted.
Cotta raises dozens of such objections over the course of the two books
included here, sometimes raising several at once and then taking them in turn.
He then assumes he has the reader’s agreement and moves on, claiming to
be free of any possible contradiction. Indeed, we have already seen one such
instance—the objection that Cotta, as a physician commenting on theology,
is breaking his own injunction against dabbling in an area where one is not
expert. In another instance, having relentlessly hammered home the point that
patients should only trust the learned, Cotta sees a potential counterargument
and addresses it:
It is objected that wise and learned men do oft mistake. It is true: where
is the greatest wisdom the most incomparable, yet there is, and ever must
be sometimes, mistaking and infirmities. The reason is for that absolute
perfection is above the nature of mortality. He therefore that in his art of
faculty doth never err is more than a man. He that seldom, nor grossly,
166 Knapp, “Elizabethan Tobacco,” 27. Ziser, “Sovereign Remedies,” 724–725.

introduction 51
nor easily erreth, and for the most part and commonly frameth all his
judgments and actions unto right reason, he is only a right and complete
artist. He that grossly or easily or commonly erreth and mistaketh, justly
meriteth the name of an ignorant and idiot. This is the plain and uncon-
trolled difference between the learned and unlearned.167
Can the learned be mistaken too? Of course. No one is perfect. But the wise
man does not err often, nor easily, and generally maintains a general under-
standing even if the specifics are wrong. That the wise are ocassionally wrong,
Cotta points out, is no reason to trust in fools.
This same method had been employed by Securis in his earlier Detection.
Though Cotta does not mention Securis, it is plausible that he has been influ-
enced by him, for not only does he make the same basic case, he often does so
with the same strategy of entertaining and refuting objections, of giving voice
to other side only to silence it. After he has made the point that physicians must
be thoroughly grounded in classical learning, for example, Securis anticipates
how the less formally trained physicians of England might respond:
Many of them will answer and say unto me thus: “Sir, although we have
not this exquisite knowledge that you require in us, yet we have had expe-
rience of many things, we have English books enough to teach us divers
medicines for diverse purposes, yea and some of us have a gift of nature to
heal many diseases.” I answer that your reading is fair, but it is grounded
upon a very slender and feeble foundation. For, first, as touching your
experience, how can it be good unless it be joined to knowledge and sci-
ence?168
If Cotta read Securis, he must surely have agreed with precisely that sentiment,
for he expresses similar sentiments in the Short Discovery:
Indeed, particular experience, if it be accompanied with understanding

and right reason (which is the touchstone of truth and right in nature)
establisheth and confirmeth knowledge, but if experience be no more
but experience, it must needs prove in many cases a slow guide to lame
instruction.169

168 Securis, Detection, A7v.
52 introduction
Cotta’s use of objection is not just rhetorically effective; it also gives us

insight into the varieties of perspectives that comprised the legal and ethical
debate over medicine in the early modern period. We rarely have the chance
to hear the voice of the ordinary patient because such people have left few
textual traces. But we can hear their voices—probably distorted, certainly
simplified—in Cotta’s entertainment of them. At the very least, those voices
remind us that for all the apparent certainty of a writer like Cotta, the issues at
hand were still very much contested.
6 The Minor Works of John Cotta
6.1 Cotta Contra Antonium

One of the many cons and quackeries Cotta denounces in the present volume
is the use of aurum potabile, a concoction of drinkable gold that had long been
upheld as a panacea. Claims for the medicinal value of gold in various forms
date back at least to the time of Pliny who recommended it to cure a range of
ailments, from fistula to warts. Medieval writers were especially enthusiastic:
even the great *Avicenna mentioned medicinal gold in passing.170 Writing in
the fourteenth century, the English poet Geoffrey Chaucer seemed to accept it
as a standard remedy, using it to satirize the greedy Physician in the Canterbury
Tales. In that poem, Chaucer, with a heavy dose of irony, suggests the Physi-
cian’s love of gold is purely a professional appreciation, for “gold is physic is
cordial.”171 In the sixteenth century, medicinal gold had become associated with
aurum potabile in particular, and pharmacopoeias sometimes listed a wide
variety of ways to prepare it.172 The influence of *Paracelsus did much to sus-
tain interest in the value of imbibing the precious metal.173
By Cotta’s time, however, the remedy had been widely discredited. *Brasavo-
lus, writing in the mid-sixteenth century, had expressed doubt that gold could
have any benefit on health because the body could not absorb it. By the early
seventeeth century, the remedy had been banned by the London College of
Physicians.174 Cotta adheres to this view, denouncing aurum potabile in the
170 Console, “Pharmaceutical Use of Gold,” 171–173. Console’s is the most thorough account
of the subject that the present editors have been able to unearth. See also Charlier et al.,
“Fatal Alchemy,” 1402.
171 Chaucer, lines 45–46.
172 Console, “Pharmaceutical Use of Gold,” 181.
173 Forshaw, “Paradoxes,” 73.
174 Console, “Pharmaceutical Use of Gold,” 182.
introduction 53
Short Discovery, by relating the case of a patient whose condition, when treated
by qualified physicians, had begun to show some improvement. In Cotta’s tale,
the foolish man was impatient with the sound but slow healing provided by his
physicians, and, instead,
he cherisheth and cheereth up himself with daily magnifying and wor-

shipping aurum potabile as the god and sole author of his supposed recov-
ery. In this mean season and intermission of the former courses, the for-
ward signs of fair concoction, so hopefully before appearing diverse days
together, now retire and vanish, and painful swellings fall into his legs and
nether parts. And then, compelled, he sendeth for other learned physi-
cians.175
Such tales, typical for Cotta, are doubly cautionary. On the practical and imme-
diate level, patients are warned away from unlikely cures, for those who dabble
in outdated and ineffective remedies, Cotta maintains, ultimately regret it. The
lucky ones regret it in time and are saved by better doctors, but not every-
one will be so fortunate. More broadly, Cotta uses the case of drinkable gold
to caution readers against the very notion of implausible panaceas, for such
medicines simply cannot exist. “God, and nature, and reason,” he insists, “have
ever denied unto any one particular or special medicine” the power to heal all
ailments.176
Nevertheless, as our own society continues to demonstrate, even a remedy
that has been thoroughly debunked may still have its champions, and one of
those, a notorious English practitioner, Francis Anthony, defended his use of
aurum potabile in a 1616 Apology for the treatment. Anthony was, no doubt,
emboldened by his influential patrons and patients, who had saved him from
prison during previous run-ins with the medical authorities.177
In response to Anthony’s defense, and possibly because one of Anthony’s
agents was selling aurum potabile in Northamptonshire, Cotta wrote a final
book, not included in the present edition, Cotta Contra Antonium, a long
denunciation of aurum potabile and of Anthony himself.178 This last volume
has a tone more personal and biting than his other works, for Cotta takes excep-
tion to Anthony’s insulting references to a “Dr C” whom Cotta, probably cor-
rectly, identifies with himself.

177 Dawbarn, “Patronage and Power,” 15
178 Elmer, ODNB.
54 introduction
The passage that appears to have particularly provoked Cotta seems to be

a letter included in the volume from one William Samuell who was, Samuell
relates, a patient of Dr C and that while Dr C despaired of a cure, Samuell’s friend
provided him with some of Anthony’s aurum potabile.179 This remedy, Samuell
affirms, “wonderfully did refresh my spirits” and “every day my strength daily
increased.” Dr C, in this account, became angry, and, later, Samuell indicates,
“wrote an English book, uncharitably defaming me, and caviling against that
famous medicine, which by the providence of God restored unto me both life
and health.”180
Samuell seems to be the same gold-enthusiast that Cotta mentions as a
patient in the Short Discovery. In Cotta’s account, the patient eventually
relapses and despairs of aurum potabile, though, the letter that Anthony
reprints says nothing of the sort. It cannot be that the relapse happened after
Samuell wrote the letter, because he seems to refer to the Short Discovery, and
his own place in it, in the letter itself. Samuell draws Cotta as angry, personally
invested, and narrow-minded, while Cotta’s account keeps himself at a profes-
sional distance, sagely observing the comings and goings of the illness.
Yet, despite these embarrassing attacks on his character and professional
skill, Cotta insists, in his preface to the reader, he will not so much attack
Anthony himself (whom he mockingly imagines as a lesser Mark Antony), as
attack the fraudster by attacking his fraud. Still, he promises, that attack will be
unrelenting:
Antony, since in the golden flag of the vain glorious praise of his aurum
potabile, he doth bear in triumph Dr C his injured name before the victory,
he therefore will first arm himself to strike at the plume of his pride, his
counterfeit colors, his armor of best proof, by the general demolition of
his whole Apology.181
In working that demolition, Cotta employs the hammer he had forged years
earlier, the argument that aurum potabile cannot be a cure-all because, as a
principle of nature itself, cure-alls simply do not exist.
To be fair, Anthony had not claimed that aurum potabile could cure every
single disease. Some illnesses, he admits, are hereditary and thus likely incur-
able by any medicine. Similarly, some conditions are not so much illnesses as
179 At least one researcher has identified this friend as John Markes, a clergyman in the village
of Grayton, near Northampton. Dandridge, “Anti-Quack Literature,” 86.
180 Anthony, Apology, E3v–E4r.
181 Cotta, Contra Antonium, **1v.
introduction 55
injuries that are rightly treated through surgery, not physic. But for most other
illnesses, Anthony does hold up aurum potabile as a “general medicine.” After
all, he argues, even the most orthodox physicians agree that some medicines
have multiple uses. And if a medicine is good for two things, why not three?
And if it may heal three diseases, why may not a single remedy cure four dis-
eases—or a hundred? Why may it not be “comprehensive” and “universal”?182
Cotta, unsurprisingly, has an answer. The multiple uses of any given cure,
after all, do not imply that any medicine could have an unlimited or even a vast
range of curative properties. As Cotta writes in his dedication to the medical
faculty at Oxford, even if a particular medicine or type of medicine may be “oft
approved,” it
doth not notwithstanding make good or assured any universal or gen-

eral proposition or promise of his effect to be at all times the same. Dr
Anthony his ignorance hereof in his apology is palpable, who, because he
may haply have imagined his golden medicine effectual or successful in
some kinds of maladies, he doth thence infer a universal rash pronunciate
thereof.183
Moreover, if such a medicine could exist, where was the proof that it worked?
There is none, Cotta says: aurum potabile is a fraud for which, as a modern doc-
tor might say, there is simply no good evidence. “No man,” Cotta insists, “no age,
no art, no science hath at any time known it.” In any event, as we have already
noted, no evidence could be presented, for God, in his wisdom, has made spe-
cific medicines for specific uses, not one for all.184
6.2 The Poisoning of Sir Euseby Andrew

Another minor text that we have not included here, Cotta’s evidence given in
the matter of the death of Sir Euseby Andrew, also survives.185
In this short analysis, Cotta applies the same careful mind that we see in his
other works, but in a much narrower context. Here, he considers whether a man
has been poisoned. In the case of Euseby Andrew, the matter is complicated
182 Anthony, Apology, A2r–A2v

183 Ibid., *2r–*2v.
184 Ibid., A3r.
185 Historian Miranda Wilson suggests that in this tract Cotta makes the point that ordinary
observers should not jump to conclusions about poisoning. Wilson, Dark Works, 66–67.
This interpretation seems like overstatement. The testimony’s actual words are that it is
“the office of every honest physician to speak the truth in the behalf of his distressed
patient.” Cotta, “Poisoning,” 14. His point is that physicians must not shy away from speak-
56 introduction
by the fact that the man had been sick for some time before his death, so Cotta
must begin by establishing that the chronic illness was not the cause of death.
This he does by showing a stark contrast between Andrew’s chronic condition
and the sudden, acute distress that led to his passing. The long-standing illness
had moved so slowly and was so “dull” in its effects that it did not keep the
man from day-to-day activities such as riding, entertaining friends, and smok-
ing tobacco. By contrast, the illness that killed him moved quickly and sapped
him of all energy, such that Andrew could not even roll over in his bed, let alone
stand and go out.186
Having demonstrated that something other than a long-standing sickness
killed Andrew, it remains for Cotta to show that the patient’s sudden turn for
the worse was due to poison. Here, Cotta is systematic, as always, setting out a
series of reasons, all meant to add up to an inescapable conclusion. He finds,
for instance, no evidence of natural illness in the vomit that Andrew produced
before dying, suggesting that vomiting was caused by poison—though it did
contain a suspicious “jelly” that Cotta seems to believe contained the toxin.
Andrew’s mouth and throat were irritated in an unnatural way. The victim’s
pulse—which would have faltered had he contracted a new illness—remained
steady throughout his rapid decline. The internal organs showed no particular
sign of acute disease—and so on.
As he does in both Short Discovery and Trial of Witchcraft, Cotta furthers his
case by entertaining and refuting objections, using his standard prosaic intro-
duction “It may be objected that—.” Here, one objection is that Andrew had
vomited before as a result of his chronic condition, an objection that Cotta
answers with an extended discussion on the nature of symptoms and diag-
nosis. Cotta argues that one cannot simply look at the symptoms, but rather
the nature of the symptoms. He argues, indeed, that no particular symptom is
telling in itself. Two patients with fevers may feel hot and thirsty, but the heat
and thirst may be symptoms of quite different kinds of fevers. Not all vomiting
is the same, in other words, and the vomiting witnessed in Andrew’s last days
differed from that seen earlier.187
ing the truth in such matters, but there is nothing here says that only the physician can
speak to the matter. That said, the reader of Cotta’s other works would not be surprised
if that were Cotta’s view, because he makes similar points about disease and witchcraft.
That is, for Cotta, medical practice must not be left to the untrained, for they lack the
knowledge to really understand what they see; people should never identify a neighbor as
a witch or a witch’s victim when they are not in a position to distinguish genuine super-
natural occurences from ordinary, if bizarre, events.
186 Cotta, “Poisoning,” 1–2.
187 Ibid., 7–8.
introduction 57
Similar rigor is evident in the testimony when Cotta provides, in painstaking

detail, the signs by which poison is normally evident, and the corresponding
signs observable in the body of the alleged victim. In many instances, Cotta,
choosing clarity over readability, repeats evidence he has already used in show-
ing that Andrew did not die of his former disease. In so doing, Cotta entertains
a second objection, returning to the matter of Andrew’s poor health. Is all this
minutiae about poisoning even necessary? After all, if a sick man dies, shouldn’t
we suspect a known illness before a hypothetical poison? Cotta returns, as is his
wont, by establishing a general principle, that health may be observed in two
different ways: “absolutely,” whereby a man is wholly free from all disease, or
“respectively” inasmuch as a man may be free of some particular malady or
other. That Andrew was not absolutely healthy, Cotta readily concedes, but the
illness from which he suffered, he insists, was not what killed him. In respect
to being poisoned, Cotta observes, Andrew was perfectly healthy.188
7 A Modern Edition
To some readers today, John Cotta may seem like a minor figure, a curious
provincial doctor shaking his fist at the vanities and follies of the world—as he
imagined them. The present editors hope that this edition will help those mod-
ern readers see that he is more than that. And, to be sure, Cotta has been widely
cited by historians, but often in passing, and not always accurately, as we have
seen.189 He is frequently mentioned, especially among historians of witchcraft,
but usually as a brief addendum, corroborating another author’s testimony, or
providing still another example of a seventeenth-century author who had com-
mented upon an issue. Our hope is that modern scholars will find Cotta an even
richer source of evidence and insight if his writings are more accessible and
more fully contextualized. He deserves, in short, to be rescued from the foot-
notes.
For one thing, Cotta was an authority of considerable note among seven-
teenth century writers, especially on the topic of witchcraft. At least one mod-
ern historian calls him “among the most influential” of those who sought to
contain overzealous persecutors and remarks that his writings became stan-
dard references in both England and New England.190 Indeed, seventeenth cen-
188 Ibid., 13.

189 Exceptions include Stephen Pender, who discusses Cotta in a substantial portion of a long
article on medicine and rhetoric. See Pender, “Between Medicine and Rhetoric.”
190 Weisman, 17th-Century Massachusetts, 64.
58 introduction
tury works cite Cotta with approval. An anonymous 1619 tract called The Won-
derful Discovery of the Witchcrafts of Margaret and Phillip Flower, for instance,
cites the Short Discovery as one of the recent studies worth special atten-
tion.191 Richard Bernard’s 1629 Guide to Grand Jurymen, a book advising those
who are trying witchcraft cases, includes a chapter on strange diseases. There,
Bernard cautions that “it is the general madness of people to ascribe unto
witchcraft whatsoever falleth out unknown or strange,” and for this reason
provides “instances of strange and wonderful diseases set down by a learned
physician,” indicating in his marginal note that Cotta’s Short Discovery and Trial
of Witchcraft are his sources. Later, he cites Cotta in rejecting the swimming
test for witchcraft as “not natural, nor according to reason in nature.”192 Cotta
also found his way into New World witchcraft discourse, and was quoted by
Increase Mather in 1693 on the question of whether a witch could heal with a
touch.193 Even Francis Anthony, as we have seen, felt that Cotta’s condemna-
tion of aurum potabile was enough to merit a long defense of the treatment.
Most significantly, perhaps, in his Anatomy of Melancholy, Robert Burton
shows that he has read the Short Discovery, recalling two stories that, Burton
says, demonstrate the power of the imagination over physical health:
Dr Cotta in his discovery of ignorant practitioners of physic, cap. 8, hath

two strange stories to this purpose, what fancy is able to do: the one of a
parson’s wife in Northamptonshire, An. 1607, that coming to a physician,
and told by him that she was troubled with the sciatica, as he conjectured
(a disease she was free from), the same night after her return, upon his
words, fell into a grievous fit of a sciatica; and such another example he
hath of another good wife, that was so troubled with the cramp, after the
same manner she came by it, because her physician did but name it.194
In fact, it is not quite clear that Burton has fully grasped Cotta’s stories either in
their details or their import. For Cotta seems to suggest, not that the illnesses
came upon the women because the physician had mentioned them, but rather
that the physician saw the illnesses coming on before the patients themselves
191 Wonderful Discovery, B4r. It is not clear how closely the author has perused the Short Dis-
covery, because the writer cites it alongside James’s Demonology and Roberts’s Treatise,
which take quite a different view of the matter.
192 Bernard, Grand Jurymen, B4r, K8v. See note a on page 307 of this edition for another
instance, Richard Bovet’s use of Cotta in the context of witchcraft.
193 Mather, Trials of the New England Witches, D1.
194 Burton, Melancholy, 256.
introduction 59
were aware of them. He refers the physican having “conjectured” and “guessed”
at the ailments. Indeed, the latter part of the story would have suited Burton
better, for there, as Cotta explains, the matter was resolved through the power
of fancy, by creating an imaginary spell that supposedly released the women
from their putative curse—even though no curse had been placed on them. In
other words, the power of imagination, as Cotta tells it, helps to alleviate the
women’s suffering rather than cause it.
Moreover, the moral lesson that Cotta draws is more immediate and more
compelling than Burton’s. Where Burton emphasizes the power of “fancy,”
which Cotta does mention, Cotta also worries about the power of suspicion.
That is, when the women conclude that their physician has cursed them, they
put the doctor’s reputation, career, and even his life at risk should it become
known that he has been accused of witchcraft. And indeed, Cotta notes grimly,
that had the accusation been leveled at a single woman, with no money, no
standing in the community and no husband to help resolve the matter, the
outcome might have been much worse. As Cotta gravely puts it, “This strong
imagination, with this strange event, might have entangled many a poor spin-
ster in a thicker string than her cunning could untwist to save the cracking of
her neck.”195
For the modern reader, Cotta likewise provides an invaluable window into
the early modern English world. He tells us what it was like to be ill, and to be
profoundly uncertain as to the best way to pursue healing. He tells us what it is
like to be terrified of dark forces that lurk just beyond the reach of our percep-
tion. That he is not a renowned man by today’s estimation may, in the end, make
him all the more interesting. For Cotta was on the front lines of early modern
war against death itself, fighting with weapons that even he must have sensed
were inadequate to counterbalance the strength of the enemies he faced. Cotta
gives us the view on the ground as renaissance thinkers sought to bring a mea-
sure of reason and careful thinking into areas of life still dominated by wild and
dangerous superstition.
Together, Cotta’s books provide an unusually articulate and detailed account
of two of the most important debates of the period: Whom shall we trust to
treat illness? and How shall we determine whether a person has entered into
an unholy pact with the Devil? Cotta’s methodical exploration into these com-
plex and profound topics are extraordinarily valuable as windows on the early
seventeenth-century mind and experience. Indeed, in some ways, Cotta’s quite
ordinary life, combined with his extensive learning and dedication to both

60 introduction
observation and polemic, make his contributions all the more fascinating. He
was neither above nor beyond the moral or political debates of the time, for
he lived those debates in his practice, conversations, and decisions. For Cotta,
determining whether a young woman was ill or bewitched, and explaining why
the wizard advising the family was not to be trusted—these were not simply
topics for esoteric lectures, nor for theoretical sermons, but rather life-and-
death judgments made in the kitchens and bedrooms of his flesh-and-blood
patients.
7.1 The Short Discovery

Our edition of the Short Discovery is based on the first edition, printed in quarto
for William Jones and Richard Boyle in 1612.
The Short Discovery is generally set in a clear roman typeface with elaborate
initial letters at the beginning of each section and chapter. Italics are employed
frequently but sparingly. Almost the entire dedication to the reader is in ital-
ics, as are chapter names and occasional other short passages of text, such as
the indication of the end of each book. The text does not include paragraph
breaks. Running heads are included, giving the chapter name or a version of it;
the present edition uses or closely adapts those heads.
Cotta’s frequent notes are given in the outside margins, though they some-
times spill down into the bottom margin when the notes are extensive. Latin is
typically set in roman type in the notes, with occasional Greek, and very occa-
sional italics when Cotta provides his own marginal comments in English. This
last type of note sometimes includes commentary that Cotta seems to have
decided to include at the last minute, as, for instance, when he wishes to add
information unavailable at the time the original manuscript was penned.196
Cotta’s marginal notes are usually keyed to the main text with a lowercase
superscript roman letter, and in the margin with the corresponding lowercase
(not superscript) letter also in roman type. This system poses some difficulty
for the careful reader or editor. For one, the letters that indicate the note in
the margin tend to blend in with the letters of the note itself, often making it
difficult to determine where one note ends and the next begins. Further, the
compositors have sometimes erred and placed the letters out of order or have
repeated the same letter two or three times. Occasionally an asterisk is sub-
stituted for the letter. The notes run through the entire alphabet and then, if
needed, begin again at “a.” The notes also begin anew at “a” at the beginning of
each chapter.
196 See Book 1, Chapter 8, for several examples.

introduction 61
The word “historia” sometimes appears in the margins indicating that Cotta
is relating a story in the passage that follows. Since there are no paragraph
breaks within chapters, these notations would have been especially helpful to
readers, such as Burton, trying to find a particular story that they had read ear-
lier.
7.2 The Trial of Witchcraft

Our edition of The Trial of Witchcraft is based on the first edition, printed in
quarto by George Purslowe for Samuel Rand in 1616.
In most respects the text is set up in the same manner as the Short Discovery.
The use of roman and italic fonts follows the same conventions, though Trial of
Witchcraft introduces paragraph breaks. There are, except for the dedication,
no individual running heads for the chapters; the title of the book serves as a
header for the rest of the volume.
The main difference in printing comes in the notes. The first few marginal
notes in Trial of Witchcraft are given with letters as they are in the Short Discov-
ery, except that the letters are given as superscript in both the main text and in
the margins. After the first few pages, however, the compositors, perhaps not-
ing that there were rarely more than one or two notes on a given page, switch to
asterisks in most cases. Since the notes are placed in the margin near the cor-
responding passage, there is rarely difficulty identifying the relevant note. In a
few cases, the asterisk in the margin is omitted altogether. Conversely, there is
one instance in which several notes appear very close together, and so the com-
positors, presumably for the sake of clarity, have switched back to the series of
letters.
In addition to notes, the margins also contain occasional indications of the
topic of the passage that follows, such as “Charmers” or “Astrologers.” These
notes are limited to Chapters 6, 7, and 8, perhaps indicating that Cotta felt only
in these cases were the careful distinctions noteworthy.
8 Preparing the Edition
8.1 Copy Texts

For both Short Discovery and Trial we have relied primarily on the copies in the
Houghton Library at Harvard University. We have also consulted the printed
facsimile editions produced by Theatrum Orbis (EE 39 and 445), and the elec-
tronic facsimiles available through Early English Books Online (Short Discovery
is STC 5833 and is based on the copy in the British Library; Trial of Witchcraft is
STC 5836 and based on the copy in the Huntington Library).
62 introduction
Copies of the Short Discovery are also available at the Bodleian Library at
Oxford, the Hunter Collection at Cambridge University, the Wellcome Library,
and the Folger Shakespeare Library.
Copies of The Trial of Witchcraft are also available at the Bodleian Library,
Cambridge, the Wellcome Library, the Osler Library at McGill University, the
Rubenstein Library at Duke University, the Folger, and the Beinecke Library at
Yale University.
All copies of Short Discovery that we have inspected have an “Errata” section
at the end of the book, and we have included those corrections as appropri-
ate. Cotta seems to have added an errata section partway through the printing
of Trial of Witchcraft, for not all copies include it. We have amended the text
accordingly there as well. It is not always clear what change the author is call-
ing for in these sections, however. In one instance from Short Discovery, Cotta
cites a line where the word “their” should be replaced with “these” but in the
line in question, “their” appears twice, so it is not clear which one Cotta wants
replaced—or indeed if he wants both replaced. We have used our best judg-
ments in including the amendments in our main text.
More details on the texts and variants may be found in Appendix 1.
8.2 Spelling and Related Matters

Spelling and punctuation have been modernized throughout this edition.
While this necessarily distances the scholar from the intuitive experience of the
original, the editors believe that, in this case, it is the right choice for several rea-
sons. First, even original-spelling editions typically make some modernizations
such as the replacement of the long ∫ with the modern S and the regularization
of the letters V and U. But even those two changes can render some passages sig-
nificantly more modern than the original. Consider the following, for instance,
given in the original from the Short Discovery, and then in our version:
and thus vnawares they ∫ometime ea∫e them∫elues of their owne

impo∫istion, which was fir∫t the vaine ∫upposition of a friend.
And thus, unawares they sometime ease themselves of their own imposi-
tion which was first the vain supposition of a friend.
Of the twenty words here, seven would be altered even with minimal standard-
ization. Eleven more would remain unchanged either way. Only two would be
changed due to our fuller modernization.
Second, should the modern scholar feel the need to view the originals, both
of these works can be readily accessed through print and electronic facsimi-
introduction 63
les. Third, as with literary texts from the period, it is rare that any additional
meaning is to be gleaned from an obscure or alternate spelling; we take “owne,”
for instance, to be no more revealing than “own,” generally speaking. Further to
this point, there is no way of determining the extent to which those spellings are
Cotta’s or those of his compositors, so it is always possible that maintaining an
original spelling is only maintaining a variant the author disapproved of in the
first place. Fourth, and most importantly, Cotta’s primary expressed aim in his
works is to enlighten the everyday reader, to bring his perspective and learning
to the ordinary man and woman. His original ordinary readers are long gone,
but the ordinary men and women of today may still be interested in his account
of his place and time. Retaining archaic orthography places distance between
Cotta and the ordinary reader, even the reader used to early modern English,
and such distance, we believe, runs contrary to Cotta’s purpose.
All that said, we do recognize the need to maintain some of the particular
savor of early modern English even in a modernized text. Thus, for example, we
have generally not modernized archaic forms of words: we retain “chirurgy,” for
example, and do not substitute “surgery.” We generally do likewise with terms
such as “unproper,” which do not correspond to modern usage but should not
offer the modern reader much difficulty. Similarly, we retain archaic verb forms
such as “establisheth” which modern readers still recognize. We have also added
notes where the original text is not clear as to what word is intended or where
multiple readings are plausible, and we have provided explanations and possi-
ble alternatives as needed.
We have made changes in the punctuation where it will help the modern
reader, but we have retained some idiosyncrasies (such as the original texts’
penchant for parentheses) to help retain some of the flavor of the seventeenth-
century versions. Cotta’s compositors make frequent use of the ampersand
which has been changed to “and” in all cases. Cotta’s paragraphing, where it
exists at all, can be long, cumbersome, and confusing by modern standards,
so we have silently introduced paragraph breaks more consistent with modern
practice and readability. To reduce distraction, we have not indicated original
pagination; Cotta’s chapters are generally short, and scholars should have little
difficulty finding corresponding passages in the original.
Cotta frequently introduces anecdotes simply by giving the Latin word Anno
followed by a year number. In such cases, we read “In the year,” a phrase that
Cotta also uses for the same purpose.
Cotta is inconsistent when it comes to capitalization of the word “devil.” For
consistency, we have always used a lowercase letter (d) when the meaning is a
hellish spirit generally, and an uppercase letter (D) when “the Devil” or a similar
phrase is employed as a synonym for Satan.
64 introduction
8.3 Footnotes and Endnotes

In this edition, Cotta’s own notes are included as footnotes, numbered with ara-
bic numerals, with his own text, in all languages, in italics. When Cotta’s notes
are Greek or Latin passages, as they often are, our translation of his version is
included immediately after in [italics and square brackets.] In some cases, Cotta
writes something in Greek and then something similar or identical in Latin.
For consistency and clarity, we simply translate both, even if the translation is
identical. When editorial comment on Cotta’s notes is required, we include that
material subsequently in the footnote, in roman type.
In transcribing Greek, our practice has been to assume Cotta’s text is cor-
rect if the printing is unclear: in most instances, however, the mistakes of
Cotta’s texts have been retained and, following it, the text from a modern criti-
cal edition has also been given. Inconsistencies in Cotta’s Latin capitalizations
have been retained, but have been regularized in the English text. Readers
concerned about such matters in particular passages should consult an orig-
inal.
Additional notes by the editors, except in this introduction, have been
included as footnotes keyed to lowercase letters. Glosses keyed to line num-
bers provide brief definitions of technical or obscure words. When Cotta uses
the same rare term multiple times in one chapter, we typically have defined it
only the first time it appears in that chapter.
In all cases we have attempted to place, without introducing confusion, note
numbers or letters where they are least obtrusive, often moving Cotta’s own
notations to the end of a phrase or sentence, to accord, as much as possible,
with modern practice.
8.4 Biblical Texts

Cotta clearly depended on the Geneva Bible for his references to scripture.
Often his references quote it verbatim. In our edition, all biblical quotations
are drawn from the highly readable 1583 edition.
In general, we have made every reasonable attempt to provide relevant bib-
lical passages in the notes. In many cases, Cotta has specified the particular
chapter and verse with varying degrees of accuracy. Frequently, in the original,
Cotta has simply inserted the reference into the main body of the text. In these
cases, we have put the reference in the notes and provided the relevant passage
or passages there. In many cases Cotta does not specify precisely which verses
he is citing, and we have, of course, included the relevant passages when they
can be identified from context.
introduction 65
8.5 Classical Texts

We have researched Cotta’s classical references carefully in an effort to provide
the reader with an accurate translation of Cotta’s words and relevant informa-
tion about them. Given the absence of quotation marks and Cotta’s imprecision
with sources, there is a good deal of ambiguity and uncertainty, and we have
endeavored to guide the modern reader as judiciously as possible.
For Greek sources, we have generally relied on the Thesaurus Linguae Grae-
cae database. For references to Galen, however, we have provided references to
the classic edition of Galen’s corpus edited by Karl Gottlob Kühn: for instance,
“17b:123K” refers to page 123 of Kühn’s volume 17b. If a volume number is not
given, “785” refers to page 785 of the Galenic work in question. Sometimes line
numbers are also given.
For classical Latin authors, we have used a variety of standard modern edi-
tions rather than any one single clearinghouse source. For select Latin works
after AD 400 we have provided citations in the bibliography.
8.6 Proper Names

Many learned figures in the early modern period had Latinate, professional
appellations in addition to their vernacular names. Cotta tends to use the for-
mer, referring to *“Rondeletius,” for example, and not “Guillaume Rondelet.”
While many scholars today prefer the vernacular forms, the present editors
believe it may be confusing to refer to certain men by one name while Cotta
refers to them by another. Further, in some cases, there are multiple versions
of the everyday name, and the best vernacular form is not obvious. Thus, for
consistency, except when another version of the name appears in a title, we
refer to historical figures using the appellations that Cotta employs. We refer to
*Fernelius rather than Jean Fernel. The vernacular names, however, appear as
cross references in the biographical glossary.
In the few cases where we refer to a writer that Cotta does not mention, who,
nevertheless, went by a Latinate name, we give the Latinate version first, imme-
diately followed by the vernacular form.
Dates of birth and death are given in the traditional BC and AD. “AD” is
omitted for persons whose lives extend into the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-
turies.
8.7 Biographical Glossary

There are some authorities and figures that Cotta cites repeatedly. To avoid
needless repetition in the notes and to keep cumbersome cross-references to a
minimum, we have provided short biographical and historical accounts of key
figures in the biographical glossary included as an appendix. Names of figures
66 introduction
for whom an entry appears in this appendix, such as *Galen, are preceded by
an asterisk. To avoid needless annoyance, the asterisks are sometimes omitted
in cases where the name appears several times in a note, passage, or section.
Biblical and mythological figures are not included in this glossary. Though we
acknowledge that the lines dividing religion, history, and myth are not always
distinct, we have observed them as judiciously as we have been able.
A Short Discovery of the Unobserved
Dangers of Several Sorts of Ignorant and
Unconsiderate Practicers of Physic in England
Profitable not only for the deceived multitude and easy for
their mean capacities, but raising reformed and more advised
thoughts in the best understandings.
With direction for the safest

election of a physician in necessity.
1612
∵
To the right honorable, right worshipful, and
worthy gentlemen, my desired friends and
deserving patients of Northamptonshire, honor,
health and happiness of life
Right noble, and renowned gentlemen, it is now the tenth year since the sin-
gular favors, love, merit, and tried worth of my thrice honored friend1 hath first
here detained me in the eye of your use. In this short space of quick time, as
my public office hath been truly devoted unto you all the common right, so
many your noble peculiar desserts have worthily challenged their special claim. 5
In pledge, therefore, of my love and duty unto you all, and in memory of my
travels amongst you (when former vows shall haply hence recall me) what my
time here passed hath brought forth, most rare or worthy unto choice obser-
vation, I freely publish, and reciprocally here present unto the country’s good,
and together with general caution and rule for safe and wholesome medication, 10
repay and dedicate.
The matter and subject itself, unto common reading, is of a virgin, fresh,
and as yet undivulged view, and no less of necessary and serious use. The style
can neither be so far in love with itself as to forget the matter, nor altogether
savoreth of his oft interrupted and unsettled leisure, and brevity doth not suf- 15
fer the reading to be any long burden. The pains and loss of secured safety in
silence are mine own,2 and the opportunity every man’s that lusteth to cen-
sure, or to satisfy any other more honest end, I have thus freely exposed myself
in a proposed hope that the hence-derived good of many may make good my
1 Sir William Tate.

William Tate (1559–1617), though overshadowed by his influential father in early life, even-
tually became a noted member of parliament, and was knighted in 1606. He was exceedingly
devout and even looked forward to death, feeling that his place in Heaven was assured by his
deep faith. His wealth, Northampton property, and his political power, made him highly influ-
ential. This influence surely helped Cotta in establishing his practice in that part of England.
In 1607, Cotta may have repayed his patron by helping him circulate a series of libels against
prominent Northamptonshire citizens. Cambers, Godly Reading, 180. In 1625, Cotta married
Tate’s niece, Anne Tresham.
2 Namque tacere Tutum semper erit. Scalig. Constare gratis quin silentium possit. Martial. [For to
keep silent will always be safe. Scaliger. (Why should I labor to be known) when silence can cost
nothing? Martial.]
*Scaliger’s Teretismata, 1561.*Mart. 10.3.

70 dedication
good desire unto all. Since then this small sacrifice of myself to all your happy
healths (a mite answerable to my might) doth therewith include a needful
use unto a common good, that after succeeding participation may enlarge the
benefit unto all, or at least my poor pains awake more ample merit in some
other’s worth, vouchsafe my free and honest labor in your friendly acceptance, 5
shrouded by the true splendor of your generous and noble worths, may dazzle
the narrow sight of base obtrectation.
Thus, shall your ever-deserving loves and now-desired patronages make both
so much more deserved love your desirous servant, and religiously ever oblige
myself in all true rights unto your deigned favors, perpetual solicitor of humble, 10
officious, and thankful memory.
John Cotta.
7 Obtrectation: Disparagement or slander.

To the Reader
The Sun doth rise and fall, and returneth every day, but when the short day of
man’s life once goeth down, it never dawneth.1 Life is dear and too dear (being
lost) for all inestimable values to redeem. And health is the sweetness of life,
and the very life of living,2 without which, men, while they live, are already
dead. Thou, therefore, that lovest thy life, and for thy life thy health, take coun- 5
sel of a physician without a fee.
So many and so infinitely do the numbers of barbarous and unlearned coun-
selors of health at this time overspread all corners of this kingdom that their
confused swarms do not only everywhere cover and eclipse the sunshine of all
true learning and understanding, but generally darken and extinguish the very 10
light of common sense and reason.
It is every man’s office to do good for goodness’s sake, and both my general
duty unto a common good and my special bond unto my friends do earnestly
solicit me hereto since no man (that as yet I hear) hath hitherto undertaken this
necessary plain task. For their sakes therefore, for whose harms by unskillful 15
hands I have oft heretofore sorrowed, and for their loves, whose life and health
I wish hereafter preserved, and for their good who will take pains to know it, I
here commend (leaving the common mischief to the common care) unto every
particular for himself this needful detection of harmful3 succors and necessary
counsel for safe supply (necessity being never more distractedly miserable in 20
hard choice of good) in so common and confused multitudes of ill.
For the meanest reader’s sake (whom in this whole work I labor equally to
observe), I have suited the plainness and simplicity of a familiar style. And for
facility of common reading have also smoothed and cleared the stream and
current of this little volume from the stops and interruptions of unusual sounds 25
and language (as far as the subject will permit) refreshing only the learned in
the margin. Neither have I esteemed it any indecorum for the meanest under-
1 Soles occidere et redire possunt: Nobis cum semel occidit brevis lux, Nox est perpetua una
dormienda. Catull. [Suns can set and rise again: once our brief light has fallen, we have one long
night for sleeping. Catullus.]
Catul. 5.4–6.
2 Non est vivere sed valere vita. Martial.[Life is not living but thriving. Martial.]
Slightly altered from *Mart. 6.70.
3 Cui malus est nemo, quis bonus esse potest. [Who can be a good person in the eyes of one to whom
no one is bad?]
*Mart. 12.80.

72 to the reader
standing’s sake, together with general cautions and rules, to insert particular
cases and reports, which may be both an inducement to read and an entice-
ment to continue, example being neither least pleasing nor least profitable
unto the vulgar.a
There shall appear in this following treatise described, first, such insufficient 5
workmen and practitioners as this time doth generally set forth, with their sev-
eral manners, defects, and dangers, and after shall succeed a plain pattern of
that sufficient artist unto whom with judgment and better satisfaction unto thy
own understanding, thou mayest commend thy health and whom the ancients,
right reason, and experience have ever allowed. 10
I labor not in this plain discovery with words to feast prodigality or hope
altogether for want of correspondence unto satisfaction to macerate frugal sati-
ety. Few words do best hold memory,4 and a short taste doth breed more eager
appetite. I will therefore only briefly point the common forgetfulness by bare
advertisement to better memory which, after, may better thence guide itself to 15
more large and accurate consideration. This plain endeavor begotten of succes-
sive hours by good desire, thy proposed benefit (deserving reader) hath here
brought forth into this common light. Enjoy therefore therein what seemeth
liking, or of use. The rest thy wiser thoughts may either in reading abstract, or
thy ingenuous mind compute with that is better, or by itself censure as a cipher. 20
Farewell.
Thy well-advising friend,

John Cotta.
12 Macerate: to cause to waste away through fasting.
a On this point see Pettigrew, “‘Profitable Unto the Vulgar.’”
4 Cito dicta Percipiunt dociles animi, retinentque fideles. Horat. [Attentive souls grasp and faith-
fully retain what is said quickly. Horatius.]
Hor. Ars 335.
The First Book
∵
chapter 1
The Introduction
The dignity and worth of physic’s skill consisteth not (as is imagined com-
monly) in the excellence and preeminence of remedies, but in their wise
and prudent use. It is an ancient true saying that wholesome medicines by
the hands of the judicious dispenser are as angels of God sent for the good
of men, but, in the hands of the unlearned, are messengers of death unto 5
their farther evil.1 Good medicines are in themselves excellent instruments of
health and life, but require a learned workman judiciously to guide them unto
their destined end. It is order and not confusion that is ever safe and happy,
and knowledge (which worketh by election, and true reason,2 and not rash
boldness, which doth good by chance and uncertain event3) that is the light 10
and safe guide of understanding minds. Who knoweth not how much oppor-
tunity advanceth in all performances?4 How discrete observation of smal-
1 Remedia si ab indoctis Medicis usurpentur sunt venena, si vero a doctis et exercitatis, Deorum
sunt auxiliares manus. Herophil. [If medicines be used by untaught doctors, they are poison, but
if by learned and practiced ones, they are the helping hands of the gods. Herophilus.]
This Latin sentence quotes verbatim from *Riolanus’s Ars Bene Medendi, introductory
epistle Studiosis Verae Medicinae “to those desirous of the true medicine.”
Herophilus (335–280 BC) is said to have been the first to dissect human bodies system-
atically and scientifically. None of his writings survive intact. He is credited with calling
medicines the “hand of God” by Marcellus, ‘Epistula Cornelii Celsi’ De Medicamentis (CML
v, 36 Niedermann/Liechtenhan) and *Plutarch Symposiacae 4.1.3 (“Herophilus” is, however,
an emendation there), while *Galen, De Compositione Medicamentorum Secundum Locos 6.8
(12:966K) says that Herophilus indicates that medicines per se are worth nothing, but if used
correctly are like the hands of God.
For more, see Heinrich Von Staden, Herophilus.
2 τέχνη δ’ ἔξις μετὰ λογου ἀληθοὺς ποιήτικη. Aristot. [Skill/art is a state that is productive and has
true reasoning. Aristotle.]
*Arist. EN 1140a9–10: ταὐτὸν ἂν εἴη τέχνη καὶ ἕξις μετὰ λόγου ἀληθοῦς ποιητική (“Skill/art and
a state that is productive and has true reasoning are the same thing.”)
3 Homo inconsultus et temerarius futura non videt. Cicero. [A rash and ill-advised man does not
see the future.]
These exact words are not found in *Cicero, athough in his Pro Rege Deiotari VI one finds
the similar “haec homo inconsultus et temerarius non videbat” (“This ill-advised and rash
man didn’t see these things.”)
4 Id solum bene fit quod fit opportune. Plato. [Only that which is done appropriately is done well.
Plato.]
Precisely where or if *Plato ever said this is unclear. This Latin sentence is found verbatim
in a text Cotta cites elsewhere, *Riolanus, Generalis Methodi Medendi (1.4.3) where the idea

76 chapter 1
lest5 circumstances advantageth? How wise and learned cunctation, and some-
times anticipation, make fortunate an action?6 Who seeth not in every day’s
experience how necessary it is by a mature and judicious eye to foresee in all
attempts the after unavoidable hindrances?7 Who discerneth not that without
prudent circumspection and provident forecast, blind rashness and ignorance 5
do always hazard and oft unrecoverably overthrow all good success? Through
want of knowledge to mistake time is loss of labor and of time.8 Ignorant slow-
ness doth come too late and rash haste doth stumble. He that knoweth not the
danger, doth easily run upon the rock. Thus, it is easy for the unlearned to err,
and those that want understanding to fall into the snare. If, then, all enterprises 10
prosper by wise advice, and it is wisdom in matter of meanest moment to con-
sult with a wise and judicious friend, in cases of health and life certainly every
man is not a sufficient counselor.
He that considereth the multitude of causes in diseases, their infinite kinds,
manners, and natures, the variety of accidents, their sudden and variable muta- 15
tions, the soon lost occasions and hardly gained opportunities,9 the wisdom
which circumstances require, the care and vigilance which the subject ex-
1 Cunctation: delay. 7 Mistake: misunderstand.
is attributed to Plato, also without a specific citation. See Book 1, Chapter 2, note 44, which
contains the very next sentence in Riolanus, again unattributed.
5 In aliis διατριβη, in aliis σπουδη. [In some things an amusing pastime, in others a serious pursuit.]
*Plato’s Socrates frequently plays with the notions of so-called “leisure pursuits” and “seri-
ous business,” especially as applied to philosophy.
6 Omnes intellectus mentisque habitus ad unius prudentiae complementum desiderantur πᾶσαι
γὰρ δυνάμεις τῶν ἐσχάτων εἰσὶ Aristot. [All understandings and habits of mind are needed as a
completion of prudence alone, for all capacities handle the ultimate things. Aristotle.]
πᾶσαι γὰρ αἱ δυνάμεις αὗται τῶν ἐσχάτων εἰσὶ καὶ τῶν καθ’ ἕκαστον (“For all these capaci-
ties [judgement, opinion, understanding, wisdom] handle the ultimate things, i.e. particular
things.”) *Arist. EN 1143a28–29.
7 Fronte capillata, post est occasio calua. [Hairy in front, opportunity is bald behind.]
This aphorism means that opportunity is better seen before than after and is from Distichs
of Cato (2.26), which dates to before the fourth century AD, by an unknown author sometimes
called “Dionysius Cato.”
8 φρόνησις ἐπιτακτική τις, τί γὰρ δεῖ πράττειν ἢ μή, τὸ τέλος αὐτῆς ἐστίν. Aristot. [Practical wisdom is a
skill concerning commands, for its goal is what it is necessary to do or to not do. Aristotle.]
ἡ μὲν γὰρ φρόνησις ἐπιτακτική ἐστιν· τί γὰρ δεῖ πράττειν ἢ μή, τὸ τέλος αὐτῆς ἐστίν (“For prac-
tical wisdom deals with commands: for its goal is what one ought to do or not to do.”) *Arist.
EN 1143a8–9.
9 ὁ δὲ καιρὸς ὀξὺς. etc. Hippoc.Aph.I. [Opportunity is swift. *Hippocrates, Aphorisms 1.1.]
Ὁ βίος βραχὺς, ἡ δὲ τέχνη μακρὴ, ὁ δὲ καιρὸς ὀξὺς, ἡ δὲ πεῖρα σφαλερὴ, ἡ δὲ κρίσις χαλεπή.
Δεῖ δὲ οὐ μόνον ἑωυτὸν παρέχειν τὰ δέοντα ποιεῦντα, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν νοσέοντα, καὶ τοὺς παρεόντας,
καὶ τὰ ἔξωθεν (“Life is short, skill is long, opportunity is swift, attempting is perilous, and the
the introduction 77
acteth, the doubts which repugnances bring, the resolutions which necessities
urge, shall find the most exquisite powers of understanding, judgment, wit,
discretion, and learning herein exactly sifted. From the variety of causes of
diseases,10 what varying differences arise in the manner, quantity, quality, and
times of remedies, every one requiring a separate and distinct respect and dis- 5
pensation, even in the same disease and person? The immediate cause from
the mediate, the antecedent from the continent, the necessary from the casual
and contingent, require both a divers handling and also a distinction in order
of handling.
Neither is there a like consideration of the external and internal, the posi- 10
tive, the privative, the material, the immaterial, those that are single and alone,
and those that are jointly and with others. Sometimes many causes are coin-
cident in one effect, sometimes many diseases from one cause. Sometimes the
same cause receiveth a difference from itself and exacteth an exact difference
in his own remedies. Sometimes the same cause is so far unlike itself that it 15
seemeth not itself, being either more than itself in quantity or a monster to
itself in malignant quality.11
As causes and diseases (according to their causes), so no less material are
accidents to be distinctly known and considered. Some of them bring certain
knowledge, some artificial conjecture, some matter of presumption and prob- 20
ability.12 Some are manifest, some anxious and ambiguous, some significant
1 Repugnances: inconsistencies or contradictions. 11 Privative: caused by the absence of what

is normally present.
decisive point is difficult. But one must not only be ready oneself to do what is right, but
also make the sick and those present and things beyond cooperate.”)
10 Principium medendi cognitio morbi, minimusque error in illius ignoratione commissus est
maximus in fine. Galen. De Meth. Med. [Knowledge of the disease is the beginning of heal-
ing, and the smallest mistake made in ignorance of it is the greatest mistake in the end. Galen,
De Methodo Medendi.]
It is not clear whether this combination of commonplaces has a specific source in
*Galen. *Aristotle, *Plato, and others have similar sentiments about various enterprises.
*Riolanus, however, has an identical quotation (also from “Galen” without further specifi-
cation) at Generalis Methodi Medendi Book 1, Section 3. Galen contains related thoughts:
De Temperamentis (1:536K) says that small stumblings in the beginning of study lead to
great errors; De Animi Cuiuslibet Peccatorum Dignotione et Curatione (5:60K) says that a
small error can do the greatest harm if falsely combined with an opinion about good and
evil; Ad Glauconem de Medendi Methodo (11:79K) says that the beginning of a cure must be
appropriate, for errors at that time render conditions incurable.
11 Accessu qualitatis pestiferae et deleteriae. [By the presence of a deadly and harmful quality.]
12 Hinc alia παθογνωμονικὰ in quibus ἀποδείξις τεκμηριωδης, alia εἰκοτα, συνεδρέυον τα ἐπιφαί-
78 chapter 1
by themselves, some consignificant with others. Some are of virtue in singu-

larity, some in multitude. Some are considered as signs and causes, some as
neither, some as both. Some accidents go before the disease, some accom-
pany, some follow after. Ordinarily, the disease doth draw all attendance unto
itself; sometimes the accident doth obscure the disease.13 Some accidents alone 5
are ciphers, but added unto other make up a just account. Some prognosti-
cate, some judicate, some are idle. Some judicate the constitution of the sick,
some the humor. Some the diseased part, some the disease itself, and some the
issue.
Sometimes diseases are discovered by no signs at all, but by an exact and 10
exquisite14 disquisition of a sound and solert judgment.15 So that according
to the kinds, places, courses, changes and chances of accidents, vary signifi-
cations, judications, and prognostications, and follow safe administration and
11 Solert: wise or clever.
νομενα διαγνὠστικὰ, πρόγνώστικὰ. etc. [Hence some are indications of particular diseases,
among which are “proof by witness,” others are probable indications, accompanying the man-
ifestations, diagnostic, prognostic, etc.]
These Greek terms are used from *Galen’s time on, except ἀποδείξις τεκμηριωδης, which
is a later technical term of logical argument first found in a commentary on *Arist.’s Prior
Analytics by Philoponus (AD 490–570). The Byzantine Suda, a tenth c. lexicon, entry 245
Tau, lists smoke as a τεκμηριώδης ἀπόδειξις, a “proof by sure indication,” of fire.
13 Symptoma crudeliter saeviens a morbo avocat. Hinc curatio duplex habetur, haec regularis,
illa coacta. [Cruelly raging symptoms call one’s attention from the disease. Hence treatment
is considered twofold, one according to the norm, the other compelled (by the symptoms?).]
14 Haec est illa συνεσις κριτικη acerrime coniectans ἀσκαρδαμυκτως intuens summa ingenii saga-
cia. [This refers to that discerning understanding keenly conjecturing examining without
blinking utmost wisdom of character.]
15 Aegritudines aliae manifestae aliae occultae, aliae difficiles cognitu, aliae faciles, aliae in-
comprehensae nisi exquisita et subtili aestimatione. Avicenna tract. De horis Aegrit. [Some
sicknesses are obvious, some hidden, some difficult to know, others easy, and some are mis-
understood except by careful, excellent, and subtle appraisal. *Avicenna’s treatise De Horis
Aegritudinum.]
This passage is from *Avicenna’s Canon Book I, Fen 2, Doctrina 1, Chapter 8, entitled
Ad Complendum Sermonem de Dispositionibus Aegritudinum (“Completion of the lecture
about the classifications of diseases.”) Cotta quotes verbatim without indicating ellipses,
but he leaves out examples of each sort of disease. Avicenna claims to report what *Galen
has said in an unspecificed work. Cotta probably consulted the Canon Medicinae Avicen-
nae Arabum Medicorum Principis, a collection of Avicenna’s works translated into Latin,
corrected by Andrea Alpagus, annotated by Joannes Mongius and Joannes Costaeus, and
edited by Fabius Paulinus. The translation is traditionally attributed to Gerard of Cremona
(AD 1114–1187), but it may have been done by a “Gerard Cremonensis” known also as “Ger-
ard de Sabloneta” who lived in the thirteenth century.
the introduction 79
application of apt remedies unto the more speedy benefit of the sick, facility of
cure, and security of after health.16
Diseases, their causes and circumstances wisely distinguished and known,
do point a discrete knowing workman to a more known certain issue, without
which as the beginning of cure must necessarily be rash, so must the end be 5
doubtlessly uncertain. Hence it must needs be apparent that by the common
neglect and ignorance herein, the monopolizing of cures unto the prerogative
of this or that secret, and thereby the contempt of the due permutation of
medicines according to requisite circumstances and necessities, and the omis-
sion and rejection of the wholesome administration of the general remedies 10
(without which the particular are vain and preposterous),17 do commonly turn
to the common perdition of most valetudinary men.
From hence also it doth come to pass that many diseases, beyond their own
nature, and besides the constitution of the sick, grow so commonly, so easily
rooted, and unobservedly confirmed in men’s bodies, that oft they can never 15
have end, which by due ordering should never have had beginning. Hence grow
so frequent the multitude of strange and unnatural changes, and new fashions
of fits, even through the too common use of wholesome remedies in vulgar and
profane hands. For through this presumption, either by idle trifling and vain
flattery of ease, dangerous diseases quickly and in short time grow too proud 20
for any medication. Or else, in the other extreme,18 by too much haste and vio-
lence are hunted out of their own course19 and so metamorphize themselves
into wild and unaccustomed shapes.
Hence likewise it cometh to pass, that diseases in their own kind easy and of
small continuance, by the wrong and injury of remedies (without advice admit- 25
12 Valetudinary: in poor health.
16 Summe haec spectanda in Medico ut tute, iucunde, celeriter salutem expediat. [What is most
to be sought in a doctor is that he safely, agreeably, and quickly furthers health.]
17 Quemadmodum duae sunt primae et communissimae morborum causae, Plethora et Caco-
chymia, sic totidem oportet esse communissima remedia, purgationem debitam, et idoneam
opportunamque sanguinis missionem etc. [ Just as there are two primary and most common
causes of disease, excess of and vitiated condition of humors, so it is appropriate that there be
as many most common remedies: the purgation that is called for and appropriate and timely
letting of blood, etc.]
18 Aegritudines in alias aliae facile mutantur. Avicen, de dispos. Aegrit. [Some sicknesses easily
change into others. Avicenna, On The Classifications of Diseases.]
*Avicenna’s De Dispositionibus Aegritudinum is quoted above; see note 15 in this chap-
ter.
19 οὐδ’ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἀγαθὸν, ὅ τι ἂν μᾶλλον τῆς φύσεως ᾖ
*Hp. Aph. 2.4: οὐδ’ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἀγαθὸν, ὅ τι ἂν μᾶλλον τῆς φύσιος ᾖ. ([Neither surfeit nor
hunger] “nor any other thing is good which exceeds nature.”)
80 chapter 1
ted and celebrated) are not only extended to a lingering age of many days, but
from days to weeks, from weeks to years, yea, oft unto a longer life than the sick
himself, after him inheriting his children and posterity. It is a verified and true
saying, “Worse are the bad after-consequences of ill applied medicines than the
diseases themselves.”a 5
Although this be often apparent, even unto the common sense of vulgar
sight, yet much more infinite are the impeachments and ruins of health by
the learned seen and discovered daily whereof a common eye is not capable,20
while unperceived mischiefs stealingly and insensibly enter with unprivileged
remedies,21 and by some present benefit or ease for a time, gaining credit and 10
entertainment by little and little secretly undermine the very frame and foun-
dation of life.
We may instance in tobacco. With what high fame and great renown was
it at his first arrival here in England entertained as an incomparable jewel of
health, and a universal antidote and supersedeas against the force and capias 15
a This “saying” may not occur elsewhere in precisely this form, but it clearly conveys the senti-
ment that “The remedy is worse than the disease,” which may have first occurred in English in
Francis Bacon’s Essay On Seditions in 1597, and is the same sentiment as Graviora quaedam sunt
remedia periculis (somewhat literally, “some remedies are more grievous than the dangers”) by
Publilius Syrus. *Seneca too has at least one version of it.
20 οὐ τυχόντος τὸ ἀρχῇ γινόμενον κακὸν γνῶναι Non est cuiusvis malum in initio exoriens dignoscere.
Aristot. in Polit. [To recognize a bad thing coming to be at its beginning is not the province of
just anyone. It is not the province of just anyone to recognize a bad thing coming to be at its
beginning. Aristotle in Politics.]
*Aristotle’s original is: ὡς τὸ ἐν ἀρχῇ γινόμενον κακὸν γνῶναι οὐ τοῦ τυχόντος ἀλλὰ πολιτι-
κοῦ ἀνδρός (“that recognizing a bad thing coming to be at the beginning is not the province
of just anyone but rather of the political human.”) Arist. Pol. 1308a33–36.
21 λανθάνει γὰρ ἢ φθορα δια τὸ μὴ ἀθρόα γίγνεσθαι· παραλογίζεται γὰρ ἢ διανοία ὑπ’ αὐτῶν Latet cor-
ruptio quia non tota simul fit, decipiturque mens ab illa. Aristot. in Polit. [For destruction
escapes notice because they do not happen all together; for the mind is led astray by them.
The destruction lies hidden because it does not happen as a whole at the same time, and the
mind is deceived by it. Aristotle in Politics.]
The closest Aristotelian passage is: ἐν μὲν οὖν ταῖς εὖ κεκραμέναις πολιτείαις ὥσπερ ἄλλο τι
δεῖ τηρεῖν ὅπως μηθὲν παρανομῶσι, καὶ μάλιστα τὸ μικρὸν φυλάττειν· λανθάνει γὰρ παραδυομένη
ἡ παρανομία, ὥσπερ τὰς οὐσίας τὸ μικρὸν δαπάνημα ἀναιρεῖ πολλάκις γινόμενον. λανθάνει δὲ ἡ
δαπάνη διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀθρόα γίγνεσθαι· παραλογίζεται γὰρ ἡ διάνοια ὑπ’ αὐτῶν (“In mixed consti-
tutions like anything else it is necessary to watch out lest there be any transgression and
especially to be on guard against the small one; for lawlessness escapes notice entering
in, just as a small expense when it happens often destroys fortunes. The expense escapes
notice because it does not happen all together; for the mind is led astray by them.”) *Arist.
Pol. 1307b30–36.
the introduction 81
of all diseases,a every man with the smoke thereof in his nostrils, breathing
the praises and excellencies thereof in his mouth? But now hath not time and
many a man’s woeful experience given testimony to right reason and judg-
ment, from the first suspecting and until this proving time suspending the too
great name thereof? Is not now this high-blazed remedy manifestly discovered 5
through intemperance and custom, to be a monster of many diseases? Since
the riotous use of this strange Indian, let it be noted how many strange and
before unknown diseases have crept in unnaturally, besides the former custom
and nature of the nation, proving now natural and customary to the follies of
the nation.b 10
Is it not apparent that the air of this vapor and smoke by the subtlety thereof
doth suddenly search all parts with a general distress ofttimes to nature? And is
it not thence probable, that by advantage in the weakest, it may oft leave behind
it (especially where it is any time used) such impression and print, besides
painful distention through his enclosed vapor, that no time of life, no reme- 15
dies, ofttimes, are ever after able to blot out?22 And from this Nicotian fume
16 Nicotian: Relating to tobacco. Cotta’s is one of the first recorded usages of the word which
itself derives from the name of Jean Nicot (ca. 1525–1600) of Gascony, who, though he did not
himself travel to the New World, was credited with popularizing tobacco in France and in Europe
generally in the mid-sixteenth century.
a Cotta employs an extended legal metaphor, here. A “supersedeas” (from Latin for “Desist!”) is
an order to stay a proceeding. A “capias” (from Latin for “Seize!”) or a “writ of capias” is an arrest
warrant. b Tobacco was not only suspected of causing health problems, but was sometimes
associated with witchcraft. Cotta’s French contemporary Pierre de Lancre published extensively
about his witch hunts in the Basque territory, noting that women, particularly the poor, would
often use tobacco to ease hunger pangs: the drug would induce visions of far away lands which
de Lancre interpreted as a magical transportation. On the matter of visions, see Chapter 15 of
Trial of Witchcraft. See also Pierre de Lancre, On the Inconstancy of Witches, xxxii. The association
of tobacco with new-world heathen rituals furthered the suspicions of some observers. Norton,
Sacred Gifts, 245–249. Of course, these associations did not prevent tobacco from becoming pop-
ular, nevertheless. Mancall, “Tales,” 649–650.
22 A vaporosae et aereae substantiae occulto subtilique seminario imperceptibiliter novos et

inauditos obrepere humano generi affectus ignotum non est. Hinc Galenus lib. I praedic-
tionum interpretatur illud θεῖον τὶ Hippocratis, ambientis aeris efficaciam quod insensibili
ratione, ideoque miris modis corpora immutare soleat. Hoc non modo in aere pestilenti con-
spicuum, sed et in pluribus exhalationum generibus per aerem diffusis clam et celeriter quasi
syderantibus. [It is not unknown for new and unheard of diseases to creep up on the human
race imperceptibly from the hidden and subtle seed of airborne substance. Hence Galen Book I
of Praedictiones explains that “divine something” of Hippocrates as an influence of wander-
82 chapter 1
grow nowadays, doubtlessly, many of our frequent complaints, and every day
new descriptions of pains according haply to the diversity and difference of the
parts it chiefly affecteth,23 or the more or less extreme use thereof. And men
haply led by some present bewitching feeling of ease, or momentary imagined
release from pain at some time, hereby unadvisedly with such means of their 5
ease drink into some weak parts, such seed of future poison, as having given
them for a time supposed pleasing ease, doth for time to come secretly and
unfelt settle in their bones and solid parts, a never-dying disease (while they
live).
How many famous patrons and admirers of this simple,a have senselessly 10
died in the very time of the idle use thereof, while it yet smoked in their teeth?
And others living in the immoderate24 burning love therein, have with the fiery
zealous gluttony thereof (as the badge of his mastership in them) sensibly stu-
pefied and dried up their ever after, foolish and besotted brains?
I might give other instance in the as well known and vulgar remedies of the 15
named French disease,b which by a present benumbing of the sense convinc-
ing and easing of pain do withal for after time, inure and leave behind them
such a rottenness and weakness ofttimes of the bones and sinews, as suffereth
a That is, of this drug. b Syphilis was frequently linked to France by English writers, and was
thus often termed Morbus Gallicus, or “the French Disease.”
ing air which by an imperceptible method and such wondrous means is wont to alter bod-
ies. This is apparent not only in pestilential air, but also in many sorts of exhalations spread
secretly and swiftly through the air as if by the influence of celestial phenomena.]
*Galen, In Hippocratis Prognosticum Commentaria iii (Commentaries on Hippocrates’s
Prognosticum in 3 Books), (18b:17K), discusses why *Hippocrates refers to τι θεῖον, a “divine
something” (Cotta’s θεῖον τὶ means the same as τι θεῖον) in diseases, and concludes that it
refers to the air rather than any god.
23 Hinc febres catarrhosae et ab his latentes ἀτροφίαι, cachexiae etiam occulte obrepentes, tota
saepe sanguinis massa a catarrho contaminata dum in venas delabitur, saepe diversis cor-
poris partibus imperceptibiliter lacessitis, saepe manifesto maleficio oppressis, prout per
arterias, musculos, nervos, aut occultos et latentes meatus praecipitata a capite fertur pituita.
[Whence come catarrh fevers, and from these latent wastings and atrophies also secretly
arising, often with the whole mass of blood compromised by catarrh until it descends into
the veins, sometimes with different parts of the body undetectably damaged, sometimes sup-
pressed by an apparent injury, as a phlegm is born from the head precipitately through the
arteries, muscles, nerves, or hidden and unnoticed passageways.]
24 I condemn not a plentiful and liberal use thereof when any necessity or need with reason and
judgment conduct thereto, but the ordinary, fond, and needless custom thereof, led by no per-
suasion of any foreseen good or benefit, must needs fall into the common errors and harms
of useless and needless actions.
the introduction 83
few of our mercurials to live to know their age in health,a especially who thor-
oughly knew the silver salve in their youth.25 Hence toward declining age (if
not before) some fall into consumptions and marasmes, some lose their teeth,
some have the palate of the mouth rotted, some the very bones of their head
eaten, some, by convulsions, their mouths and faces set awry. And it is ordinary 5
with most of this sort, long before harvest to leave no grass grow upon their
paved tops. I do not altogether condemn these smokes, but fear these fires, and,
with the ancients, sparingly commend these kind of remedies knowing their
pernicious dangers in their ignorant and rash overuse, with their singular ser-
vice in some rare exigents, God and nature haply leaving a sting and poison in 10
them for their too common vicious need and custom.
I might here yet farther insist in all other diseases how the use of the most
excellent, proper, and apt remedies being unaptly applied, either too little or
too much, too soon or too late, before their season or after, in some cases at any
time or in any manner,26 bring incorrigible and helpless harms being in their 15
own nature harmless but in their unskillful use pernicious and mortal.27 It is
apparent in all mysteries and faculties whatsoever that the excellency of the
3 Marasme: Wasting illness. More commonly, “marasmus.” Cotta may have invented this variant.
a Mercury unctions were sometimes used as a treatment for syphilis. The surgeon William Clowes
claimed, in his 1579 tract on the subject, to have cured, along with three colleagues, over a thou-
sand patients with mercury unctions at St. Bartholomew’s hospital alone. Clowes, Morbus Galli-
cus, B2r.
25 Raro antecedentem scelestum/ Deseruit pede poena claudo. Horat. [Rarely has punishment,
though lame of foot, stopped pursuing a villain ahead of her.]
*Hor. Carm. 3.2.
26 Quot sunt qui solo victu competenti citra ullum discrimen ab affectibus liberari possint, qui
praeter rem pharmacis contunduntur? Brudus de vict. febricit.
Cotta’s text is imperfect. It should read, Quot enim sunt qui solo competenti victu citra
ullum discrimen ab affectibus liberari possent, qui propter rem pharmacis contunduntur?
(“For how many are there crushed by medicine who could be freed beyond any danger by
the sole means of suitable diet?”)
Brudus Lusitanus’s title page says Liber de Ratione Victus in Singulis Febribus Secun-
dum Hippocratem, but later the title is De Ratione Victus Febricitantium as well as De Victu
Febricitantium Secundum Hippocratem et Galenum. This passage is from the preface.
27 Vidi quos in perniciem traxerit solum simplex apozema ex fumaria cum senae foliis temere
exhibitis: nam corpus totum in colliquantem fluxum traxit. Heurnius in Aphor. Hippocr. [I
have seen people who have been drawn into fatal danger by a single simple decoction from
a smoker with senna leaves rashly applied: for it drew the whole body into a dissolutive flux.
Heurnius, On the Aphorisms of Hippocrates.]
From note 1 on *Hp. Aph. 4.16 (although labeled “XLVI”) in Johannes Heurnius (Jan van
Heurne: 1543–1601) Hippocratis Coi Aphorismi, Leiden, 1601.
84 chapter 1
tool without the excellency of the workman doth not bring forth excellency in
the workmanship. Hence it must needs come to pass that medicines though
wholesome in themselves, and of a saving and sovereign power, without any
touch of harmful quality at all, yet being ignorantly or indiscreetly out of time
or place disposed or dispensed, must likewise bring forth mischief instead of 5
expected good. And although many hardened by custom unto a boldness of
transgressing in this kind, provoke oft revenge of their folly (for a time without
harm or punishment) yet do they not always escape. For though hap oft pass
by, it lights at last, and not seldom heavily.28
Cassia is esteemed for a delicate,a wholesome, and harmless lenitive unto 10
old men, children, babes, women with child, and the weakest among the sick.
Yet, the learned know it in some cases not only unprofitable, but of maine mis-
chief.29 Rhubarb is said to be the life of the liver, yet in some conditions thereof
it is an enemy.30
And for the general remedies, phlebotomy, purging, vomit, sweating, bath- 15
ing, and the like, reason and experience daily give demonstration that oft in the
same body and the same disease, they are variably, sometime necessary, some-
times profitable not necessary, sometimes neither profitable nor necessary, but
accursed. Sometimes bleeding doth ventilate and refresh the spirits above and
beyond all other remedies and is the only key unto health; sometimes again it 20
doth exhaust and spend their vigor; sometime being both profitable and neces-
sary, yet used out of time or quantity, doth no good, or, used unseasonably, doth
a Cassia could denote a number of plants and plant products, but here Cotta seems to mean cas-
sia fistula whose pods were used to produce a laxative—what Cotta here terms a lenitive.
28 Quem saepe transit casus, aliquando invenit. Senec. [Disaster at some point finds the person
whom it has often passed over. Seneca.]
*Sen Her. F. 328.
29 Graves affert mutationes et perniciosas saepe Cassia, perturbat, distendit, distorquet, cum
molestis deliquiis in naturis et temperamentis biliosis. Quercit. de tot. capit. affectib. [Often
Cassia brings on serious and even fatal changes, it aggravates, bloats, and twists, with trou-
blesome swoonings in bilious natures and temperaments. Quercitanus on all the afflictions
of the head.]
Cotta’s summary of Chapter XVI, of Tetras Gravissimorum Totius Capitis Adfectuum
(Tetrad of the Most Serious Afflictions of the Entire Head), Marburg, 1606, by Quercetanus
(Joseph du Chesne, 1544–1609), 201–202.
What precisely Cotta means by “maine mischief” is uncertain. Perhaps he means mis-
chief of the highest order, just as “maine flour” is flour of the highest quality in some
English dialects (see OED s.v. “maine”). Possibly he means it does mainly mischief.
30 In lienteria, in ventriculi imbecillitate in flatibus, in renum ulceribus et vesicae notissima sunt
mala. [In lienteric diarrhea, in weakness of the stomach, in flatulence, in ulcers of the kidneys
and bladder (rhubarb’s) ills are well known.]
the introduction 85
much hurt. Purgations in some estates with preparatives31 and in some with-
out preparatives32 are harmful. In some, either with preparatives33 or without
preparatives34 they are necessary and never to be omitted.
And as there is infinite danger in error and ignorant dispensation, so is
there unspeakable good in the prudent prescription according to the nature, 5
quality, and seat of each humor. According to which it is wisdom sometimes
to quicken, sometime to allay, sometimes to hasten, sometimes to moderate
their effects, discrete stays oft making more speedy journeys.35 Vomits in some
diseases are altogether banished and not admitted, and in some contrariwise
they have only privilege. The like may be said of outward remedies: plasters, 10
unguents, cerecloths, fomentations, and baths, which also according to wise
and discreet administration, or a rash and heedless abuse, are good or evil. And
this is the reason that so many famous and renowned remedies nowadays bring
forth effects unworthy themselves, for, being with such dissolute licentiousness
everywhere and in all places permitted to break forth out of the prudent awe of 15
understanding’s guidance, how shall they choose but become wild and irregu-
lar in the hands of unskillful reins that want true art, and the method of their
right dispensation?
There is no place nor person ignorant with what confusion of good order
(either by abuse of immunities or impunity, ill provision, or ill execution of 20
good laws) through all parts of this kingdom, all sorts of vile people and unskill-
ful persons without restraint, make gainful traffic by botching in physic, and
hereby (besides many wicked practices, juggling, cozenages, and impostures
11 Cerecloth: a cloth soaked in medicine. ‖ Fomentations: any of a number of means of applying

heat for therapeutic value.
31 Siccis corporibus non parum nocet. [It does no little harm to dry bodies.]
32 In humoris turgescentia, nimia tenuitate, ichore susque deque fluido. [In the case of swelling
of a humor, excessive thinness, and watery discharge rising and falling.]
33 Πέπονα φαρμακεύειν καὶ κινέειν, μὴ ὠμὰ Hippoc. Aphoris.
*Hp. Aph. 1.22: Πέπονα φαρμακεύειν καὶ κινέειν, μὴ ὠμὰ, μηδὲ ἐν ἀρχῇσιν, (ἢν μὴ ὀργᾷ· τὰ
δὲ πλεῖστα οὐκ ὀργᾷ) (“Treat and remove the concocted, not the unconcocted, nor those
in their beginnings, unless one is erupting: most are not erupting.”) There is no clear con-
nection to Cotta’s discussion.
34 Haec sunt ὑγιείνα ἐκκοπρωτικα μαλακτικὰ ὑπακτικὰ γὰστρος. Communem materiem educen-
tia. [These are healthy, laxative, softenings/soothings, and evacuants of the stomach. Things
bringing forth common matter.]
35 Aph. 18. Lib. 4. Aph. 17 lib 4.
*Hp. Aph. 4.17 (“For someone who has no fever, a lack of appetite, heartburn, dizziness,
and having a bitter taste in the mouth indicate that there is need of a drug that works
upward.”) and 4.18 (“Pains above the diaphragm indicate an upward-working drug: those
below indicate a downward-working drug.”)
86 chapter 1
which mask unespied under the color and pretense of medicining) numbers
of unwitting innocents daily in thrall, and betray themselves, their lives and
safety to sustain the riot, lusts, and lawless living of their enemies and com-
mon homicides. It is a world to see what swarms abound in this kind, not only
of tailors, shoemakers, weavers, midwives, cooks, and priests, but witches, con- 5
jurers, jugglers, and fortune-tellers. It were a wrong to exempt any that want
wit or honesty in a whole country, yea, and many that have too much of either,
must be privileged by an old proverb, to be physicians, because it is no manners
to call them fools.a
And hereby not only the simple and unlettered, but ofttimes men of bet- 10
ter sort and quality, casting their eyes upon some attempts of these barbarous
medicine-mongers (good oft in their event) and not considering the dangerous-
ness of such habit and custom, desirously ofttimes entertain the messengers
and ministers of unrecoverable misery unto their afterlife.36 For, as in military
designs, ofttimes a bold and foolhardy enterprise, above and besides reason and 15
beyond expectation, produceth an excellent and admired good in the happy
issue, yet is it not commended, or in any case permitted (as being very dan-
gerous) in ordinary practice or custom of warfare. So, likewise, divers events of
medicines prove good, whose bold use and rash prescription is dangerous and
unskillful. I do not only herein pity the mean capacity, but wonder also at the 20
madness of men in their wits, who, in other kinds of knowledge reverend, yet
herein, with desire of life, seem oft to have so little care of their lives.
It is strange to observe how few in these days know, and how none almost
labor to know with election and according to reason or reasonable likelihood,
to bestow in cases of their lives the trust and care of their crazed healths, but for 25
the most part wanting a right notice of a judicious choice, take counsel either of
common report, which is a common liar, or of private commendations, which
are ever partial. The unmindfulness hereof, and the more mind of mindless
things, do steal from men the minds of men. Hence everywhere preposterous
intrusion doth disorder the right and propriety of every thing, and the general 30
forgetfulness of that which to everyone is most pertinent, doth beget an itching
business in that which to everyone is most impertinent. And self-conceited and
presuming ignorance doth prick forward rash spirits to become more bold and
busy than modesty doth permit discreet minds, soberly limited within their
a The proverb is “Every man is a fool or a physician.”
36 Perdere quos vult Iupiter, hos dementat. Senec. [ Jupiter drives those whom he wants to destroy
insane. *Seneca.]
This popular Latin adage of uncertain origin is not found in Seneca.
the introduction 87
own bounds. This is the cause that, unwittingly to the poor patient, unwittingly
to the unskillful workman, and generally for the most part unobserved of all, is
the thread of many a man’s life ordinarily by unskillful hands entangled in such
inextricable knots of sickness, pains, and death, as no time nor art are ever able
to unfold. 5
Unproper medicines are for the most part worse than diseases, and un-
learned physicians, of all bad causes of diseases, themselves the worst. That
therefore men continue not in this general confusion (through voluntary igno-
rance, ever ignorantly unfortunate) it is not a needless learning more studiously
to know and discern good from ill, and ill from good, beginning with the last 10
first.37
37 ὁ μεν πονηρὸς οὐδὲν ἄλλο πλὴν κακός, ὁ δ’ ἐσθλὸς οὐδε συμφορᾶς ὕπο φύσιν διεφθειρ’ ἀλλα χρηστός
ἐστ’ ἀεί. Euripid. [The wicked man is nothing other than bad, but the good man (is good and)
does not corrupt his nature but is good in every case. Euripides.]
*E. Hec. 596–598: in the drama, this is a question, and Cotta’s version omits the words
in parentheses.
chapter 2
Of the Empiric
Right reason1 and true2 experience are the two sole inseparable instruments
of all human knowledge: the empiric, trusting unto experience alone without
reason, and the methodian unto the abuse of right reason. The ancients have
divided all sorts of erroneous physicians into these two.3 For ignorant expe-
rience and without reason is a false sense,4 and mistaking reason is denial of 5
3 Methodian: One whose thought is like that of the ancient Methodist or Methodic school
of medicine whose practitioners emphasized understanding general principles of illness as
opposed to specific courses of treatment or the particular circumstances of the patient. See
pages 6–8 in the Introduction to this edition.
1 Quae sub sensum non cadunt mentis vis et ratio precipit. Gal. [The force and reason of the mind
perceive the things which do not fall under the sensible. Galen.]
Perhaps from *Galen De Placitis Hippocratis et Platonis (5:724, line 14K).
2 Mente perspecta et ratione generatim comprehensa, sensuum fide cognoscimus magis et stabil-
imus. Galen. De sect. [We know and render more stable by trust of the senses things examined by
the mind and grasped in detail by reason. Galen.]
This could perhaps have as its source *Galen De Sectis ad Eos qui Introducuntur (1:96,
line 11ff.K), which asks in discussion of the example of a flux from the bowels how one can
limit oneself to one’s senses, when reason can add so much more that is not accessible to the
senses.
3 Duplex ignorantium medicorum genus. Alterum eorum qui sola experientia nituntur aiuntque
nullius rei naturam posse ratione inveniri. Alterum eorum qui sibi nomen sapientiae vindicant, et
licet parem habeant cum prioribus ignorantiam, opinionem tamen scientiae sunt aucupati. Sed
eorum inscitia inde habet initium quod in rationalibus scientiis nequaquam sunt exercitati, quae
nos rite distinguere et secernere docent eas propositiones quae demonstrandi vim habent ab iis
quae probabilitatem quidem continent, nihil autem veri possunt aut demonstrare aut invenire.
Gal. lib. I de different. Febr. [There are two sorts of ignorant doctors. One is of those who rely
solely on experience and say that no nature of anything is able to be discovered. The other is of
those who claim for themselves the name of wisdom and, although their ignorance is the equal
of the others, have caught a hold of the belief that they have science. The source of their igno-
rance is the fact that they have no experience in the rational sciences which teach us to properly
distinguish and separate those claims which have the force of proof from those which do indeed
have plausibility but are unable to prove or discover anything true. *Galen, Book I, De Differentiis
Febribus.]
See On Different Fevers. 7:280K.
4 Ideo impositum est iudicium tanquam praetor quidam ad inventorum et obiectorum perpen-
sionem. Sensus enim apprehensio est simplex, non iungit aut disiungit, neque iudicat, sed alia
vis interna per sensum intellectum promouet. Scalig. De Subtil. [Thus judgment has been put in
charge as it were a chief executive for the consideration of things found or put in front of it. For

of the empiric 89
reason. As therefore unto these two, other ages before, so we now may reduce
all the faulty practitioners of our times, beginning with the empiric.
The empiric is he who rejecteth the disquisition of diseases and remedies,5
their causes, natures, and qualities according to judgment and understand-
ing, and the careful perpension and balancing of his action and practice unto 5
a just proportion with reason, but only informeth himself by such things as
oft appear evident and manifest unto sense and experimental proof, carrying
his heart and understanding (for the most part) in his hands and eyes, taking
nothing sure but what he sees or handles, and from the differing manners of
experience, are numbered several and diverse kinds of experience.6 The defect 10
in the empiric hence appeareth to be want of true method and the habit of
right operation and practice according to reason (which is art) through which
defect his actions must needs oft be reasonless,7 and by consequent as blind
in their intention, so likely to be foolish in their issue and execution. For there
must needs be in all actions want of much more necessary knowledge than 15
sense and experience can advance unto, and experience must needs witness
5 Perpension: thought and consideration.
sense is a simple grasping, and does not join or separate, nor does it judge, but a different internal
force moves the intellect through a sense.]
These sentences are not found in *Scaliger’s De Subtilitate, but the second half has so much
in common with the following passage from Exercitatio 307 that it is likely a paraphrase of it:
Neque enim visus iudicat album non esse nigrum, sed alia vis interna ex eo quod sensus album et
nigrum cognoscit non eodem modo. Sensus enim apprehensio quam ἀντιληψιν sicut et aliarum
potestatum vocant simplex est; neque quicquam iungit aut disiungit (“For sight does not judge
that white is not black, but another internal force does so from the fact that sense does not
recognize black and white in the same way. For the grasping of a sense, which they call ἀντι-
ληψιν as they do also for the other capacities, is simple: nor does sense join or separate.”)
5 Empirici rationem negant, sensum recipient. *Galen libr. De Sectis.
Perhaps De Sectis ad Eos qui Introducuntur (On the Schools of Medicine, for Beginners),
Kühn 76, or a truism from the work as a whole.
6 Hinc αὐτοψία, τυχικη, περιπτωτικη, μιμήτικὴ, αὐτοσχέδιος, τηρηκὴ, μνημονέυτικῂ, ἱσορικὴ, etc. [Hence
eyewitnessing, fortuitous, by chance, imitative, improvised, by observation (if τηρητική is meant),
by memory, scientific (if ἱστορική is meant).]
This note has no syntax that makes sense.
7 Ars usus rerum incertos certis legibus coercet. Scalig. De Subt. [Art constrains unruly experience
and use of things with definite laws. Julius Caesar Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtili-
tate ad Cardanum.]
Similar wording is found at Exercitatio 1§3 of Scaliger’s De Subtilitate: siquidem usu quoque
oramus, usu argumentamur. Caeterum usus incertus certis legibus castigatur: quae leges sola
possunt arte constitui (“If indeed we also argue from experience, we make a conclusion by
experience. As for the rest, uncertain experience is set right by certain laws, and these laws
can be established by art alone.”)
90 chapter 2
against itself that the longest age of experience doth nothing to fully furnish
and instruct in many things, as much more speedily doth prudent invention
which, though occasioned and helped by books and reading, which are both
keys unto all knowledge, and also rich storehouses of experiences, not only of
one age and country, but of all times and nations. Yet do they only glut the 5
sense with stories of experiences past, but reason and judgment truly enrich
the mind, and give daily new increase and light in before untried and unexpe-
rienced truths.
Indeed, particular experience, if it be accompanied with understanding and
right reason (which is the touchstone of truth and right in nature) establisheth 10
and confirmeth knowledge,8 but if experience be no more but experience, it
must needs prove in many cases a slow guide to lame instruction.
For as it is with the soldier in the field, let his own special experience in arms
be never so ancient, so true, so sound, yet without a more general understand-
ing or theory,9 and a more enlarged knowledge than his particular and limited 15
experience can bring forth, he must be lamely fitted unto many sudden and
oft before unseen occurrents which the perpetual mutability and change of
circumstances in warfare must needs produce. The field, the enemy, the time
(not always the same) require a divers and oft a contrary consultation, design,
and manner, wherein one particular experience by itself cannot but be much 20
wanting, because the same thing or action seldom or never happens again the
same in all circumstances,10 and one circumstance alone commonly altereth
the whole condition.
17 Occurrents: sudden adversities.
8 Omnibus in rebus prudenter agendis ratio pro suasore habenda, usus pro duce. Scaliger. [In
all things to be done prudently reason must be considered an advisor, experience a leader.
Scaliger.]
From the dedicatory epistle to *Scaliger’s De Subtilitate, by Johannes Crato von Crafft-
heim (1519–1585), court physician to three Holy Roman Emperors.
9 Prudentia est habitus qui deducit omnia sua facta e rationibus ad fines suos sine offensione.
Dicimus enim prudenter factum ab Imperatore ubi recte partes exercitus disposuerit, tametsi
similes ordines acierum nunquam antea notos habuerit. Scalig. In Poet. [“Prudence” is a state
which derives all its deeds (et dicta: and statements) from calculations towards its goals with-
out a stumbling block. For we say that a general has acted prudently when he has properly
arranged the divisions of the army, even though he has never before experienced similar
arrangements of the battle lines.]
From Scaliger Poetices Libri VII, Book III Chapter XXVI. Cotta omits the bit in paren-
theses and creates an indicative sentence out of an originally subjunctive result clause.
10 Ad eundem modum non potest quidquam saepe videri. Asclepiad. [Nothing is able to be seen
often in the same way. Asclepiades.]
Likely from *Galen’s De Sectis ad eos qui introducuntur (1:75, line 7): Ἀσκληπιάδου κατὰ
of the empiric 91
As it is in military affairs, so is it in the assaults of diseases, where the fight

and wrestling of nature is not always in the same part, nor in the same form
or manner, nor with the same disease, nor the same period, all which circum-
stances in the same subject cannot happen always to any sight or sense the
same (which maketh experience) yet are ever present in the general notions 5
of the understanding, whereby the prudent and wise man doth make supply
though experience fail.
Besides the differences which circumstances make, many diseases in them-
selves and their own kind are such as are scarce seen in a man’s life,11 some in
many years, some in an age, some in many generations, and therein how can 10
experience give prescription for those things whereof it hath not had experi-
ence? For experience is of things oft seen.12 If then the same things be in all
circumstances seldom or never seen, and some sometime seen which a life or
age shall not see again, and there can be no true experience where there is not
sight and sense, how blind a help must oft experience be? Doth not every day 15
bring forth somewhat new or strange unto the day, and worthy denomination of
the day? The French, Spanish, Neapolitan, Italian disease was a stranger some-
time in old Albion, which now is an English denizen.a The scorbut not many
years since was unnamed of writers, now commonly known unto a common
eye. The English sweating sickness very seldom (if more than once) here seen, 20
nor at all, or at least not oft elsewhere.13
18 Scorbut: scurvy.
a Syphilis, as Cotta shows here, was given various national and regional appellations. Albion is a
fanciful name for England.
τῆς ἐμπειρίας εἰρημένα, δεικνύντος ὡς ᾤετο μηδὲν πλειστάκις καὶ ὡσαύτως ὀφθῆναι δύνασθαι
(“… what Asclepiades said about experience, showing that he thought that nothing was
able to be seen several times in the same way.”) Probably referring to Asclepiades of Bithy-
nia (late second century BC), a precursor to the Methodist school.
11 Galenus morborum saepe meminit quos a se nunquam visos profitetur, alios quos semel aut
bis. [Galen frequently makes mention of diseases which he professes never to have been seen
by himself and of others which have been seen once or twice by himself.]
12 πλήθος γὰρ χρονού ποιήσει τῆν ἐμπειρείαν Arist. In Eth. [For length of time will make experience.
Aristotle in Ethica Nicomachea.]
From *Arist. EN 1142a15–16: πλῆθος γὰρ χρόνου ποιεῖ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν (“For length of time
makes experience”).
13 Sudor Anglicus tam laethalis ut vix centisimus quisque correptus evaderet. Qui evadebant
in morbum bis terque relabebantur et tandem concidebant. Correpti intra 24 horas animo
deficiebant et moriebantur. Hollerius ex Polydoro Virgilio. [The English sweat is so lethal that
hardly every hundreth person affected escaped it. Those who escaped it fell sick again two
92 chapter 2
To wander yet farther into some wonder, Ruland with others reporteth a
tooth of gold naturally growing with the common rank in the mouth of a
child.14 *Hollerius witnesseth a child in the womb to thrust forth the hand at
the navel of the mother, and so continuing the space of fifteen days, in the end
the child born living and the mother saved.a *Brasavolus15 mentioneth his cure 5
of a soldier who lived after three years having almost half his head cut away
with a portion of his brains, only thereby losing his sense and memory, never
eating nor having memory to require at any time to eat, but as it was put to him,
a Jacobus *Hollerius, De Morbis Internis. This case is item 8 in Rara Quaedam (“Certain Rare
Items”), an appendix to Book I.
and three times and finally succumbed. Those affected lost heart and died within 24 hours.
Hollerius from Polydorus Virgilius.]
*Hollerius partially paraphrases, partially quotes Polydorus Virgil’s Anglica Historia
Book 26. Cotta, in turn, partially quotes and partially paraphrases Hollerius’ De Morbis
Internis (Book II, “De Sudore”).
The “English Sweating Sickness” was a swift moving, often fatal disease that had sev-
eral outbreaks in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It primarily affected England but
moved to Ireland and the continent as well. Its nature and cause are not known. In his
1552 book on the subject, the surgeon John Caius (1510–1573) writes: “This disease is not
a sweat only (as it is thought and called), but a fever … in the spirits by putrefaction ven-
emous, with a fight, travail, and labor of nature against the infection received in the spirits,
whereupon by chance followeth a sweat, or issueth a humor compelled by nature, as also
chanceth in other sicknesses.” Caius, Sweating, B3r–B3v. He cites “infection by the air, and
impure spirits by repletion” as the principle causes. Ibid., L4.
14 Rulandus de Dente aureo.
The pamphlet in question, by Martin Ruland the Younger (1569–1611) and Johannes
Ingolstetterus, is De Aureo Dente Silesii Pueri, Responsio Iohannis Ingolstetteri … Ad Ivdi-
civm Martini Rulandi F. … Qua demonstratur: Neque Dentem: Neque eius Generationem esse
Naturalem (“On the Golden tooth of a Silesian Boy, The Response of Johannis Ingolstet-
terus to the Judgement of Martin Ruland [the son], in which it is Demonstrated that it was
Neither a Tooth nor was its Generation Natural”), Leipzig, 1596.
The celebrated “gold tooth,” actually a cap, appeared in the mouth of a boy in the village
of Silesia (in what is now Poland) in 1593. Some took it as a miraculous sign, while others,
like Ruland, thought it a natural occurrence. For more on this incident, see Spielman, “Boy
with the Golden Tooth.”
15 Brasavol. in Aph. Hipp. 18s.6. [Brasavolus in Aphorismi Hippocrates 18§6.]
From In Octo Libros Aphorismorum Hippocratis & Galeni: Commentaria & Annota-
tiones, 1541. In Brasavolus’s discussion of Hp. Aph 6.18, one story is of a man who lost an
egg-sized portion of his brain and lived for 3 years with severely reduced mental capacity
and without speaking, the other of a soldier who lost half his skull and brain, but thereafter
only ate or drank what was put in his mouth and befouled himself with feces and urine.
His fellow soldiers sent him home to Corsica. Brasavolus does not know if he arrived there
or how long he survived.
of the empiric 93
nor redelivering at the posterns, but insensible. Albucasis knew in his time a
woman carrying one dead child in her womb, notwithstanding to conceive and
quicken of another, the dead child in the mean season rotting and falling away
by parcels at several times.a
But to pass these and many the like infinite received upon credit and report, 5
myself have met some accidents in my own practice, and for the most part
within the space of these eight last years, worth their memory.
In the year 1608, an ancient gentleman16 being neither sick nor much pained
and only molested with a cough and shortness of wind (from which his health
was never free) requested my advice for the prevention of the increase of 10
the former accidents (in which also he found, unto the general seeming unto
his own sense and some other learned counsel, very cheerful and comfort-
able amendment) myself only suspecting, and signifying unto his friends, my
despair. Between his pulses on the right side and the left in general manifestly
appeared a wondered odds, so continuing the space of twelve or fourteen days 15
together. On the left side, no position of touch, no search could find any pulse at
all.17 On the right side the pulses were constantly and continually, as in his best
1 Redelivering at the posterns: evacuation of the bowels.
a Abu al-Qasim Khalaf ibn al-Abbas Al-Zahrawi (AD 936–1013), who lived in Spain and was known
in Christian Europe as Abulcasis or Albucasis, has been called the originator of modern surgery
and is responsible for many significant medical advances. In particular, he pioneered the tech-
nique of immobilizing fractured bones and popularized the use of cautery for wounds. He also
helped bring Galenic commentary on phlebotomy to medieval and renaissance practitioners.
Macleod, “Four Apostles,” 403. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine, 137, 167. His Kitab
al-Tasrif (AD 1000) was translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona (1532?). This story is from
Chirurgia 2 near the end of §76. Johannis Channing, in 1778, produced another translation, which
was consulted for this note. The story in Albucasis is that a woman conceived, the fetus died; she
then conceived again, that fetus died, and some time later, a tumor forming at her navel opened.
Albucasis explored the tumor and found several bones in it, which he removed and concluded
were from a fetus (presumably one of the two which died?). She lived. Albucasis does not report
whether or not the first or second dead fetus came out of her womb at the time the fetuses died.
It may be that Cotta found these stories or heard about them because of their inclusion in a
well-known work by Johannes Schenck von Grafenberg (1530–1598), Observationum Medicarum
Rariorum, Libri VII, which is a large compendium of interesting medical cases drawn from both
Schenck’s contemporaries and literature going back to antiquity: it includes this case as well as
the preceding one from *Brasavolus (but in that case it is clear that Cotta consulted Brasavolus’s
original text) and has a useful index to make finding the cases easy.
16 Of Thingdon in Northamptonshire.
The town of Thingdon is now known as Finedon.
17 Pulsibus manum applicandi tres modos tradit Galenus lib. de Pulsib. Palpationem, compres-
94 chapter 2
health manifest, strong equal, in good order, with full distention unto all the
dimensions. In the same parts where the pulses on the other side seemed dead,
all other faculties perfectly lived in natural heat, color, vigor, sense and motion.
This was then witnessed by certain honorable gentlemen present whom well
understanding and more than sufficient for such a task, I thereto entreated and 5
it could by no sense be denied. It was imagined by some learned dissenting
from my first hour’s dislike, that it was no other but an imperceptibility of his
pulse,18 and without danger as supposed usual unto him in his health by reason
of divers deep wounds ten years before received upon that side. My experience
of the contrary oft in his former health, and also in divers other his sickness, 10
confirmed my own doubt, and death, which determineth all things suddenly
and unexpectedly, determined this in so fair a vizard, so many days deceiving
many.
In the year 1604, my pains were solicited unto a virtuous lady honorably both
in her knight and herself allied and no less eminent in their own worth, then 15
lying near Grafton in Northamptonshire. I found her left by a former physi-
cian19 to verify his prediction by her death. She was miserably perplexed with
the doubtful delivery of a dangerously begun abortion, her own strength fail-
ing, and the ordinary assistance of women in those cases shrinking from her,
and a deep dye of a mixed and divers colored jaundice with extreme pains of 20
her stomach (giving no rest nor intermission) adding fear and sorrow. The sub-
stance also of her urine continually troubled, confusedly thick, the color alto-
gether resembling the strained juice of the greenest herb. In the terror of her
abortion, my endeavor proved unto her speedily happy and successful. After-
12 Vizard: mask.
sionem, modum medium. [Galen’s book De Pulsibus gives three ways of applying one’s hand
for pulse: palpation, compression, and a middle way.]
*Galen’s De Dignoscendis Pulsibus (“On the Knowledge of the Pulse”) (8:803K) is the
locus classicus for methods of taking the pulse: Galen devotes a section to these three
methods inter alia.
18 Tale quiddam narrat Struthius in arte Sphygmica, propter vulnus acceptum in brachii arte-
ria pulsationem fieri posse imperceptibilem. [Struthius recounts something like this in Ars
Sphygmica, that the pulse in the artery of the arm may be imperceptible on account of a
wound.]
Sphygmicae Artis iam Mille Ducentos Perditae et Desideratae Libri V (“On the Science
of the Pulse, Lost and Longed for for 1200 years, in Five Books”) by medical scholar and
physician Josephus Struthius (Jósef Struz, 1510–1568) was the most significant publica-
tion on the pulse after *Galen until William Harvey’s work on the circulatory system. It
was probably first published in 1540 and went through many editions.
19 A parson-physician.
of the empiric 95
ward, according unto the second indication from the jaundice (necessity urg-
ing and her strength then favoring the work), I commanded her to bleed in the
arm, which done with good ease and felicity, nature, in spite of all endeavor
to the contrary, kept the orifice after still open, running daily and continually
the space of three weeks together, and then healing and closing itself with her 5
perfect amendment.20 At the same time (a sudden sharp pain giving a special,
distinct sense thereof) she disburdened of a round, white, hard stone full of
little holes, that part which giveth the name and seat unto the colic.a
In the year 1607, a young woman21 of thirty years’ age, with another grave
gentlewoman accompanying her, came unto me requiring advice in her won- 10
dered estate and condition. The skin or membrane of her belly from the navel
downward withered, dead, and gathered together, in likeness of a rotten blad-
der or a wet leather bag, and in that form falling flag from the former close
setting unto the guts and the belly, lay continually loose unto the one side.
In the year 1601, a barber’s boy22 of Northampton avoided worms, besides 15
other ordinary passages, by urine.23 In the year 1600, a shoemaker of Northamp-
ton sometime a bailiff of the town, falling dangerously sick, called my counsel
13 Falling flag: hanging down loosely. 15 Avoided: expelled, voided.
a The Greek root of “colic” refers to the lower part of the intestinal tract. Cotta here discreetly
avoids referring directly to the bowel movements of a gentle lady.
20 Hollerius inter raras observationes virum memorat cui e regione Hepatis vena per intervalla
dehiscebat, quae sanguinem fundebat, postea sanguine sponte restitante vestigium nullum
apparebat. [*Hollerius among his “rare observations” mentions a man in the region of whose
liver a vein split open at times and poured out blood, but later while the blood remained no
trace (of the blood vessel?) appeared.]
Case 3 of Rara Quaedam (“Certain Rare Items”), appendix to Book I of Hollerius’ De
Morbis Internis.
21 Of Hackleton in Northamptonshire.
22 Apprentice unto one John Frende.
23 Simile quiddam inter raras observationes narrat Hollerius et Medicus Argentoratensis Didy-
mus Obrechtus de se ipso idem refert. [Hollerius recounts a similar thing among his “rare
observations,” and Doctor Didymus Obrechtus of Strasbourg reports the same thing about
himself.]
*Cotta perhaps refers to case 4 of Rara Quaedam (“Certain Rare Items”), appendix to
Hollerius, De Morbis Internis Book 1, Case 4, translated from Latin, reads “In the rough
winter of 1543, at the end of January and beginning of February, healthful pleurisies went
around, several of which were indicated by thick dark urinations on top of which a great
deal of thick yellow viscous foam floated.” This story was not found in writings by Didy-
mus Obrechtus, who may be a student of John Winter von Andernach. For a brief note on
Andernach, see Short Discovery, Book 1, Chapter 8, note 51.
96 chapter 2
together with an empiric. The other accused the hypochondriaca passio, myself
made known my suspicion of an abscession in the bulk. Vain hope gave credit
to that it rather desired, and the patient trusted himself with the other. Shortly
after he was surprised with sudden, frequent swoundings, and fear of immi-
nent suffocation, but by cough and spitting escaped and with wonder in short 5
space filled diverse large basins with foul purulent stuff (one paroxysm at once
sometime before intermission, making up the said measure).24 In this fear and
terror unto himself and the beholders, he earnestly sued, and again obtained
my advice. He perfectly recovered (the purulent collection after the fortieth
day25 exhaust) and he yet liveth free26 from the sequels of any other manifest 10
disease or danger.
In the year 1607, a woman vexed with a palpitation of her heart,27 together
with an oft intermission of her pulse, by an inward presention moving from a
sudden troubled agitation of her mind, would usually unto myself (with oth-
ers present) foretell when her pulse should stand and intermit, sometimes two, 15
1 Hypochondria passio: the hypochondria (plural of hyphochondrium) are the areas under the
ribs and to the sides of the stomach and were thought to be areas from which melancholy could
emanate and cause disease, especially if the spleen was not functioning normally. The word
passio is synonymous with “disease” here. 4 Swoundings: swoonings, feinting spells. 13
Presention: a sense of something before it happens, a presensation.
24 Simile quiddam narrat Reolanus de aegro qui simili materia plures pelues impleuerit et
expurgatus perfecte, liberatus est. Addit preaterea huismodi abscessus primarios non esse
sed epigenematicos, nec verum aut legitimum pus, sed potius πυῶδής, dum pituita in thoracis
capacitatem destillatione lapsa mora coquitur et fit puri simile. [Riolanus tells of a similar
thing about a sick patient who filled many basins with similar matter and once he was com-
pletely voided, was freed. He adds moreover that abscesses of this sort are not primary but
“epegenematic,” nor is it true or legitimate pus, but rather pus-like, since the fluid having
fallen into the cavity of the thorax from an abscess is concocted for a time and becomes like
pus.]
Cotta is excerpting and summarizing from *Riolanus, Particularis Methodi Medendi
Liber Secundus, specifically, the section on diseases of the lungs, (found on p. 163 of the
Basel 1629 edition).
25 A principio saniei expurgationis numerando, non generationis. [One must count from the
beginning of the expurgation of the diseased matter, not from its generation.]
26 Non praecise necessarium est intra 40 dies vel expurgari, vel in pthisin transire, nam et post
40 diem et expurgari et liberari quis potest procul dubio, modo 40 diem non multum excedat.
Brasavol. in Aph. Hipp. [It is not necessary that the patient be purged precisely inside of the
40th day, or that it cross over into consumption, for even after the 40th day without doubt one
is able to be purged and cured, as long as one does not much exceed the 40th day. Brasavolus
on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates.]
The wording here closely echoes the conclusion of *Brasavolus’s comments on *Hp.
Aph. 4.15.
27 Wife unto Master Langham of Thornby in Northamptonshire.
of the empiric 97
sometimes three or four pulsations, before the intermission. The pulse in the
just known number and time did ever keep time with her prediction, herself
nor then nor ever wotting how to feel a pulse by her hand or touching. She in
this manner continued by uncertain fits and times the space of two months or
thereabouts, while sometime myself resorted unto her being for that and other 5
accidents by her husband called and consulted.
It is reported unto me by divers well knowing gentlewomen, and others
of good worth, that a woman dwelling within a mile of Northampton28 was
brought to bed first of one child, and within twenty weeks after of another,
quickening of the latter the same day she was churched of the first. It is testi- 10
fied by many now inhabitants of Northampton that from within the womb of
a woman with child (then dwelling in the town) her child was audibly heard to
cry, unto her own amazement, and the wonder of divers hearers of credit and
understanding.
In the year 1610, a woman of Northamptonshire29 being with child and grow- 15
ing near the time of her delivery, was extraordinarily divers days pained in
the belly an inch distant from the navel, until, at length, divers worms, each
equaling in length a quarter of an ell,a suddenly at two distant places did eat
themselves a passage through the skin of her belly. And so came forth and gave
her ease. A gentlewoman, my late patient, and now dwelling in Northampton, 20
reporteth unto me from her own sight, with many other eye witnesses, that
among her own children, a male child, being then five weeks of age, a fort-
night together had the breasts full of milk, as readily and plentifully flowing
and spouting out milk as the breasts of a suck-giving nurse.
These few instances are sufficient to prove the like contingence of other the 25
like, which other times in other manner, may, and do, oft bring forth. Neither
is ever nature so great a niggard (though not to every eye alike bountiful), but
every day almost may pose bare and naked experience. He, therefore, that seeth
not but with his eyes of his own experience, where he hath no experience hath
no eyes, and therefore is blind and cannot see.30 Since then many things fall 30
out beyond the compass of experience, which by experience make experience
a The English ell was equivalent to forty-five inches. The worms in question, then, were roughly
eleven inches or twenty-eight centimetres in length.
28 Wife unto one Tiplar of Hardingstone in Northamptonshire.

29 Of Wollaston in Northamptonshire.
30 Per artis exercitationem comperi eam remediorum inventionem quae ex vera demonstratione
procedit in his quae raro accidunt longe praestare: unde multos curavi morbos medicamentis
ab experientia alienis. Galen. de Locis affect. [Through the exercise of my art I have learned
that the discovery of remedies which comes from true proof is far superior in cases which
98 chapter 2
blind, how then where are no eyes shall an empiric borrow eyes? It is again
answered, “Though the empiric haply have not seen the same with that which
seldom, or once only doth hap, yet very seldom hath he, not oft, or at least
sometime seen the like, and thence unto the like he fits the like disposing.”31
But with the wise, the like is much unlike the same.32 Their confusion is only 5
proper unto the fool, and the dangerous issue his deserved punishment. It is a
chief point in all learnings truly to discern between differing similitudes and
like differences.33
Many accidents commonly fall out seeming like, yet have no affinity, and
again, in show the same, yet indeed contrary. Contraries have oft in many 10
things likeness, and likeness contrarieties easily deceiving the unwitting and
unlearned. It is therefore no small moment or consequence for a physician truly
rarely occur: hence I have cured many diseases with medications which are different from
experience. Galen, De Locis Affectibus.]
It is hard to make sense of Cotta’s Latin, which is a translation of De Locis Affectibus
(8:144, lines 9–15K). The translation starts out very close to Gulielmus Copus of Basel’s
translation (Venice, 1586), but important parts (bolded) are left out: Per artis exercita-
tionem comperi eam remediorum inventionem quae ex vera indicatione procedit in iis quae
raro accidunt empiricae cognitioni praestare. Unde multos morbos curavi maxime con-
trariis praesidiis, interdum iis, quae experientia, et usu cognita sunt. On the other hand,
it ends very close to another translation also by Copus (Basel, 1529). Important parts are
again left out: Per artis exercitationem comperi eam inventionem quae ex vera demonstra-
tione procedit in his quae raro accidunt remediorum copia experientiam longe praestare.
Equidem multos morbos curavi, medicamentis ab experientia maxime alienis (*Galen says:
“I have found in applying my skill to patients that in rarely occurring conditions discover-
ing remedies by actually applying them is superior to the empirical method: and accord-
ingly I have cured many conditions with remedies at times entirely opposed to those of
the empiric school.”)
On the role of experience in renaissance medical theory, see Ian MacLean, Logic, Signs
and Nature, 193, 207.
31 Hinc ille Empiricorum transitus ad simile. ἢ τοῦ ὁμόιου μετάβασις. [Hence the “cross-applica-
tion to something similar” of the Empirics. “The inference/crossing-over of the similar.”]
The phrase ἡ τοῦ ὁμοίου μετάβασις, occurring many times in *Galen, always in con-
junction with empirics, denotes application of actual experience to things one has not
experienced. If the doctor had no experience of a particular patient’s condition, by this
“cross-application,” the doctor could cross-apply firsthand knowledge of a similar condi-
tion without becoming a “Methodist.”
32 Similitudo non assert identitatem. [Similarity does not proclaim identity.]
33 Unum est ex principiis humanae sapientiae rerum differentium similitudines et similium dif-
ferentias rite dignoscere. Arist. in Top. [It is one of the principles of human wisdom correctly
to distinguish similarities of things that differ and differences of things that are similar. Aris-
totle in Topics.]
From *Arist. Top. 101a36f. and 108a37ff. On the topic of reasoning in medicine, see
MacLean, Logic, Signs and Nature, 137.
of the empiric 99
by a discerning eye to put just difference. This he that cannot do, must either
through the deceivableness of likeness confound repugnant remedies (which
cannot be without great harm and hazard of life and health) or by mistaking
parities for imparities disjoin helps better united, which cannot be without
both hindrance and hurt unto the sick, their safety and security. Many diseases 5
ofttimes so lively mock one the other that a good eye may easily deceive itself.
The ulcers of the bladder and the reins, a mole and a true conception, a rup-
ture and a relaxation, pleurisies, and some kinds of inflammation of the liver,
the colic and some other kind of the same inflammation, divers kinds of con-
sumptions34 according to divers parts divers fevers35 with infinite more in their 10
intricate ambiguities, dissemble themselves and deceitfully resemble one the
other much thereby ofttimes perplexing the best understanding. Sometimes
the most unlike will put on likeness, and the most like wear contrariety.
What more unlike than death and life, death to life, and life to death? Yet
sometimes, life appeareth in the shape of death, terrifying the beholders with 15
frightful shows of inquietude and anxiety, deliration, sudden and violent evac-
uations and exagitations of the whole body, when the healthful crisis is at
hand,36 and the victory of nature in the mastery of her enemy the disease.
7 Reins: kidneys. 16 Deliration: delirium. 17 Exagitations: stirring up of humors.
34 Hinc hectici pulmonarii et hectici a iecore retorrido et cetera. [Hence pulmonary long-lasting
fevers and long-lasting fevers from a desiccated liver etc.]
35 Pauci febrem spuriam duplicem a quotidiana distinguunt: nam licet facile sit febrem cogno-
scere, difficile est hanc ab illa distinguere. Synochus putris et non putris facile decipiunt ab
eadem materia antecedente natae, cum materiae similitudo similia producat accidentia, ut
et partium vicinitas, continuitas, situs. [Few make the distinction between a false double fever
and a quotidian one: for although it is easy to recognize a fever, it is difficult to distinguish
one from another. A non-intermittent sputtering and a non-sputtering intermittent fever eas-
ily deceive on account of the same material preceding their onset, since similarity of material
produces similar qualities, such as the proximity of the parts, extension, and position.]
36 Three notes refer to this one place in the text: all discuss the “crisis,” the decisive point in
the disease. See also note a on page 198 of this edition.
1. Aegri febriunt, vehementius vigilant, graviter se habent quando sunt propinqui crisi.
*Galen. [The sick grow feverish, are more ardently watchful, and behave more seriously
when the crisis is near. Galen.]
From Galen’s in Aphorismos Hippocratis Commentarii 4.71 (17b:756, line 6 ff.K)
2. Semper gravia symptomata crisim antecedunt. Hippo. doctr. Aphor. [Serious symptoms
always precede the crisis.]
“Hippo. doctr. Aphor.” means *“Hippocrates’s doctrine of the Aphorisms” or the like.
The quote is similar to Hippocrates’s Aphorism 2.30: “At the beginning and the end,
everything is weaker, but at the peak, it is strongest.” The word κρίσις, “crisis,” does not
occur in 2.30 and there is no aphorism with similar content that includes “crisis.”
3. Vigor morbi est vehementissimum totius aegritudinis tempus, quod sequitur crisis. Gal.
100 chapter 2
And sometimes death cometh smiling in a visor of life with cheerfulness and
overpleasing lightsomeness, when the last hour is now already run, and the Sun
forever setting. Hence the unconsiderate and unlearned to distinguish are eas-
ily induced, sometimes by vain hope, deceived to physic death, sometime too
fearfully despairing with exequious offices to cumber life and the recovery of 5
health. Hence are oft found parts vexed with needless remedies, and the com-
forts of life imprisoned for an untimely death.37
It is now the sixth year since I was solicited for a woman by the opinion of the
dysentery or abrasion of her guts, miserably held for the space almost of a quar-
ter of a year unto the continual use of everyday glisters and other astringent 10
medicines until it was my fortune coming unto her by good reason to discover
the supposed membranous dejections to be nothing else but skins of worms,
which, first dead, after putrefied and dissolved into small parcels, descended
with some torment in the similitude of little skins. The skins being found, it was
an easy matter by a new warrant to fetch the skinners whose thereto appear- 15
ance confessed the evidence and gave the suspicion of the dysentery for ever
after free discharge and perfect delivery. In this one instance, he that is wise
may conceive many more without number, which, therefore, as unnecessary
and troublesome, I will not farther here trouble or awake now sleeping with
time past. 20
In these like cases, sometimes the best perfection, the ripest understanding
doth and may mistake.38 And, therefore, the ignorant empiric who professeth
confusion and useth no light or help of judgment or reason at all, but the only
sense of his own experience,39 how shall he do otherwise, but oft and contin-
5 Exequious: relating to a funeral. ‖ Cumber: impede or block.
de Cris. lib. I. [The peak of the disease is the most furious time of the entire illness, which
the crisis follows. Galen, De Crisibus, Book 1.] A loose paraphrase of the very beginning
of De Crisibus (9:500, line 7K).
37 Cogimur a gratis animum suspendere rebus, atque ut vivamus, vivere desinimus. Maximian,
Historia. [We are compelled by pleasurable things to kill our soul, and in order to live, we cease
to live. Maximian, Historia.]
*Maximianus Elegies 1.55–56.
38 Similitudines non modo vulgares sed etiam medicos eruditos aliquando decipiunt. Galen. in
Apho. 2. lib. 4. Hippo. [At times, similarities deceive not only laypeople but also learned doc-
tors. Galen on Aphorism 2, Book 4 of Hippocrates.]
*Galen, In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii, 4.2, (17:659 K).
39 τωνδ’ αἰσθήσεων οὐδεμίαν ἡγούμεθα [εἶναι] σοφίαν. Sensuum nullum existimamus sapientiam.
Aristot. Metaph. I. [We consider none of the senses to be wisdom. We consider none of the
senses wisdom. Aristotle, Metaphysics I.]
From *Arist. Metaph. 981b10. Regarding science, Aristotle privileges knowledge over
experience: experience can identify what is true, but knowledge explains why.
of the empiric 101
ually mistake manifoldly much more? And thus, we have briefly discovered
the empiric, in matters requiring extraordinary counsel, ignorant, in cases of
his best experienced knowledge yet unto some circumstances unfurnished, in
many matters of substance, altogether unexpert, in rare accidents and before
unseen at a maze, in true and right discerning, wanting the eye of right reason, 5
in confounding things differing, and in separating things in their own nature
inseparable, dangerous.
Now, as we have pointed out the empiric himself, so it remaineth that with
him and in him, we note all that by institution, education, tradition, instruc-
tion, or stolen observation derive their rule, example, and custom from him. In 10
this number are all that usually profess themselves in confidence of their choice
secrets and excellent medicines, commanders and masters of all diseases. Such
also are they who in all places proclaim open defiance against all maladies, and
with vehement remedies upon every light occasion needlessly and unprovoked
(if diseases presently run not away) either fire them out or pull their hold about 15
their ears, with the fall of the disease needlessly hazarding the diseased. Oft-
times, a good event may authorize it for skill and their friendly offer call it good
will, but their kind care is too oft seen and proved a keen weapon to wound
their friend, and the sick are nor seldom oppressed with being so loved. I would
it were a slander in these days that good will and excellent medicines put to 20
death more lives than open murder. For as the most complete armor, engines,
and sorts of war, the excellent munition and rich provision unto a man without
knowledge to manage them, are but instruments without life, until some bet-
ter skill put life into them. So good medicine being the physician’s instruments
and weapons, either defensive for nature or offensive against the forces of dis- 25
eases, in other hands than his must needs prove as but dead in themselves, so
ofttimes deadly unto others.
To square and level their right use requireth more understanding than is to
be found in reasonless medicines, or yet their senseless masters. For as in all
other affairs, where knowledge, prudence, and discretion have prerogative, the 30
attempt is commendable,a and the issue likely to be happy.40 So also in cases
a On Cotta’s use of the concept of prudence, see pages 12–13 and note 47 in the Introduction to
this edition.
40 Sapientis consilium unum multorum manus superat. Gal. in Suas. ad Artes. [The advice of a
wise person is worth more than the hands of many. Galen in Suasoria ad Artes.]
Although *Galen does not identify it as such, this is a fragment of *Euripides’ play
Antiopes (Fragment 200 Nauck), found in Galen’s book now known as Adhortatio ad Artes
Addiscendas (“Exhortation to Learn the Arts”), §13: σοφὸν γὰρ ἓν βούλευμα ⟨τὰς⟩ πολλὰς χέρας
νικᾷ (“One wise plan outdoes many hands.”) The Latin is identical to Ludovicus Bellisar-
ius’s 1542 translation.
102 chapter 2
of health, wherein wise and judicious dispensation, or in rash or erroneous,

the virtue and efficacy of medicines doth live or die in use and power. It is
strange notwithstanding in these days to behold, with what senseless madness,
men are become worshippers of medicines, and so great ofttimes is their idol-
atrous folly herein, that (as if they had gotten some rare good in a box—I mean 5
some rare secret) they, presently inflamed with the fury and opinion thereof,
dare upon the confused notice of a disease commend with as sacred secrecy
and intolerable usurped titles of infallible, absolute, and irresistible virtue and
force, as if any particular excellency were able to conjure the general casualty
whereunto all earthly things must needs be subject.41 For God hath set down a 10
law of mutability and changeableness to all things created according to diver-
sity of circumstances, by which all things under Heaven are continually altered,
changed, and governed.42
There is no creature, medicine, or herb43 that hath any such boundless or
infinite power as to keep the same inchangeable or infallible, but there shall be 15
a divers and manifold consideration and coaptation of the same thing.44 There
16 Coaptation: adaptation or adjustment.
41 Casus et tempus omnibus rebus accidunt. Ecclesiastes 9.11. [Decay and time happen to all
things. Ecclesiastes 9:11.]
GB gives this verse as: “I returned, and I saw under the sun, that the race is not to the
swift, nor the battle to the strong, nor yet bread to the wise, nor also riches to men of
understanding, neither yet favor to men of knowledge: but time and chance commeth to
them all.”
42 Consilium docto resque locusque dabunt. Ovid. [The situation and place will give counsel to
the learned. *Ovid.]
An adaptation of Ov. Tr. 1.1.92: consilium resque locusque dabunt (“the situation and
place will give counsel.”) The context is whether to use oars or sails. Alternately, it adapts
Am. 1.4.54: consilium nobis resque locusque dabunt (“the situation and the place will give
us counsel”) where the context is advice given to a wife to get her husband drunk so that
she and the one delivering the poem can make love. Either way, the proverb expresses the
need to adapt: the Ovidian contexts are irrelevant.
43 ὑλη γαρ ἐστιν βοηθημα etc. Affectuum cognitio est materia remediorum non ipsorum remedio-
rum cognitio. Galen. lib. I de Aliment. facult. [For the material is the remedy, etc. Knowledge
of the diseases is material for the remedies, not knowledge of the remedies themselves. Galen
Book I de Alimentorum Facultatibus.]
*Galen De Alimentorum Facultatibus (6:478 line 12–13K) reads, ὕλη γάρ ἐστι βοηθημάτων
ἡ τῶν τοιούτων γνῶσις, οὐκ αὐτὰ τὰ βοηθήματα (“For the knowledge of such things is the raw
material for cures, not the cures themselves.”) Cotta’s Latin translation is identical to that
of Martinus Gregorius from 1538.
44 Occasio est domina rerum agendarum. [Opportunity is the ruler over human actions.]
A commonplace, surely, but also found almost verbatim in *Riolanus, Generalis Metho-
dus Bene Medendi (1.4.3). See also Book 1, Chapter 1, note 4, which contains the sentence
immediately preceding this one in Riolanus, again not attributed to Riolanus.
of the empiric 103
can be no endeavor, means, way, or instrument of never so complete perfection

or tried proof directed to what effect, issue, or end soever, that receiveth not
ordinarily impediment, opposition, and contradiction45 whereby those things
which in themselves might haply seem certain and good by accident and cir-
cumstance are again very uncertain and evil.46 All ignorants, therefore, what- 5
soever (such are whosoever are not artists) had they for all diseases the most
choice and excellent medicines known even unto God and nature, above and
beyond all knowledge of men, yet except therewith they know their true dis-
pensation, they cannot but pervert their right use, be they never so sovereign.
The general remedies against the common causes of diseases ordained,47 10
except first rightly administered, shall continually and necessarily forestall and
hinder the good and benefit from any particular. There are no material diseases
wherein the common remedies are not requisite. Such are phlebotomy, pur-
gation, vomit and the like. And wheresoever these are requisite, if they be not
rightly administered, all other medicines, be they never so excellent and incom- 15
parable, must needs lose their excellent and incomparable use. And none
can rightly dispense the general remedies but those that are more generally
learned than the best acquaintance and familiarity with particular medicines
can afford. From hence it cannot but be manifest how infinitely blind good
will and zeal do herein daily err to the destruction of many. It were happy if 20
45 Neque doctorum hominum sed Empiricorum sunt singulares illae quae circumferuntur reg-
ulae. Ferrerius de lue Vener. [Those individual items which are spread around as rules do not
belong to the learned but to the Empirics. Ferrerius, De Lue Vener.]
No book by a Ferrerius corresponds to De Lue Vener. *Fernelius wrote a De Luis Venereae
Curatione Perfectissima, however, and Augerius Ferrerius wrote De Pudendagra Lue His-
panica, both of which concern venereal disease. This sentence is found in neither. Perhaps
it is from one of the other books of the time with similar titles and subject matter, but the
sentiment hardly needs a source, and the formulation is not particularly pithy.
46 Exhibenda remedia pro re nata et semper pro circumstantiis variare aliquid oportet. Galen
de puero epilept. [Remedies must be brought to bear according to the issue arising and it is
always proper to vary them somewhat according to circumstances. Galen, De Puero Epilep-
tico.]
All but identical to a sentence from Nicolaus Leonicus Thomaeus Patavinus’s Latin
summary of Chapter 9 of De Puero Epileptico found preceding his 1549 translation of
*Galen’s De Puero Epileptico (found at Volume 11, line 8 ff.).
47 Generalia remedia semper praemittenda particularibus. Galen. de Loc. affect. 4. [General
remedies are always to be laid out before particular ones. Galen, De Locis Affectis 4.]
*Riolanus, in Book 1, §4, Chapter 5 of Generalis Methodi Medendi as well as at the begin-
ning of Chapter 1 of De Febribus states that general remedies precede particular ones.
Although it is not clear whether or where *Galen said this (nothing explicitly like this
is found in De Locis Affectis), it is apparently a well-known precept in Cotta’s time. Once
again, Riolanus’s Latin version is so close to Cotta’s that Riolanus is likely Cotta’s source.
104 chapter 2
at length the common inconvenience and public scandal might beget a law,
and law bring forth restraint.
For illustration of that which hath been said, it were indifferent to instance
in any disease, but I will make choice of some few only to satisfy for all.
It is an ordinary custom in these days with women to give medicines for the 5
green sickness and other stoppages in young women.a In which practice, if it
so happen that no inward impediment frustrate the endeavor, they casually oft-
times do seeming present good, and blaze the excellency of their medicine, but
if (which they cannot distinguish or observe) the general cause of the obstruc-
tion be not first by the general remedy removed or diminished, or the imme- 10
diate cause settled within the stopped parts be not first fitted and prepared
to yield, all their medicines of never so great force, yea though commonly as
strong as steel or iron, do not only no good or small good, but ofttimes incorri-
gible hurt and mischiefs never after able to be reformed, or by the most learned
counsel to be redressed. While from the plenty or ill disposition of humors 15
in the body, these searching and piercing medicines carry with them into the
stopped parts either more or worse matter than was before, and thereby there
leave a disease which shall never after die except by exchange for a more per-
nicious.
In the common known disease of the stone,b likewise, many and famous 20
medicines are at this day in many common hands, and perhaps truly cele-
brated. Yet, if sometimes bleeding have not a first place,48 (namely where is
present or imminent danger of inflammation of the reins) sometimes if vomit
be omitted (namely where the stomach is stopped and full and unto every-
thing impenetrable) sometimes if glisters or lenitives be not premised (namely 25
where the fullness of the belly doth press the passages, the bladder, and the
ureters) all other excellent medicines whatsoever for the stone do not only in
vain exasperate the disease, but hazard the party much more than the omission
of means.
25 Lenitives: medicines which soften, laxitives.
a Green sickness, later termed “chlorosis,” was characterized by a greenish tinge to the skin and
was associated with interruptions of the menstrual cycle. b “The stone” could refer to any
illness caused by hard concretions in various parts of the body such as gall stones and kidney
stones.
48 Si metus sit inflammationis, sanguis mittitur tum e basilica partis affectae ad minuendam
plenitudinem, tum de vena poplitis ratione partis et materiae coniunctae. [If there is fear of
inflammation, blood is let sometimes from the main vein of the affected part to reduce pleni-
tude, sometimes from the vein behind the knee in accord with the part and conjoined matter.]
of the empiric 105
Likewise, in a continual fever, if sometimes present and immediate open-

ing of the vein without delay or intermission have not precedence, all other
means are not only preposterous, but pernicious.49 Likewise in smallpox, a dis-
ease so well known and common to children and others, whatsoever other fit
and good medicines and cordials be administered, sometimes if bloodletting 5
go not before their breaking out,50 sometimes if not used after all, other good
means are frustrate.51 And at another time, if there be any bleeding at all, it
is hazard, danger, and death itself. There are no medicines so commonly well
known as such as everywhere in use, and at every man’s hand provided for the
pains and diseases of the stomach, and for that use haply special good. Yet oft- 10
times we see how long and vainly those means without benefit are applied,
until the true cause by a general remedy be haply removed and that rem-
edy perhaps the most unlikely in a common judgment, and seldom in com-
mon practice, prescript, or custom used for that purpose. When all other tri-
als are waste and lost in this case, and pain doth nothing stoupe,a sometime 15
the opening only of a vein in the arm,52 being reckoned amongst the most
a What Cotta means by “pain doth nothing stoupe” is unclear. Perhaps he intends “stupe,” a med-
icated piece of cloth, or to treat with such a cloth, so that his phrase means, “the pain cannot be
treated.” Or perhaps he means “stop,” so that the phrase can be read as “the pain while not cease.”
OED does list a usage of “stoupe” from 1297 and suggests a possible link to the Old French estoupe
which means deception, but it is difficult to see a connection to the word Cotta uses here.
49 Ubi in synocho ob ebullientis sanguinis copiam ex levi occasione irritatam adest suffocationis
periculum. [When in a continual fever on account of a quantity of blood boiling forth insti-
gated by a minor incident there is danger of suffocation.]
50 Perpetuum non est abstinere phlebotomia cum iam papulae in superficie corporis extitere.
Etenim fit aliquando prae copia vitii ut plurimum reliquum sit in corpore, urgeat vehementer
difficultas spirandi, gravis sit febris, quo tempore vena secanda est. Hollerius de Morbillis.
[One ought not always to abstain from phlebotomy when the pocks have already broken out
on the surface of the body. For it happens sometimes that on account of the copiousness of
the disease there is a great deal left in the body, difficulty of breathing presses hard, and the
fever is serious, at which time a vein must be cut. Hollerius, De Morbillis.]
*Hollerius, De Morbis Internis, 1562, Book II, § De Exanthematibus, Papulis, Variolis, et
Morbilis (“On Eruptions, Pustules, Measles, and Smallpox.”)
51 Ubi iam malum in habitum corporis evaserit, periculosa est phlebotomia. Hollerius. [When
the disease has already become a condition of the body, phlebotomy is dangerous. *Hollerius.]
52 Two marginal notes:
1. Mulier in vehementissimo dolore stomachi nullis adiuta remediis ducto tandem sanguine
ex utraque basilica servata est. Hippocrat. Epidemion 5. [A woman in most grievous stom-
ach pain helped by no remedies was in the end saved by bloodletting from both main veins.
Hippocrates Epidemion 5.]
*Hollerius De Morbis Internis, Book I, Chapter 32 (de imbecillitate stomachi “on
weakness of the stomach”) as well as Ad Libros Galini de Compositione Medicamen-
106 chapter 2
unusual and commonly harmful for that use, doth prove the sole helpful refuge
and author of ease.
And as in this case is sometime said of bleeding, so at another time may
be said of purging and vomit. In the apoplexy, sometime bleeding is present
death,53 sometime the only hope of life.54 In pestilent fevers and in the plague 5
itself, all the most choice cordials and antidotes are made frustrate, sometime
by bleeding,55 sometime for want of bleeding.56 And from hence grow our so
great disputes and differences amongst physicians themselves, some chiefly
and above all magnifying it, some with execrations detesting it, which groweth
in them for want of right distinction of the several causes, and differences of 10
the pestilence. In the same disease, the like may be said of vomit, if at some-
time used at all,57 at another time if omitted.58 The common general remedies
torum, Perioche viii, 1587, Perioche VIII, § Ad Dolorem Stomachi (“For stomach pain”)
report in very similar language this story from *Hippocrates’s “Epidemion.” Hippocrates
Epidemiae (also De Morbis Popularibus), (5.1.6) reports a remarkably similar story, but
about a man.
2. In magno dolore ventris, secanda interna utriusque brachii, et hoc magis si dolor gravis,
si repentinus, si difficilis ructus et spiritus, si febris est, si dolor in dorsum et scapulas
extenditur. Hollerius de compos. Medic. tractat. de stomachicis [In a case of great stom-
ach pain, the inside vein of each arm must be cut, and more so if the pain is grievous or
sudden, if belching and breathing is difficult, if there is fever, if the pain extends to the
back and shoulders. Hollerius, De Compositione Medicamentorum Tractatus de Stom-
achicis.]
Both the first and second marginal notes (in reverse order) occur one after the
other almost verbatim in Perioche VIII, § Ad Dolorem Stomachi (“For Stomach Pain”) of
*Hollerius’s Ad Libros Galini de Compositione Medicamentorum, 1587. Cotta, however,
says she was let from the main veins, whereas Hollerius indicates hand veins (manu):
Cotta’s basilica vein can, however, refer to an arm vein. Likely Cotta has the story from
Hollerius, who has it from Hippocrates.
53 In apoplexia pituitosa cerebrum magis magisque sanguinis privatione refrigescit. [In ca-
tarrhal apoplexy, the brain grows more and more cold because of lack of blood.]
“Apoplexy” is a stroke or seizure.
54 In apoplexia sanguinea unicum et singulare remedium a phlebotomia expetandum. [In
apoplexy related to the blood, the one and only remedy to be sought is by means of phle-
botomy.]
55 Si pestis cum ephemera aut hectica analogiam habeat. [In cases where the plague has a
resemblance to the day-long or enduring fever.]
56 Si pestis sit synocho putri similis et corpus plethoricum. [In cases where the plague is similar
to the rotten uninterrupted fever and the body is congested with blood.]
The theory held that blood could rot in the veins and cause fever.
57 Ubi magnae cacoethiae ratione si conturbaveris naturam, praecipitas. [In the case when by
reason of an extensive malignant disease if you disturb nature, you hasten things.]
58 Ubi humor qui venenum aut contagium conceperit in primis venis substiterit aut in ven-
of the empiric 107
used against the dropsy are purging, vomiting, sweating, and the like, yet some-
time the most unusual and seldom safe, is only necessary and helpful unto it.59
Sometime if a woman with child be let blood, she suffereth abortion, sayeth
*Hippocrates.60 Sometime if she omit letting blood,61 she cannot escape abor-
tion, sayeth *Fernelius. 5
Many and innumerable more might instances be, but these may suffice for
light and illustration to all the rest, as also for sufficient caveat for putting any
trust or confidence in the excellency of any particular remedies without advice,
for right dispensation of the general. And hereby may be judged and discov-
ered the indiscrete thoughts of light brains and understanding in these days, 10
triculo. [When the humor which has conceived the poison or contagion stagnates in the pri-
mary veins or in a ventricle.]
“Ventricle” could refer to a ventricle of the heart or brain or to the stomach.
59 Si hydropis origo a mensium suppressione aut sanguinis multitudine calidum innatum suf-
focante manifesto ducatur, a sanguine detracto curandi ratio necessario est auspicanda. [In
cases where the origin of the dropsy is clearly derived from the suppression of menses or from
abundance of blood stifling the inborn warmth, the method of treatment must necessarily be
begun with drawing blood.]
60 Γυνὴ ἐν γάστρι ἔχουσα φλεβοτομηθεῖσα ἐκτιτρώσκει·. Hippocrat. Aph. lib. 5. [A pregnant woman
who is phlebotomized aborts. Hippocrates, Aphorisms, Book 5, Aphorism 37.]
The full aphorism: Γυνὴ ἐν γαστρὶ ἔχουσα, φλεβοτομηθεῖσα, ἐκτιτρώσκει· καὶ μᾶλλον ᾖσι
μεῖζον τὸ ἔμβρυον. (“A pregnant women, if phlebotomized, aborts. Especially those whose
fetus is larger.”)
61 Three marginal notes:
1. Novi quam plurimas quarum aliae abortiunt, aliae foetus edunt parum firmos aut vitales
nisi intermediis mensibus phlebotomia plenitudo minuatur. Reolanus. [I have known
many of whom some abort, others produce a fetus insufficiently strong or vital unless their
plenitude be reduced by phlebotomy in the intervening months. Reolanus.]
Near verbatim (original has imminuatur where Cotta has minuatur) from Johannes
*Riolanus, Morborum Curandorum Ratio: Particularis Methodi Medendi, Section 4, 2nd
Treatise, Morbi Uteri (“Diseases of the Uterus”), Subsection Novimestris Gestationis
Morbosa Accidentia, Imprimis Abortus (“Accidents of the 9-month Gestation, Espe-
cially Miscarriage.”) See Book 1, Chapter 5, note 35.
2. Multae nisi 4. mense referetur vena abortiunt. Foetus enim copia obruitur. Fernelius de
Meth. Med. [Many women miscarry unless a vein is opened in the 4th month. For the fetus
is overcome by plenitude (of blood).]
*Fernelius Universa Medicina, in the division Therapeutices Universalis, seu Meden-
di Rationis (also called Methodus Medendi), Book II De Venae Sectione, Chapter 12. Also
found almost verbatim, not attributed to Fernelius, in Epidemiorum et Ephemeridum,
Book I, note 4 to §constitutio verna, by Ballonius (Guillaume de Baillou, 1538–1616), a
student of Fernelius.
3. Mulieri gravidae si menses fluxerint liberius sanguinem mittas. Hollerius. [If the menses
of a pregnant woman flow, you should let blood quite freely. Hollerius.]
*Hollerius De Morbis Internis Book I, Chapter XXIII De Angina.
108 chapter 2
of men that so preposterously divulge in all places so many books and paper-
apothecary-shops of secrets and medicines, better judgment and learned sooth
teaching the wise and discreet that things without reason in themselves are by
reason and wisdom to be guided and ordered.
Left in ignorant handling and unwitting abuse, their fair-promising seem- 5
ings prove gilded poisons. If any man want wit to see or know this, or knowing
will not consider, let the danger prove itself unto him, and let such experience
be ever the mother of fools. And for those that herein make mercy and com-
miseration, apology for their rash violating the rules of wisdom, sobriety, and
safe discretion in ignorant intermeddling, I wish them consider how dangerous 10
are the harms and consequences of good intentions, and charitable endeav-
ors, where they run before knowledge and propriety in the agent. Every honest
function is not every honest man’s, but unto every man is distributed and allot-
ted the action of his own calling, which also must be made his and appropriate,
not only by approved sufficiency in himself, but authorized approbation in 15
others. Whereby the action being good in itself, lawful in the doer, fitting and
accommodate unto the circumstance, it is blessed of God, commended of men,
seasonable in itself, harmlessly profitable, and every way without reproach.
chapter 3
Women, their custom and practice about the sick,

common-visiting counselors, and commenders of
medicines
Our common offenders in the former kinds are generally all such as are known
to want in institution in arts and sciences, are not educated in pertinent pre-
cepts, not studied nor brought up in places of good literature, without which
good means ordinarily there can accrue to men no perfection in any faculty.1
For although it be possible that there may grow in some few an allowable medi- 5
ocrity in some sort sufficient to inform themselves, and profit others by a fitness
in nature joined with industry (though the ordinary course of instruction by
readers, teachers, and schools be not so plentifully supplied), yet it is no safe
discretion ordinarily to trust a sufficiency so very rarely found, so hardly, so sel-
dom, and in so few truly gained. Here therefore, are men warned of advising 10
with women counselors.
We cannot but acknowledge and with honor mention the graces of woman-
hood wherein, by their destined property, they are the right and true sovereigns
of affection. But yet, seeing their authority in learned knowledge cannot be
authentical, neither hath God and nature made them commissioners in the 15
sessions of learned reason and understanding (without which in cases of life
and death, there ought to be no daring or attempt at all), it is rash cruelty in
them even there to do well, where unto the not judiciously foreseeing, that well
might have proved ill, and that ill is oft no less than death, or else at least the
way to death which is the hazard of health. 20
Their counsels for this cause in matters of so great and dangerous conse-
quent, modesty, nature, law, and their own sex, hath ever exempted.2 We may
2 Institution: education or training.
1 τριᾶν δεῖ, παιδειας, φυσεως, αἰσθήσεως, μαθησεω. Aristot. Bona institutio trium opus habet, natu-
rae, doctrinae, exercitationis. [There is need of three things: culture, nature, perception, learning.
Aristotle. Good training has need of three things, nature, teachings, application.]
As is typical with the Greek in this book, accents and some letters might be mistaken,
missing, or difficult to read. These words are not found in *Aristotle: it is hard to know what
Cotta had in mind or to identify his source.
2 Mulieribus nemo nunquam Lycaeum aedificaverit, aut Senaculum statuerit. Scalig. de Subtil.

110 chapter 3
justly here tax their dangerous whisperings about the sick, wherein their preva-
lence oft being too great, they abuse the weak sense of the diseased, while
they are not themselves, and make just and wise proceedings suspected, and
with danger suspended. For it is not sufficient for the physician to do his office,
except both the sick himself, and also all that are about him, be prudently and 5
advisedly careful and obedient unto good reason.3 Without which, love itself
may be dangerously officious, the error of friendship, a deed unto death, and a
kind work in intention the wound of an enemy in issue and execution.
Among those that are wise, a good conscience doth stay all rash commission,
and confirmation of all necessary office by such as are learned, doth prevent the 10
accusation of careless omission, and in this mean for the unlearned to consist,
is only harmless piety. Between the unconsiderate haste of abundant affection,
and the lame and careless pace of want of love and duty, between too busy
meddling, and too curious forbearance, are conspicuous the excellent virtues of
prudence, discretion, and knowledge, upon which are safely found wise moder- 15
ation and temperate use of means, unto which ever and only God hath blessed
all actions, their ends and issues. In whom, therefore, these are not, how unwar-
ranted are their actions unto their own hearts, and how dangerous also must
they be to others’ harms?
If women then profess no arts, nor as masters of sciences can prove their 20
rules, let them with sobriety govern the great rule of themselves, and so shall
they be most harmlessly happy in being freed from the unhappiness of having
their hands so commonly in others’ mishaps, unto the dishonor of woman-
hood.
A gentlewoman lately falling grievously sick through the frights of bloodlet- 25
ting (wherewith women’s counsel by many ill reports thereof had confounded
her), refused the only safe rescue of her life thereby. Whereupon very shortly
after, her blood grew so furious that, breaking the wonted bounds and limits
of her veins, with violence it gushed out not only at her mouth and nose with
diverse other passages of her body besides, but also made a disruption in the 30
veins of one of her legs, from whence issuing in great abundance, it speedily
dispatched her, even unto the end and last breath still making her choice, that
14 Curious: cautious.
[No one has ever built a Lycaeum for women or established a senate house. Scaliger, Exotericæ
Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
No such sentiment has been found in the work cited or in *Scaliger’s Poetices.
3 ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν νορέοντα, καὶ τοὺς παρέοντας, etc. sed et aegrotum et astantes. Hippoc. Aph. I.
See Book 1, Chapter 10, note 8 for the corrected Greek text, a translation, and the rest of
*Hp. Aph. 1.1.
of women counselors 111
rather her blood should thus kill her than she consent to part with any part
thereof otherwise. Thus, she miserably died.
Contrariwise, another gentlewoman4 in the year 1602 and of her age seventy-
four (as she herself numbered), vexed many years with a continual issue of
blood, after she had been long left in hopeless care and despair, required and 5
expected of me her last doom. I found (oft observing her pulse), a manifest,
equal, and constant magnitude, altitude, and vehemence,a the habit of her
body well liking, and by these assured myself as of the cause of her disease.
So also of the strength of nature. Many other remedies before in vain iter-
ated and varied, and none prevailing or profiting, contrary to the judgment of 10
some former physicians, as also her own liking in regard of her age and sup-
posed weakness, and contrary to the general disclaim and wonderment of her
friends, her5 strength in the former indication favoring it, necessity urging, and
therefore her age dispensing, I commanded her to be sparingly let blood in the
arm,6whereupon, without any farther other help, she immediately recovered 15
her strength, and was freed the space of eight years together from the issue,
which had continually vexed her many years before.b
7 Vehemence: intensity.
aAltitude is here used figuratively (i.e. at a high level). b If the gentlewoman’s own reckon-
ing can be trusted, and Cotta’s account of her life after his treatment is accurate, she lived to be
at least eighty-two, an advanced age by any account, and, though not unheard of, very old by
the standards of the premodern and early modern eras. Hildegard of Bingen (d. AD 1179) lived to
around eighty-one. Lady Katherine Neville (d. ca. AD 1483) lived to the astounding age of eighty-
six. Judith Quiney (d. 1662), the younger daughter of William Shakespeare, lived to seventy-seven.
Cotta himself, more typically, lived into his fifties.
4 Wife unto one Master Mercer of Northampton, an ancient alderman.

5 Distinguendae vires gravatae et oppressae a languidis et attritis. Hae maiora remedia postulant,
illae nullo modo ferunt. [One must distinguish strength that is oppressed and weighed down from
that which is sluggish and wasted away. The ones demand stronger remedies, the others with-
stand them not at all.]
6 Two marginal notes correspond to this place in the text:
1. Firmus puer robustus senex tuto sanguinis missionem ferunt. [A solid boy and robust old man
safely withstand the letting of blood.]
Notice these exact words from *Celsus misattributed to *Fernelius in Book 2, Chapter 1,
note 24.
2. In decrepita aetate sanguinem mittit Rhases urgente valde necessitate. [Rhases lets blood in
a weak phase of life when necessity strongly requires it.]
Probably *Fernelius Universa Medicina, Section Methodi Medendi, Book II (De Venae
Sectione “on the cutting of a vein”), Chapter 11: Sic Rhases aetate decrepita quae gravi urgen-
teque pleuritide vel peripneumonia torquebatur sanguinem emisit (“So *Rhases lets blood
in a weak phase of life which is beset by a grievous and urgent pleurisy or peripneumo-
112 chapter 3
I deliver these familiar examples of mine own for better satisfaction whereby
unto the meanest eye and simple understanding it is apparent that bloodletting
or not bloodletting (as all other remedies) are either good or evil, or neither
good nor evil, in several seasons and circumstances, whereby the persuasion
or dissuasion thereof by such as want judgment, is ever casually also good or 5
evil in itself, but ever unjustifiable in the ignorant counselor. The just will not
herein offend, but the fool will be babbling, whereof to beware unto many had
been saving physic, that now are dead. Many times have many by persuading
without reason or judgment drawn their friend unto death, contrary to their
better meaning, troubling them with fear of death in the remedy, while they 10
run themselves to death for want of remedy. Ill counsel for the most part pro-
duceth ill event. Ignorant counsel is never good counsel. And therefore it is
honest for itself, and safe for the sick, that ignorance be ever silent, or never
presumptuous.
It is oft occasion of mirth to see how even after sick men are sometime per- 15
fectly recovered, the very ill opinion of remedies past (labored into the conceit
by the waving of idle tongues) holdeth them still needlessly sick, until their
wiser thoughts draw their minds to forget their imagination, or to remember
themselves. And thus, unawares, they sometime ease themselves of their own
imposition which was first the vain supposition of a friend. Such friendship is 20
oft simplicity, and haply sometimes knavery, but let the patient that desireth
his own good be impatient of such folly and not enlarge his kind heart unto
so unkind hurt unto himself, remembering (though it be humanity to hear a
friendly voice) that the attendant of wisdom is slow belief.
Oft and much babbling inculcation in the weak brains of the sick may easily 25
prevail with them, to forget both that which their own good hath taught them,
and also by a borrowed opinion from others’ indiscrete words to corrupt their
own sense. It is the common custom of most common people thus ordinarily to
molest and trouble the sick. Their presence, therefore, is dangerous and care-
fully to be either prohibited or better governed. Common and vulgar mouths 30
easily incline scandalously to prejudice the things they know not. Hence, it
is in these days a customary work to dissuade physic while men not making
right choice of their physician, or perverting good counsel by their own pee-
vish frowardness, and thereby multiplying unto themselves continual occasion
of complaint, unjustly therefore accuse art, which they never duly sought, nor 35
found, nor used, and therefore never knew. The offences that men justly take
nia.”) Cotta was familiar with Fernelius’s De Venae Sectione. See Book 1, Chapter 2, note 61.2
and Book 2, Chapter 3, note 26.
are the faults, the blots, the stains of unperfect workmen, not of art, whereof
art is as guiltless as they are void of art.
Many, because they may haply observe some other by the too much and
immoderate use of physic, sometime too hardly to keep under their own
strength, sometime haply to tire nature, or too continually to interrupt and 5
perturb her quiet fruition of herself, and the true sense of her own power and
strength in herself, therefore, in the other extreme, they also, with a nice and
foolish morosity, altogether contemn and reject the temperate and moderate
use thereof,7 denying unto God and nature their care and duty to themselves,
restraining nature from the privilege of remedies which God hath given unto 10
her, and injuriously suffering her to live within them imprisoned, oppressed,
and oft needlessly ruined.
Physic itself is honored by the mouth and mention of God himself, and in
itself hath demonstration of itself, unto them whose understanding doth give
them eyes. But the ignorant and the excessive use, the abuse thereof, and no 15
less the perverse contempt and neglect thereof, are the curse of God and the
sin of men. They therefore that persuade the sick that they have no need of
the physician, call God a liar, who expressly sayeth otherwise8 and make them-
selves wiser than their Creator, who hath ordained the physician for the good of
man.9 Let men therefore fly and take heed of such foolish calumny, and in their 20
7 In vitium ducit culpae fuga si caret arte. Horat. [Avoidance of a mistake leads into another if it
lacks skill. Horace.]
*Hor. Ars 31.
8 Non est opus valentibus medico, sed male habentibus. Mathaei cap. 9. [The healthy do not need
a doctor, but those badly off do. Matthew, Chapter 9.]
GB gives the relevant verses this way: “And when the Pharisees saw that, they said to his
disciples, ‘Why eateth your master with publicans and sinners?’ Now, when Jesus heard it, he
said unto them ‘The whole need not a physician, but they that are sick’ ” (Matt. 9:11–12). The
same remark is presented, with slight variations, in other gospels as well.
9 Two marginal notes correspond to this location in the text:
1. Est enim a Supremo medicus et a rege stipendium accipiet. Ecclesiast. 38.2 [For the doctor is
from God and will receive pay from the king. Ecclesiastes 38.2.]
Verse 38.2 of Ecclesiasticus is: A Deo est enim omnis medela, et a rege accipiet dona-
tionem (“All healing is from God and he will receive a donation from a king.”) GB: “Honor
the physician with that honor that is due unto him, because of necessity: for the Lord
hath created him. From of the most High commeth healing, and he shall receive gifts of
the King” (38:1–2).
2. Dominus e terra condidit medicamenta et prudens homo non contemnit ea. Ecclesiast. 38.4.
[God made medicines from the earth and a wise man does not despise them. Ecclesiasticus
38.4.]
Verse 38.4 of Ecclesiasticus is: Altissimus creavit de terra medicamenta, et vir prudens
non abhorrebit illa. (“The highest created medicines from earth and the wise man will not
114 chapter 3
necessity let them remember their Maker and thankfully embrace his blessing
and benefit of ease and health which thereby he hath commended and given
unto them, left unthankful to him, and accessory to their own hurt, they perish
in a double sin.
Beside the ordinary and mean sort of visiting people, doing in the former 5
kinds very scandalously and continually much hurt, it is too ordinary use and
manner generally with all orders of men. For since most men are not capa-
ble, worthy, nor understandingly able to discern a true good, it is no wonder
that the fewest speak truly good of good. Some of these sorts do not simply
or absolutely dissuade physic, but (as an inducement unto their own prac- 10
tice and admittance) such physic only as cometh unknown unto them, out of
apothecaries’ shops, or from physicians’ hands and directions, thereby prefer-
ring their own private ointments, plasters, cerecloths, drinks, potions, glisters,
and diets, because by time and custom they are become familiarly known unto
them, and now are of their own domestical preparation and therefore are by 15
their knowledge, acquaintance, and avouching of them, grown into sole credit
and reputation with them. With this insinuation and officious promise of their
known, gentle, and pleasant medicines, and of undoubted good from this their
own protected proof and experience, many allure the sick miserably to beguile
themselves to exchange reasonable likelihood for personal confidence,10 the 20
knowledge of the right and safe use of medicines for the knowledge of the
composition of their medicines, the preciousness of time and opportunity for
health.
For the partial expectation of uncertain trial, these known defects as the
perpetual consequences of this ignorance and want of knowledge, as they are 25
ordinarily admitted, so are they continually manifestly observed and noted by
others’ harms and ofttimes too late repentance. For since want of knowledge
13 Cerecloth: a cloth soaked in medicine. ‖ Glister: clyster, an enema.
shudder at them.”) GB: “The Lord hath created medicines of the earth, and he that is
wise will not abhor them” (38:4).
Cotta’s Latin for these two quotations, which are close to but not identical to texts of Eccle-
siasticus (also called The Book of Ben Sirach among other names), may be from a Latin
translation of Ecclesiasticus, or it may be his own translation into Latin from a Greek trans-
lation such as the Septuagint, or Cotta may be quoting from memory or notes.
10 Spes laqueo volucres, spes captat arundine pisces, cum tenues hamos abdidit ante cibus.
Tibull. [Hope captures birds with a snare, hope captures fish with a reed, when bait hides
the slender hook. Tibullus 2.6.23–24.]
Tibullus (55–19BC) wrote elegies. Cotta substitutes spes “hope” for haec “this” because
haec refers to an earlier instance of spes.
doth ever lamely give supply to any want, what safe expectation or probable
hope can the diseased have of ignorant persons in their distressed wants? Old
Eve will never be worn out of Adam’s children:
Alas, an apple can do no great hurt. It is fair and beautiful unto the eye,
pleasant to taste, and but a trifle, a small matter, a little quantity, and of 5
excellent quality: Adam must needs taste. It is good for his eyes, it will
clear his sight, an excellent medicine to make him see. What is more fair,
more easy, more gentle, more harmless, more cordial, more dainty than
an apple?
Eve in good will offered it, and so Adam took it. It made him also see, but Adam 10
had been better still blind. A dangerous and incurable leprosy and infection
thence seized upon him, which after none but the great physician of Heaven
and Earth could cure.
Many medicines are small, harmless, gentle, pleasant, and in themselves do
no hurt. But by accident, by consequent, by circumstance, death oft followeth 15
them at the heels. Milk, broth, butter, and many other wholesome meats, juices,
and fruits in themselves, are of common harmless use—mild, nourishing, and
comfortable, some of them sometimes sovereign antidotes against many poi-
sons, mitigators of divers pains. Yet, because sometimes against some circum-
stances against art or reason used, they prove a destruction unto the user,11 and 20
as sometimes a smaller damage, sometime a greater, so therefore sometime
more and sometime less observed.
Who almost supecteth a mess of milk or a cup of beer,12 things so famil-
iar and customary in daily use and diet, yet permitted in some conditions,13
1 Probable: plausible.
11 In hora doloris vehementis cibus quicumque periculo non caret. Gal. de victu Febricit. [In time
of dire pain food of any sort does not lack danger. Galen, De Victu Febricitantium.]
The source is unclear. *Galen has no work currently known as De Victu Febricitantium.
Nothing corresponding to this quotation has been found elsewhere in Galen.
12 Data tempora prosunt: et data non apto tempore vina nocent. Ovid. [Given at the right time,
wine helps: and given at the wrong time, wine harms. Ovid.]
From *Ov. Rem. 131–132.
13 Three marginal notes correspond to this location in the text:
1. Iis qui morbi acumine evacuatione indigent, si quis cibum dederit, magnum operatur
malum. Galen. de vict. Febricit. [One causes great ill to those who need evacuation because
of the acuteness of an illness if one gives them food. Galen, De Victu Febricitantium.]
From at Galeni in Librum Hippocratis de Victus Ratione in Morbis Acutis Commentarii
116 chapter 3
in some manner with some error, the messengers14 of death attend them, oft
fainting, swoundings, sudden extinction of the natural heat, anxiety, and vex-
ation, with other accidents of easy corruption and putrefaction in the one, as
of stupefaction and mortification in the other. This did witness a late summer’s
sudden heats, wherein the unadvised hasty satisfying of thirst with a cold drink, 5
by heaps in divers places in Northamptonshire sent laborers and harvest people
into their graves.
(“Galen’s Commentaries on Hippocrates’s Book ‘Concerning the Manner of Feeding in

Cases of Acute Diseases’”) Book II, §48 (15:610K).
2. Si quis dolorem alui subductione vel insecta vena solverit, pro humoris exigentia, et vel
pauxillum ita affectis ptisanam dederit, paecipites aget in mortem. Galen. de vict. Febricit.
[If someone resolves pain by emptying of the bowels or by the cutting of a vein, according
to the urgency of the humor, and gives a little barley broth to those so affected, one will
drive them swiftly to death. Galen, De Victu Febricitantium.]
From Galeni in Librum Hippocratis de Victus Ratione in Morbis Acutis Commentarii
(“Galen’s Commentaries on Hippocrates’s Book ‘Concerning the Manner of Feeding
in Cases of Acute Diseases’”), which says both in Book I, §§32–34 and in *Galen’s
comments at the end of Book III (each with slightly different wording), Quibus enim
cibus autem statim inclusus est siquis non vacuato eo sorbitionem dederit dolorem si
adest adaugebit: et si non adest protinus inducet … Praeterea, si lateris dolor assiduus est
calidisque fomentis non remittatur sputumque non procedit sed extreme citra coctabil-
itatem glutinosum fit/sit, nisi quis dolorem vel alui subductione vel secta vena pro
utriusvis significatione solverit, ptissanum autem ita affectis dederit, praecipitem
aget in mortem (“For if someone has given broth to those in whom food has suddenly
been confined, unless it be evacuated, their pain, if it is present, will be increased: and
if it is not present it will be induced immediately … Moreover, if the pain in the side
is constant and is not reduced by hot compress and spittle does not come forth but
becomes viscous far beyond digestibility, if one does not resolve the pain either by
evacuation of the bowels or by cutting a vein in accordance with the indication of
either, and gives, however, a barley gruel to those so affected, one will drive them to
a swift death.”) Although Cotta seems to say that emptying the bowels or letting blood
is harmful, Galen seems to think it can help, but the wording of the boldfaced part in
particular is so similar that it is hard to believe Cotta has not misquoted.
3. Si phlegmone vel redundantia adsit, cavenda ante accessionem cibatio seu res maxime
noxia, Gal de vict. Febricit. [If inflammation or excess be present, eating must be avoided
before the onset or the issue will be especially harmful. Galen, De Victu Febricitantium.]
Found in Galeni Methodi Medendi, last sentence of Book XI (10; 809, lines 4–6K).
14 Lenissimum saepe erratum in victus ratione irreparabilis damni causa. Galen. de vict. Feb.
[The most moderate error in the calculation of food often is the cause of irreparable damage.
Galen, De Victu Febricitantium.]
No work attributed to *Galen currently bears that name, but Brudus Lusitanus, in his
De Victu Febricitantium “On Food for Those with Fevers” (also known as De Ratione Victus
in Febribus), Zurich, 1555, 413, attributes this thought (expressed with different vocabu-
lary) to Galeni in Librum Hippocratis de Victus Ratione in Morbis Acutis Commentarii. It is
not clear where it is found in that work, however.
With these, for farther illustration, I might number without number many
more, but, unto the wise and worthy, a word is sufficient intimation. And
though many ignorants may speak fair and pleasing, and commend things that
look smooth, and smiling upon the liking of the sick, yet provident necessity
will hence be warned to be wise for itself, not rashly admitting so dangerous 5
flattery,15 not too swiftly trusting sirens for their songs, nor crocodiles for their
tears, but in matters so nearly concerning life and death, duly and carefully
inquiring, and, according to the verdict of understanding and reason, trying
and examining, and not forgetting beside the hazard in unsafe error by unsuf-
ficient counselors, the loss of time and opportunity for better help, which oft- 10
times is never regained.16 And for entertaining so mean counsel in the use of
such means as carry a manifest danger and malignity in their nature and use, I
could think no man so void of counsel as to need therein counsel. Yet because
experience of some errors herein past is argument of other remaining possible
to come, I will only by one example advertise, and from that example, it will be 15
easy for everyone to raise a rule and caution to himself.17
It is ordinary with many unskillful busybodies under color and pretext of
gentle and safe dealing, to make familiar and ordinary the use of perilous
medicines which haply also they do not so distinguish or repute, and there-
fore cannot be said to lie (because they speak their thought), yet tell not truth, 20
because they think not right. I was sometime solicited by a careful mother for
her child whom I found by a sharp and acute convulsion violently distorted,
and before time allowed leisure for preparation of remedies, swiftly strangled.
In any propension thereto in the constitution or other disposition of the child,
was nothing which might apparently be accused, and therefore, making dili- 25
gent inquiry after some outward cause, I found that the suspicion of worms had
occasioned the commendations and use of the herb bearfoot, which, though
ordinary and much accustomed for that end among women, and oft by good
hap without hurt, yet we could not but with good reason hereof convince,
conferring the present harm (which no presumption could unto other thing 30
24 Propension: propensity.
15 Impia sub dulci melle venena latent. Ovid. [Wicked poisons lie hidden under sweet honey.
Ovid.]
*Ov. Am. 1.8.104.
16 Sero medicina paratur, cum mala per longas invaluere moras. Ovid. [Medicine is prepared
too late when ills have gained strength through long delays. Ovid.]
*Ov. Rem. 91.
17 Foelix quicunque dolore alterius disces posse carere tuo. Tibull. [Happy you who learn from
another’s grief to avert your own. Tibullus.]
Tib. 3.6.43.
118 chapter 3
impute) with the danger and malign nature of that herb in production of such
like effects (although many for the like use have in like manner given it unto
their children without blame).
Thus, sometimes some men have devoured mortal poisons, not only with-
out harm, but with good and commodious effect. By these conveyances, and 5
through the like presumption, many unwitting bodies oft bury in themselves
unbewailed (because unknown) hellebore, quicksilver, precipitate, and the
like, colored with better names, and at the present unperceived. Desperate
trials sometime bring forth strange deliverances, yet neither is the boldness
warrant, nor the escape encouragement. 10
There happen oft in these days many sudden, marveled, and strange acci-
dents, posing the best physicians themselves, without doubt oft raised from
causes by these errors unknown, secret, concealed, or haply by time before the
effect appear, forgotten (for secret mischiefs long time insensibly undermine
before the sensible event appear). For proof of dangerous customs in ignorant 15
hands, I will make one example a light unto many.
A woman sometime came to advise concerning an extraordinary accident in
her ordinary use of purge-comfits. She gave (at the same time herself, and some
others in the same house taking there with answerable effect and evacuation)
unto a very aged man eight in number (being her usual dose). The first day they 20
had no effect with the old man, and in all the rest performed their wont. She
therefore gave him as many the next day with the like effect, and as many every
day unto the tenth day, with the like proof. It was then her fear he had tasted
his own funeral feast before his death, but he survived the fear without sense
of change or danger. 25
Is it safe from this good hap, for other in hope still to hazard themselves in
such unsafe handling? Is it not rather manifest how ignorantly and commonly
these creatures overlook the danger which justly wisdom and reason suspend
and fear? Discreet fear awaketh vigilance and circumspection, but ignorance
of danger is void of fear, and therefore of care. Careless attempts draw harmful 30
and repented issues, and though good haps sometimes flatter vain security, yet
if seldom harms be not wisely extended as a caution and example unto many,
the custom of neglect will make the rare confusion quickly common. So large
a feast of purge-comfits hath seldom kept so many holy days in one belly, or
a banqueting likeness so harmlessly privileged idleness in a working quality. 35
The consequent happened much fairer than could be foreseen or hoped. If for
that cause any man will again adventure the like, who will not imagine that in
7 Hellebore: a plant used as a purgative. ‖ Precipitate: compounds of mercury. 12 Posing: con-

fusing, confounding.
the thought he hath already lost his wits and in the proof may lose himself?
If notwithstanding the escape, any man will wonder, but no man, I suppose,
imitate.
It may be haply deemed incredible, that so common and mean sort of people
can attain acquaintance with so dangerous instruments, as some before men- 5
tioned and other the like; but due exploration oft by the harms occasioned
doth testify it, and the means of their acquaintance discovered doth prove it
easy. Quacksalvers, bankrupt apothecaries, and fugitive surgeons everywhere
overtraveling the face of this kingdom, hunted by want of riot from place to
place, are oft compelled to insinuate and creep into the favor of mean people, 10
and, in their necessity, do sell for gain and entertainment, and in their prodigal-
ity for lust and love, these generous and noble secrets carrying on the outside of
the titles of famous medicines, and being within infamous poisons. And by this
means quick and desperate experiments with such as thus like to gain them,
grow vulgar medicaments. 15
chapter 4
Fugitives, workers of juggling wonders,

quacksalvers
Now seeing we are cast upon the mention of the former sort of men, we will
here, for giving better knowledge of them, protract their short stay.1 Of this
order are they who in towns and villages hang up their banners and triumphant
flags in fields, of broken arms, rotted legs, and half faces, and haply also timber
for new, displaying at large before the simple amazed multitude, their provi- 5
sion of shot and wildfire in quintessences and spirits scouring up before them
goodly store of harness wherewith men of all sorts may arm themselves against
all diseases, discoursing2 with what agility they can solder new gristles for old
noses and newly again enfranchise French limbs,a and finally making them-
selves admirable tinkers of all infirmities. 10
Amongst these men, credulous minds may see things invisible; beggars are
enabled to sell gold to drink that want silver to make them eat. Aurum pota-
bile, the natural balsamum, the philosopher’s stone, dissolved pearl,b and the
4–5 Timber for new: build up their practice with more patients. 6 Quintessences: essential
essences supposed by alchemists to reside in all matter.
a Syphilis was often associated with the eating away of the nose. bAurum potabile, or drinkable
gold, was a supposed panacea that Cotta much despised. See pages 52–55 in the Introduction
to this edition. Balsamum, balsam, or balm, was an ointment thought to have curative prop-
erties. According to Pliny (Nat. 9.119–121), Cleopatra was so eager to impress Antony with her
lavish entertainment that she dissolved a pearl in her drink. *Horace relates a similar story
about one Clodus who dissolved pearls in vinegar to impress his beloved Metella (S. 2.3.230–
241) A similar story was told about Sir Thomas Gresham and Queen Elizabeth; Henry Vaughan
(1621–1695), a poet and unlicensed medical practitioner, listed among his cures for melancholy
“one scruple each of prepared pearls and of bezoar stone; and two ounces of sugar dissolved
in rose water.” Dickson, “Vaughan’s Medical Annotations,” 437. The philosopher’s stone was a
conjectured substance supposedly produced through alchemy and capable of wondrous effects
including transmuting base metals into gold and prolonging life.
1 Fugitives, Quacksalvers, Empirici, Chymistae

Empirici: doctors who favored observation and experiment over theory; as the present
chapter shows, for Cotta, empirici is a term of derision. Chymistae: druggists generally, and
particularly followers of *Paracelsus, whose ideas Cotta distrusted.
2 Quod si dolosi spes refulserit nummi, corvos poetas et poetridas picas cantare credas Pegaseium
melos. Persius. [But if the hope of a treacherous coin shines forth, you would think the poet crows
and poetic pies were singing a Pegaseian song. Persius.]
Prologue lines 12–13 of Persius’s Satires.

fugitives, workers of juggling wonders, quacksalvers 121
like inestimable glories of pride and art and nature are their professed ordinary
creatures and the workmanship of their hands, in whose hands are nothing but
idleness, theft, and beggary.3
To engage wonder above wonder with admiration unto the beholders, some
of this sort will not seem nice to cut their own flesh, that it may be glory within 5
a few hours to heal it up again, the pain being pleasure which is invited by
consent and recompensed by gain. It is strange to see how these men, leaving
their old occupations and mechanical mysteries wherein they were educate,
suddenly find themselves inspired with a spirit of revelation, of rare secrets,
and thereby promise unto themselves and other miraculous wonders. And it is 10
indeed true wonder to see with what agility they are able so grossly to deceive
and in the end like noble chemists, having extracted silver out of the baser
metal of idle words, in smoke they vanish, leaving behind them the shadow of
death, with those who leaving the daylight of clearer understanding neglected,
rashly run themselves into the mist of imposture and ignorance. 15
Thus prevalent is fair pollicitation and vain wonderment. If men would con-
sult with reason and judiciously consider, though their wonders were truly to be
wondered and worthy to exercise the wise and learned in their extrication (as
they are the vanities and inanities of argute and subtle cozenages), yet must
it never be forgotten, that wonders, yea, and miracles themselves are solely 20
never arguments of truth or sufficiency, but for the most part fruits of unprof-
itable curiosity, deceiving the simple, amazing the multitude, and giving way
and credit to untruth, cozenage, and juggling. Therefore, in this kind the Devil
himself is excellent, and for the most part, it is one chief part, a true mark and
prerogative of his followers, conjurers, sorcerers, witches, and jugglers, who, 25
wanting true worthiness in themselves, make unto themselves these glorious
covers.
God hath given nothing unto man but for his travail and pain.a And accord-
ing to his studious industry, care, prudence, providence, assiduity, and dili-
gence, he dispenseth unto him every good thing. He hath not ordained wonders 30
and miracles to give supply unto our common needs, nor to answer the ordi-
nary occasions or uses of our life, but our own needful, discreet endeavors ever
12 Chemists: alchemists. 16 Pollicitation: pledge or promise. 19 Argute: sharp, precise.
a That is, God always provides some remedies to trouble and pain.
3 Clinicus Herodes trullam subduxerat aegro, deprensus dixit, stulte quid ergo bibis? Martial.
[Doctor Herodes stole a ladle from a sick man, and when caught said, “fool, what are you drinking
with it?”]
*Mart., 9.98.
122 chapter 4
depending upon his providence. Truth and sufficiency receive not their just
trial by rare works or casual events, but by an habitual4 and continual proof and
exercise in their daily, ordinary, and proper subjects and occurrents, whereto
truly and pertinently they apt and fit every design and action whereunto their
own upright judgment is a trusty guide and others’ eyes undeceived witnesses. 5
And thus, if men will learn to guide themselves, they shall not so commonly
and easily lose their eyes in the gaze of wonders, nor their reason in the maze
of such inexplicable and intricate folly.
3 Occurrents: actual things.
4 Scientia, intellectus, prudentia, sunt habitus, qui vigili studio, labore, diligentia, et assuescendo
acquiruntur. [Knowledge, understanding, and wisdom are states which are acquired by wakeful
industry, work, care, and habituation.]
chapter 5
Surgeons
That which hath been formerly said sufficeth to point out the deceivers last
mentioned. Their affinity giveth occasion to mention in the next place, their
next neighbors, divers our common unlearned surgeons, having neither let-
ters nor humanity, nor even acquainted with the dialect and language of the
learned. These men, for the most part esteeming themselves deserving well 5
for the operary uses of a skillful and well exercised hand in wound,1 incisions,
amputations of sphacelate parts and the like, hence take unto themselves an
emeriteda privilege in physic practice.
Some also venture farther, and for some rare experiences arrogate unto
themselves ability, a power and authority to educate and institute physicians, 10
as an undergrowth unto themselves, by lying promises, persuading many hon-
est simple parents to commit their children, otherwise perhaps more fortunate
and ingenious, to be their apprentices. Hence it cometh to pass that many in
these days thus traded up by their example unto a nimbleness of deceit, and of
adventuring in all occurrents, so ordinarily promise like gods, dare above men, 15
and act like devils, crucifying the lives of poor men. While, by the grace of one
good deed of good hap,2 the opportunity of committing many tragedies unspo-
ken is gained. And thus, is the world furnished with factors for the grave and the
perdition of mankind.
An example of double impudence let here witness. A gentleman of North- 20
amptonshire, vexed with an ulcer of the bladder, required my advice. Under-
6 Operary: based on practice, rather than theoretical knowledge. 7 Sphacelate: gangrenous.
a Latin emeritus means “deserved, earned,” as well as “having completed one’s service (military),”
whence OED: “skilled through long practice.” The use here is ironic.
1 Ac si interiores affectus sensu cognoscantur, aut manus opera curentur. Riolanus [As if interior
conditions could be recognized by feel or cured by the work of a hand. Riolanus.]
The source is uncertain: an eighteenth century text attributes this quotation to *Riolanus
in the epistula prefixed to the Ars Medendi.
2 Quo fieri possit modo Severe, ut vir omnium pessimus Charinus, unam rem bene fecerit, requiris?
Dicam, sed cito: Quid Nerone peius? Quid thermis melius Neronianis? Martial. [You ask how
comes it to pass, Severus, that Charinus, the worst of all men, has done one thing well? I shall
tell you, and quickly: What is worse than a Nero? What is better than the Neronian baths? Mar-
tial.]
*Mart. 7.34.1–5. Cotta has changed Martial’s word order.

124 chapter 5
standing by the daily abundance of purulent matter in his urine (for the space
almost of half a year before continually observed) together with some store
of blood ofttimes withal (neither of which the bladder itself and the exility of
the veins thereof could so plentifully with so easy accidents afford)3 as also
by the more perfect permistion thereof with the substance of the urine, that 5
it was not only an affection of the bladder, but a greater and more danger-
ous in the reins (about the region whereof was ever much pain and weakness)
and conjecturing them past possibility of cure (their substance already so far
spent), I refused to promise of meddle farther than by palliative cure, wherein
accordingly, I insisted a long time with good ease and satisfaction unto the 10
patient.
At length, by some friends there was commended highly for a farther and
better performance, a barber surgeon, who thereupon being required and con-
ducted thither, came unto the gentleman, and, according to the commenda-
tions premised, promised to cure him in six weeks’ space.4 Shortly after, the 15
patient complaining of want of sleep, he gave unto him a ladanum pill of
*Paracelsus,a and, after, mercurial pills for another supposed end, by the use
whereof in his body, then by the length of his disease exceedingly before weak-
ened and extenuate, he presently fell into an amazed staring sleepiness, or an
astonishment between waking and sleeping,5 wherein after he had continued 20
3 Exility: shrunken quality. 5 Permistion: mixture. 7 Reins: kidneys.
aLadanum is a resin extracted from plants of the Cistus genus. However, Cotta may mean lau-
danum, which *Paracelsus likely prepared with opium. *Riolanus, whom Cotta quotes passim,
railed against Paracelsians.
3 A pure longe putidiore quod a vesica separatim exit, graviora solent inter meiendum assurgere
accidentia. Pus quod a renibus defluit, substantiae est magis subtilis et elaboratae, ideoque cum
minore difficultate permeat, doloremque minorem creat. Renes praeterea sunt partes indolentes
magis quam vesica et partium aliarum consensum minus ducunt ubi magis computruerint.
[While urinating, more grievous (circumstances) are wont to arise from very putrescent pus
which comes out of the bladder separately. Pus which flows down from the kidneys is of a thinner
and more worked-out consistency and thus passes through with less difficulty and creates less
pain. Kidneys, moreover, are more pain-free than the bladder and communicate their condition
less with other parts when they have festered more.]
4 Aut facere ingenui est, aut non promisse pudici. Catull. [Either to do it would be proper for an
honorable man or not to promise to do it would be proper to a modest man. Catullus.]
Catul. 110 is the same except that it refers to a woman.
5 Coma vigilans dictum Galeno, lib. 4. de loc. affect. [Called “waking deep sleep” by *Galen, Book 4
De Locis Affectis.]
This may refer to ἄγρυπνον κῶμα, also translated as sopor vigilans, as referred to in De Locis
Affectis (8:163 line 16K, in Book 3).
surgeons 125
a natural day, in the morning following, he was suddenly surprised with acute
and epileptical fits and general convulsion, with foaming, gnashing of his teeth,
loud stertors and the like. Whereof, after in one day he had passed eight or
nine fits in my sight (being then upon that new occasion newly required, the
surgeon fled),6 he was after my coming and means used partly by theriacal 5
glisters, suppositories, and antidotes fitting the present cause and accidents,
through the grace of God unexpectedly delivered, after he had by stool thus
procured, avoided one whole pill undissolved (seen by divers well understand-
ing witnesses present), as also divers small fractions of quicksilver fluctuat-
ing and floating like white pins’ heads as the woman that saw reported unto 10
us.
To make the cause of these accidents yet more manifest, it happened that
two maid servants there attending upon the gentleman by their continual con-
versing near him and the infected sweat of his body, fell strangely and suddenly
into the same fits one after another by course, and each having suffered six or 15
seven apart, were carried forth, and after that time never since (as yet I hear)
nor ever before had the like, as they both then said. One of these now liveth
married in Towcester in Northamptonshire; the other was lately servant to an
honorable lady. This history is known unto many of note and worth beside.
To conclude, the gentleman thus escaped and grew by little and little unto 20
his former senses and strength as his first disease would permit. Within a quar-
ter of a year after, or thereabout, another surgeon again put the gentleman into
a new hope of recovery, and although the report of my judgment did somewhat
(as I heard) shake his confidence, yet not conceiving my reason nor seeing the
cause, and supposing no other but the ulcer of the bladder, he took him in hand, 25
and in his hand within few days he left his life, according to my prediction unto
divers his friends concerning the second attempt likewise solicited.
By these examples it is manifest both how bold and confident ignorance will
be, as also how powerfully and bewitchingly it deceiveth the distressed mind,
3 Stertors: snoring or loud breathing during sleep. 5 Theriacal: referring to theriac, an ancient
remedy initially concocted as an antidote to snakebites, and later a more general remedy. Over
the years, the preparation of theriac became increasingly complex. In the medieval period, it
was commonly used to treat the plague. Fabbri, “Treating Medieval Plague,” 248. Recipes for the
medicine could be found in European pharmacopoeias into the nineteenth century and in the
Middle East to the present day. Totelin, “Mithridates’ Antidote,” 2.
6 Qui nondum stygias descendere quaerit ad undas, tonsorem fugiat, si sapit, Antiochum. Martial.
[Let anyone who is sensible and does not yet want to descend to the Stygian waves flee the barber
Antiochus. Martial.]
*Mart. 11.84.1–2.
126 chapter 5
easily prone to believe that which it desirously would.7 From hence also may
be conjectured how commonly such errors by these ignorant persons in like-
lihood befall, yet for the most part either for want of knowledge unespied or
by the privacy smothered. For if they kill, a dead man telleth no tales.8 Or, if
by chance they save one life, that shall be a perpetual flag to call more fools 5
to the same adventure.9 This is commonly seen in the vulgar custom of curing
the French disease by barbers and surgeons who precipitate commonly every
one alike, and confusedly, without respect or order, thrust all through the pur-
gatory of their sweating, bleeding, vomiting, unctions, plasters, and the like.a
Hereby many needlessly entangle themselves upon mere supposal and fear, 10
and many take more than necessity urgeth, and others, for satisfying that neces-
sity, neglect a more material, and flying too timorously and rashly a known
inconvenience, run headlong unknowing into an after-too-well-known, unre-
coverable mischief.10
For if they that fall into such rough handling be strong in themselves, and 15
no way liable to the harms of such desperate remedies, and be free from the
implication of all other diseases besides (which, entering by their breaches may
interrupt their smooth passage, and make pernicious their French medication),
they may, haply, escaping the danger, for the hazard attain their desired deliv-
ery, as is in some seen. But if nature haply be weak, or the disposition of the sick 20
subject to the perils of that cure (which these men seldom do or can consider),
or any other disease lie in wait to prompt to trust with any advantage (which
these men want knowledge to foresee), the acquaintance with such remedies
may easily prove a greater plague unto the greatest pox. How can he that con-
sidereth the disease and not the person11 (as is usual with these men because 25
a Cotta lists a variety of cures for syphilis (the French disease) that were common in the period,
including sweating, usually done in a very hot bath. Since external sores were a main symptom
of syphilis, the illness was frequently treated by surgeons.
7 Quod nimis miseri volunt hoc facile credunt. Senec. [What exceedingly wretched people desire
they easily believe. Seneca.]
*Sen. Her. F. 313.
8 νεκρὸς οὐ δάκνει. [A dead man does not bite.]
Proverbial. Found in *Plutarch Pompey 77.10 and Brutus 33.5.1: also attributed to Arse-
nius (ca. AD 350–450) in Apophthegmata Patrum 12.4a.
9 Lepide illud: sol successus intuetur; errores tellus operit. [That witty saying: “the Sun watches
successes, the earth hides errors.”]
10 Fumum fugientes in ignem incidunt. [Fleeing the smoke, they fall into the fire.]
The sentiment was also proverbial in English with wide variation (F.P. Wilson cites
a seventeenth-century example: “Many an one flies the smoke, who afterward falls into
fire.”)
11 οὐ γὰρ ἄνθρωπον ὑγιάζει ὁ ἰατρεύων, etc. Non communis homo curatur, sed singulorum quisque.
surgeons 127
the contrary is not possible with ignorance)—how can they, I say, in curing the
one, but endanger the other?a
We see ordinarily the same medicine in the same force unto one man is
scarce sensible, unto another is a sting; unto one favorable, unto another cruel;
in one wanting edge, in another exceeding. It therefore requireth learned abil- 5
ity to discern the hidden odds and differences, thereby justly to distribute unto
every several his proper and fit proportion of the same thing.12 Neither is it safe
to accommodate so harmful helps as belong to so cautelous a cure without a
judicious view, not only of this strange disease itself, but also of the mixture
or conjunction13 of any other maladies and respects therewith, whose neces- 10
8 Cautelous: deceitful.
a The syntax here is a bit tortured, but the sense is fairly clear: attending to the disease and not
the patient may endanger the patient regardless of the quality of the cure. The Houghton copy
has the letters t and y in “they” crossed out to change it to “he,” presumably so that it agrees
grammatically with the “he” earlier in the sentence.
Galen. de Meth. Med. [For the one who cures does not cure man, etc Galen De Methodo
Medendi.]
The quotation is from *Arist. Metaph. 981a18, not *Galen. Aristotle’s philosophical
point is that actions and comings-to-be of things are always of particular things, not of
kinds of things.
12 Habenda enim ratio non manifestae modo qualitatis, sed et occultae, tum uniuscuiusque ἰδιο-
συγκρασίας. [For one should render an account not only of obvious qualities, but also of hidden
ones and of every single unique property.]
Greek ἰδιοσυγκρασία “unique quality, idiosyncrasy” first occurs in Greek in *Galen,
Pseudo-Galen, and the mathematician/astrologer *Ptolemy in the second century AD.
Cotta knew and used both authors, as can be seen from the many marginal notes cit-
ing Galen and a few citing Ptolemy. English “idiosyncrasy” first occurs, according to the
OED, in 1604 in Francis Herring’s A Modest Defense of the Caveat Given to the Wearers of
Impoisoned Amulets 29: “The idiosyncrasy or particular natures (as Galen calleth them)
are unknown.” An instance of a word used by multilingual doctors as it is entering English:
Cotta fits the Greek into Latin syntax and in that way treats it as if it were a Latin word,
while Herring feels compelled to define the word as if it were foreign, although he translit-
erates it and treats it otherwise as if English.
13 Two marginal notes correspond to this location:
1. Morbi e duorum humorum putredine in eadem sede nonnunquam fiunt confusi, nonnun-
quam in diversa impliciti, nonnunquam ab eadem materia in diversis partibus, diver-
simode dispositi. In omnibus secundum varias diversas aut contrarias indicationes ab
urgentiore auspicatur prudens medicus, singulos perlustrat, levissimos versat. [Diseases
from the sepsis of two humors in the same location often become mingled, sometimes
entangled in different substances, sometimes from the same substance entangled in dif-
ferent parts, arranged in different ways. The wise physician begins in all cases with the
more urgent in accordance with the varied different or contrary indications, examines
each individually, and treats those which are easiest.]
2. Morbus coniunctus exigit curam coniunctam ut simplex simplicem, in coniunctis vero
128 chapter 5
sities may and do oft forbid and prohibit his remedies (that being a medicine
to one disease which is mischief to another, and an ease to one which is a sor-
row unto another). It is therefore no marvel, that while these men contemn
order and method, and the learned examination of these and such like cir-
cumstances, and blindly prosecute issues unknown to foreseeing reason, they 5
therefore (though sometimes they remove a mischief) yet either equal it again
with the like, or exceed it with greater, or else ofttimes not profiting nor sat-
isfying the utmost patience and painful expectation with the smallest good,
effectually double the greatest evil.
This for that all men see not, few consider, many forget, and some, joyously 10
escaping, defend. The hurt is oft unespied, the harms unheeded, the shame-
ful wrongers and homicides with the dead buried, and the good haps by many
foolish living idly admired, unto the increase and continuance of multiplied
mischief. Hereof solely for the most part woeful experience is capable, nei-
ther reason, nor example, nor any advice warning or moderating, though the 15
ordinary batteries from hence everywhere almost leave rotten and mangled
monuments of remediless cures, if not present with the cause, yet never far
off, and though sometimes long, yet ever certain. For though where the body
is strong, ofttimes many gross errors may be by the ignorant committed, and
yet not espied (because where is strength there is less sense and esteem of 20
harms, weakness being only unable to bear or endure without complaint), yet
the insensible sting doth oft breed the most festered poison, in the latest sen-
sible smart.
The errors of the unskillful pilot though great and many, in the calm are
not considered,14 but in the dangerous sea the least error offereth the ugly 25
quae potior potiorem exigit non neglecta altera. Galen in Aph. Hippoc. [A disease that
is composite requires a composite treatment, just as a simple one requires a simple treat-
ment, but in composite diseases the part which is stronger demands stronger treatment
without neglecting the other. Galen In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii.]
This passage has not been found in In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii, but could
refer to *Galen Ars Medica (1:383, 10ff.K), which discusses composite treatments.
14 Plurimi medici similes videntur navium rectoribus. In tranquillo mari regendo si quid errent
peccentve, error non patet. In adversa tempestate errore aut ignorantia facile navem perdi-
tam in omnibus liquido constat. Brud. de vict. Feb. [Most doctors seem similar to those who
steer ships. If they err or make a mistake in steering on a calm sea, the error is not obvious. In
bad weather it is easily established in all cases that either by error or ignorance the ship was
lost. Brudus Lusitanus Liber de Ratione Victus in Singulis Febribus Secundum Hippocratem
(On Nourishment in Simple Fevers according to Hippocrates).]
Cotta’s Latin differs from the original text of Brudus Lusitanus (Book II, Chapter 2 near
the end), which reads more smoothly: Si quidem plurimi medici in iis mihi similes esse viden-
tur, pravis navium rectoribus. Nam cum illi in tranquillitate regendo peccant errantve eorum
surgeons 129
shape of his own foulness. In bodies not easily harmed, many rash harms are
hardly discovered, but in dangerous conditions the least lapses are heavy loads.
Ignorance, therefore, is only good when it doth no hurt, whereunto it is never
wanting in her property, but only sometimes in power.
It is objected that wise and learned men do oft mistake. It is true: where is the 5
greatest wisdom the most incomparable, yet there is, and ever must be some-
times, mistaking and infirmities. The reason is for that absolute perfection is
above the nature of mortality. He, therefore, that in his art or faculty doth never
err is more than a man.15 He that seldom,16 nor grossly, nor easily erreth, and
for the most part and commonly frameth all his judgments and actions unto 10
right reason,17 he is only a right and complete artist.18 He that grossly or eas-
ily or commonly erreth and mistaketh, justly meriteth the name of an ignorant
and idiot. This is the plain and uncontrolled difference between the learned
and unlearned.
It is yet farther objected that oft as good hap smileth upon these ignorants 15
as upon more learned. It is sometimes true, but it is wisdom to distinguish how.
All things that happen unto the understanding and notion of the mind (which
is the guide of all actions) are either in themselves certain and demonstrate,
or necessary by consequent, or probable and of likelihood, or of contingence
and good hap.19 In the first, the truly and learned cannot err; in the second 20
error non patet. Cum autem eos magnus ventus atque adversa tempestas deprehendit, liq-
uido iam & aperte cunctis hominibus qui in ea sunt patet per eorum ignorantiam & errorem
peccatumve navem nisi succuratur perditum iri (“Since indeed many doctors seem to me
in these matters like those who steer ships badly. For when they err or make a mistake
steering in a calm, their error is not evident. But when a great wind or a bad storm catches
them, to all those who are in the ship it is clearly obvious and manifest that through their
ignorance and mistake or error, if the ship is not rescued, it will be lost.”)
15 Μόνου θεοῦ γέρας τελεῖα ἀρετή. [Complete virtue is the prize of God alone.]
This sentence does not occur in Greek literature.
16 Ideo theorema describit Galen. lib. de Finit. Med. cuius contrarium raro evenit. [Thus *Galen’s
Book De Finitiones Medicae describes “theorema” as that whose contrary rarely occurs.]
Pseudo-Galen’s Definitiones Medicae says θεώρημά ἐστιν οὗ τὸ ἐναντίον σπανίως ἐκβατόν
ἐστι (“A theorem is that whose opposite rarely comes to pass.”)
17 Ubi plura nitent non ego paucis offendar maculis. Horat. [Where many things are brilliant
(in a poem), I will not be offended by a few blemishes. Horace.]
*Hor., Ars 351–352. Cotta has left out in carmine.
18 Ars est eorum quae ordinario et plerumque non aliter fiunt, ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ. [There is a skill (or
science) of those things which happen regularly and for the most part, as for the most part.]
An Aristotelian notion, although Cotta does not attribute it.
19 Rerum quae cognoscuntur species sunt 4. Aut enim apparent sensui vel statim per se ut col-
ores vel ex aliis seu signis, ut ignis ex fumo. Aut sensui quidem occultae sunt, rationi vero
manifestae, eaeque vel statim evidentes ut bis duo 4. vel per demonstrationem discendae.
130 chapter 5
not oft nor easily. But in both, the unlearned is ever subject to error, as unable
to distinguish plain truth from seeming appearance. In the third, the learned
may be deceived,20 but not so commonly and easily as the unlearned. In the
fourth, good hap and blind fortune is indifferent unto both, and therein the
fool hath oft as good hap as the wise man. But he that hath common sense may 5
discern great odds. The learned hath a prerogative in three parts unto himself,
and an equal part with the unlearned, in the fourth. The learned hath for his
light and guide either knowledge, whereof is demonstration,21 and thereby are
his actions more certain; or reason and judgment, and thereby are they more
tried unto right and truth; or right probability and artificial conjecture,22 and 10
Incipit autem demonstratio ex aliqua praecedentium, id est, ex apparentibus vel evidentibus

aut certe ex demonstratis antea: primam speciem sensus indicat; secundam συμπαρατήρησις,
tertiam κοινή ἐννοιά; quartam consensus ad confessa sive ea apparentia sint, sive evidentia,
sive antea demonstrata. Galen. lib. de Opt. Sect. [Of things that are known there are four sorts.
Either they appear to the sense immediately as colors do or from other senses or signs as fire
from smoke. Or they are hidden from the sense, but manifest to reason, and these are either
immediately clear as twice two is four, or must be learned by demonstrative proof. Demon-
strative proof, however, begins from one of the preceding things, that is, from things that are
apparent or clear or certain because of previous things that have been demonstrated: sense
indicates the first sort, indirect observation the second, common conception the third; agree-
ment to claims whether they be apparent or evident or the result of prior demonstrative proof
indicates the fourth. Galen’s De Optima Secta.]
Cotta’s Latin is inspired by and partially translated from similar four-fold divisions at
Pseudo-Galen De Optima Secta ad Thrasybulum (1:109–110, 126K).
20 Neque idem unquam aeque est beatus (ac poema cum scribit: tam gaudet in se tamque se ipse
miratur. Nimirum idem omnes fallimur), Neque est quisquam quem non aliquando videre
Sussenum possis. Catull. [Nor is that same man so happy (as when he writes a poem: he so
rejoices in himself and so wonders at himself. Likewise aren’t we all deceived), nor is there
anyone whom you cannot see at some time as Sussenus. Catullus 22.]
Catullus is lampooning Sussenus, a self-satisfied poetaster oblivious to the wretched-
ness of his own poetry. The parenthesis contains lines from Catullus omitted by Cotta:
instead of aliquando, Catullus likely had in aliqua re (“in some matter” instead of “at some
time.”)
21 Scientia est habitus demonstrativus, habetque principia nota et aeterna. [Science is a demon-
strative acquired state and it has known eternal principles.]
*Aristotle’s definition of knowledge (scientia) at EN 1139b is usually translated into
Latin as habitus demonstrativus.
22 Artificialis coniectura quam prope accedit ad veritatem. Galen passim. [A conjecture based
on knowledge comes as close as possible to truth. Galen passim.]
Clearly from *Galen De Crisibus, 9:583 line 5K: καλῶ δὲ τεχνικὸν στοχασμὸν ὃς ἂν ἐγγυτάτω
τῆς ἀληθείας ἀφίκηται (“I call ‘scientific conjecture’ that which comes closest to truth.”)
Galen uses the idea of “scientific conjecture” elsewhere, but in De Crisibus he explains it
as Cotta describes it. Book 3, Chapter 2, note 44 repeats the same idea. See Book 2, Chap-
ter 4, note 10 where the same idea is quoted from *Rondeletius.
surgeons 131
thereby are they more seldom found erring. The unlearned wanteth all these
helps,23 and is led only by bold adventure in hope of good hap, which after long
expectation is but seldom seen, and then soon gone.24 For the bounty of good
hap is not every day, and when it suddenly, like a wanton, showeth itself, her
smiles are obvious to anyone, and therein hath the learned with the unlearned 5
equal interest.25
It breedeth yet farther doubt that is sometime seen: the empiric and un-
learned surgeon do sometimes cure where the learned hath long travailed,
and at length hath given place unto the disease. In cannot be denied: in many
desperate cases these men are the only fit instruments. Where the learned fore- 10
seeing the slippery hope of means, and the nutation and staggering of nature,
doth make wary proceeding26 (unwilling where the caution is so nice that the
action cannot be safe, to undertake so hard an office27), there these men (who
think nothing hard though impossible) being ever ready to give bold adventure,
may hap luckily to over-suit the danger,a and thereby the cure must needs be a 15
mighty deliverance.28
An ancient gentleman of Northamptonshire, being then my patient, related
unto me among our merriments, his medicine for continual headache and
11 Nutation: wobbling or tilting.
a What Cotta means by “ouersute” which we read here as “over-suit” is not clear. He may mean
suit metaphorically in the sense of pursue a case or suit (OED senses 2, 3, and 4 may be relevant,
here). Thus “over-suit,” to pursue a case that is not likely to produce a result.
23 Insipiens movetur falsa finis specie, non fine. [The foolish are moved by the false appearance
of the end, not by the end.]
24 Quod casu fit, inexpectato fit, et raro et incerta mora fit; ut quod natura fit, expectato fit, fere
semper fit vel ut plurimum fit. [What happens by chance happens unexpectedly and happens
rarely or at uncertain intervals; as what happens by nature happens expectedly and either
practically always happens or happens mostly.]
25 Quippe deest finis cuius gratia agatur, ubi casu aliquid fit. Negatio finis ponit casum. Posi-
tio finis negat casum. Sapiens vero sive proposito sive nihil agit. [Surely there is no goal for
the sake of which a thing happens when it happens by chance. Absence of a goal means it
happens by chance. Presence of a goal means that it does not happen by chance.]
26 Tutus et intra spem veniae cautus. Horat. [Secure and careful with hope of indulgence.
Horace, Ars Poetica 266–267.]
*Horace is writing of a poet who knows the world will see a poem’s faults, but writes
anyway.
27 Semper metuit quem saeva pudebunt. Lucan. [He who will be ashamed of cruelty is always
timid.]
Luc. 8.495.
28 Hinc illa Empiricorum miranda gesta et vulgata miracula. Riolanus. [Hence those amazing
feats and notorious marvels of the Empirics. Riolanus.]
It is not clear where this occurs in *Riolanus.
132 chapter 5
giddiness, which in time past had long vexed him, and solicited diverse good
physicians in vain. By chance he met with an angry surgeon, who being by him
in some words provoked, and finding the gentleman alone and far from com-
pany or rescue, with a staff unto the utmost peril of life soundly broke his head,
and plentifully let him blood diverse places; but, life escaping, he thereby deliv- 5
ered him of his diseases,29 whereof more wise and deliberate counsel could
never with much labor and long time free him.a It was a great oversight in his
learned physicians that they could not foresee, nor would not prescribe so for-
tunate a remedy! Thus, malice was as happy as an empiric’s bold attempt, yet
herein was somewhat better, that it was freely bestowed. 10
In like manner, unto another so far engaged in the Neapolitan disease,b that
discreet counsel durst not oppose equipollent remedies, a woman (purposing
to poison him) gave an unknown dose of ratsbane; and thereby nature driven
unto her utmost and last shift, setting open all the passages of his body, at once
with the poison wholly expelled the former disease. Thus, issueth wondered 15
good out of devilish and dangerous acts.
I condemn not sharp and extreme remedies, when as extreme need requir-
eth them;30 neither do I commend a trembling and timorous judgment in pre-
scription and accommodation thereof where is needful.31 But I admit not hard
13 Ratsbane: rat poison, often made with compounds of arsenic.
a Here Cotta provides an extreme example of the common early modern view that said passions
were not, in themselves, evil, but depended on the purpose to which they were put. On this point,
see Pender, “Subventing Disease,” 201–202. b Since syphilis first appeared in Europe in Naples
in 1495, it was sometimes called the “Neapolitian Disease” or some similar variant.
29 Ab istiusmodi errore nascitur experientia τυχικὴ και περιπτωτική πεῖρα. Galen. de Sect. [From
error of this sort arises experience, fortuitous and accidental trial. Galen, De Sectis.]
The Greek is difficult, and the Latin not found elsewhere, but *Galen De Sectis ad Eos
qui Introducuntur (1:66K) must be referred to here: it discusses the empiric theory that
treatments are found by accidents of the sort Cotta describes and contains Greek words
that fit the amount of space Cotta’s Greek takes, fit the thought, and fit the Greek letters
that are legible in Cotta (at least at the beginning and end), viz. τυχικὴ καὶ περιπτωτικὴ
πεῖρα (“fortuitous and accidental trial.”)
30 Saepe misera auxilia tolerabiliora faciunt mala miseriora. Levin. Lemn. [Often wretched aid
makes ills that were quite bearable more wretched. Levinus Lemnius.]
Searches of the works of Levinus Lemnius (1505–1568), a doctor, have not turned up
this saying, not in any case original to Lemnius, for it is found in Nicholas Perottus’s Cor-
nucopiae, 1506, a book about the poetry of *Martial, under Epigram VI folio CXXXIII. Cotta
knew the Cornucopiae. See Book 3, Chapter 2, note 15.
31 Dabiturque licentia sumpta pudenter. [Permission taken modestly will be granted.] *Hor.,
Ars 51.
surgeons 133
or sudden attempts,32 but only in extreme necessities, where also the strength
of nature hath by the judicious and learned been carefully fore-balanced be-
tween hope and hazard:33 without these respects the use of hard and vehement
remedies by the hands of unlearned practitioners are grown too common. It is
therefore good for men to take heed how they too boldly walk in the common 5
tract of empirics and unlearned, whose ways, oft trodden, grow slippery, and
therefore, not varied, prove dangerous. It is sometime nearest way to go out of
the common way, many times the fairest way, and not seldom the safest way. For
though diseases may be of easy note and well known, and the vulgar medica-
tion no less otherwise apt unto the necessities, yet may one small circumstance 10
only by itself making the diseases different, once escaping an unskillful and
blind eye, for ever after overrun the hopeful use of any other means, and frus-
trate the happiness of after health by better counsel.
This is the reason that so many suddenly and unexpectedly perish not with-
out wonder in the unskillful practitioner’s hand, who casting his eye upon 15
nothing but that which is common, taketh for a great stranger what is other-
wise, and therefore not foreseeing, his coming is not prepared to entertain or
32 το και πολύ και ἐξαπίνης τὸ σῶμα κινεῖν σφάλερον. Plurimum atque repente quovis modo corpus
movere periculosum. Hippocrat lib 2 Aph. [Moving the body greatly and suddenly is danger-
ous. Moving the body a lot and suddenly in any way is dangerous. *Hippocrates, Aphorisms,
Book 2.]
Aphorism 2.51 starts out as follows: Τὸ κατὰ πολὺ καὶ ἐξαπίνης κενοῦν, ἢ πληροῦν, ἢ θερ-
μαίνειν, ἢ ψύχειν, ἢ ἄλλως ὁκωσοῦν τὸ σῶμα κινέειν, σφαλερὸν, καὶ πᾶν τὸ πολὺ τῇ φύσει πολέ-
μιον (“Frequent and sudden voiding or filling or heating or cooling or any other possible
movement whatsoever of the body is dangerous, indeed all extremes are inimical to its
nature.”)
33 In extremis morbis extrema exquisite remedia optima sunt, ut Hippocrates. Sed agendi iudi-
catio semper sumenda a viribus, nec deploratos attingat medicus. παρακενέσις in ascite utilis
sed plerunque lethalis. Ideo frustra tentatur fractis viribus aut ubi hydrops succedit schirrho
aut febribus ardentibus. In extractione calculi vesicae cavendum etiam a longo dolore fractis
viribus. In partium etiam principum vehementiore affectu diacrydiatis utendum caute, etc.
[In the most serious illnesses the most serious remedies to be found are best, as Hippocrates
(says), but the judgment about procedure must always be made according to the patient’s
strength, and the doctor should not touch the incurable. Evacuation (παρακένωσις) is useful
in dropsy, but often lethal. Thus it is vain to attempt it when the patient’s strength is broken or
when dropsy follows an induration or high fevers. In a patient with broken strength one must
beware also of long pain in extracting bladder stones. In more grievous conditions even of the
major organs diacrydiatis should be used cautiously, etc.]
*Hp. Aph. 1.6: Schirrho is a hypercorrection for Greek σκῖρος, “hard,” which has no chi
(“ch”) or double rho (“rrh”). Diacrydiatis, used as a powerful cathartic, is spelled in many
ways. From Greek δακρύδιον, “little tear,” so called because it was collected from tear-like
exudations of the plant scammony.
134 chapter 5
intercept him with best advantage, nor giveth nor taketh warning of him, and
therefore is so suddenly oft surprised by him.
I may hereof give a rare instance in an esteemed friend sometimes a learned
divine, who by some rash advice, his estate at that time not duly considered,
required of an apothecary a strong medicine against the stone (wherewith from 5
his childhood he had been ever hereditarily molested).34 The one prepared it,
the other took it, both expecting no other use or consequent, than that which
was usual to such a medicine. But the same night that potion violently descend-
ing brake through his bladder,35 making therein two issues, whereby the urine
came from him immediately then, and continually after by those two breaches, 10
before it could attain the usual passage or conduit. Hereof was then witness
a grave and learned gentleman, an ancient doctor of physic unto whom his
patient did fly for his judicious advice in this sudden mischief, and with whom
myself had serious conference about that accident, both of us lamenting his so
unhappy distress and misery. 15
5 The stone: see note b on page 104 of this edition.
34 Qui calculi non diu concreverint ii medicamentis aptis dissolvi possunt; qui vero diutius exic-
cati et indurati difficillime aut nunquam curantur ideoque periculose irritantur. Rondeletius
de urin. [Those stones which have not long grown are able to be dissolved by appropriate
medicines; those, however which have long dried out and become hard are quite difficult or
are never cured and thus it is dangerous to disturb them. Gulielmus Rondeletius, De Urinis.]
*Rondeletius, De Urinis (On Urine), Chapter XXXIX “De Arenis,” “On Sand Grains.”
35 Lapillis in vesica subsistentibus crabrones irritant quicunque saxifragis deturbant temere.
Reolan. [In the case of little stones found in the bladder, those who bring them down rashly
with stone-dissolving treatments stir up a hornet’s nest.]
*Riolanus, Morborum Curandorum Ratio: Particularis Methodi Medendi Section 3, trea-
tise titled Affectus Renum (“Conditions of the Kidneys”) contains two passages which bear
more than accidental similarity to Cotta’s note:
i. Under Therapeutica quae praesentem calculum deturbant & minuunt (“Treatments,
which bring down and reduce a stone that is present”) is found vide ne moveas Camari-
nam et irrites crabrones, haerentem in renibus, sine dolore lapidem, ex renis cavitate
dum saxifragis conaris deturbare, ne cruciatus nephriticos temere inducas (“be careful
not to create a proverbial quagmire and stir up a hornet’s nest, when you try to bring
a stone lying without pain in the kidneys down from the renal cavity with substances
that dissolve kidney stones, lest you rashly bring on torturous kidney pain.”)
ii. Under Remedia calculi renalis tempore exacerbationis (“Remedies for a kidney stone
in a time of pain”) after warning that substances that dissolve stones are not useful for
large established stones lest they cause intense pain, Riolan says Prosunt itaque dictata
remedia arenulis deturbandis atque etiam lapillis, non lapidibus iam duris et inveteratis,
praesertim in vesica subsistentibus (“Thus the aforesaid remedies are helpful for bring-
ing down grains of sand and even little stones, not stones already hardened and of long
standing, especially those found in the bladder.”)
chapter 6
Apothecaries
Here so fair occasion offering their memory, we may not forget our apothe-
caries. Among them also some to do a friend an unlicensed friendship, or to
keep their wares in motion for fear of corruption, will haply sometimes offer
a casual good turn, to any that like the venture. I must needs say for the privi-
lege of apothecaries, that if any may have prerogative to be physicians, by the 5
excellence and rare choice of medicines, it is most proper unto them who have
them registered and enrolled the prime choice, trust, and command of all the
best remedies, and have the best light to guess at their best use. Nay, I may
commend them farther: that for the excellent preparation and knowledge of
medicines they sometimes may excel some physicians themselves. But above 10
and beyond the preparations, the right and judicious dispensation is truly wor-
thy, commanding, and directing their safe and prudent use. This skill requireth
an understanding able to raise itself above both the medicine and the maker,1
unto the great Maker of them both, and from his general decree and counsel
in the administration of all things in nature,2 to levy and limit circumstances,3 15
proportion, time, place, quantity, and quality, according to the manifold several
purposes and infinite uses for the preservation, conservation, and continuance
of health and life unto mankind.
1 Quam enim proportionem architectus erga coementarios lignariosque fabros et alios quibus
imperat gerit eandem medicus erga ministros suos, herbarios, venam scindentes, cucurbitulas
admoventes et clysteres immitentes. Galen. in lib 6. Hipp. de morb. vulgar. [For just as the archi-
tect manages the work of the cement workers, carpenters and others whom he directs, the doctor
does the same for his subordinates, the herbalists, the vein-cutters, those who apply cupping-
glasses, and those who administer the clyster pipes. Galen’s In Hippocratis Librum vi Epidemar-
ium Commentarii vi. Commentary on Hippocrates’s Book vi of Common Diseases.]
*Galen op. cit. (17b:231K).
2 Naturae legibus medicinae leges semper consentaneae. Fernel. [The laws of medicine are always
in agreement with the laws of nature. Fernelius.]
From *Fernelius Universa Medicina, the first heading in the preface to the division Thera-
peutices Universalis, seu Medendi Rationis (also known as Methodus Medendi).
3 Ut medici cuiusque auxilii quantitatem occasionem et ostendi modum cognoscimus, ut ministri
vero venam secamus et reliqua manibus operamur. Galen. in lib. 6 Hipp. de Morb. vulgar. [As doc-
tors we know the amount of each aid, the timing, and the manner of laying it out, as servants,
however, we cut the vein and perform the other procedures with our hands. Galen In Hippocratis
Librum vi Epidemarium Commentarii.]
*Galen op. cit. (17b:230, line 10K).

136 chapter 6
And herein how far it behooveth the erected mind of higher contemplation,
to exalt itself in consultation above the elementary consideration and compo-
sition of a medicine and the vulgar common sense, the continual exquisite use
and exercise of the most incomparable prudence and learning in the ordinary
and daily difficulties that befall the health do plainly prove and demonstrate. 5
It is not the medicine itself, but the judgment and knowledge of the learned,
and right accommodation annexed unto the wholesome medicine, that addeth
unto it a worth above itself, whereby it doth far exceed itself in excellency, in
variety of greater good, in distinction of more proper use, according to art and
reason thereto conducting it, which is the life of every application and accom- 10
modation in all things.
Hence even the greatest clerks with this sufficiency provided, have not
blushed to borrow or learn a good medicine at a simple and vulgar hand, yea
from fools and brute beasts, in their own more excellent adaptation as the soul
unto the body, conferring the full and true perfection.4 The ancients themselves 15
have not shamed so to do, as Galen in diverse places professeth himself. Unto
apothecaries, therefore, that faithfully and truly apply themselves and their
whole endeavor, that have tried and experienced skill, and use faithful indus-
try in fitting wholesome and incorrupt remedies to attend each honest need
and necessity without fucation, adulteration, or deceit, and contain themselves 20
within themselves, no man can deny a worthy esteem both in private thoughts
and public estimate; but if the pride and mastership of the medicine stir once
in them the ambition of medication,a as in the former men commend them, so
in the second they shall justly condemn them. And as in one safely use them,
so in the other with safe discretion refuse them, fearing lest with Solomon’s fly 25
1 Erected: uplifted, thus noble. 20 Fucation: false representation.
a That is, a knowledge of medicines themselves should not inspire a desire to prescribe those
medicines.
4 Neque enim turpe est per vulgus et aniculas profecisse. Non enim puduit maiores nostros in mul-
tis remediis brutorum discipulos se profiteri. Quin et acceptis a vulgo remediis adhibenda ratio
et rectus usus in quo summa artis posita est. Holler. Instit. Chirurg. [Nor is it a bad thing to have
proceeded via the mob and the little old women. For our ancestors were not ashamed to profess
themselves the followers of the unlearned in many remedies. But reason and correct usage, in
which the height of our skill is placed, must be applied to remedies received from the mob. Hol-
lerius Institutio Chirurgica.]
Made as a parenthetical comment after citing a traditional treatment, from *Hollerius
Institutio Chirurgica, also titled De Materia Chirurgica, 2.2.
apothecaries 137
being taken in the apothecary’s box, they also in like manner make a stink of
the medicine, and an end of themselves.a
Valleriola mentioneth an apothecary who with the imprudent use of quick-
silver poisoned himself.b I knew sometime an honest and approved good
apothecary in Warwickshire, who imitating a prescription of precipitate 5
against an inveterate disease which he supposed in himself, exulcerated his
guts, and therefore died. These experiments in other than themselves had been
bloody and unhonest, and in themselves rather than in other argue their strong
confidence (which therefore might easily seduce them to be in time bold with
others). Example and imitation (which are the rules of an apothecary’s prac- 10
tice) are but patterns of another’s sufficiency. Sufficience therefore being not
their own, it is sufficient to put them in mind of their own. It is good for every-
one to be contented and contained within his own lists, and of his own store
with liberality to lend, and of another’s with love and license to borrow. This
upholdeth societies and good orders in commonweals, maintaineth mutual 15
neighborhood and humanity, friendly and just commerce with love and loyal
reciprocation, and distribution of every right to every owner, with good to the
general common, and without hurt to every private and particular.
I say nothing of bankrupt apothecaries, who, having left their own stand-
ing, become walking merchants, and with a few pedlary wares remaining keep 20
shop in their own hose, or else their guts, who (wanting other use) imagine
them sufficient to make clean the kitchen.c Let them that desire their meat in
the stomach should long find good cookery, take heed who put herbs in the pot.
It hath been required and by some imposed, that a physician should be both
surgeon and apothecary himself. It is easily decided. In judgment, skill, knowl- 25
edge, and ability of direction, it is very requisite and necessary, and the contrary
is not tolerable in a true architect,5 but every particular execution or manual
5 Precipitate: a mercury compound. 6 exulcerated: caused ulcers.
a Cotta’s point is not entirely clear here. Solomon was said to have possessed a massive flying
carpet that carried himself, his throne, and many others to any destination he chose. Perhaps
Cotta is suggesting that apothecaries falsely imagine their boxes of medicine to be as wondrous
and accomodating as the flying carpet of Solomon. b Valleriola (1504–1580), was born Fran-
cois Variola Montpellier and earned his nickname (a diminutive form of his real name) because
of his small stature. His Observationum Medicinalium Libri Sex appeared in 1573. Nance, “Won-
drous Experience as Text.” Thomas Gale’s English translation of Valleriola’s Office of a Chyrurgion
appeared in a book of medical tracts in 1566. c What Cotta means by “make clean the kitchen,”
is not obvious.
5 Ei qui praesidet scire operari necessarium non est, sed potius aliorum ministerio uti. Aristot.
polit.3. [It is not necessary that he who directs know how to do a thing, but rather that he know
how to use the service of others. *Arist. Pol. 3, 1277a33–35.]
138 chapter 6
pains and travail is never unjustly, sometimes necessarily, and oft more conve-
niently distributed and divided unto others, whose vicissitude, assistance, and
oft more ready handling thereof, is as sufficient, nothing inferior, yea for oper-
ary proof and cunning handwork far without envy superior, because the main
and continual exercise therein, doth therein also make the meaner judgment 5
better apted and more prompt.6
*Galen indeed himself in necessity, and want of other (whose better and
more special practice and exercise therein might make it their more proper
performance) put his own hand unto chirurgy; but when he found it another
distinct office, as an ease unto himself and a commodious liberty and enlarged 10
help to his other employments, studies, and care, he thereunto referred hand
operation, though ever haply conferred his mind and judgment.7 In like man-
ner, *Hippocrates refuseth by oath to meddle in chirurgy,8 and expressly in the
extraction of the stone of the bladder, and leaveth unto those that are therein
exercised. 15
The fewer offices, the less distraction, and where less distraction, there is the
better bent unto the more main and proper scope. Where, therefore, with as
sufficient supply by others, the suffection or deputation may ease of a burden
(as indifferently else were imposed) there (the business less, and the diligence
and encumbrance equal) the remaining task must needs be completely and 20
absolutely attended and perfected.
3–4 Operary: relating to manual operations. 18 Suffection: substitution.
6 Δεὶ και ἐνιοι οὐκ ἐιδότες ἐνιῶν ἐιδοτων πρακτικώτεροι. Nonnulli nescientes quam aliqui scientes ad
opera sunt magis idonei. Aristot. eth. 6. [It is necessary also that some ignorant people are more
effective than some knowledgeable people. Some ignorant people are more suited to actions than
some knowledgeable people. Aristotle, Ethics 6.]
*EN 1141b17: ἔνιοι οὐκ εἰδότες ἑτέρων εἰδότων πρακτικώτεροι (“Some ignorant people are more
effective than others who are knowledgeable.”)
7 Primi medicinae parentes et veteres Graeci medici fere omnes humanitate ducti (ubi ita res pos-
tulaverit) suis manibus operabatur in civitatibus nondum populosis. At ubi hominum multitudo
increverit, alio res delegata est. Hinc etiam principum edictis distincta extant medicorum et
chirurgorum ministeria et officia. [The first originators of medicine and almost all the ancient
Greek doctors, led by their humanity (since thus affairs demanded), worked with their own hands
in states that were not yet populous. But when the number of humans increased, that work was
delegated to another. That is also why by the edicts of princes the services and duties of doctors
and surgeons are separate.]
8 Nec vero calculo laborantes secabo, sed viris chirurgiae operariis eius rei faciendi locum dabo.
Hippoc. iure iurando. [And I will not cut those laboring from a stone, but I will yield the doing of
this task to men who are practitioners of surgery. *Hippocrates’s Oath.]
Clause 6 in the Hippocratic Oath.
apothecaries 139
Concerning the apothecary included in the physician: indeed the first an-
cients were apothecaries unto themselves, because in themselves only was then
newly sprouting in the infancy, the inchoation of that skill, and therefore as
yet they could not communicate perfection unto others.9 But now, time and
age have accomplished it; the physician’s eye and skill hath used another’s 5
hand both as a needful and requisite help in the mechanical ministry, and also
as an advantage and ease to the more necessary, laborious, and studious tra-
vails of mind.10 In ordinary dispatches, therefore, it is unavoidably necessary
an apothecary be ever at hand, as faithful as his own right hand, and in extraor-
dinary the physician’s own heart must only trust his own hand, and his own eye 10
witness their consent. This equity may satisfy curiosity.
9 Omnes artes rudiores primum, tractu deinde temporis absolvuntur. Scal. Poet 3. [All skills and
arts are at first quite crude, then they are completed at the hands of time. Scaliger, Poetices,
Libri VII.]
From Book III, Chapter XCVII. In *Scaliger’s text, absolvuntur is excoluntur (“they are
improved, perfected.”)
10 Medico multae artes aptam materiam praeparant, ipse naturae per ministros suppeditat.
Galen. in lib. 6 Hippo. de morb. vulgar. [Many sciences provide appropriate material for the
doctor, and the doctor in turn furnishes it to nature via assistants. Galen’s In Hippocratis
Librum vi Epidemarium Commentarii. Commentary on Hippocrates’s 6th Book of Common
Diseases.]
*Galen op. cit. (17b:229 line 11K).
chapter 7
Of Practicers by Spells
Now to leave both surgeon and apothecary, the opposition against the use or
need of either doth put in mind in the next place not to forget those who pro-
fess the performances, uses, and end both of surgeon and apothecary, yea and
physician himself without the help or need: such are such as cure by spells and
words. If men believe as reason would and as reasonable men should (for men 5
are no men if unreasonable1) of any effects from spells, among the wise is no
true reason or cause, and without reason can be no right persuasion. Between
a true cause and his proper effect,2 there is an immediate necessity. Between
a cause by accident and his effect,3 there is a mediate consecution, but this
cause being only in opinion can be no more than opinion, and opinion is no 10
truth.
Some, finding spells to do no good, object, as a good, they do no hurt. This
hurt I am assured they do. While men have gaped after such shadows, they oft,
in the mean season, have lost the substance, their life and health, which, while
due season offered unto them that had learned to know opportunity, bad schol- 15
ars were still at spelling school. To speak more seriously of such a toy, if the
faithful and devout prayer of holy men (unto which the promise of God, and the
blessings of men are annexed) hath no such assurance or success of necessary
consequent, without laborious industry and the use of good means, how can
9 Consecution: Necessary consequence.
1 Nec credere possis hunc hominem humana qui ratione caret Maximian. vel ut alii, Cornel. Gall.
[And you would not believe that one who lacks human reason is a man. Maximianus. Or, as oth-
ers claim, Cornelius Gallus.]
*Maximianus Elegies I line 144.
2 Causa immediata protinus per se cohaeret cum effectu. Scalig. de subt. [The immediate cause
per se directly accompanies the effect. *Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Car-
danum.]
Cotta derives this claim from Exercitatio 1§1: An vero sit ea causa immediata: hoc est, an
protinus per se cohaeret cum effectu, nondum compertum habemus (“Whether this [move-
ment] is the immediate cause [of the lead liquefying]: that is to say, whether it directly
accompanies the effect, we do not yet know for certain.”)
3 Causam per accidens sequitur per accidens effectus. [An accidental effect follows an accidental
cause.]

of practicers by spells 141
religion or reason suffer men that are not void of both,4 to give such impious
credit unto an unsignificant and senseless mumbling of idle words,5 contrary
to reason, without precedent of any truly wise or learned,6 and justly suspected
of all sensible men?
It shall be no error to insert a merry history of an approved famous spell 5
for sore eyes. By many honest testimonies, it was a long time worn as a jewel
about many necks, written in paper, and enclosed in silk, never failing to do
sovereign good when all others were helpless. No sight might dare to read or
4 Quod neque religio praecipit nec oritur ex causis naturalibus est superstitio. Melanth. [What nei-
ther religion teaches nor arises from natural causes is superstition. Melanchthon.]
The thought, but not this wording, is found in Phillipp Melanchthon’s (1497–1560) com-
mentary on Book III, verse 491 of Virgil’s Georgics (in his Scripta Philologica): nam quicquid
non habet mandatum divinum et causas in natura, est superstitiosum (“For whatever does not
have the divine command and causes in nature, is superstitious.”) For more on Melanchthon,
see note a on page 324 of this edition.
5 Scripta, verba annuli, characteres, signa, nihil valent ad profligandos morbos, si nulla supe-
rior potestas divina vel magica accesserit. Inania itaque sunt vereque anilia credentium animos
superstitione occupante. Fernel. de abd. rer. causis. [Writings, words, rings, marks, signs, are of
no worth for overcoming diseases, if no higher power divine or magical has been added. Thus
they are empty and truly like old wives’ tales when superstition takes over the minds of those who
believe them. Fernelius, De Abditis Rerum Causis.]
Cotta refashioned the thought and reordered the wording of *Fernelius’ De Abditis Rerum
Causis 2.16, which reads: Existunt autem et quaedam inania vereque anilia, quae quoniam
hominum imbecillitatem nimia superstitione iamdiu occupant, superstitiosa dicimus … Ea sunt
de quibus dicere nemo possit, cur et unde creditas vires habent. Neque enim a temperamento
neque a divina vel magica potestate … Eiusmodi sunt scripta, signa, characteres, annuli, qui
nec Dei nec spirituum opem implorant. Si nulla superior causa accesserit, quid sola figura, vel
character virium possit ad profligandos morbos obtinere? (“Certain empty and truly old-wivish
things exist, which, since they sometimes take over the weakness of humans with excessive
superstition, we call ‘superstitious’ … They are things about which no one can say why and
whence they have their believed strength. For neither from their constitution nor from divine
or magical power … of this sort are writings, signs, marks, rings, which do not invoke the aid
of god or spirits. If no higher cause has been added, what strength for overcoming diseases
can a shape or mark alone have?”)
6 Vide Galenum lib. 6 & 10 de simp. med. facultat. Theophrast. in hist.plant.l.9. Aug. tract.7.in
Evan.Ioannis. [See Galen Book 6 and 10 De Simplicium Medicamentorum Temperamentis ac Fac-
ultatibus Libri xi, Theophrastus in Enquiry into Plants, Book 9, Augustine, Treatise 7 §6 on the
Gospel of John.]
Book 6 of *Galen op. cit. rejects incantations and verbal spells as medical tools in a tan-
gential comment (11:792K), and Book 10 Chapter 16 (12.289K) has a story in which Galen casts
doubt on the effectiveness of an incantation uttered after spitting on a scorpion (see note 13
in this chapter). On Theophrastus’s dismissive opinion about incantation and other verbal
magic, see Trial, Chapter 8, note 4. *Augustine in Johannis Evangelium Tractatus 7 §6 con-
demns those who mingle amulets and incantations with Christianity.
142 chapter 7
open. At length a curious mind, while the patient slept, by stealth ripped open
the mystical cover, and found the powerful characters Latin, which Englished
were these: “The devil dig out thine eyes, and fill up their holes with his dung!”7
Words without meaning are nothing, and yet so here are best. Of nothing can
come nothing (much less good), yet so it was,8 (and yet it was not so9), oaths 5
and testimonies avouching the one religion, and truth denying the oaths.10
Thus ofttimes things haply begun in sport and jest, with light minds, by vain
opinion grow to sooth and earnest.
It is strange in these days to behold how this folly doth laugh even wise men
to scorn, while their unreasonable parts of imagination and fancy, so juggle 10
with their judgments and understanding, that they can scarce contain them-
selves from believing and consulting with such ridiculous folly. Thus able is
fancy, not only to deceive sense, but to obscure our reason. If there be any good
or use unto the health by spells, they have that prerogative by accident, and
by the power and virtue of fancy,11 wherein is neither certainty nor continu- 15
ance. Fancy, according unto the nature thereof, can seldom be long fixed upon
anything, because naturally being ever full of fiction, it must needs easily and
7 Diabolus effodiat tibi oculos, impleat foramina stercoribus. Wierus de praestig. cap. 4.
Cotta’s translation of *Wierus is good. The custom described here is discussed in
Book 4, Wierus says the incantation was written in German: der Teuffel kratze dir die Augen
auß, und scheisse dir in die löcher (“May the Devil scratch your eyes out and shit in your eye
sockets.”) 1563 edition, 381. The Latin translation differs in word choice but not meaning
from Cotta’s version (Diabolus eruat tibi oculos ac eorum foramina merda sua impleat).
8 In thought.
9 In deed.
The Houghton copy has this and the preceeding note crossed out.
10 Neque enim verum est hominem ab homine noceri posse verbis. Sed demon credulitate decipit
hominem ut socium habeat tum impietatis, tum aeterni exitii. Scal. de subt. [Nor is it true that
one human is able to be harmed with words by a human. Rather a demon deceives a human
with ready belief in order to have an ally both of his impiety and of his eternal ruin. *Scaliger,
Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
Cotta derives this from Exercitatio 349: Neque verum est ab homine homini noceri posse
verbis. Nam quis illa eum verba docuit? Non homo alius. Nam quis illum? Non caelestis intelli-
gentia. Nam quis eam facere audeat autorem fascini? Ergo malus daemon. Non ut hominem
faceret potentiorem: sed ut ipsum deciperet credulitate atque socium haberet, tum impietatis,
tum aeterni exili (“Nor is it true that one human is able to be harmed with words by a
human. For who taught the words to him? Not another human. Who taught him? Not the
heavenly intelligence. For who dares to make it the author of sin? So an evil demon did it.
Not in order to make a human more powerful, but to deceive him with ready belief and to
have an ally both of his impiety and of his eternal exile.”)
11 Phantasia imperium habet in spiritus et humores qui sunt morborum parentes. [Imagination
has power over the spirits and humors which are the causes of diseases.]
of practicers by spells 143
continually be transported.12 Fancy, therefore, can be no ordinary or common

remedy, being but rarely fixedly detained; and where it is most earnestly bent,
yet hardly of long continuance. If fancy then be the foundation whereupon
buildeth the good of spells, spells must needs be as fancies are, uncertain and
vain.13 So must also by consequent be their use and help, and no less all they 5
that trust unto them.
I speak not of enchanted spells, but of that superstitious babbling, by tradi-
tion of idle words and sentences, which all that have sense, know to be void of
sense, as the other devilish. The one (if there be no remedy) we must permit
unto fools, in the other we cannot deny the Devil. 10
12 Sensus interioris motus perpetuus. Aristot. de insomn. [The movement of the inner sense is
continual. Aristotle, De Insomn.]
No directly corresponding passage has been found in *Arist. Insomn.
13 Galen. lib.6 &10 de simp. med. facultat. Confidere doctos et bonos medicos medicamento-
rum substantiae praecipit, non verbis aut carminibus. [Galen, Book 6 and 10 De Simplicium
Medicamentorum Temperamentis ac Facultatibus Libri xi enjoins learned and good doctors
to trust in the substance of medicaments, not words or incantations.]
From 11:792K: *Galen’s wording differs from Cotta’s, but the sentiment does not. In
Book 10, the only relevant passage says that an incantation does no good when spitting
on a scorpion three times, for it will die even without the incantation. See note 6 in this
chapter.
chapter 8
The explication of the true discovery of witchcraft

in the sick, together with many and wondered
instances of that kind
Many things of great power and wonder above reason and beyond the power of
nature, have been effected through the imprecation, stimulation, and ministry
of wicked men, the associates of devils, whose commerce with spirits hath been
oft plain and manifest. But it is good before we enter into the consideration
thereof, that we be wary and cautelously wise, how we make a true difference 5
between a true work of the Devil and the strange likeness which phantasms (oft
countenanced by casualties and events) strongly work in the opinion and con-
ceit. For as the machinations of spirits are certainly oft inserted into the actions
of men, so by the juggling of the imaginary, are so lively framed resemblances
and counterfeits of them ofttimes, that they can hardly be distinguished. That 10
it may therefore the better first appear what fancy and imagination are able to
do, I will not here omit a history worth good ear.
In the year 1607, a parson’s wife of Northamptonshire, dwelling within three
miles of the town, came unto a physician, complaining of a tumor in one
of her breasts. He demanded her among many other things concerning the 15
sciatica, which he conjectured to vex her.1 She denied any acquaintance or
notion thereof in all her former life. The same night (being returned home),
suddenly about midnight the sciatica seized painfully and grievously upon
her. Some few days after it happened, another of her neighbors came also
unto the same physician, whom (beside the disease which she herself made 20
known) he guessed to be troubled with the cramp,2 and cursorily questioned
2 Imprecation: invoking evil powers. 5 Cautelously: warily.
1 Narrata ab aegrotante praeter totius plethoram lassitudo partium omnium inferiorum cum
mensium retentione, coxarum gravitate in motu, torpore dum quiesceret, paratum affectum
monstrabant. Ideo neque praedixisse difficile, neque re ipsa affectum subsequi miraculi loco
haberi debet. [Weakness of all the lower parts in addition to an excess of the whole along with
retention of the menses, heaviness of the hips in motion, lethargy when she lay quiet—these
things which were related by the patient indicated her ready state. So it was not difficult to foretell,
nor in fact should it be considered to be miraculous that the effect did follow.]
2 Praeter plethoram tum infra tum supra diaphragma conspicuam tumor venarum molestus circa
crura et in poplitibus de quo conquesta est aegra, de spasmo et distentione illarum partium
facilem inde dant coniecturam. Ubi igitur aegrae imprudentia praefatur causam facilis est pru-

the explication of the true discovery of witchcraft in the sick 145
her thereof. She never before sensibly knowing any such pain, after her return
also that night suffered thereby exceeding torment. These two accidents com-
pared together by the first party (the one in herself, the other in her neighbor)
and the apprehension being whet by her exceeding pain continued, caused in
her a strong and resolute opinion of bewitching, which she presently unremov- 5
ably imputed unto the physician.
Her outcries and impatience through her pain made such forcible impres-
sion to her husband that to satisfy his wife’s unreasonable importunacy, he
was contented to come unto the physician from her to expostulate. He, before
he could utter his message, blushing at the folly, and yet desirous to satisfy 10
his wife’s injunction because she would not otherwise give him rest, at length
related unto him the cause of his coming, desiring him for his sake (being very
much ashamed thereof) to conceal the folly of his wife.
This done, he returned home and found his wife nothing better, but assuring
herself and him, that if he would but once more come unto the physician, and 15
(as I conjecture) gain him to forgive her, she should presently be well. Accord-
ingly, the next day he came unto him, and (then concealing the reason and
cause of his coming) desired him to forgive and pardon his wife. This easily
granted (as such a toy), he presently demanded the hour of the day, which
instantly the clock gave two, being afternoon. He hastened homeward, and 20
before he could speak unto his wife, she joyously entertained him, and with
prevention told him that she was perfectly well, and that just at two of the clock
her pain left her,3 which she (it seemed) imagined (as it also happened) to have
been the same time and moment that the physician had given her desired par-
dentia probabilem post fari effectum. [In addition to an obvious excess now below now above
the diaphragm, a vexing swelling of the veins around the lower legs and knees about which the
patient was complaining gave easy ground for conjecture about the convulsion and distortion
of those parts. When the ignorance of the patient says the cause in advance, it is easy common
sense to proclaim the likely effect after.]
3 She was assured late the night before of the physician’s being at home that same day; she knew
the length of the way, her husband’s usual pace and now direct speed. She might easily com-
pare the time of his going forth, with a competent time for his attaining the physician, and with
all these might well hope of the physician’s facility by his friendly entertainment the day before.
From hence her imagination satisfying itself with the confidence thereof, she might thereby, set-
tling and quietly her spirits, mind, and humors, for a time thus appease and mitigate her pains.
As for her true and just conjecture at the time which was two of the clock, the circumstances
before mentioned and likelihood itself did guide her to suppose it. If this reason satisfy not, reli-
gion and reason give leave farther to suspect, that the Devil to advance error and illusion, might
convey into her imagination an inward and secret sense of the time. The power that the Devil
doth exercise in this kind might be made clear by many examples.
146 chapter 8
don. The next morning, her husband did write unto him, discovering with this
news the reason of his last coming unto him the day before, together with this
strange event following it. Within half a year after, she fell sick again, and died.4
This strong imagination, with this strange event, might have entangled many
a poor spinster in a thicker string than her cunning could untwist to save the 5
cracking of her neck. But if men would more duly oft examine and weigh these
cases, they shall many times find the witch in a foolish sconce, and greater and
more dangerous are the bewitching of a man’s own folly, and more effectual
ofttimes unto his own hurt and others than any witch, yea, or devil whatso-
ever. Without doubt, chance may flatter and countenance the imagination with 10
unwonted, yea, and justly wondered events, and yet is that no demonstration
of ought above nature or reason. Casualty doth so apt ofttimes consequences
unto dreams, as if there were some secret power or influence in them proceed-
ing unto such effects, yet it is no proof of truth or trust in them. Women ofttimes
out of their sleeps have foreseen and foretold many things, which according 15
to time and place have justly come to pass, but this doth make their dreams
no oracles.5 Many vain men out of the presage of their own minds have confi-
dently made prediction of such things as have assuredly happened, yet is this
no inducement to take them for prophets. In like manner, some that have pos-
sessed themselves with witchcraft and the opinion thereof, have seemed to 20
know things above their knowledge, and that knowledge above and beyond
7 Sconce: a stupid head or wit.
4 After the penning of this history, the cause and manner of her death by her neighbors of worth
and credit, was thus reported. Her husband, at her earnest suit, consulted with a wandering
surgeon whom fame, it seemeth, had magnified for charmed and potent cures of such as were
bewitched. The surgeon delivered a medicine unto the husband, promising a miraculous cure
thereby, and charged him withal, by no means to be feared, though haply there might fall out
some strange and fearful operations unto the seeming. The medicine with this style coming unto
the patient, was gladly received, and after she had received it into her body she died. The glori-
ous name of the medicine, together with a confidence that this was only the strange operation of
the medicine foretold by the surgeon, caused the friends about her still to expect some admirable
event of recovery, and therefore, they gaped after her uprising, but in the end, necessity called for
a grave, and thus their hope with her was buried.
5 Aelianus lib. 4 scribit Aspasiam concubinam Cyri posterioris admonitam fuisse in somno de
medicamento quo sanavit vitium oris, quod venustatem prius valde deformaverat. [Aelian Book 4
writes that Aspasia the concubine of Cyrus the Younger was advised in a dream about a medica-
ment by which she cured a fault of her face, which had up to them severely marred her beauty.]
Ael. VH 12.1 contains Aspasia’s dream as a young girl. This Aspasia is a woman in Cyrus’s
household whom he named “Aspasia” after the famous Athenian courtesan Aspasia, accord-
ing to *Plutarch Pericles 24.7.
all reason hath been true. Yet neither is this any dispossession of themselves of
this spirit of folly, nor no just proof or accusation of any one to be a witch.a
I cannot therefore take it for an ingenious course, upon such grounds to draw
simple people into confusion. It is an easy matter for any impression to work
itself into the imagination of a vain mind. And why may it not seem as easy for 5
the Devil, who is the author of lying wonders,6 to credit it with wonderful events
above the weak eye of our reason? Therefore, ineptly and injuriously may the
illusion of fancy, and the practice of the Devil therewith joined, be made snares
for the innocent, whose destruction is his intention, who rejoiceth in the perdi-
tion of mankind. 10
Neither can I believe (I speak with reverence unto graver judgments) that
the forced coming of men or women to the burning of bewitched cattle, or to
the burning of the dung or urine of such as are bewitched, or floating bodies
above the water, or the like, are any trial of a witch.7 I see no reason why I may
not think that the Devil by the permission of God, hath power indifferently to 15
work these effects upon any man, whether a witch or no. For if he had power for
his own malicious purpose upon the body of our blessed Savior to transport it
through the air and to set it upon a pinnacle of the temple, and upon the body
of righteous Job, with hope and desire of his overthrow, by what prerogative
dare any other man whatsoever presume to free himself from his power, but by 20
a special grace and mercy of God?b Or why is it any imputation unto any man
to be known to be subject thereto, since God doth permit it in divers his dear
servants?8 If men shall grant the Devil’s exercising his power upon any man a
a That is, while dreaming things that turn out to be true is not real evidence of witchcraft, many
still foolishly take it as proof. b In the Bible, Christ is repeatedly tempted by the Devil including
through the incident that Cotta mentions: “Then the Devil took him up into the Holy City, and
set him upon a pinnacle of the Temple, and said unto him ‘If thou be the son of God, cast thy-
self down, for it is written that he will give his Angels charge over thee, and with their hands they
shall lift thee up, lest at any time thou shouldst dash thy foot against a stone.’ Jesus said unto him,
‘It is written again, thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God’” (Matt. 4:5–7). In the book of Job, the
Devil is given nearly free rein to afflict Job as a means to test his faith. Cotta will cite both these
cases frequently in Trial. For more on Job, see pages 38–39 in the Introduction to this edition.
6 Hinc illa τερατουργία diabolica. [Hence the “wonder-working” of the Devil.]

7 Non absimilis vis compellendi motus tum animi tum corporis etiam philtris et carminibus attri-
buitur. Philtra nocent animis vimque furoris habent. Ovid. Carmina de coelo possunt deducere
lunam Virgil. [No dissimilar force of compelling motion both of the soul and of the body is
attributed both to potions and poems: “Potions harm souls and have the force of fury.” Ovid.
Poems can bring the Moon down from the sky. Virgil.]
*Ovid Ars Amatoria II.106; *Virgil Eclogue VIII line 69.
8 Two marginal notes are tied to this place in the text:
1. Data est diabolo potestas non modo ut fallat malos, sed ut exerceat bonos. Augustin. [Power
148 chapter 8
sufficient evidence to convince him a witch, there shall thereby be allowed unto
the Devil a large commission which his malice will easily extend beyond the lat-
itude,9 as by right observation of many learned in their own experiences hath
been and may be truly noted. I do not deny nor patronage witches or witchcraft,
but wish that the proofs and trials thereof may be more carefully and with bet- 5
ter circumspection viewed and considered, that rash determination beguile not
the wise, nor condemn the innocent, upon whom the Devil can with more nim-
bleness and agility transfer his own evil works than either they can avoid it, or
others easily espy it.
Everything whereof every man cannot give a reason is not, therefore, a mira- 10
cle. There are many things whereof few men, many whereof no man can attain
the reason,10 yet every man knoweth to have a reason in nature.11 Behold a toy
for an example: there is seen in the hand of a juggler a thing as it is indeed—
4 Patronage: defend. 13 Juggler: a magician. Cotta is describing slight-of-hand, not entertain-

ing by tossing objects.
has been granted to the Devil not only to deceive the wicked, but to harass the good. Augus-
tine.]
This exact passage is not found in *Augustine: probably a paraphrase of an uniden-
tified passage.
2. Diabolus imperium exercet in impios. In pios etiam in multis casibus particularibus potes-
tatem habet, qua et vulnerantur et concidunt. Calvin. lib. instit. [The Devil exerts his power
over the impious. He also has power in many particular cases over the pious, and by his
power they are wounded and perish. Calvin, Institutio Christianae Religionis.]
It is not clear where or whether *Calvin says this, but at Institutio Christianae Reli-
gionis I.XIV, in language reminiscent of Cotta’s, Calvin says something significantly
different: Nego vinci inquam vel opprimi ab eo [Satana] fideles posse. Consternantur
quidem saepe, sed non exanimantur quin se recolligant; concidunt violentia ictuum, sed
postea eriguntur; vulnerantur, sed non lethaliter … (“I deny that the faithful are either
conquered or oppressed by him [Satan]. They are often bothered, but they are not so
weakened or killed that they do not recover; they perish by the force of his blows, but
after they are raised; they are wounded, but not fatally.”)
9 Quid angeli mali possunt, quid non possunt facere per naturae suae conditionem, homini
explorare difficile immo impossibile. Augustin. de Trinit. [What the bad angels are and are
not able to do on account of the constitution of their nature is difficult, no, impossible, for a
human to investigate. Augustine, De Trinitate.] Also not a quotation: likely a paraphrase.
10 Soli viri ingeniosi et subtilis mentis aciei difficilia cognitu facile comprehendere valent. Aris-
tot. [Only intelligent men of subtle acuity of mind are able to understand easily things difficult
to understand. Aristotle.]
This passage’s origins in Aristotle are uncertain. The point is broad, in any case, and
not particularly characteristic of the philosopher.
11 Multa sunt quorum cum veritas certa sit, tamen causae nos latent. Plutarch. de Sympos.
[There are many things of which, although the truth be certain, the causes nonetheless escape
us. Plutarch, Symposiaca.]
*Plu. Symposiaca 5.7.
suddenly, in a moment, without perceptible motion, it is again seen as it is not.12

That there is a cause of the change who knoweth not? What it is, who knoweth
except to whom it hath been made known? With great wonder and admiration
have divers in this age showed mercenary spectacles,13 incredible even unto the
beholding eye,14 and yet in the actors by mean understandings deprehending 5
to be nothing but agility and nimble cunning by continual practice and custom
working desperateness into facility. Thus, with common wonder have some
walked and danced upon cords. Some are written to have leaped and danced
upon the edges of sharp swords without hurt unto themselves, and with plea-
sure unto the beholders. Some have credibly been supposed to devour daggers 10
and other sharp and dangerous weapons.
That naturally the lodestone draweth iron the meanest know; the reason or
cause the wisest never knew. There are wonders in nature, and wonders above
nature. These are subtleties, the other, miracles. That fire and air, contrary to
their own particular nature,15 of their own accord descend and waters ascend, 15
5 Deprehending: shown to be.
12 Inter praestigiatoris manus quod est video. Mutatur species vel propter celeritatem vel prop-
ter aliud. Quare vero mutetur latet me. Scalig. de Subt. [I see what is between the hands of the
trickster. It changes appearance either because of his speed or for another reason. But why it
changes eludes me. *Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
From Exercitatio 1§1.
13 In natura plurima fiunt miranda et singularia, inquit Aristoles, ideoque naturam ipsam
appellat δαιμονίαν. [In nature very many wondrous and unique thing occur, says Aristotle,
and thus he calls nature itself “divine, heaven sent.”]
At De Divinatione per Somnum (“On Divination Through Dreaming”) 463b14, *Aristotle
calls φύσις (“nature”) δαιμονία (“divine, miraculous, heaven-sent”), but denies that it is θεία
(“divine, more than human, from the gods”) and says that because other animals dream,
dreams are not sent by God. Cotta’s point seems to be that just as many simple reasons
may be hidden from men by other men, so too may the causes of nature be hidden, but
nevertheless natural.
14 τερατώδη μὲν καὶ θαύματος πλήρη, οὐ μὴν δαιμονικῆς μαγγανείας μέτοχα Camerarius de divinat.
[Monstrous and full of wonder, not partaking of divine trickery. Camerarius, De Divinatione.]
Quoted from the last page of Joachim *Camerarius De Generibus Divinationum, who
identifies his source as Byzantine historian Nicephorus Gregoras (ca. AD 13–14). The quo-
tation is found at Nicephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, 1:348 (also known as Book VIII,
Chapter 10): τὰ μέντοι τελούμενα ὑπ’ αὐτῶν τερατώδη μὲν ἦσαν καὶ θαύματος πλήρη, οὐ μὴν δαι-
μονικῆς τινος μαγγανείας μέτοχα, ἀλλ’ ἐπιτηδεύματα φύσεως δεξιᾶς, ἐγγυμνασθείσης ἐκ πλείονος
ἐς ἔργων ποιούτων ἄσκησιν (“The things they did were miraculous and full of wonder, but
not partaking in any devilish trickery. Rather they were habits of dexterity, practiced for a
long time into an acquired ability at such works.”) Nicephorus is describing a troop of trav-
eling magicians who arrived in Constantinople: their “magic” was amazing, but consisted
of nimbleness and dexterity, not supernatural wonders.
15 A forma universali moventur sponte ignis et aer deorsum, ne eveniret vacuum. Forma par-
150 chapter 8
that the heavy metals of iron and lead, contrary to their own natural motion,
should, with such admirable swiftness, in so short a moment, pass so large a
distance through the air from a small flash of a little flame, these and such like
are subtleties,16 because the cause and reason thereof doth unfold itself to few,
or not to all, yet unto the learned. 5
That the Sun should stand still in the firmament, the Moon be eclipsed in no
interposition, the bodies of men should fly in the air, or walk upon the face of
the water—these and the like are miracles, because there is neither power nor
reason in nature.a And as in the former to be easily drawn to admiration, and
to ascribe natural effects to supernatural causes, is gross ignorance, so in the 10
latter to inquire natural causes in supernatural effects is profane curiosity.17 In
both these extremes men too commonly err, the learned for the most part in
the latter, the unlearned in the first: the one too wise,18 the other stark fools.
None truly learned, or that truly know the face of nature (whose scholars
the learned ever profess themselves) can be upon vain flashes of seeming won- 15
ders lightly moved to deny or call into question the power and force of nature.19
a Cotta obliquely references several well-known miracles from scripture, including Joshua’s ar-
resting the Sun: “Then spake Joshua to the Lord, in the day when the Lord gave the Amorites
before the children of Israel, and he said in the sight of Israel, ‘Sun, stay thou in Gibeon, and
thou Moon, in the valley of Ajalon.’ And the Sun above, and the Moon stood still, until the peo-
ple avenged themselves upon their enemies” (Josh. 10:12–13).
ticularis obedit universali ad conservationem totius entitatis et unitatis. Scalig. de Subt. [Fire
and air are moved downward spontaneously by their universal form, lest a vacuum occur. The
particular form obeys the universal form for the preservation of being and unity. *Scaliger,
Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
From Exercitatio 5§1 about the eternity of the world and particular and universal forms.
16 Quia nequit tam cito rarefieri ad implendum vacuum, quod reliquum potest facere facit,
atque tam cito abit. Scalig. de subt. [Because it is unable to be rarefied to fill in a vacuum,
it does what is left to do and so swiftly departs. *Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtil-
itate ad Cardanum.]
From Exercitatio 8, which discusses natural movements that are due to fear of a vac-
uum. Cotta has added “ad implendum vacuum” from the sentences preceding the one he
quotes.
17 Frustra de metaphysicis quaeruntur physicae rationes. [Natural physical explanations are
sought in vain from metaphysics.]
18 Sapientia vera, Nolle nimis sapere. [True wisdom is not to want to know too much.]
19 Hoc nomine Cardanum taxat *Scaliger lib de subtilit. Quae consulto natura in orbe molita est
suo, is praestigiae nomine denotandum putat. [For this reason Scaliger, in Exotericæ Exerci-
tationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum, reproaches Cardanus: What nature has expressly set in
motion in its own sphere, he thinks should be referred to by the word “legerdemain.”]
Adapted from Exercitatio 303§5: An tu, Cardane, quae natura consulto est in orbe molita
suo praestigii nomine denotanda putas? (“Or do you, Cardanus, think that what nature has
expressly set in motion in its sphere should be referred to by the name ‘legerdemain?’ ”)
With therefore the common amazed thoughts of vulgar people, to be blasted

by the stupidity of every idle fear, to gape after witchcraft, or to make nature a
devil or a bugbear, must needs be base proclivity and unlearned lightness. To
admit nothing above or beside nature, no witchcraft, no association with devils
at all, is no less madness of the other opposite and extreme. But those whom 5
true learning and wisdom hath well instructed know how to stay themselves,
and to consist in a temperate mediocrity between both these.
The actions of the Devil are discovered by proper notes and difference. First,
they are ever evil,20 either in themselves or in their end. Secondly, they are
above the power and course of nature and reason.21 This appeareth manifestly 10
in his violent carriage of so many herds of swine headlong into the sea, men-
tioned in the gospel, in his bringing fire from above so suddenly to devour
so many thousands of Job’s sheep.a These, with other such like, carry in their
mischief and hurt the stamp of such an author, and in the transcendent and
supernatural power thereof, the testimony of a spirit.22 This is plain, and by 15
these notes, men may learn to distinguish between an imaginary and real dev-
ilish practice.
Now, the doubt remaineth, how we may in these works and practices of the
Devil, detect the conversation and commerce of men. I do not conceive how
a “And whiles he was speaking, another came, and said ‘The fire of the God is fallen from the
heaven, and hath burnt up the sheep and the servants and devoured them. But I only am escaped
alone to tell thee’” (Job 1:16).
20 Hoc a divinitatis excellentia separat: omnis enim potestas supra naturam est vel divina vel
diabolica, haec ubique et semper est bona, illa, nusquam non mala. [This is apart from the
excellence of divinity: for every power that is supernatural is either divine or diabolical, the
one of which is everywhere and always good, the other is never not bad.]
21 Quorum daemones authores sunt eorum ratio est trans naturam. Fernel. de abd. rer. caus.
[The reason of those whose sponsors are demons is beyond their nature. *Fernelius, De Abdi-
tis Rerum Causis.]
From De Abditis Rerum Causis 2.16: Horum (refers to innumeri morbi) daemones autho-
res sunt; scelerati perditique homines, ministri: omnisque eorum trans naturam est ratio (“Of
these [innumerable diseases] demons are the authors; they are criminal lost humans, ser-
vants: and their entire reason is beyond their nature.”)
22 Daemoniaci nonnulli obloquuntur summe ardua, arcana referant et occulta renunciant.
Edunt verba et sententias Graecas et Latinas cum ipsi utriusque linguae omnino ignari sunt.
Fernel de Abd. rer. caus. [Some of those possessed by the Devil rail away with great passion
and report obscure things and proclaim secrets. They produce words and sentences in Greek
and Latin although they themselves are altogether ignorant of both languages. *Fernelius,
De Abditis Rerum Causis.]
Similar phenomena, worded differently, are reported in Book II, Chapter 16 of De Abdi-
tis Rerum Causis. Similar wording and phenomena also found in the reports of *Codron-
chius De Morbis Veneficis, Book III, Chapter 13.
152 chapter 8
any marks in the flesh or body of any one may be any trial or manifest proof.a
For besides the grant that likeness may deceive, who can assure me that the
Devil may not as easily, secretly, and insensibly mark the flesh of men as their
souls unto destruction?23 If the Devil may mark them without their knowledge
and consent, shall his malice be their offence? Or how shall I be assured he can- 5
not so do? He that can do the greater can do the less. He that could give unto
the Son of God a view of all the kingdoms of the world in one instant (which
was no doubt a special strain of his utmost spiritual cunning, considering he
was then to deal with Wisdom itself) can that cunning find no means to make
a small scar, impress, or tumor in flesh? Who dare presume to say, “God will 10
not suffer him”? Whoever so far entered into the counsel of God, or measured
what therein he doth permit? If no holy writ, no reason manifest it, proud and
blasphemously daring is observation in so infinite and unmeasurable a subject.
a Cotta here refers to the witch’s mark, also called “The Devil’s Mark” or “English Teat,” believed
to be a spot on a witch’s body used by their personal demons (or familiars) for nourishment.
Although the method of pricking for a witch’s mark was used throughout Europe by witch find-
ers (the spot was said to be insensitive), the mark played a particularly significant role in England,
where accusations of possessing a familiar were prominent in trials. In one 1566 confession, for
example, Elizabeth Francis told authorities that she had a familiar in the form of a cat, and that
“every time that he did anything for her, she said that he required a drop of blood, which she gave
him by pricking herself, sometime in one place and then in another, and where she pricked her-
self there remained a red spot which was still to be seen.” “Chelmsford Witches,” 305. Some have
argued that the idea of the demonic familiar may have been bolstered by the folk belief in helpful
faerie spirits. Wilby, “Witch’s Familiar and the Fairy,” 300–301. The 1604 act included within the
scope of witchcraft the feeding of animals with one’s own blood. Witch’s marks therefore became
a crucial proof in subsequent witch trials. This aspect of withcraft belief is frequently discussed
in the scholarship on the topic. See, for instance, Macfarlane, Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart Eng-
land; Willis, Malevolent Nurture, 52. See also Darr, Marks of an Absolute Witch, Chapter 5, and
EW, s.v. “Witch’s Mark.” Elmer distinguishes Cotta’s view on the matter from the early modern
preacher Thomas Cooper who saw the marks as vital to making the case against witches. Elmer,
Politics, 57. See pages 412–417 in this edition and note a on page 292. See also the Introduction to
this edition, especially pages 29–30.
23 Many and strange have been the forms of divers excrescencies or growings in the flesh
through all parts almost of the body, whose nature, form, and cause are well known unto the
physician, though to his eye of times strange and wondered. *Scaliger in his book of subtilties,
mentioneth a waterman (an oarsman), known unto himself who had a horn growing upon
his back. The like have others since and before known and written. Some men have been born
with parts proper unto the other sex, and women with parts or resemblances of parts natu-
rally given to the male-kind alone. The errors of nature in monstrous births are not obscure,
and feed variety of wonder, nor are nor can be tied from the counterfeit of any shape, likeness,
marks or figure, sometimes superfluous cast upon one part, sometimes upon another.
Found in Exercitatio 199§5 or 199§6 (depends on edition) of De Subtilitate.
I deny not that the Devil by covenant may suck the bodies and blood of
witches, in witness of their homage unto him, but I deny any mark (of never
so true likeness or perfect similitude) sufficient condemnation unto any man.
And beside and above all other notes or marks whatsoever, judge it chiefly and
principally and first to be required that both the Devil’s property therein,24 and 5
also the party’s consent thereto25 may be justly and truly evicted, which is oft
too lightly weighed. It may be with good reason judged, that the Devil doth
not blush to be both bold and cunning, there to set his mark, yea, and make
his claim where he hath no interest. But when the Devil doth appear in works
and signs proper to himself, and therewith shall be evident either directly or by 10
good consequent, the act of any man consenting or cooperating, there law may
justly take hold to censure, and there also the former presumptions and marks
(denied sufficiency while alone and single) may now concurring be admitted
and allowed.
I speak not this in contradiction of other learned judgments, but retaining 15
the liberty of mine own, and leaving the like equanimity to everyone. Nor do I
deny or defend devilish practices of men or women, but desire only to moderate
the general madness of this age, which ascribeth unto witchcraft whatsoever
falleth out unknown or strange unto a vulgar sense.
Concerning diseases, therefore, it will not here also be impertinent or un- 20
profitable to deliver many their strange seeming forms from the too ordinary
injurious imputation in this kind. It is manifest and apparent, that the mixture
6 Evicted: proven. Perhaps with a playful double meaning with the sense of removed from a prop-
erty.
24 The Devil’s property is known by actions, deeds, or works first found sustained by a supernat-
ural power, and next bent unto an evil end. Thus for devilish ends have witches and sorcerers
been known to ride upon the seas in vessels uncapable of such carriage or of any defense.
Thus have some haunted men and other creatures, in manners, means and circumstances
more than any way reasonable or possible unto humanity or the nature of man alone. Thus
have some also declared the secret words and actions of men, the absent in far distant places,
and foretold particular things to come. These with their devilish affection end, and intention
are certain proofs of diabolical power and witchcraft.
25 Consent and cooperation may be manifested first by proof of any incantation, invocation,
spells, and other performances of other diabolical rites and ceremonies. Secondly, by their
use of such instruments as are usual or proper unto such devilish works. Of this kind are pic-
tures of wax or other matter, by which they secretly work wasting and consuming pains unto
the living persons of those dead resemblances. Of this kind are also charmed knots, charac-
ters, and figures. Of this kind also are divers sorts of poisonsome matters, by them known to
be solemnly sought and carefully hidden or kept. These found or detected, are certain convic-
tions of witches and witchcraft, joined with other due presumptions and circumstances, and
a manifest detection of the assistance of any transcendent force.
154 chapter 8
and implication of divers and differing diseases in the same subject may and do
oft bring forth a wild and confused concourse of accidents seeming therefore of
monstrous and wondered shapes, and therefore in their deceiving appearance,
coming very near unto the similitude of bewitching. But because every eye is
not able in so various a chaos to analyze and reduce them unto their several 5
heads and proper diseases (so intricately confounded one within another),26 it
is not, therefore, sufficient for reputing them as things without causes in nature.
Many diseases single, alone and apart by themselves, seem strange and won-
dered, which therefore in their strange forms united, and in their mixture one
with another, must needs arise much more monstrous and Hydra-like.a 10
For example, in one kind of disease, the whole body, as it were, in a minute is
suddenly taken in the midst of some ordinary gesture or action,27 and therein is
continued some space together as if frozen generally, stark and stiff in all parts,
without sense or motion,28 yet with eyes wide open and breathing freely,29 as
if it were a moving image or a living carcass. In another, the sick are also sud- 15
denly taken or surprised with a senseless trance and general astonishment or
a The Hydra was a many-headed serpent of Greek mythology. When Hercules tried to slay the
beast by cutting off one of its heads, two more sprung up to replace it. The creature is often
invoked to suggest a problem that only grows worse as one confronts it, but here Cotta seems to
use the Hydra to symbolize an abominable combination of things. Indeed, he may be confusing
the Hydra with other mythical monsters such as the basilisk, which was sometimes imagined
as part snake, part rooster, and part dragon. Modern historian Leland Estes cites this passage
from Cotta in his argument that the more scientific approach of early modern medicine helped
spur the witch craze. He conjectures that as accounts of illness became more complex, it was
increasingly difficult for physicians to determine the nature of an illness with certainty. Without
a simple medical explanation, supernatural explanations were advanced. Estes, “Medical Ori-
gins,” 272, n. 23. Of course, Cotta is concerned about the same general problem: that obscure
diseases are mistaken for curses.
26 Quippe ubi nec causas nec apertos cernimus ictus, unde ergo veniant tot mala, caeca via est.
Propert. [For when we perceive neither the causes nor open wounds, the source from which so
many ills come is an unseen one. Propertius.]
Elegies 2.4 lines 11–12.
27 In καταλήψες vel κατοχή Gal. De loc. affect. [In seizures or catalepsy. Galen, De Locis Affectis.]
*Galen’s De Locis Affectis mentions καταλήψια and κατοχή in many places, and dis-
cusses the fact that people undergoing them still breathe at 8:300 line 9K.
28 In this manner, in the year 1598, myself being present, a child of one M. Barker of Coventry
was afflicted, and in the end these fits changing into convulsions of his face, mouth, and eyes,
he therein died.
29 ἥ κατα φύσιν ἀναπνόη σωζομένη. Gal. de loc. aff.
*Galen De Locis Affectis 8:232 line 13K: ἡ κατὰ φύσιν ἀναπνοὴ σωζομένη “([In torpor and
catalepsy] the natural breathing is preserved.”)
sideration, void of all sense or moving many hours together, only the breath
sometimes striveth and laboreth against the danger of suffocation, and the
pulse continueth.30 In another, the sick are swiftly surprised with so profound
and deadly a sleep that no call, no cry, no noise,31 no stimulation can in many
hours awake and raise them.32 In another, the sick are doubtfully held, in some 5
part waking,33 and in another part sleeping, in some respects, manners and
parts expressing wakeful motions, sense, speech, right apprehension, memory,
and imagination. In other respects, parts and manners (as men sleeping) void
of the liberty or use of sense, motion or any other faculties. The form of this
disease, *Hippocrates hath very fitly assimilated to the shape and fashion of 10
drunkenness,34 whose ordinarily known effects are in some things busy wake-
fulness, in other some at the same time dull sleepiness. In some imaginations,
apprehensions, senses and motions quick and ready. In some with as apparent
urgence yet senseless and dead.
Contrary to these forms, in some other diseases there arise continual stir- 15
rings and depraved motions through all the parts of the body,35 contrary to
1 Sideration: paralysis. 14 Urgence: haste.
30 In Apoplexia vel morbo attonito. Gal. de loc. affect. [In apoplexy or the thunderstruck/stunned
disease. Galen, De Locis Affectis.]
*Galen’s De Locis Affectis mentions apoplexy more than a dozen times, but at 8:208K,
Galen specifically mentions lack of sensation and movement in apoplexy. Thunder and
lightning are not mentioned by Galen in connection with apoplexy. Morbus attonitus (“the
thunderstruck disease”) is simply another Latin name for it.
31 In the year 1602 in this manner a former wife of one M. Roson of Northampton continued the
space of two days and nights, being then my patient.
32 In Caro. Carum vero distinguit a Catalepsi. Galen. lib de loc. affect. quod in hac oculi aegroto-
rum clausi permanent in illa aperti. [In torpor. But Galen distinguishes torpor from catalepsy
in De Locis Affectis, because in the one the eyes of the sick remain closed, while in the other
open.]
*Galen De Locis Affectis Book 4 §, 8:232 line 13K. The Latin carum is a transliteration of
Greek καρός.
33 Hoc genus coma vigilans Galeno dicitur tract. de comate, quod et insomne vocat et phre-
neticis attribuit. Iuxta hoc coma pigrum et somnolentum statuit quod e contra lethargicis
ascribit. [This type is called “waking coma” by Galen in his treatise de Comate. He also calls
it “insomne” (sleeplessness) and attributes it to the insane. Next to this he has set “sluggish
coma” which he ascribes, however, to the lethargic.]
*Galen’s De Comate Secundum Hippocratem begins with a discussion of these topics.
34 Hippocrates in Prorheticis et Epidemior. 5. [Hippocrates in In Hippocratis Prorrheticon and
In Hippocratis Librum iii Epidemiarum Commentarii.]
(16:707K) and (17a:540K) respectively. Unless Cotta was using a text with different divi-
sions, his “5” is mistaken.
35 Depravati motus sunt plurimi tremuli, convulsivi, palpitantes, vibrantes, qui prout in toto cor-
pore vagantur, diversam appellationem sortiuntur. Galen. de sympt. differ. [Distorted move-
156 chapter 8
the will, and beside the sense and power of the sick. This is seen commonly in
falling sicknesses,36 divers kinds of convulsions and the like. In these diseases,
some bite their tongues and flesh,37 some make fearful and frightful shriek-
ing and outcries, some are violently tossed and tumbled from one place unto
another. Some spit, some froth, some gnash their teeth, some have their faces 5
continually deformed and drawn awry. Some have all parts wrested and writhed
into infinite ugly shapes.38 Some have their head violently wrested forward,
and their faces behind. Some have their eyes with inordinate twinklings, raving,
and rollings,39 disfigured. Some have their mouths distorted into divers forms,
grinning, mowing,40 laughing, sometimes gaping wide open, sometimes close 10
8 Twinklings: winking.
ments are several, tremors, convulsions, palpitations, shaking, which according as they go
through the whole body, are given different names. *Galen, De Symptomatum Differentiis.]
7:59, lines 14–17K.
36 ἣ ἐπιληψία σπασμος, etc. Epilepsia vel morbus caducus universo corpori motus affert depra-
vatos. Gal. de diff. sympt. [Epilepsy, spasm, etc. Epilepsy, also known as the falling sickness,
causes distorted motions in the whole body. *Galen, De Symptomatum Differentiis.]
εἰ δὲ μὴ μόνον σπασμὸς εἴη τοῦ παντὸς σώματος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἡγεμονικῶν ἐνεργειῶν ἐπίσχε-
σις, ἐπιληψία τὸ τοιοῦτον προσαγορεύεται (“If there should be not only spasm of the whole
body, but also ceasing of the ruling functions, such a condition is called ‘epilepsy.’”) De
Symptomatum Differentiis, (7:58 lines 18–20K).
37 Convulsio simulat omnem motus voluntarii speciem et hac sola ratione a motu naturali dif-
fert quod praeter voluntatem fit. Galen. de loc. affect. [Convulsion resembles every appear-
ance of voluntary motion but in one respect alone differs from natural motion, that it happens
against one’s will. *Galen De Locis Affectis.]
38 Motiva actio laesa pro particularium instrumentorum ratione ita variantur, ut varias habere
species videantur, cum illius motionis ratio fit una. Galen de sympt. diff. [The ability to move
spatially, when affected adversely, is varied according to the nature of the particular instru-
ments affected in such a way that the adverse affect seems to have various species, although
the cause of the injury of the motion may be unitary. *Galen De Symptomatum Differentiis]
7:56K.
39 Convulsis musculis, oculos moventibus. [With convulsed muscles, with rolling eyes.]
40 Musculorum masticatoriorum et eorum qui peculiariter lati appellantur convulsione, con-
tractione, resolutione fit spasmus cynicus, tortura oris, risus Sardonius etc. [The “cynic
spasm,” the “facial torture,” and the “sardonic smile,” etc. come from the convulsion, contrac-
tion, and relaxation of the chewing muscles, and of those in particular which are called “lati.”]
A sentence from Nicholas Piso’s De Morbis Cognoscendis et Curandis (“On Diagnosing
and Treating Diseases”), Frankfurt, 1580, Book 1, Chapter 18, reads Spasmus est resolutio
musculorum masticatoriorum et eorum qui peculiariter lati appellantur (“The spasm [cynic
spasm] is a relaxation of the chewing muscles and of those in particular which are called
‘lati’”). *Hollerius has almost exactly the same wording in De Morbis Internis, 1562, Book I,
Chapter 10 (De Convulsione Canina “on the cynic spasm,” also known as “the dog spasm.”)
Cotta has it from Piso or Hollerius, or another source: Cotta’s version has more than either
of the other two.
shutting.41 Some have their limbs and divers members suddenly with violence
snatched up and carried aloft, and after suffered by their own weight to fall
again. Some have an inordinate leaping and hopping of the flesh,42 through
every part of the body.
In some diseases, the mind is as strangely transported into admirable visions 5
and miraculous apparitions, as the body is metamorphosed into the former
strange shapes. In many ordinary diseases, in the oppressions of the brain, in
fevers, the sick usually think themselves to see things that are not,43 but in
their own abused imaginary and false conceit. Sometimes with their fingers
they hunt for flocksa and flies, and with narrow eyes pry for puppets and toys, 10
working in the consistory of their own brains.
Sometimes they complain of their friends and others to lie upon them, to
creep or sit upon them, to stop their winds, to endeavor to cut their throats
and the like. Sometimes they complain of devils or witches,44 lively describing
11 Consistory: a council-chamber or court.
a Given that Cotta is referring to a person in a disordered mental state, it is unclear what sense of
“flock” he is using here. Probably as a small tuft of cloth, as an agitated person in bed plucking at
the bedclothes.
41 Convulsis musculis temporalibus contrahuntur dentes, et strident, resolutis fit hiatus oris.
[When the temporal muscles convulse, the teeth are drawn together and gnash, and when
they are relaxed, there is a gaping of the mouth.]
Found verbatim in *Hollerius De Morbis Internis Book 1, Chapter 12 (page 44b in some
editions).
42 Generalis haec palpitatio dicitur ab Avicenna, ab aliis membrorum subsultus et iactatio.
[This is called palpitatio (“general twitching,” “quivering”) by *Avicenna, subsultus (“leaping,”
“spasm”) of the appendages and iactatio (“agitation”) by others.]
43 Historia Theophili, medici aegrotantis lectu dignissima est. libr. Galeni de diff. sympt. sect.3.
[The case of Theophilus, a doctor who was ill, is quite worth reading in Section 3 of *Galen’s
book De Symptomatum Differentiis.]
As recounted at 7:60, lines 14ffK, Theophilus had a hallucination that flute players
had taken up residence in his house, both standing and sitting and constantly playing,
although he could still recognize real people who were actually present.
44 Vide Hollerii historiam de Pharmacopoeo incubo correpto, scholiis in tractat. de incubo. Avi-
cennam in Oant. de signis Melancholiae. [See Hollerius’ story about a druggist who was
seized by an incubus in his scholiae to his own treatise Concerning the Incubus. See also *Avi-
cenna in Oant. Concerning the Indications of Melancholia.]
*Hollerius’s scholiae to his De Morbis Internis, Book I, Chapter 14, tells this story of a
druggist (the correct term is pharmacopola) who experienced a “daemon’s” attack during
the night and so accused those sleeping in the same room with him of trying to stran-
gle him, but found that when he later slept alone a similar attack occurred. The druggist
described the “daemon” quite precisely. Hollerius thinks that an “incubus” is a sort of vapor
lacking any sort of supernatural consciousness or agenthood.
It is not clear to what “Avicennam in Oant. de signis Melancholiae” refers.
158 chapter 8
their seeming shapes and gestures toward them. Some in sicknesses so far for-
get themselves, that they have not so much memory as of their own names,45
or their most familiar friends. Some above all persuasion or reason to the con-
trary, strongly imagine themselves unreasonable creatures.46 Some cry out and
fly from waters when none are near.47 Some from fire, and likewise from many 5
other supposed fears, in their vanity infinite, as in their present and sudden
appearance unto the beholder full of amazement.
How can these like accidents, or any of them even single and alone in their
several peculiar shapes apart, but seem wondered? Much more when divers
of them, most or many of them, as it sometimes falleth out, are confusedly 10
together so compounded, that at once in the sick, a man may see a part of one
and a part of another, a show of many, and a perfect shape of none. Must they
needs not only affright a common beholder, but sometimes also exercise the
better judgments.
I saw hereof in the year 1608 a rare example, which both for illustration of 15
that which hath been said, and the instruction of other that may hereafter hap
45 Thucydides de in peste servatis scribit, inde factos esse fatuis similes tantaque ignorantia et
fatuitate imbutos ut se ipsos et familiares plane ignorarent. Galen. in I Porrhet. Hippocrat.
[Thucydides writes that those who survived the plague became like imbeciles from it and were
affected with such ignorance and imbecility that they did not know themselves and their fel-
lows. Galen in Book I of Hippocrates’s Prorrheticon.]
*Galen (16:696, lines 7–10K) says the plague victims were not like those with μώρωσις
(“dementia” or “extreme sluggishness”), but rather suffered from ἄγνοια “ignorance,” “mis-
takenness,” in that they did not recognize themselves or their fellows.
46 In λυκανθρωπία Actuar li. 1 [7–8 Greek letters are unreadable] διαγ. παθ. [On lycanthropy,
Actuar Book 1 …]
This must refer to John Zacharias Actuarius (ca. AD 1275–1328), with whom, it has been
said, “Byzantine medicine reached its climax.” Temkin, “Byzantine Medicine,” 114. Actuar-
ius wrote Περὶ διαγνώσεως πάθων On Diagnosis of Diseases, which discusses lycanthropy in
Book 1, Chapter 35, line 9ff.
The notion of humans transformed into animals has a long history in mythologies of
various kinds. Competing notions of the werewolf legend circulated in Cotta’s time though
there was little agreement, apart from some diabolical influence, as to how the transforma-
tion from man to beast was to be accomplished. Some accounts, citing the Devil’s inability
to alter nature, argued for some form of illusion. Sidky, Lycanthropy, 218. Cotta here seems
to imply that at least some cases of supposed lycanthropy are the result of hallucinations
caused by natural diseases. In Trial, he will argue that people cannot be turned into ani-
mals by dark magic and suggests reports of witches apparently so changed, if true at all,
describe illusions, not actual transformations. See pages 309–311 in this edition. For more,
see EW, s.v. “Lycanthropy.”
47 In ὑδροφοβία. Galen. in Prorhet. Hipp. [On Hydrophobia, *Galen’s Commentary on *Hip-
pocrates’s Prorrheticon.]
“Hydrophobia” is mentioned loc. cit. at 16:621, line 7ffK.
to behold the like, and especially for the contentment of many eye witnesses
(both worthy and desirous therein to be satisfied), I may not omit.
A gentleman of ancient name and seat in Warwickshire, in the time of
the late memorable long frost,a called me unto his daughter afflicted in an
unknown and strange, sudden manner, both unto her parents, friends, and 5
neighbors, and also some physicians therein consulted.48 A vehement shaking
and violent casting forward of her head, every day in a much-marveled fashion
surprised her about three or four of the clock each afternoon, and so usually
continued until the twelfth hour of the night. Every such shaking or casting
her head, ending with a loud and shrill inarticulate sound of these two sylla- 10
bles: “ipha ipha.”
After my first sight, I discovered these before wondered motions to be noth-
ing else but sneezing and sternutations,b which all men have their different and
divers noises,49 and in her were more than ordinarily violent. To confirm and
settle this judgment, I gave, both by writing and speech, prediction of a sequel, 15
either of the falling sickness or some other spice or species of convulsion, so
grounding upon the continual violence and vehemence of the sternutation,50
and the great oppression of the brain, together with some obscure contractions
16 Spice: a kind or type. OED gives its last example from 1587, so it is possible that the word, in
this sense, was already falling out of usage.
a Cotta is almost certainly referring to the especially frigid winter of 1607–1608. According to one
contemporary account, while the Thames had frozen over in other years, it normally thawed
within a few days, but in “The Great Frost,” it froze over in mid-December and was still frozen by
late January. Great Frost, A4v. For more, see Lamb, Climate, especially Chapter 12 on “The Little
Ice Age.” b Sternutation also means sneezing.
48 Beneficed practitioners.
49 ψοφίει δὲ ὅτι δια στενοῦ etc. Sonat sternutatio quia per angustum ille est exitus. Hippocrat.
Aph.7.lib. [It makes a sound because through a narrow passage etc. A sneeze makes a sound
because its exit is through a narrow passage. Hippocrates, Aphorisms Book 7.]
Part of *Hp. Aph. Book 7, Aphorism 51: (πταρμὸς) ψοφέει δὲ, ὅτι διὰ στενοῦ ὁ διέξοδός
αὐτῷ ἐστιν (“Sneezing makes a sound because its exit is through a narrow passage.”)
50 Ingens sternutatio affinitatem habet cum epilepsia, tum quod ab eadem causa nasci potest,
tum quod in eadem sede sita est. Ideo Hippocrates sternutationem cum rheumate malum
nuntiat; quin et indesinens sternutatio animalem facultatem valide saepe fatigat, nec non
et sternutantes saepe mortui conciderunt. [A large sneeze has a similarity to epilepsy, both
because it can arise from the same cause and because it is located in the same place. Thus
Hippocrates pronounced sneezing a bad thing along with catarrh; and unceasing sneezing
often severely exhausts the animal faculty, and people sneezing have often fallen dead.]
*Hp. Prog. §14.12ff., pronounces sneeze and rheum in all diseases involving the lung
a bad thing, but in all other diseases beneficial. Hp. Prorrh. Book 2, §30, line 9 declares
sneezing sometimes beneficial, and Morb. Book 3, §§3 and 4 and a few other passages
recommend inducing sneezing on certain occasions.
160 chapter 8
of some parts already begun, though haply of others unobserved. In the mean
season before my departure at that time in few days the grievousness, length,
and frequence of the former fits was much mitigated and grew more easy, and
so continued the space of a fortnight after my return from thence.
This time last mentioned expired, suddenly the parents sent for me. From 5
them I learned that their daughter, after divers tortures of her mouth and face,
with staring and rolling of her eyes, scrawling and tumbling upon the ground,
grating and gnashing her teeth, was now newly fallen into a deadly trance,51
wherein she had continued a whole day, representing the very shape and image
of death, without all sense or motion: her pulse or breathing only witnessing 10
a remainder of life. With these fits (oft in the mean season first frequenting)
at length she again interchanged new,52 and then awakening out of her aston-
ished sleep, wistly casting her eyes as looking sometime behind her, sometime
to the one side,53 sometime to the other, sometime over her head (as if she had
fearfully or frightfully espied somewhat hagging about her) with her eyes star- 15
ing open, her mouth wide gaping, and her hands and arms strongly distent and
carried aloft above her head, together with a general starkness and stiffness of
all these parts, she spent many days in this manner, both day and night, iterat-
ing these fits, and each several fit continuing the space sometimes of half an
hour, sometimes a quarter of an hour. 20
7 Scrawling: crawling. 13 Wistly: intently. 15 Hagging: chopping, as with a sharp weapon,

though it is possible that this is a misprint for hanging. 16 Distent: stretched wide.
51 Epilepsiam sequitur plerunque gravis sopor. Andernac. de med. vet. et nova. [A very deep
sleep often follows epilepsy. Johannes Guinterius Andernacus, De Medicina Veteri et Nova tum
Cognoscenda tum Faciunda Commentarii duo.]
John Winter von Andernach (1505–1574), whose name endured a large number of vari-
ants in the period, was a physician, professor, and author. Few details are known of his
life. Here, Cotta refers to Commentaries on Old and New Medicine Theoretical and Practi-
cal, Basel, 1571.
52 Compositus enim morbus videtur ex comate, caro, apoplexia, epilepsia. In nonnullis enim
accessionibus sopitis motu et sensu libera erat respiratio, in aliis gravi cum difficultate spi-
randi et stertore periclitabatur, quae duo apoplecticos a veternosis et catalepticis distinguunt
authore Galeno lib. de loc. affect. Epileptici vero motus vix unquam desiere. [It seems to be a
disease composite from coma, caro, apoplexy, and epilepsy. In no few cases of exhaustion
from attacks, the breathing is free of motion and sensation, while in other cases there is risk
with great difficulty of breathing and snoring, both of which distinguish cases of apoplexy
from catalepsy and torpor/sleepiness on the authority of Galen in de Locis Affectis. Epilep-
tics, however, hardly ever cease from motion.]
This may refer to *Galen, De Locis Affectis, (8:232 line 7 ff.K).
53 Depravato omni genere motus voluntarii tum capitis tum oculorum. [With every sort of vol-
untary motion distorted both of the head and of the eyes.]
While these fits at any time discontinued, she either slept, or (at least all
her outward senses slumbering) her imagination still led her hands unto many
and divers continual actions and motions which argued in their folly great fatu-
ity and defect of reason and understanding,54 yet manifested the business and
depraved motion of her oppressed imagination, which therefore continually 5
employed her fingers to imitate many usual exercises of her health (as dressing
and attiring the heads of such women as came near unto her).55 In all these
actions and motions she neither had nor used the help of any other sense but
only the feeling with her hand,56 whereof she seemed also altogether deprived
in all other things,57 except only those whereto her imagination (which is mis- 10
tress and great commander of all the senses) led her feeling.58 Hereof was oft
made trial by pinching and the like, whereof she took no care, nor was thereby
54 Epilepsia est totius corporis convulsio cum rectricis partis actionum cohibitione. Galen. de
Symp. differentiis. [Epilepsy is a seizure of the whole body with a restriction of the actions of
the governing part. Galen, De Symptomatum Differentiis.]
*Galen, 7:59K. Compare note 69 in this chapter.
55 Singularium praeter sensum exteriorem est sensus internus. Aristot. eth.6. [The internal
sense is a particular thing beyond the exterior sense. Aristotle, Ethics 6.]
Found in a note to Book 6, Chapter 11 of a translation of Nicomachean Ethics by
Johannes Argyropulus (AD 1415–1487), not in *Aristotle’s text.
56 Saepe morbo laeditur ratio salva imaginatione, saepe depravata imaginatione integra per-
stat ratio saepe deficit utraque, saepe deficiunt sensus exteriores servatis internis, et e contra.
Gal. de loc. affect. [Often reason is injured by a disease while the imagination remains intact,
often while the imagination is adversely affected reason persists, often both fail, often the
external senses fail while the internal are preserved, and vice versa. Galen, De Locis Affec-
tis.]
These claims have not been found together in De Locis Affectis, but similar claims in
different words are attributed to *Galen in *Riolanus’s Artis Medicinalis Theoricae et Prac-
ticae Sejunctim Hactenus Multoties Excusae Systema. At Chapter XVII: An Tres Facultates
Principes, Locis Distinguantur in Cerebro (“Whether the Three Chief Faculties are Distin-
guished by Places in the Brain”), Galen De Locis Affectis (8:160.14–18K) says memory and
reason are often lost together. At De Symptomatum Differentiis (7:60–61K: quoted in the
next marginal comment), Galen says there are cases where imagination is impaired but
reason is not, and vice versa.
57 Coma est motus imaginatricis deficiens et imbecillus. Galen. de Sympt. differ. [Coma is failing
and weak motion of the imaginative faculty. Galen, De Symptomatum Differentiis.]
*Galen De Symptomatum Differentiis 7:60, line 8K says that the imaginative (φαντα-
στική) faculty is weak and failing in comas and lethargies (ἐν κώμασί τε καὶ ληθάργοις).
58 Communis facultas et potentia a cerebro per nervos in singula sensoria penetrans alter-
ationes omnes ipsorum persentit. Gal. lib. 7 de Plat. et Hippoc. dogmat. [The common faculty
and capacity reaching from the brain through the nerves into the single sense organs per-
ceives all their perceptions. *Galen, Book 7 of De Placitis Platonis et Hippocratis]
7:6 line 22K.
162 chapter 8
moved, except only when thereby haply they intercepted or interposed her
feeling and the imagined object, whereof she was ever for the most part very
sensible.
After I had with much assiduity and diligence by some quick medicines
solicited nature to a better remembrance of herself, at length, upon a sharp 5
provocation, she immediately answered our desired hope and we then first
gained her sense of herself with some comfortable words,59 and with a perfect
return of her understanding the distinct utterance of divers short, but devout
invocations of God, unto the singular comfort of her parents, having before
beheld her three weeks together both speechless and senseless.60 Her speech 10
shortly again (after the operation of the medicine had taken the usual effect)
departed, but her better sense and understanding still remained, which by her
pen she signified,61 and therewithal a holy mind and thoughts rare in such an
imp (being then under the thirteenth year of her age) with an inward feeling
of her agony and affliction, oft blessing God, and therein honoring her virtuous 15
and careful education.
Thus, after much labor, by the grace of God, and good means (for so they
proved themselves ever by the immediate sequel of good unto them), we at
length obtained the continuance of all her senses. Her tongue62 remained still
59 In caro et intelligere et excitari aegrotus potest. Avicenna de sign. spec. Subeth. [In caro,
the sick person is able to understand and to be stimulated in the flesh. Avicenna, De Signis
Specierum Subeth.]
The quotation is from the second of Mongius and Costaeus’s annotations to Chapter 2,
De Signis Specierum Subeth, (On the Indications of the Types of Subeth) found in Treatise 4,
Fen 1, Book III of *Avicenna’s Canon Medicinae. Caro can be a “coma,” but here it trans-
lates “subeth” (an Arabic word), which means “disturbed sleep,” “lethargy,” or “coma.” On
the Canon Medicinae, see Book 1, Chapter 1, note 15.
60 Laesa septima nervorum a cerebro ortorum coniugatione loquela imminuitur, depravatur
aut ad tempus tollitur necessario. Galen. de loc. Affect. [With the seventh conjunction of
nerves arising from the brain injured, speech is threatened: by necessity it is distorted or in
time it is lost. Galen, De Locis Affectis.]
*Galen De Locis Affectis 8:229K, says that the motion of the tongue is from the “seventh
conjunction” of the nerves which arise from the brain. The rest may be Cotta’s addition.
61 The words, which by writing she expressed, were these: “God is a wonderful God. The Lord can
do marvelous things and when the skill of man hath done what it can, God will show himself
a wonderful God.”
62 Quomodo lingua, nunc motum nunc sensum amittat separatim aut coniunctim, magis vel
minus, perque vicissitudines ratione cerebri laesi aut processus nervorum, vide Galen. de loc.
aff. [As the tongue loses now movement now sensation, separately or together, more or less,
and at intervals because of injury to the brain or the nerve processes. See *Galen, De Locis
Affectis.]
Perhaps De Locis Affectis Vol. 8:229K or 8:233K, both of which discuss harm to move-
unperfect,63 yet continually moved itself to force a certain imitation of speech,

with a mumbling, which (though no plain articulate sound of words) yet unto
those that were thereto accustomed, oft intelligible and well perceived. Some-
times perfect speech suddenly and unexpectedly would come unto her,64 but
stayed not constant nor long. In this mean season, I imparted unto her par- 5
ents my doubt of a hard condition, namely a palsy or maim in some part likely
to be annexed unto her recovery, if she survived her convulsive fits which still
remained as before mentioned.
Between hope and this fear we continued endeavor, and in the end by the
infinite goodness of God, her fits before mentioned (namely of gaping and 10
carrying her arms distent above her head) with the rest decreased, now discon-
tinuing all day, only four or five short fits every night when she first lay down
in bed continued, and with the decrease of the former vehemence and fearful
continual frequence of the said fits, succeeded (as was before feared) a palsy,
which possessed both her legs with a senseless deadness and a general stupid- 15
ity of one side of her body, being the ordinary terminations of an apoplexy, and
therefore foredoubted.
After she had continued in this hopeful forwardness the space of two months
or thereabout, she was then commended unto the Bath,a with my report and
description of her former passed accidents unto her physician there, where 20
after much and long fear and doubt, she began at length to build better hope,
6 Maim: injury. 15–16 Stupidity: numbness. 17 Foredoubted: feared, possibly predicted.
a The town of Bath, in Southwest England, has been known for its hot springs since the first
century AD. In Cotta’s time, though it possessed neither its ancient Roman glory nor the mag-
nificence of its eighteenth-century restorations, the town was still frequented by the sick who
believed in the curative power of its waters. Queen Elizabeth visited in 1591 but disliked the odor.
ment and sensation of the tongue and the “seventh” and “third conjunction” of nerves:
neither corresponds to Cotta’s Latin, but they do not disagree with it.
63 Refert Guintherius Andernacus aliquos sibi natos, qui ex ingenti refrigeratione, et inde nata
destillatione muti per aliquot dies perstitere, liquore vero absumpto vocem recepere. Ander-
nac. lib. de Med. vet. et nova. [Guinterius Andernacus reports that some have been born to
him, who from a serious cooling and the catarrh born of it remained mute for several days
but, when the fluid had been exhausted, recovered their voice.]
It is unclear where this appears in Johannes Guinterius Andernacus, De Medicina Vet-
eri et Nova tum Cognoscenda tum Faciunda Commentarii Duo, Basel, 1571. For more on this
author, aka John Winter von Andernach, see note 51 in this chapter.
64 The very same accident, about the same time, in the same manner, befell a gentlewoman then
lying at Cottesbrooke in Northamptonshire, and sometimes daughter unto M. Reade, while he
lived in the dwelling. She oft divers days together lost her speech, and again by fits suddenly
recovered it, being besides vexed with divers manners of convulsions.
164 chapter 8
finding by little and little the use of her legs, only the former small fits did still
hang fast, and her speech as yet remained unperfected.65 Her legs being at Bath
began there to recover. Her speech shortly after her return home from thence
also followed,66 and all her former fits and complaints vanished before that
summer passed.67 5
It hath been and is still a great doubt and question, not only among the com-
mon and vulgar sort, but divers also learned, whether this gentlewoman (in
manner aforesaid afflicted) shall justly be ranked among those upon whom (by
the permission of God) devils and witches have had a power, or whom nature
and the course of natural diseases have thus in manner aforesaid afflicted. My 10
own judgment must needs incline unto the latter, for that I could behold in the
gentlewoman nothing (most continually conversing with her) which either my
eyes had not before showed me in others, or perfect notion from reading both
ancient writings and later neoterical descriptions, had not before made the
same unto my understanding,68 which they then presented themselves unto 15
my sight.
The first is, in part, testified in the margin of the page 59, 60, and 64.a The sec-
ond, any man may witness true who can compare the report of all the fits and
14 Neoterical: from the works of modern authors.
a There are multiple notes on the original pages that Cotta cites, here, all in this chapter. In par-
ticular, he seems to be thinking of notes 28, 35, and 64.
65 Ex faciei partibus sola lingua saepenumero afficitur. Gal. de loc. affect. [Among the parts of
the face, often the tongue alone is affected. *Galen, De Locis Affectis.] (8:230 line 9K)
66 Saepe medicamentorum commoda non sunt cum usu praesentia sed post emergentia. [Often
the benefits of medicines are not coincident with their application but follow afterward.]
67 Compensante procul dubio aestate ad tempus insigniter fervida incommoda praecedentis
hyemis insigniter gelidae. Ab insigni vero refrigeratione ortum et originem mali factum esse,
apud me satis constat. Frigus vero cum humiditate intensum soporem, stuporem, omne con-
vulsionis genus, epilepsiam, apoplexiam constituere, author est Galenus lib de loc. affect. 4.
[The summer at the time being extraordinarily hot compensated for the discomforts of the
preceding extraordinarily cold winter. That the source and origin of the disease occurred
because of the remarkable cold is to my mind sufficiently clear. Galen’s Book 4 of De Locis
Affectis is the authority for the claim that cold along with humidity causes strong sleep, stu-
por, and every sort of seizure, epilepsy, and apoplexy.]
The source of this has not been found in *Galen or elsewhere.
68 Qui universale cognoscit quoquo pacto cognoscit et particulare. Aristot. [Who recognizes a
universal in some way also recognizes a particular. Aristotle.]
Senses perceive particulars (e.g. this instance of blackness and whiteness), but the
mind can only deal in universals (e.g. blackness or whiteness at some more general level)
according to *Aristotle. So when the senses perceive a particular instance of black, the
mind can only perceive that particular via its universal qualities and so it perceives the
particular only in a way.
accidents which befell this gentlewoman (which as truly and nearly as I could,
and I suppose fully, by the testimony of any that saw her, I have related) with
the several shapes of some diseases before mentioned, pages 59–62,a which
are truly set down according to the common consent of most writers. The mix-
ture of divers of them one with another, must needs make some difference in 5
them from themselves, where they are each alone and several. But he that with
that just allowance of that odds only, can consider the particular accidents in
the special example, with the true notion of the diseases before it generally
described, must needs grant them to be the same in kind and nature.
It may farther persuade that myself with reason from the known custom and 10
nature of such diseases, gave both by speech and writing, prediction of the con-
vulsion which after followed, and also of the termination of her69 apoplectic
accessions in the lameness and palsy of some parts, which also came to pass
and cannot now be denied testimony of many. It maketh yet farther against
the opinion of witchcraft, that such medicines as were ministered unto her, in 15
reason good for her, according to that reason and expectation for the most part
ever profited, sometimes immediately with their use reducing her understand-
ing before lost, sometime recovering her speech when she had divers weeks
together before continued speechless, and by little and little evermore repair-
13 Accessions: attacks, in the medical sense.
a See pages 154–158 in this edition.
69 Saepius enim deprehendebatur repentino lapsu aut deprivatione omnis sensus et motus,
comitante difficultate spiritus et stertore nec non rectricis facultatis functionibus omnino
cohibitis. Hanc apoplexiam veram distinguit Galenus praedictis notis, lib. de loc. affect. quam
etiam generalem paralysim alias appellat. Apoplexiam vero vel generalem paralysim termi-
nari particulari, nemo non norit, gravem scilicet ἡμιπληγίᾳ plerunque, levem παραπληγία vel
unius tantum membri. [For quite often she was seized by a sudden lapse or loss of all sensa-
tion and movement, accompanied by difficulty of breathing and snoring as well as generally
restricted functioning of the governing faculty. Galen distinguishes this as true apoplexy in
the aforesaid writing, his book De Locis Affectis, which he also calls general paralysis else-
where. And everyone knows that apoplexy or general paralysis are marked off from the par-
ticular, namely by the frequently serious “hemiplegia,” and from the light “paraplegia” even
of only one member.]
*Galen De Locis Affectis 8:208K defines apoplexy as total loss of motion and sensation,
and paralysis as partial loss of them. De Symptomatum Differentiis 7:59K defines apoplexy
similarly. At De Symptomatum Causis 7, 111K “paralysis” is defined as loss of motion and
sensation, whether partial or complete. Galen’s Commentary on Hippocrates’s Prorrheti-
con (16:826K) defines “paraplegia” as apoplexy confined to part of the body, as does his
Commentary on Hippocrates’ second book of Epidemiae (17a:208K). The works of a sixth-
century AD doctor named Aëtius, another sixth and seventh-century AD doctor named
Stephanus, and an Aeginetan doctor named Paulus from the seventh-century AD contain
the first extant uses of the word ἡμιπληγία/ἡμιπληξία.
166 chapter 8
ing continually some decays, notwithstanding many and divers relapses which
both her parents themselves, and the servants, and all that ministered unto her,
must needs unto God and truth with thanks acknowledge.
It farther confirmeth the negative of witchcraft, and is not the least, that
while the opinion thereof most hotly possessed most hearers and beholders, 5
the parents of the gentlewoman at no time in height of their daughter’s afflic-
tion, or a good space after, could resolve upon whom with any just show of
reason to cast the suspicion of bewitching, as they oft avouched unto me both
then and since. The most certain and chief proofs of witchcraft and devilish
practices upon the sick,70 among the learned esteemed are generally reputed 10
three:
First, a true and judicious manifestation in the sick of some real power,
act, or deed, in, above, and beyond reason and natural cause.
Secondly, annihilation and frustration of wholesome and proper reme-

dies, with discretion and art administered, without any just reason or 15
cause thereof.
Thirdly, ought either in the knowledge or speech of the diseased, discov-

ering a ravishment, possession or obsession of their minds or spirits by
any infernal inspiration. Hence the sick oft speak strange languages unto
themselves unknown and prophecy things to come, above human capac- 20
ity.71
70 Vide Wierum de praestigiis daemonum. Consule Langium in epist. Medicin. tract. de Dae-
moniac. Ioann. Hucherum Bellovacum de Maleficiis. Ioan. Baptistam Codronchium de mor-
bis veneficiatis. [See *Wierus De Praestigiis Daemonum. Consult Langius in “Medical Letter
About Demon-Related Phenomena,” Johannes Hucherus Bellovacus On Sorcery, and
Johannes Baptista *Codronchius, On Supernatural Diseases.]
The 38th letter of Johannis Langius Lembergius, as found in Epistolae Medicinales
Diversorum Authorum, London, 1556, is entitled De Prodigiis et Daemonorum in Morbis
Praestigiis: in that letter, several cases of unbelievable items found in or expelled from
the stomach of a sick person are reported, including iron nails and objects with hair and
teeth, etc. and this is attributed to “daemones.” No discussion of Cotta’s three points or a
case like this woman’s is discussed there. A doctor Johannes Hucherus Bellovacus died in
1603 and wrote De Sterilitate Utriusque Sexus, published in the early seventeenth century,
the fourth book of which begins with De occultis sterilitatis causis, seu de maleficiis (“On
occult causes of sterility or on sorcery.”) On *Codronchius, the title of whose work is De
Morbis Veneficis, see note 22 in this chapter.
71 Fernelius De Abditis rerum causis, lib.2. [Such things are reported in *Fernelius, De Abditis
Rerum Causis, Book II, Chapter 16.]
To the first doth satisfy the former manifest reference to all accidents befall-
ing the gentlewoman mentioned, unto the prevalence and power of diseases
before related. The second is negatively answered by plain testimonies. Of the
third and last was never mention, nor question, nor reason of either. There can
nothing be required more unto ample satisfaction, and as I therein rest and 5
stay myself, so I doubt not the consent and content of all that affect truth and
embrace reason. I will, notwithstanding for the better exercise and stirring up of
diligence, circumspection, and vigilance, generally in this so hard and deceiv-
able point of witchcraft, and also for their sakes whose weakness may as yet
be uncapable of satisfaction in the former particular, answer some objections 10
therein made.
The forenamed convulsive fits, of lifting up her hands above her head, which
were the last remaining fits, toward their decay and latter end, never came unto
her, but only when prepared at the night for bed, and unclothed into her night-
weeds, she began to yield and decline her body to lie down. In that instant, 15
each night without failing, ever and never before began her fits. When she at
any time lay herself down to rest upon her bed in her clothes (whether by day or
night), her fits notwithstanding appeared not. Some have imagined some con-
juration or witchcraft upon or in her night clothes or sheets, but to them that
seek reason, I suppose it found: the power of voluntary motion, which is the 20
animal faculty. And the disease itself both possessing the same parts, namely
the sinews and the muscles, while the disease was in his vigor and strength in
the beginning, it therefore mastered the faculty and moving power, and con-
tinually ruled, so that the fits then never almost ceased by day or night. Now in
the declination and weakness of the disease, and toward the end, the faculty 25
grew strong, restrained and commanded over the disease, whereby all the day
there appeared no fits at all. But when the moving power or faculty composed
itself to a true and general cessation and rest, then in that instant the disease
took his advantage and liberty to stir.
But why was it not thus also when she slept in her clothes? The sense and 30
encumbrance of the day habit is ever a hindrance of perfect sleeps. Therefore,
to them that sleep in their clothes, or upon their beds,a commonly there is not
so true a ligation of their senses, neither are their sleeps so sound, nor of the
like continuance. While, therefore, she lay or composed herself to rest in her
clothes, the sense thereof both interrupted the faculty from the true and sound 35
disposing itself to rest, and also thereby put it in mind of the disease which had
so lately sharply visited it, with tart remembrance; and the disease being now
a That is, on top of the bedclothes, as opposed to sleeping in one’s bed.

168 chapter 8
too weak to resist or provoke the faculty, could not upon that imperfect advan-
tage stir, until by a more sound and true dispose to rest and sleep, the spirits
and natural heat more truly retiring inward, had more perfectly left the outward
parts, and thereby the disease there still remaining might have more liberty and
power to stir, which notwithstanding also soon after of the own accord desisted, 5
because it wanted the former strength to maintain continuance.
That which breedeth other doubts, is that at such time when she wanted
all her senses, and altogether seemed senseless of any object offered unto her,
or of itself occurring, yet had she a curious feeling of such things as her mind
and liking sought or seemed to hunt after. This is no wonder to them that know 10
where the imagination intently and earnestly worketh, it there giveth sense to
those parts it exerciseth,72 though all other parts be stupefied or asleep. This is
oft seen in many who in their dreams walk, talk, and do seriously many works,
distinguishing and feeling those things whereabout the fancy occupieth them,
of other objects, though haply more near hand and of quicker remembrance, 15
taking no notice at all. The disease or accident which most oft and frequently
possessed this gentlewoman, was a kind of heavy sleep, in degree only exceed-
ing the ordinary resolution and ligation of the senses by sleep,73 and therefore
the same reason may indifferently serve both.
It is farther objected that the gentlewoman oft pointed, sometime this way, 20
sometime that, as seeing the appearance of a woman of such and such form
and colors, which also according unto her manner of unperfect speech, she
after described, as some say. It is not unusual with the sick oft to imagine indif-
ferently, as well things inconsiderate and incomposed as truths,74 and therefore
72 Primum sensorium omnium sensuum commune est. Galen. des sympt. differ. [The chief sense
organ is common to all the senses. *Galen, De Symptomatum Differentiis.]
7:58 line 10K.
73 Apoplexiam, carum, catalepsin altos sopores nominat omnes. Galen lib 13 de Meth. Med ut
et aliis, Lethargum etiam inter sopores recenset sed cum febre incedentem propter humoris
putredinem. [Galen calls apoplexy, torpor, and catalepsy all deep sleeps in Book 13 De Metho-
do Medendi as also in others. He puts lethargy too among the sleeps but with a fever co-
occurring because of a rottenness of a humor.]
*Galen De Methodo Medendi (10:931 line 6–8K): καταφορὰς βαθείας … χωρὶς πυρετῶν, ἃς
ὀνομάζουσιν ἀποπληξίας καὶ κάρους καὶ κατοχάς “(deep attacks of lethargy … without fever,
which they call apoplexies, torpors and catalepsies.”)
74 Sicut in somnis decipimur insomniis, ita vigilantes in aegritudinibus, ἐγρηγοροτες ἐν ταις νόσοις,
etc. Arist. de insomniis. [ Just as in dreams we are deceived by visions, so while awake in dis-
eases, “while awake in diseases etc.,” *Aristotle, De Insomniis.]
285b27. Modern historian Clive Holmes cites this passage in Cotta, noting, “The behav-
ior and testimony of the possessed were thus entangled with the interests of various other
are their imaginations of no validity without better proof or reason,75 which I

think before sufficiently satisfied. And in this gentlewoman (having her head,
where her disease had so manifestly deeply seated itself, therefore so mightily
oppressed) it was more easy for any faculty therein to mistake and err, than to
conceive aright. And therefore, though it might haply manifestly appear (which 5
may be, and is ordinarily, rather the abusive impression of some indiscreet
whispering about the sick)76 that she of herself primarily and without sugges-
tion conceived the form or shape of a witch, yet is that no proof or clearing of
the question of witchcraft in general, nor any reasonable evidence against any
one particular, since the trials of truth are not steered by imaginations. 10
It is lastly objected that certain witches lately dying for sorcery have con-
fessed themselves to have bewitched this gentlewoman. I grant the voluntary
and uncompelled, or duly and truly evicted confession of a witch to be suf-
ficient condemnation of herself, and therefore justly hath the law laid their
blood upon their own heads, but their confession I cannot conceive sufficient 15
eviction of the witchcraft itself. It is known evidently unto men learned that
the subtle serpent and deceiver, the Devil, doth usually beguile, delude, and
deceive those that trust in him by his juggling collusions, persuading ofttimes
those actions and events to be his gratification of their malicious affections,
which are indeed the very works of nature, and oft time the rare effects only of 20
hidden causes in nature. A witch’s confession therefore being only grounded
upon his credit, information, and suggestion, whose nature, custom, and prop-
erty is and ever hath been to lie and deceive, is a mean, poor, and uncertain
proof of witchcraft, though a just condemnation unto the witch, herself being
proved an associate with the Devil in any sort. Her death therefore, doth sat- 25
isfy the law for her offence, but is no sound information of the judgment of the
witchcraft.a
a In casting doubt on the evidentiary value of confession, Cotta’s position is a more conservative
version of that advanced by *Wierus, who argued that women who confessed to witchcraft were
deluded because of melancholy (possibly exacerbated by the Devil) or drugs. Migliore, “Melan-
choly Witch,” 171–173.
participants in the drama, chiefly from their own family networks, but also to the medical
professionals and divines.” “Witnesses and Witches,” 61–62.
75 Egregie hac in re satisfacit Theophili medici aegrotantis historia, memorata a Galeno lib. de
sympt. different. [The story of the illness of the physician Theophilus, mentioned by Galen in
his book De Symptomatum Differentiis, is exceptionally relevant in this regard.]
See note 43 in this chapter for more about Theophilus’s case.
76 The mention of her supposed sight of the witch came after the return of all her senses, and
when only the convulsions of her arms and face were remaining accidents.
170 chapter 8
Thus, according to that whereof myself could take notice of this gentle-
woman (if more full information of others’ observations in those things that
by myself were not seen or noted, fail me not) I have truly and full described
every material accident and circumstance, and to all the known or conceived
likely doubts and difficulties therein have carefully and directly answered, 5
and therein also have (I suppose) satisfied the ingenious and reasonable with
brevity at full.
Now, to conclude the former explication of the question of witchcraft in
general, I entreat the reader to call unto mind the formerly mentioned fears
and doubts of witchcraft, which unknown accidents and diseases easily impose 10
upon minds herein unacquainted and not discerning their cause and reason,
and in them farther for future good to consider the possible contingence of
many more of like nature and sort in other the like cases elsewhere happen-
ing, and here unmentioned. In both and with both let also be recalculate and
cast the strange and sly suggestions of the fancy and imagination, sometimes 15
countenanced by admired casual events and chances, sometimes applauded
by ignorant credulity, and sometimes advanced by superstition in all and every
of these still with the vulgar sort, advantaging the same error and opinion of
witchcraft. I have so much the rather thus far labored, for that ordinarily herein
I see truth and judgment too much perverted, the diseased their health and life 20
thereby neglected, and many times simple idiots and fools oppressed, whose
weakness doth oft seem guilty, because ever unable to defend itself.
Everyone in these cases is not fit or competent arbiter. It requireth the
learned—and not learned in word and superficial seeming—but indeed truly
judicious and wise, whomever to preconsult in these occasions is only safe, is 25
right, expedient and ever necessary.
chapter 9
Wizards
The mention of witchcraft doth now occasion the remembrance in the next
place of a sort of practitioners whom our custom and country doth call “wise-
men” and “wisewomen,” reputed a kind of good and honest harmless witches
and wizards, who by good words, by hallowed herbs and salves, and other
superstitious ceremonies, promise to allay and calm devils, practices of other 5
witches, and the forces of many diseases.a But these being of the same nature
with those before mentioned to use spells, and as they before, so these, now
sometimes only superstitiously vain, sometimes devilishly assisted, I will refer
these unto them and only dismiss them both with a short history.
In the year 1602, a poor boy of Pytchley in Northamptonshire, was suddenly 10
surprised with a vehement convulsion, drawing his head and heels violently
backward,1 and in that sort carrying his whole body into a roundness, tum-
bling up and down with much pain and inward groaning. The parents of the
child, posed with the strangeness, presently accused witchcraft,2 sent for a
wisewoman, and her wisdom came unto them. 15
14 Posed: perplexed.
a It is worth noting that Cotta sees witchcraft of various kinds as being practiced by both men and
women. Historians have noted that while, overall, most accused of witchcraft in early modern
Europe were women, many were men, and the ratio of women to men varied widely by time and
place. Apps and Gow, Male Witches, 44–45. See also Gaskill, “Masculinity and Witchcraft” on this
point.
1 Nam in aversam partem aegrotantis reclinationem opisthotonon vocamus, nervis qui eo loci sunt
male affectis. Emprosthotonon autem si in priorem partem homo deflectitur, nervis anterius posi-
tis laborantibus. Aret. lib. I περὶ ὀξ. παθ. [For we call bending of the ill patient towards the back
“opisthoton,” with the nerves in that part badly affected. And we call “emprosthoton” if the man
is bent toward the front, with the nerves in the front in travail. Aretaus, De Causis et Signis Acu-
torum Morborum, Book I, Chapter 6, §2.]
“Opisthotonia” is tetanic recurvation, while “emprosthotonia” is tetanic procurvation.
Tetany refers to a particular kind of muscle cramping or twitching, caused by various meta-
bolic imbalances. The Greek title of Aretaus’s work is Περὶ αἰτιων καὶ σημείων ὀξέων παθῶν (“on
the causes and signs of acute diseases”), of which the first and last two words Cotta includes
in abbreviated versions. Aretaus (first century AD) is also known as “the Cappadocian.”
2 Hic hominum ineptorum mos est, in malis sua ignorantia vel acquisitis vel commorantibus cum
anu Aesopica semper demonem accusare. [This is customary among senseless people, out of
ignorance with the old woman of Aesop always to blame a devil in cases of ills whether acquired
or lingering.]
Which Aesopian fable Cotta means is unclear. One tale relates the story of a witch who

172 chapter 9
At the same time, it fortuned myself to be in the town with a patient of

mine, a worthy and virtuous lady there inhabiting, who moved me to see the
bewitched child, and upon the motion together with her preacher then living
in her house, I went unto the place where the child lay. There, among other
standing silent and unknown, I beheld the fits, and heard also the wisewoman 5
wisely discoursing, and among other things of the nature, declaring unto the
company, that the lungs of the child were as white as her kercher.3
With this and some other such like kercher-learning, I silently departed.4
When I was returned unto my patient, I there professed my opinion concern-
ing the manner and nature of convulsions with their several causes, amongst 10
the rest not omitting the strange accidents which did oft fall out in such dis-
eases by worms. Not long after, when the cunning of the wizard was now grown
without profit, stale and forsaken, the child avoided a great and long worm, and
immediately after recovered without other help or means, and so hath contin-
ued ever since. 15
Thus, the serpent beguiled the woman, and the woman beguiled, though
not Adam, many foolish sons of Adam.a At length, a poor worm gave them
demonstration of their ridiculous folly. Such teachers are fittest for such schol-
ars, whose gross ignorance is ever so far in love with its own prejudicate conceit,
that though they were brayed in a mortar, yet cannot this love be beaten out of 20
them for any love of truth or reason. I did not therefore trouble them with my
patience to instruct them, nor they molest me with their impatience to hear.
19 Prejudicate conceit: idea settled on beforehand. 20 Brayed: crushed. Cotta may also be
invoking the proverbial expression “to beat water in a mortar,” that is, to expend pointless effort.
a The wording specifically recalls Eve’s response to God when asked why she ate the forbidden
fruit: “And the Lord God said to the woman, ‘Why hast thou done this?’ And the woman said,
‘The serpent beguiled me, and I did eat’” (Gen. 3:13).
sold charms to protect people from the gods, but, when condemned for her sacrilege, she
is mocked for claiming to ward off the wrath of the gods when she could not even ward off
that of men (Fable 91 in the Temple edition). If this is the tale Cotta means, he takes certain
liberties in the interpretation.
3 An possit oculos tantum contendere Lynceus? [Or could he alone match eyes with Lynceus?]
This is a reference to *Hor. Ep. 1.1.28: Non possis oculo quantum contendere Lynceus (“You
could not match eyes with Lynceus.”) Lynceus, one of the Argonauts, had such acute vision
that he could identify objects from miles away and even see through the earth.
4 Dolebam mehercule quod pugillares et stilum non haberem qui tam bellas fabelas pernotarem.
[By Hercules I was pained that you were boxing and I had no pen with which I could note down
such wonderful stories.]
Quoted from, but not attributed to, Apul. Met. 6.25.
chapter 10
Servants of Physicians, Ministering Helpers
Now to fulfill our just computation of empirics, and therewith to conclude their
mention and number, the last (but not the least) that offer themselves ordi-
narily in this kind of name, are such as either by oft serving physicians, or by
continually conversing with them and viewing their custom and practice, or
by their own employment from their directions in applications and admin- 5
istrations unto the sick,1 or by some special trust and attendance about the
necessities of the diseased, ingross unto themselves supposed special obser-
vations and choice and select remedies, and with such small wares thus taken
up upon credit, set up for themselves,2 presuming it good rhetoric (because an
old figure) to take a part for the whole.a 10
Thus, seeing too much honesty would not suffer them to rob their teachers
of a more sufficient portion of general method and art, they think it sufficient
to be able to supply the same particular means with the like desire and good-
will. But apish imitation and resembling show can never express the life of
reason in her native use. Although therefore sometimes some of this sort, by 15
subtlety and good wit, officious diligence, and thereby pleasing fortunateness,
7 Ingross: collect.
a Cotta here refers to the trope synecdoche, defined by Henry Peacham in 1593 as “a form of speech
by which the orator signifieth more or less by a word, which the proper signification doth not
express: and it is by putting the whole for the part, or the part for the whole.” As an instance,
Peacham gives the following: “They eat the finest wheat, and drink the sweetest grapes, [where]
by wheat is understood bread, and by grapes, wine.” Peacham, Garden of Eloquence, E1r.
1 Ideo olim clinici et lecticularii dicti et diaetarii. [Thus once called “clinicians” and “chamber-
stewards,” and “stewards.”]
Clinici and lecticularii come from words for “bed” in Greek and Latin, respectively, while
diaetarii is from a Greek word for “way of life” or “abode.” Clinicus was a word frequently used
of doctors generally because they attend the bedside. Some years after Cotta, we find very sim-
ilar wording in Michael Pexenfelder’s encyclopedic work, Apparatus Eruditionis, tam Rerum
Quam Verborum per Omnes Artes et Scientias, Nürnberg, 1670: Clinici olim dicebantur quasi
lecticularii, qui, lecticulis aegrotantium assidentes, diaeta curabant et pharmacis: ars ipsa clin-
ice (“Physicians were once called chamber-stewards, who, sitting at the bedside of the sick,
cared for their diet and medicines: the art itself is called ‘clinical.’ ”)
2 Hac ab origine experientia nata est μιμητικη et imitatoria. [Experience arising from this origin is
“imitative” and imitative.]

174 chapter 10
do angle a good report and estimation, and thereby catch many simple peo-
ple (who hoodwinked with good opinion discern not the bait),3 yet doth their
commonly observed daring those things which they know they know not, and
their ordinary raising themselves by the ladder of boasting, manifestly detect,
both their cloaked defect, and their choked guilt.a 5
For what expectation can be of them who for the most part build their whole
worth upon the meanest proof of another’s sufficiency, and all the skill which
they are able to expend, is but that little which another without envy or jealousy
could spare? Timely and well grown perfection is never to be attained either
by service or bare observation. It is necessary that man be himself a master 10
of knowledge and of sincere judgment that shall be able truly to make right
use of another’s experience. Experience, therefore, alone, and the benefit of a
physician’s service or admission unto the view of practice, without the ben-
efit of sufficient general theory and learning going before, can in itself be no
true benefit. It is reason and knowledge that doth guide wise men unto all their 15
particular actions and experiences,4 and those actions succeeding in trial and
proof according to that reason commend and confirm reason, and make good
that experience. For that which experience hath once or ofttimes known and
found to do good, must not therefore in necessity still do the same good,5 except
the same reason of the good do in each circumstance again commend and com- 20
mand it which only they can judge and examine that are wise and learned.
That experience, therefore, is only certainly and truly allowed trust, which
proving itself good doth therein also justify the knowledge and reason which
directed it unto that good.6 They, therefore, that without method, art, reason,
a The original has “choaked guilt,” but it is not clear exactly what Cotta means here. Perhaps that
the empiric chokes back his guilt and allows his false boasting to come out.
3 Parva leves capiunt animos. [Little things attract little minds.]

From *Ov., Ars 1.159.
4 Quoniam ars circa particularia versatur quae infinita sunt, qui non redigit ad universalem
methodum, caeco et incerto modo agit et opera fortunae committit. Gal. de puero Epilept. [Since
our skill concerns particulars, which are infinite, one who does not bring them back to a univer-
sal method proceeds by a blind and unsure way and entrusts his works to fortune. Galen, On an
Epileptic Boy.]
*Galen’s On an Epileptic Boy does not contain these words. The language of universals and
particulars is ultimately Aristotelian.
5 Medicina sexies vel septies probata non facit universalem propositionem. Galen. [A remedy tried
six or seven times does not constitute a universal proposition. *Galen.]
The exact source is uncertain.
6 ἀτελὲς ἀλογος πραξις, καὶ λόγος ἀπρακτος. Aeque mutila ratio sine experientia et experientia sine
ratione. Nazianz. [Action is an incomplete thing without reason, and reason not acted upon (is
servants of physicians, ministering helpers 175
and knowledge7 take care to spend their time in gaping over others’ experi-
ences do set the cart to draw the horses, and every one that goeth unto plough
knoweth they either never went to school, or begin their lesson at the wrong
end. By this preposterous defect therefore, and therein want of knowledge to
foresee the likely issues of their actions since these empirics themselves know 5
not nor truly foresee what they endeavor or do, how shall others that trust
them know what thereby they shall suffer? Provident foresight is far from blind
ignorance, and wise prevention from imprudent temerity, and the experiment
made without art or reason doth more commonly reprove and chastise than
instruct and establish.8 10
Neither can any man make a true rule or use of his experience, that truly
knoweth not the particular nature and estate of those things whereof he hath
experience, together with all the circumstances that may alter the considera-
tions. They therefore that will learn more safely to inform themselves, let them
know assuredly, that sufficiency is never found in the utmost observation or 15
empirical tradition, but in a settled and itself confirming knowledge and under-
standing. Neither can this true knowledge be duly or competently attained, but
by early-begun and late-continuing education thereto, instituted in places fit
and free for true grounds, for the growth and seed of pure and good knowledge,
instilled in the mind by little and little,9 by daily reading, contemplation, med- 20
itation, and assiduity in both, watered with the dew and sweat of painful study,
hastened to maturity by careful and continual good culture of ancient counsel
an incomplete thing too). Equally lame are reason without experience and experience without
reason. Gregory Nazianzus.]
An abbreviated form of a snippet from Gregory Nazianzus’s Funeral Oration for Basil the
Great of Caesarea, Bishop of Cappadocia 43.3: καὶ γὰρ ὁμοίως ἀτελὲς ἄλογος πρᾶξις καὶ λόγος
ἄπρακτος (“For in fact equally incomplete is action without reason and reason not acted
upon.”) For more on *Basil, see the Biographical Glossary.
7 Qui se artem acquisivisse sine methodo arbitratur, sciat se umbram habere, non artem. Plato in
Phileb. [Whoever judges that he has acquired a skill without a method should know that he has
acquired a semblance, not a skill. *Plato in the Philebus.]
Not found in the Philebus, but attributed to it by an earlier doctor. See page 37 in the Intro-
duction to this edition.
8 Per se naturaque sua fallax est experientia et periculosa. ἥδε πείρα σφαλερὴ. Hipp. Aph. I [Exper-
iment in and of itself by its nature is deceptive and perilous. This experiment is dangerous.
Hippocrates, Aphorisms I.1.]
*Hp. Aph. 1.1 contains ἡ δὲ πεῖρα σφαλερὴ (“and experiment is perilous.”)
9 Habitus omnis, intellectivus, activus, factivus sensim acquiruntur nec sine assiduitate, tempore,
diligentia stabiliuntur unquam. [Every disposition, whether intellectual, active, or productive is
acquired gradually and is not ever solidified without perseverence, time, and diligence.]
176 chapter 10
and direction,10 and lastly confirmed and strengthened in the good and perfect
growth unto a firm age and time therein by choice example and experience,
withal these possessing an aptness in nature as the ground of all.11
The end of the first book.
10 Doctrina nam vim promovet insitam. Horat. [Instruction draws forth the force within. Hor-
ace.]
*Hor., Carm. 4.4.33.
11 Naturae sequitur semina quisque suae. Propert. [Each follows the seeds of its own nature.
Propertius.]
3.9.22.
The Second Book
∵
chapter 1
The Methodian Learned Deceiver or Heretic

Physician
Thus far have been remembered the ignorant practitioners that infest this age.
Now it followeth we come unto another erroneous kind of such as have a name
and portion among the learned: such are they that have a taste of good arts and
sciences, but are not truly learned, nor have sincerely drawn the natural and
lively sap of true science and understanding. Of this kind among the ancients, 5
were reputed those they termed Methodians,1 either by an irony or antiphra-
sis, as having no true method,2 but a compendium or a method of their own
making, or else because they arrogated this name unto themselves in the best
sense, as only in their own supposal meriting the title of true art and method.
These had their peculiar and proper errors in those times in which they lived, 10
then especially noted, but we will make bold more generally under this name
to comprehend all who carry a name and visor of learning, but are not able
to express the power thereof, either by their distinct and truly digested under-
standing, or by right performance in action and practice according thereunto.
These men, any man may note to be of three sorts: 15
First, such as may commonly be observed to bear natural defects and

impediments within themselves.
Secondly, such as want time in nature or their studies.
1 Quales Proclus, Antipater, Dionysius, Thessalus, Themison, de quo nomine Juvenalis sic habet:
Quot Themison aegros autumno occiderit uno. [Such as Proclus, Antipater, Dionysius, Thessalus,
and Themison, about whom Juvenal says, “How many sick Themison killed in one autumn.”]
All of these are mentioned as “Methodists” in *Galen Introductio seu Medicus (14:684K).
The line about Themison is from Juv. 10.221. For more on the Methodian school, see pages 7–
8 in the Introduction to this volume.
2 Αμεθοδοτάτους et omnium maxime ἀμεθόδους appellat Galenus. [Galen calls them “the most un-
methodical” and most of all “un-methodists.”]
The superlative ἀμεθοδοτατ- is found exclusively in *Galen De Methodo Medendi (10:27,
346, 353, 383, and 421K: all applied to the “Methodists”), while the positive-degree ἀμεθοδ-
occurs mostly there, but also elswehere in Galen.

180 chapter 1
Thirdly, such as have spent most part of their life otherwise distracted,
and have not had entire employment in their callings.
The first rank, nature herself doth note unto every one by their imperfect parts
stamped and expressed in their daily conversation. Such are they who argue
in themselves want of wit, of common capacity, of ordinary government, or 5
are disposed to lunacies, to inordinate affections and customs in the contin-
ual course and practice of their life. The second are youths, young men, and all
wanting discreet years in their faces or manners with all such as derive their
knowledge no further than grammar schools,3 or in universities have made
short stay and too sudden departure. Both these are easily discovered, and 10
therefore cannot so usually deceive, or else can but deceive such as deserve
no better.
The third, are all such as defraud their callings of their whole endeavor, and
divide themselves between two professions. Their neutrality in both doth prove
nullity in either. Perfection in any faculty requireth more than a man,4 and com- 15
petence a whole man.5 Nor ever was any man excellent whom one calling could
3 Inconsideratio cognatum et perpetuum iuventutis vitium. Scalig. de subt. [Thoughtlessness is

the related and constant fault of youth. Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes De Subtilitate ad Car-
danum.]
Not found in *Scaliger’s De Subtilitate.
4 Two marginal notes correspond to this place in Cotta’s text:
1. Qui si quid homo sit scias, facile te nihil esse intelligas. Ego vero nequiquam nos homines esse
dicere consuevi sed partes hominis. Ex omnibus enim aliquid fieri posse, idque non magnum
ex singulis pene minus quam nihil. Scalig. de subtil. [If you know what a human is, you under-
stand easily that you are nothing. For my part, I have made it a habit to say that we are not at
all human, but parts of the human. For from all something is able to be made, and that not
great, but from individuals almost less than nothing. *Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de
Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
2. Nemo nostrum satis esse potest ad artem vel constituenda vel absolvenda: sed sat superque
videri debet si quae multorum annorum spacio priores invenerint posteri accipiamus, atque
his addentes aliquid illam aliquando compleamus et perficiamus. Galen. in Aph. Hipp. [No
one of us is sufficiently able to be either disposed toward the medicinal art or accomplished in
it: but it ought to seem more than enough if we who come later accept what our predecessors
have found in the space of many years, and if we add something to these, we may complete
and perfect it at some point. Galen in Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii.]
From *Galen’s comments on *Hippocrates’s first aphorism in his first book (17b:352,
line 5ff.K).
5 Competit quod par est, par est quod sufficit, sufficit quod nullius indiget μηδενος ἐνδεῆ, Arist. Eth.I.
[What is commensurate is in agreement, and the commensurate is what is enough, and what
needs nothing is enough. “Needing nothing,” Aristotle, Ethics I.]
The Latin has no clear counterpart in any of *Aristotle’s three ethical works. The Greek
the methodian learned deceiver or heretic physician 181
not wholly deserve and employ. Within this compass also stand such, as hav-
ing spent part, or most part of their time in one art or science, towards the
end or in the middle course exchange. These from the still floating and waving
of their minds in a former stream, now arriving in a new haven, cannot sud-
denly launch unto any depth or profoundness of judgment (which only time 5
by stealing steps by little and little doth mature and ripen as a timely fruit)6
and therefore they may in haste and greedily swallow up whole sentences, yea,
and volumes unchewed, yet can they never truly digest them but with many
days and much leisure.7
Every art is a habit; a habit is by small degrees and length of time a custom 10
acquired; and thence riseth by little and little to perfection and full growth.
There is to every faculty belonging, first, a habit of right judging therein, and
distinct knowing; secondly, a habit according to judgment and knowledge of
right action and disposing.8 A double habit in every faculty requireth a double
time in every faculty, which therefore cannot but with long patience and care- 15
ful assiduity therein be invited. The too common want thereof in these days,
is the cause that many reputed great clerks and scholars have in their mouths
and discourse, the phrase, the language, and sentences of wisdom, but want
the soul, the substance, and the sense.9 Hence it cometh to pass, that tongues
phrase μηδενος ἐνδεᾶ is in Aristotle’s ethical works only at EN 1097b14–15, which says, “The
self-sufficient is that which by itself makes life choiceworthy and needing nothing.”
6 Nam mora dat vires, teneras mora percoquit uvas. Et validas segetes quae fuit herba facit. Ovid.
[For delay grants strength, delay ripens tender grapes. And it makes what used to be grass into
a standing corn crop. Ovid.]
*Ov. Rem. 83.
7 καὶ ὃ χρόνος ἑυρετης ἠ συνέργος ἀγαθος, ὃθεν καὶ τῶν τεχνῶν γεγόνασιν ἐπιδόσεις Tempus inventor et
adiutor bonus, unde et artium sunt facta incrementa. Arist. Eth. I. [And time is the discoverer or
a good helper, whence also progress has occurred in skills. Time is a discoverer and good helper,
whence arise developments in skills or sciences. Aristotle, Ethics I.]
*Arist. EN 1098a23–25 reads: καὶ ὁ χρόνος τῶν τοιούτων εὑρετὴς ἢ συνεργὸς ἀγαθὸς εἶναι· ὅθεν
καὶ τῶν τεχνῶν γεγόνασιν αἱ ἐπιδόσεις (“And time might seem to be the inventor of such things
or a good helper: whence too progress has arisen in skills.”)
8 πασαι γαρ δυναμεις τῶν ἐσχατων εἰσι καὶ τῶν καθ’ ἓκαστον καὶ ἐν μεν τῳ κρίτικὸς εἶναι περι ὡν ὃ φρόνι-
μος, συνέτος καὶ εὔγνωμων, etc. Omnes mentis habitus sunt extremorum, etc. [For all capacities are
of the ultimates and of particulars and reside in exercising judgment concerning things about
which the practically wise person is understanding and prudent, etc. All dispositions of the mind
are of ultimates, etc.]
From *Arist. EN 1143a28–31: πᾶσαι γὰρ αἱ δυνάμεις αὗται τῶν ἐσχάτων εἰσὶ καὶ τῶν καθ’ ἕκα-
στον· καὶ ἐν μὲν τῷ κριτικὸς εἶναι περὶ ὧν ὁ φρόνιμος, συνετὸς καὶ εὐγνώμων ἢ συγγνώμων.
9 λαλεῖν ἄριστος ἀδύνατος δὲ λέγεὶν. Alia enim est dicacitas, alia doctorum elegans et erudita ratio:
haec consistit in verborum virtute, illa in idearum quae rerum sunt species. [The best at babbling
but incapable of saying anything. Loquacity is one thing, the elegant and learned discourse of the
182 chapter 1
overflow aphorisms, maxims, and rules of ancient truth, but for the most part
confusedly, not rightly distinguished, mistaken, or supposed.
Neither can excellence in one faculty give prerogative in another. Therefore,
those that are perfect and absolved artists in their own faculty, and will impair
their dignity by engaging it in another (where neither their time nor proof can 5
equal it), let wise men cautiously and with suspicion admit their counsel or
trust their practice.
I sometime knew a learned divine, bachelor in that faculty, a great clerk, of
much reading and study therein, whose busy and ambitious brain not content-
ing itself within so infinite an ocean of sufficient sacred and sweet employ- 10
ment, would needs break out into other bounds, and from some borrowed
hours and time for study in physic, grew to affect therein more than a com-
mon name and understanding. In the end, his pride and conceit of his knowl-
edge transported him so far that among other ridiculous paradoxes, he, both
in schools and common profession, defended an indifference in the natures, 15
qualities, and use of stibium and ratsbane.a To conclude, his confidence herein
so far bewitched him that he made trial thereof himself, and as a just execution
upon himself was the same day poisoned.
Another of my knowledge and acquaintance, a man in the Greek, Latin,
Hebrew, Chaldey, and other languages much studied, and in the judgment and 20
theory of divinity of approved worthiness and understanding, having therein
bestowed the best part of his time, suddenly interchanged with an unadvised
course of practice in physic. He spent some time in travel beyond the sea, and
returned again thence dignified. But his former studies were so well and pro-
foundly fore-settled, that they admitted not so true and right after settling of 25
the second. Hence as his brain overflowed with unconstant propositions, and
his tongue with paradoxes, his actions also thereto suited. In the end, he made
himself an experiment of the force of opiura in a more than ordinary dose,
4 Absolved artists: by “absolved” Cotta may mean “guiltless.” Alternately, “absolued” may be a
misprint for “absolute.” 20 Chaldey: the language of the Chaldeans. See note b on page 331 of
this edition. 28 Opiura: presumably opium or a compound of it.
a Stibium is a compound of antimony, used variously as a cosmetic, emetic, and poison. Ratsbane:
rat poison, typically made from arsenic compounds.
learned is another: the one consists in the excellence of the words, the other in that of the ideas
which are the structure of reality.]
Cotta’s version of a comic fragment of Eupolis’s work, found in *Plutarch’s Life of Alcib-
iades, 13.2 as well as twice in *Galen, which is likely Cotta’s source (De Differentia Pulsuum
8:653K and De Dignoscendis Pulsibus 8:943K): λαλεῖν ἄριστος, ἀδυνατώτατος λέγειν (“The best
at babbling is least able to say anything.”)
and so composing himself unto a desired sleep, never returned to view the issue
of his experiment, but descending into the grave, left this memory behind him.
If any man wonder at these grand lapses in men learned, let him stay and
satisfy his doubt with admiration of the multitude of sects in all ages, swarm-
ing with gross errors and opinions, even amongst the learned of all faculties and 5
professions. This undoubtedly groweth from no other ground but want of entire
understanding of those things men study and read, through imperfect and dis-
tracted employment of their minds, seriously and wholly required unto any
measure of perfection. Therefore *Galen in his learned treatise of the method
of right cure (as also in other places) doth ofttimes witness that where sects 10
and sectaries abound, there is infallibly mistaking and unfound apprehension
of truth, and therefore lamely, defectively, and in part attained, because so only
sought.10
If any man require more special proof or trial hereof let him with me here
cull and examine any few aphorisms of *Hippocrates, and in them (though 15
commonly and ordinarily read and avouched by every mouth) yet shall he
find how easy and ordinary it is for any man in any one to be inconsiderately
deceived and mistaken, if he do not with all possible diligence, in distracted
vigilance and circumspection, continually, wholly and indefatigably exercise all
his powers in seeking out their hidden truth,11 which doth never freely reveal 20
11 Sectaries: members of sects.
10 Prima et praecipua delictorum et errorum causa in aegrotantium curatione, Divisionum

pravitas, ut et in aliis haeresibus. Quidam in primis et supremis divisionum generibus con-
sistunt contenti illis indicationibus quae ab illis sumuntur. Quidam vero usque ad aliquid
dividunt non tamen usque ad finem perveniunt. Nonnulli vero vitiosis utuntur divisionibus.
Qui vero omnia quae sunt secundum naturam et praeter naturam recto divisionis artificio
complectitur, atque ab omnibus sumit sufficientes indicationes, hic locum medendo non erra-
bit, quantum humanis conceditur viribus. Galen. de ratione Meden. ad Glaucon. [The first
and chief cause of mistakes and errors in the treatment of the ill, as in other schools, is faulty
division. Some stop at the first and uppermost divisions satisfied with the indications which
they derive from them. Others divide up to a certain point but not all the way to the conclusion.
And some use faulty divisions. The person, however, who embraces all that which is according
to and beyond nature with the proper skill of division and derives from them all satisfactory
conclusions will not miss the mark in treatment, in so far as it is granted to human strength.
*Galen, Ad Glauconem de Medendi Methodo.]
11:4K.
11 Pura apprehensio simplex saepe caret ratione, nondum excitata ratione, aut suae cognitio-
nis non inita ratione. Scalig. de subt. [Pure simple (cognitive) grasping often lacks reason,
because reason is not yet stirred, or because consideration of one’s knowledge is not yet
engaged. *Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
Based on Exercitatio 307§5: Denique primus actus intellectus, qui pura est apprehensio
simplex, antequam eius cognitionis ineat rationem, potest carere ratione, nondum excitata
184 chapter 1
itself to those that carelessly or in part, or for sinister and trifling ends labor
after it.12
For example, in his sixth book of aphorisms and fifty-second aphorism, *Hip-
pocrates doth nominate a mortal sign in the diseased, the appearance of the
white of the eye in sleep, and sleeping with unclosed eyes.a In many diseased, 5
this oft is found untrue, but with Hippocrates’s understanding it is never false.13
He that simply and verbally only understandeth, and without meditated differ-
ences and exceptions, or maketh not more narrow search, shall hardly truly
find the certain and true limitation of this truth. For if this manner of sleep-
ing fall out from any outward cause, or besides reason or cause thereof in the 10
inward disposition, it is not simply or altogether bad, much less mortal. For
where the sick are thus accustomed to sleep in health, or to sleep by reason of
fumes and vapors ascending unto the head, and thence distilling into the eye-
lids, and so hindering their right closure (as it is oft seen in great drinkers), or
where it proceedeth only from worms in children and the like, the incautelous 15
and superficial understanding is readily deceived.
In like manner, the fifty-first aphorism of the same book doth promise by
the coming of a fever thereto the profligation of the apoplexy.b But this is not
true, confusedly interpreted, and therefore beyond the first view requireth fur-
15 Incautelous: unwary.
a Uncharacteristically, Cotta does not give Greek or Latin notes on these passages. According to
the 1610 English translation, the aphorism is as follows: “But we ought to behold in their sleeps
also, if any part of the eyes do appear underneath the lids. For if anything appear of the white
of them, the eyelids not being fast closed, if it do not happen by a flux of the belly, or by some
medicinal potion, it is an evil and very deadly sign.” *Hippocrates, Aphorisms, G2r–G2v. We have
included equivalent passages from the early modern translation in the relevant notes to this
chapter. The original Greek is: Σκοπεῖν δὲ χρὴ καὶ τὰς ὑποφάσιας τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐν τοῖσιν ὕπνοισιν· ἢν
γάρ τι ὑποφαίνηται, ξυμβαλλομένων τῶν βλεφάρων, τοῦ λευκοῦ μὴ ἐκ διαῤῥοίης ἐόντι ἢ φαρμακοποσίης,
φλαῦρον τὸ σημεῖον καὶ θανατῶδες σφόδρα. b “Those who are in health, being suddenly taken
with headache, and thereupon presently becoming dumb and snorting, do die within seven
days unless a fever come upon them in the meanwhile.” G2r. *Hippocrates’ Greek is: Ὁκόσοι-
σιν ὑγιαίνουσιν ὀδύναι γίνονται ἐξαίφνης ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ, καὶ παραχρῆμα ἄφωνοι κεῖνται, καὶ ῥέγκουσιν,
ἀπόλλυνται ἐν ἑπτὰ ἡμέρῃσιν, ἢν μὴ πυρετὸς ἐπιλάβῃ.
ratione (“The first act of the intellect, which is pure simple grasping, before it enters con-
sideration of one’s knowledge, is able to lack reason, with reason not yet stirred.”)
12 Hinc paucissimi sapientissimam Hippocratis βραχυλογιαν rite sapiunt. [Thus very few appro-
priately appreciate the very wise “terseness” of *Hippocrates.]
13 Vide Galenum in praedictum Aphoris. et Brasavolum in utrosque. [See Galen on the aforesaid
aphorism and Brasavolus on both Galen and *Hippocrates.]
Cotta accurately reports what *Galen and *Brasavolus say in their commentary.
ther studious inquisition to find out the quantity of the fever with the degree
of apoplexy.14
Great wounds and cuts of the head (sayeth the fiftieth aphorism of the same
book)a procure and incur fevers; but he that doth no further search to know
the times that fevers may differently in swiftness or slowness of their coming 5
take,15 nor understandeth the causes slacking or quickening the fever’s speed,
may easily too hastily before just time accuse the truth hereof.
The third aphorism of the fifth book treateth danger in convulsions upon
great issues and losses of blood;b but in what quantity thou shalt esteem
them great,16 or with what conditions, thou must use diligence, and elsewhere 10
enquire. Many have lost great measures of blood at once, and yet have escaped
both with and without convulsions, if eight, nine, ten, or twelve pounds at once
from the nose may be called much or great.17
a “It must needs be that a fever, vomiting, and perbraking of choler must come upon them which
have their brain divided or wounded.” G2r. *Hippocrates’ Greek is: Ὁκόσοισιν ἂν ὁ ἐγκέφαλος δια-
κοπῇ, τουτέοισιν ἀνάγκη πυρετὸν καὶ χολῆς ἔμετον ἐπιγίνεσθαι. b “The hicket or a convulsion,
after a copious flux of blood, is evil.” E5v. *Hippocrates’ Greek is: Αἵματος πολλοῦ ῥυέντος, σπασμὸς
ἢ λυγμὸς ἐπιγενόμενος, κακόν.
14 Oportet febrem neque leviorem esse quam quae morbi materiam discutiat, neque graviorem
quam aegri virtus ferat. Holler. tract. de Apoplex. Galen. in dictum Aphoris. [A fever ought
not to be lighter than what will expel the substance of the disease, nor more grievous than the
strength of the afflicted can bear. Hollerius Tractatus de Apoplexia. Galen on the aforesaid
Aphorism.]
From *Hollerius’s scholia to his own De Morbis Internis Book I, Chapter VII De Apople-
xia. The the scholia of Io. Hautinus on the same section of Hollerius also makes a similar
claim about fever needing to be proportional to the disease: he cites *Galen on Hp. Aph.
5.51 51. In In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii, on aphorism 5.51, Galen says that the
fever resolves the disease but not explicitly that the fever must be proportional to the dis-
ease.
15 Necesse est febrem supervenire sed non simul. Nam putredo cum vulnere accelerat febrem,
vulnus sine putredine tardigradam producit febrem. Brasavol. in praedict. aph. [It is neces-
sary that the fever come on but not at once. For rot with a wound hastens a fever, and a wound
without rot leads to a slow fever. Brasavolus in the aforesaid aphorism.]
*Brasavolus’s comments on aphorism 6.50 indicate that fever may come on sooner or
later and that rot, when it sets in, is accompanied by fever, but he does not say there that
a wound without rot leads to a slow fever.
16 Magnus ille est fluxus quicunque repente indesinenter et celeriter profluit. Gal. in dictum aph.
[Any flow is great which suddenly, unceasingly and swiftly flows forth. Galen on the aforesaid
aphorism.]
Not found in *Galen’s comments on *Hp. Aph. 5.3 in In Hippocratis Aphorismos Com-
mentarii or elsewhere.
17 Ponderavit Brasavolus libras 18 ex sinistra nare foeminae nobilis fusas simul et semel, praeter
4 libras aut plures per lintea et mappas sparsas, nec aderat interea aliquod vitae discrimen,
186 chapter 1
The first aphorism of the fifth book, doth pronounce the convulsion pro-
cured in assumption of hellebore mortal.18 It is notwithstanding seen that con-
vulsions so raised, cease again without death or danger. To understand there-
fore aright, we must know to distinguish the divers ways and manners whereby
hellebore doth produce convulsions.19 5
The thirty-first aphorism of the fifth book menaceth unto a woman with
child being let blood, abortion.20 But whether we shall understand it simply
necessary, or only as a hazard or periclitation, or with what conditions, more
certain information doth ask further search.
The fortieth aphorism of the second book, threateneth unto old men sur- 10
prised with rheums and distillations,a the end of their disease with the end
of their days. But unto perfect conceiving, is further requisite the considera-
tions of the degrees of old men, in whom is apparent either age alone (which
8 Periclitation: exposing a person to danger.
a None of the copies we have examined is perfectly clear here. Cotta’s text says “murrhes and
distillations” or possibly “murthes and distillations.” If the word is “murrhes” it could refer to
myrrh or sweet cicely, but that makes little sense here. We read “murrhes” as a garbled misprint
for rheums, since *Hp. Aph. 2.40 (1610 translation) is “Rheums descending down to the mouth,
and falling down to the throat, do not come to concoction in those which are very old.” C3r. The
original Greek is Βράγχοι καὶ κόρυζαι τοῖσι σφόδρα πρεσβύτῃσιν οὐ πεπαίνονται. The sense of the
aphorism seems to be that the bodies of the elderly have difficulty eliminating unhealthy by-
products of disease.
sed convaluit. Brasavol. in aph. [Brasavolus weighed 18 pounds that flowed all at once from
the left nostril of a noble lady, aside from 4 or more pounds more that spilled onto cloths and
napkins, and there was during that time no life-endangering crisis, and she recovered.]
*Brasavolus’s comments on *Hp. Aph. 5.3 give the lady’s name as Diana Estensis.
18 *Hp. Aph. 5.1: Σπασμὸς ἐξ ἐλλεβόρου, θανάσιμον. 1610 translation: “A convulsion by taking
Elleborus is deadly.” E5r.
Hellebore is a genus of poisonous plant that includes the Christmas rose (H. niger).
19 Convulsio quam affert hellebori assumptio ex oris ventriculi vellicatione plerunque sine dis-
crimine, quam vero ex immodica evacuatione, illa maxime lethalis. Galen. in aph dictum.
[The convulsion which consumption of hellebore brings from twitching of the mouth of the
stomach is often without crisis, the one which comes from excessive evacuation is most lethal.
Galen on the aforesaid aphorism.]
Commenting on Hp. Aph. 5.1 in In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii, (17b:782K),
*Galen says that moderate convulsion can occur at the stomach mouth from hellebore
(perhaps “moderate” is what Cotta means by “without crisis”), and that those who have
been purged too much can die from the purging itself.
20 *Hp. Aph. 5.31: Γυνὴ ἐν γαστρὶ ἔχουσα, φλεβοτομηθεῖσα, ἐκτιτρώσκει· καὶ μᾶλλον ᾖσι μεῖζον τὸ
ἔμβρυον. In the 1610 translation, this is called the 30th aphorism: “A woman with child, a
vein being opened, aborteth and is delivered before due time and so much the rather if
the fetus be of any bigness.” E10v.
is only the number of years) or oldness with age, which is a decay and wearing
of nature together with years.21
Infinite might we be in these and the like, every trivial and vulgarly received
rule requiring a more circumspect and considerate understanding than the first
view or light reading doth offer or present. It is a common, well known, and 5
commendable caution to suspect phlebotomy in children unto the fourteenth
year, and in old men after fifty or sixty years. But with what restraints and limi-
tations these rules are to be bounded, fully and truly to conceive, besides their
hearing or reading is required a view and review of differing reason and expo-
sition, diligent and careful scrutiny, oft comparing and conferring odds and 10
differences of circumstances.
None truly learned will or can be so inconsiderate or rash to take blood from
age—whose veins are exhaust or spent, blood dried up—or from infancy crop
the first hopeful sprouting or spring thereof. Yet with deserved fame and honor
to themselves, and incomparable benefit unto the sick, have right learned 15
worthy and excellent physicians used and prescribed phlebotomy both under
five,22 and after sixty years.23 Diligence will not rest until it have found our
reconciliation to these doubts,24 and confirmation to more perfect knowledge
which serious labor must buy, study continually attend, and thence time gain,
free from other impertinent implication. 20
21 Hinc senectus et senium, senectus prima et ultima, viridis et decrepita. [Hence there is old age
and senility, the onset of old age as well as the advanced stage of old age, the fresh and the
worn out.]
22 Avenzoar filio suo trimo venam secuit. [Avenzoar cut the vein of his own three year old son.]
Verbatim from Johannes *Fernelius, Universa Medicina (1542), Book II, Chapter 11.
Avenzoar is now often known as Ibn-Zuhr (AD 1094–1162), a renowned surgeon of Seville.
Dedicated to empirical proof, he undertook dissections of the human body, even though
the practice was forbidden in Muslim Spain. Avenzoar made numerous anatomical and
diagnostic discoveries; he pioneered the procedure of tracheotomy and discovered the
parasite that causes the skin infection known as scabies.
23 Rhases aetati decrepitae in pleuritide venam secuit. [*Rhases cut the vein of a woman in
decrepit age with pleurisy.]
Almost verbatim from *Fernelius loc. cit. Cotta reports Fernelius’s words slightly dif-
ferently at Book 1, Chapter 3, note 6.2.
24 Interest enim non quae aetas sit, neque quid in corpore geratur intus, sed quae vires sint. Fir-
mus puer, robustus senex et gravida mulier valentes sanguinis missione tuto curantur. Fernel.
de sang. miss. [It does not make a difference what stage of life it is nor what is going on inside
the body but what matters is what strength is there. A solid boy, a robust old man, and a preg-
nant woman all in good health are safely cured by the letting of blood. Fernelius, De Sanginis
Missione.]
Both sentences are found near each other in *Celsus, De Medicina 2.10 (on bloodlet-
ting).
188 chapter 1
The common want hereof suffereth so many unprofitable questions

amongst the learned, maintaineth contentions and pride of words, multitude
of sects and schisms from truth. And while men at other leisure, for other
shifts, ends, and supplies, and not for the own worthiness, or for itself seek
knowledge, they commonly lose the true end, and therefore true perfection. 5
The innumerable dissensions amongst the learned concerning the Arabic and
chemic remedies at this day infinitely, with opposite and contradictory writ-
ings and invectives, burden the whole world. Some learned physicians and
writers extol and magnify them as of incomparable use and divine efficacy.
Some with execration accuse and curse them as damned and hellish poisons. 10
Some because they find not these remedies in the common and vulgar readings
of the ancients (the most famous and learned Grecians) with fear and horror
endure their very mention, far therein unlike and differing from that ingenuous
spirit of the thrice worthy and renowned Pergamene Claudius *Galen, who in
brightness and understanding, sharpness of apprehension, and invention over- 15
shining all the precedent wits that were before him, yet did he, with humble
and deigning desire, search and entertain from any sort of people, yea from the
most unlearned empiric himself, any their particular remedies or medicines,
which after by his purer and more emunct judgment, and clearer light of under-
standing refining, he reduced to more proper worth and thereby gave admired 20
precedents of their wondered odds in his learned prescription and accommo-
dation.25 Some contrarily condemning the learning and knowledge of the Gre-
cian, and with horrid superstition, deifying an absolute sufficiency in chemic
remedies, reject the care or respect of discreet and prudent dispensation.
A third and more commendable sort differeth from both these, and leaving 25
in the one his learned morosity and disdainful impatience of different hearing,
and in the other his ignorant and perverse hermetical monopoly, with impartial
and ingenuous desire free from sectary affection, doth from both draw whatso-
ever may in either seem good or profitable unto health or physic use: from the
7 Chemic: alchemical. 19 Emunct: keen (especially in relation to judgment). OED gives the first
usage in 1679.
25 Versatus sum et innotui celeberrimis in unaquaque secta praeceptionibus et pari studio

omnibus dedi operam. Galen. de loc. affectis. [I am versed in and have become famous in
the well known teachings of each school and have given equal zeal to each. Galen, De Locis
Affectis]
8:143K. Galen’s text reads: ἐγὼ δ’ ἔργῳ διεδειξάμην ἐν ἐπιδείξεσίν τε δημοσίαις καὶ ταῖς τῶν
βουληθέντων ἡντιναοῦν αἵρεσιν ἐκδιδαχθῆναι παρ’ ἐμοῦ, μηδενὸς ἧττον, ἵνα μή τι μεῖζον εἴπω,
γινώσκων ἁπάσας αὐτάς (“I myself have demonstrated in deed and by appearances, both
public and in any sect you can think of, that I am thoroughly educated and, not to put too
fine a point on it, I know all their teachings.”)
Grecian deriving the sound and ancient truth, and from both Greek, chemic,
or Arabian, borrowing with thankful diligence any helpful good to needful use.
Antiquity hath given us our first lights in all knowledges,26 succeeding times
have added their several lusters, and our latest posterity hath yielded also many
things not unworthy their worthy praise.27 Chiefly to honor the ancient wor- 5
thiness, yet to condemn none,28 and to view all, is the rarest growth, but truest
perfection. And thus, by the examples before for many innumerable more, it is
26 Maiores nostri ad veritatis indagationem et conventionem cum magno animo atque excelso
per latebras atque tenebras iter suum contulerint, ut quo possint modo praelucerent nobis,
quare non erunt illorum manes (prope dixerim) deorum cultu celebrandi? Scal. de Subt. [Our
ancestors directed their path toward the investigation and assembly of truth with great and
exalted spirit through its lurking places and darkness so that they might light the way for
us: why are their spirits not to be celebrated (I could almost say) with the worship of gods?
*Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
Adapted from Exercitatio 148§4 (which has salebras “roughness” instead of Cotta’s late-
bras “lurking places.”)
27 Atque iniquum decreti genus est quod omnem laudis fructum et gloriae uni Graeciae detulit,
ut Arabum et posteritatis studia perpetuis tenebris obruantur. Quaedam posteritas addidit
non fraudanda laude. Vixerunt Graeci in media luce literarum, extiterunt Arabes et inde
ductae familiae iam desertis et sepultis melioribus disciplinis digna tamen luce aeternaque
memoria nobis reliquerunt. Hollerius instit. Chirurg. [And unfair is the sort of judgement
which confers all the reward of praise and glory on Greece alone so that the efforts of the
Arabs and of posterity are destroyed by everlasting darkness. Certain things posterity added
with no undeserving praise. The Greeks lived in the middle of the light of literature, the Arabs
and their descendants rose to prominence when the better schools were already deserted and
buried and yet left us things worthy of the light and of eternal memory. *Hollerius, Institutio
Chirurgica.]
Cotta misplaces one clause and omits another in this passage from the preface to
Book I of Institutio Chirurgica: Quaedam posteritas addidit non fraudanda laude …
Atque iniquum decreti genus est quod omnem laudis fructum et gloriae uni Graeciae detulit,
ut Arabum et posteritatis studia perpetuis tenebris opprimantur. Illaudato solo laudatae
fruges saepenumero proveniunt. Vixerunt Graeci in media luce literarum, extiterunt Arabes
et inde ductae familiae iam desertis et sepultis melioribus disciplinis digna tamen luce aeter-
naque memoria nobis reliquerunt (“Certain things posterity added with no undeserving
praise … And unfair is the sort of judgement which confers all the reward of praise and
glory on Greece alone so that the efforts of the Arabs and of posterity are destroyed by
everlasting darkness. From unexalted ground exalted fruits often come forth. The Greeks
lived in the middle of the light of literature, the Arabs and their descendants rose to promi-
nence when the better schools were already deserted and buried and yet left us things
worthy of the light and of eternal memory.”)
28 Etiam hispidis, etiam qui errarunt habendam esse gratiam censeo. Scalig. de Subt. [I judge
that one must be thankful even to the rough ones and those who made errors. *Scaliger, Exo-
tericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
From Exercitatio 148§4. See also notes 4.1 and 26 in this chapter.
190 chapter 1
manifest that men learned, knowing and reading much, may notwithstanding
either through distraction or negligence be esteemed and found in complete,
perfect, and distinct knowing, ignorant and unwotting.
And as their understandings are hence corrupted and depraved, so neces-
sarily by consequent must their actions be answerable thereto, since thence 5
derived, bad principles ever producing bad practice. This is not obscure nor
dainty in many common practicers of imperfect knowledge, to be daily in-
stanced almost everywhere, whereby that man whose own judgment cannot
give him dispensation to swerve and differ sometimes from the common under-
standing, use, and custom of vulgar practice, shall ofttimes dangerously err. 10
In above forty years being, I have now twenty years been an understanding
observer and partaker of diverse and different medicinal practice, and therein
have oft noted how that which sometime hath opposed common received rule,
in the peculiar proof of some other learned, hath given good occasion of new
disquisition of before unconsidered reason of distinction in the rule. For a brief 15
taste of many, I will particularize some few.
I have observed in some kind of palsies, blood taken from the paralytic side,
when all other means have proved vain, to have been the sole present suc-
cessful remedy, yea beyond all hope hath oft rescued the latest hope out of
the jaws of death. This much experience doth testify, yet it is contrary unto 20
received ancient edict. In like manner, in some diseased plethorical bodies, I
have observed and seen, that their general numbness, torpor,29 and stupidity
raised in them from the distention, compression, and obstruction of their full
vessels, hath immediately on the same side that was let blood, found present
and sensible delivery from those accidents with great lightsomeness and alle- 25
viation, the opposite side still continuing in the former manner oppressed
and grieved, until the same remedy of phlebotomy hath been thereto likewise
applied.
In common stoppages of the womb I have oft seen when the usual bleeding
in the foot hath nothing at all profited, but in vain wearied the parts thereby 30
fruitlessly vexed, that the incision of a vein in the arm hath immediately opened
the stoppage, and the former current hath freely streamed. In some kind of
dropsies, cachexies, or green sickness, I have observed that letting blood by
21 Plethorical: having an excess of blood. 22 Stupidity: numbness. 33 Cachexies: a general

condition of poor health, malnutrition. ‖ Green sickness: see note a on page 140 of this edition.
29 Torpor levis quaedam paralysis. Galen. de sympt. causis. [Torpor is a certain light paralysis.
*Galen, De Symptomatum Causis.]
7:151K.
excellent fruit and benefit, hath proved the successful remedy, above, beyond,
and after all remedies. These things are witnessed by many worthy testimonies,
and yet are generally esteemed violations of rule.
I will not here dispute the causes and reasons of these things, nor disquire
how judgment did guide unto these trials, nor how necessary or probably the 5
effects and consequent followed or cohered with the judgment. I will leave it
indifferent unto every one learned, and unto right perpension in just occasion
of due consideration hereof.
I give not these instances (as rash supposal may imagine) to encourage
empirical boldness, unto common imitation hereof, nor do hereby allow (as 10
some not distinguishing may imagine) bloodthirsty phlebotomy to suck men’s
lives in rash trial hereof, but to prove and manifest how necessary it is for a judi-
cious and orthodox physician, diligently and prudently in his faculty exercised
according to art, to retain and enjoy a reserved power and warranted sufficiency
within himself, to vary and differ sometimes from too strict and superstitious 15
imitation of a common rule and received custom.
And from this worth and virtue hath it come to pass, that many learned
and famous men, in their several ages have left so many worthy additaments
unto knowledge and the common good, by their own special proofs and tri-
als of rules, in their particular practice oft different from vulgar conceit, use, 20
and custom, unto whom may be not denied beyond the ordinary bounds, a lib-
erty and dispensation contained within the latitude of safe discretion and art.
And thus briefly both by the use of common distracted reading, and thence
indigested understanding, and also by the former particular proofs of easy
deception in acception of common rules, and lastly by examples of practice, 25
it is manifested that men otherwise, and in perfect respects, esteemed justly
learned, may inconsiderately and easily err when distractedly and dividedly
they employ their thoughts and cogitations, or want that sole or solid profes-
sion of their whole minds and meditations by their own proper faculties and
functions. This is the reason, that though comparably to these times no age 30
hath ever afforded writings more prodigally obvious, nor show of knowledge
with greater affluence, yet in authors never hath been either less true meaning,
or less right understanding. Hence as seeming understanding did never more
abound, so never was it worse report, the goose so liberally giving wings and
feathers unto fantastic thoughts,30 but the eagle eye of clear and sincere judg- 35
4 Disquire: inquire diligently. 7 Prepension: forethought. 18 Additaments: additions.
30 Capit insanabile cunctos scribendi cacoethes. Scalig.

Where *Scaliger says this is unclear. It is a quote from Juv. 7.51–52: tenet insanabile
192 chapter 1
ment,31 seldom undazedly, or without winking, fixed upon the perfect bright-
ness and purity of serene and clearly distinguished truth.a
And thus much touching those that are of best proscience and most learned
note in divided studies and callings, distraction necessarily leaving a remiss-
ness and neglect in many things both of mind and action. As for those that are 5
of mean literature in their own professions, their intrusion in others, and des-
perate esteem and quality in their own, must needs preach their insufficienciy
in the latter by their mediocrity in the first.
3 Proscience: Cotta may mean prescience here, or this may be his own coinage intended to mean
the same thing, the capacity for foreknowledge.
a The goose is a traditional symbol of foolishness.
cunctos scribendi cacoethes (“The incurable pathological habit of writing has a hold on
all.”)
31 Perpauci aliquid bene sciunt ad apicem plura aspirant magis ingenia quam perveniunt.
Scalig. [Precious few know anything well and minds aspire to the summit more than they
achieve it. Scaliger.]
These words have not been found in *Scaliger’s works.
chapter 2
Of Beneficed Practicers
The grand and most common offenders in those kinds before remembered,
and in these days, are diverse astrologers, but especially ecclesiastical persons,
vicars and parsons, who now overflow this kingdom with this alienation of
their own proper offices and duties, and usurpation of others’, making their
holy calling a linsey woolsey, too narrow for their minds, and therefore making 5
themselves room in others’ affairs, under pretense of love and mercy. Besides
their profane intrusion into inhibited lists, their unlimited breach of law and
want of reverence and respect of order and distinction of callings (which
true divinity doth teach holy men), reason and experience do daily witness
that, by the necessary coincidence ofttimes of both calling requiring them at 10
the same moment in distant places, without conscience they impose upon
themselves a necessary neglect of both by an unnecessary assumption of the
one.1
This the poor patient’s necessity and need must oft complain, though haply
more seldom observed, and therefore of few is that which herein is lamentable, 15
at all lamented. Many times, many poor people (and sometimes men of bet-
ter worth) in their necessities, and oft last extremities, through this voluntary
overmeasure of employment in these enlarged spirits, are not only deferred,
procrastinated, and neglected, but ofttimes even to death illuded. For from
report and information by others unto the physician, and from the indication 20
by urine (which are borrowed, and therefore slippery grounds), many diseases
conceal themselves. Oft for want of the presence of the physician’s own view,
the chiefest opportunities and hopeful hour steal away unspied, and death
maketh many blind, because they had not their physicians’ eyes. In these dif-
ficulties, therefore, (wherein conflict the greatest uses and benefits of a physi- 25
cian), these men by their double and both-hand employment, compel them-
5 Linsey woolsey: literally, a fabric woven of different materials, as cotton together with wool;
figuratively, a mass of confusion. 19 Illuded: tricked.
1 Elige quid velis quis enim pudor omnia vellet. Martial. [Choose something to want: for what sort
of modesty would want everything? Martial.]
*Mart. 12.94: “Elige, quid nolis; quis enim pudor, omnia velle?” (“Choose something not to
want: for what sort of modesty is it to want everything?”)

194 chapter 2
selves commonly to a double cruelty, either for the most part to deny their pres-
ence, or else not to perform the promise of their presence, being ever subject to
a countermand, by their voluntary subjection to a double command. If, there-
fore, they would consider the shortness of their lives, with the immensity of
their own task, they would not allow so large a vacancy to successive hours and 5
works, which now for the most part are most part of their time unto the great
hurt and injury to others, and the increase of scandal unto their own vocations.2
I know the learned and reverend divine is herein for the most part free, or
if some few justly taxed their modest minds will easily moderate and reduce
them. And for the rest, whose dispositions are shameless and incorrigible, that 10
may haply still become the fool, which is reproach unto the wise, and befit
the unhonest that defames the just.3 I do not dislike the devout and charita-
ble deeds of their holy minds, nor real compassion and contribution unto the
sick and needy, nor yet their medicinal advice with incorrupt hands free from
implication of private gain, and unobserved and concealed merchandizing in 15
charitable deeds. But I abhor and wish repented (which in many of them is
abominable and sacrilegious) their pecuniary traffic and trading by usurped
erecting in their houses apothecary shops, by manumission of base wares that
are not allowed, nor have obtained freedom elsewhere, hereby unlawfully they
exenterate and eat out the bowels of poor men’s purses. 20
Neither is it any way to be justified, that they ordinarily travel up and down
to spoil the more worthy of his fee and the proper laborer of his hire. Nor yet is
it the less shame, that without shame or blushing, their bills in many places
inhabit ordinarily apothecaries’ files and shops, as if their own undoubted
right.a Their master, St. Paul, teacheth every man to walk within his own call- 25
18 Manumission: release from slavery, in this case, used figuratively in that forbidden or restricted
medicines are permitted to circulate freely. 20 Extenerate: eviscerate.
a What Cotta means by “files” here is uncertain. A misprint for “stalls”?
2 Persona namque venustat studium dum suo insistit officio, nec praeripit alienum. [One exalts a
pursuit as long as one dwells on one’s own duty and does not invade another’s.]
Found in Johannes Saresberiensis (John of Salisbury, AD 1120–1180), Policraticus III.IV.35,
which criticizes hunting as a pursuit.
3 Nam quod turpe bonis Seio Titioque decebit, Crispinum. [For what was disgraceful to good Seius
and Titius was good in Crispinus.]
From Juv. 4.13. Interestingly, this same passage is quoted by John of Salisbury in the Poli-
craticus shortly after the quotation in the immediately preceding marginal comment. Surely
no accident. Cotta gives no attribution for either quotation.
of beneficed practicers 195
ing,4 and not to be busily straggling in others.5So shall they honor their calling,
and their callings honor them, and both honor God that sent them.
I know the gift of healing in the apostles was the gift of God, his grace and
special favor and allowance unto them for those times, but it was in them a
miraculous and divine power consecrated unto a holy end. But in these times 5
it is an acquired faculty, and in these men unto a mercenary use. It is indeed a
deed of mercy to save and help the sick, and a work of charity to advise them for
their health and ease. But the common good and public weal, and the law for
both, inhibit the doing of every good by every man, and doth limit and restrain
it unto some special and select sort of men, for necessary causes, and respects 10
unto good government and policy, and for avoiding confusion, which is the ruin
of public weals.
Shall then divinity teach and allow for private deeds, means and respects
of charity and mercy, to break public edicts,6 to transgress laws, to contemn
magistracy, to confound and disturb good order? Good order forbiddeth that 15
for pretense of any necessity whatsoever cause or reason, one man presume
to break into another’s bounds, yea and divinity teacheth the same. God him-
self tieth men in all things, in all necessities, unto certain and appointed ends.
He ordained a select number of apostles and disciples, and unto them only
annexed the divine work and calling of nations and people unto salvation, com- 20
manding all men upon pain of damnation to seek out and follow that means
wheresoever or howsoever distant, and did not ordain the means confusedly in
every person to wait upon every private necessity.
In like manner in a commonweal, law and policies ordain (preferring the
common good before every private ease and benefit) that every man have his 25
15 Magistracy: the power of magistrates.
4 Cor. 7. Verse 20.24.

GB: “Let every man abide in the same vocation wherein he was called. Art thou called being
a servant and care not for it? But if yet thou mayest be free, use it rather. For he that is called
in the Lord being a servant is the Lord’s freeman. Likewise also he that is called being free, is
Christ’s servant. You are bought with a price. Be not the servants of men. Bretheren, let every
man wherein he was called therein abide with God” (1Cor. 7:20–24).
5 Unicum ab uno optime perficitur opus. Arist. Polit. 2. [One work is best completed by one. Aristo-
tle, Politics, Book 2.]
*Arist. Pol. 1273b9–10 (Book 2), 1252b1–5 (Book 1), and 1299a31 f. (Book 4) have a very sim-
ilar thought.
6 Fuit haec sapientia quondam, publica privatis praeponere, sacra prophanis. Sic honor et nomen
divinis vatibus, atque carminibus venit. Horat. [Formerly this was wisdom, putting public before
private, sacred before profane. Thus honor and renown came to godly prophets and their songs.
Horace.]
* Hor. Ars 396–397 and 400–401.
196 chapter 2
distinct calling, unto which all other men’s necessity therein may and ought
to repair.7 For if every man might be of every calling, confusion of callings
would, in the end, leave no calling.a Therefore, every man’s need or necessity
is not sufficient to make every one capable of giving supply needful thereto,
but God, and nature, and law have tied and allotted men to seek means, and 5
those means confined to certain set bounds and limits, that men may still in all
things according to the law or morality, but ever in this life subject unto casu-
alties, oft for their trial, sometimes for their punishment, or else for a further
decree and secret purpose of the divine providence. So, and to such ends, thus
ordering. 10
Thus, by clear truth overshining the mists and clouds of false pretexts to
contrary, it is manifest that this fluctuation of these men between two call-
ings is offensive to God, scandalous unto religion and good men, and inju-
rious to commonweals, and but presumption borrowing the face of divinity.
What encouragement their example hath given unto drones and idle persons 15
abounding by their example infinitely in the same wrong he hath no eyes that
doth not consider. Their many, ordinary, rash, ignorant, and unskillful errors
and commissions against the health and life of many, besides their forenamed
omissions, intrusions, procrastinations, and neglects of one calling by another,
I could by many too true instances confirm, but for reverence of the callings 20
I spare the men. I will only give two known instances, wherein (as in a glass)
men may view the diverse faces of many more of the like sort.
A gentleman in Bedfordshire not long since was suddenly surprised by a con-
tinual fever, accompanied with a general lassitude and weariness of the whole
body, and together with heat and burning, delirations and lightness of brain. 25
The habit of his body and his flesh were musculous and well liking, the season
warm, his age firm, and constitution sanguine, his pulse high, full, large, and in
vehemence and strength of motion manifest even unto the beholder’s eye. A
parson or vicar coming unto him, maketh many fears and seeming grave dis-
25 Delirations: states of delirium.
a Peter Elmer observes that there seems to have been a “conservative reaction” to views such as
Cotta expresses here. He notes that Cotta’s contemporary James Hart, seems to have been forbid-
den from publishing a tract denouncing “parsons and vicars” who dabbled in medicine. Elmer,
“Puritan Revolution,” 14–15.
7 Omne publicum commodum habet aliquid ex iniquo: quod in singulos peccatur, utilitate pub-
lica rependitur. Tacitus. [Every pubic good has some element of detriment: the wrong done to
individuals is counter-weighed against the public advantage. Tacitus.]
Tac. Ann. 14.44: Habet aliquid ex iniquo omne magnum exemplum, quod contra singulos
utilitate publica rependitur (“Every great precedent has some iniquity which is against indi-
viduals and counterbalanced by the public good.”)
courses of the danger and imminence of a marasme,8 and from this supposed
grand peril stoutly withstandeth the needful use of due phlebotomy.
The allies and friends of the patient observing the daily decrease of hope
and health, diligently enquire after another physician, and by hap found me
where then employed. When I came unto the patient, the parson entertaineth 5
us with confident discourses and disputes concerning a marasme, whom when
I found after long patience and calm conference in the presence and hearing
of diverse worthy knights and gentlemen still endlessly and reasonlessly vain,9
and yet possessed with an invincible spirit of open and obstinate contradiction,
I, in the end, with their common consents, contemned and rejected him. 10
The patient I found free from any particular which might inhibit phle-
botomy,10 and manifestly saw the danger of delay thereof (both which may
1 Marasme: a wasting illness.
8 In principio morbi, firmis viribus, habitu pulchro, exinanitione nulla, plenitudinis et suffoca-
tionis pericula non sine ratione saepe obvia fiunt, quo tempore et modo si marasmus contin-
geret, prodigiosum plane foret. Spectatum admissi risum teneatis? [At the onset of illness,
with solid strength, fine bearing, no purging, the risk of excessive abundance and choking
not without reason often become obvious, at which time and in which manner, if a marasmus
were to occur, it would clearly be remarkable. Could you, admitted to take a look, keep from
laughing?]
Cotta is making fun of the Parson’s practices: *Hor. Ars begins with a description of a
painter’s creation of a mixed-up horse-woman-feathered-fish and asks Spectatum admissi
risum teneatis, amici? (“Could you, if you were admitted to a viewing of the work, refrain
from laughter, friends?”)
9 Marasmum Trallianus li.12 describit, in quo humiditas substantialis in totum consumpta
fuerit aut torrefacta, vel ἀπώλειά τις παντελὴς τῆς ἐν τοῖς στερεοῖς ὑγρότητος. Quod in corpore
ἐυσαρκω et succulento nunquam quisquam praeterea invenerit. ὥστ’ ἀρετη τις ὑγίεια ἡ εὐε-
ξία, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς ἄριστα κατεσκευασμένος γίνεται σώμασι. inquit Galenus de Bon. Habit.
[Trallianus’s work in 12 books describes a marasmus in which the fluid substance has been
completely consumed or dried up, or “an utter wasting of the wetness in the firm parts.” Which
never will anyone have found in a body with its flesh in good condition and full of fluid. “So
the best health is good bodily condition and because of this it comes to be in bodies optimally
conditioned,” says Galen, De Bono Habitu.]
Trallianus De Febribus 1.4 (“consumptive fevers”), Section περὶ μαρασμοῦ (“On Maras-
mus”), Puschmann ed. 1878, P. 369 line 17: Εἰ τῷ ὄντι μαρασμὸς ἀπώλειά τις παντελὴς τῆς
ἐν τοῖς στερεοῖς ὑγρότητος, ἀνίατός ἐστιν (“If there is a real marasmus, an utter wasting of
the wetness in the firm parts, it is incurable.”) *Galen, De bono Habitu, (751 lines 9–11K):
ὥστ’ ἀρίστη τις ὑγίεια ἡ εὐεξία, καὶ διὰ τοῦτ’ ἐν τοῖς ἄριστα κατεσκευασμένοις γίνεται σώμα-
σιν. (Translated above: Cotta’s Greek text departs from the standard text in several minor
ways).
10 Vires, habitus, aetas intrepide ferunt, morbus, calor sitis, deliria, plethora exigunt anni tem-
pus constitutio aegri annunt. [Strength, disposition, and age withstand without trouble; dis-
ease, fever, thirst, derangement, and plethora demand; season and state of the illness indi-
cate. (We assume annunt is annuunt.)]
Presumably these things withstand, demand, and indicate, respectively, bloodletting.
198 chapter 2
appear by the description of his estate), and therefore seeing the indication
so plain, and the necessity so urgent, contrary to the babbling opposition and
causeless prediction of needless danger, I caused him to bleed; whereupon
within a few hours after, besides immediate alleviation, nature seconding the
work,11 expelled at his nose diverse quantities of blood at several times, and 5
thus was enabled to perform her crisis,a being before detained by the oppres-
sion of the former quantity of blood,12 whereunto her strength was not equal.
The life of man unto God and men is dear and precious, yet behold how
presumptuously glorious ignorance, and the lawless breach of the due lists of
distinct and proper callings, doth licentiously hazard the utmost price and date 10
thereof. And how likely may it seem, that the memory of this wrong had been in
the same grave buried, if it had not been prevented, and by prevention solely
observed? I will now annex another example of secret bewitching flattery by
close whispering of the sick, ordinarily practiced by these kind of men, unto
the unobserved and stolen perdition of many. 15
In the year 1611, a gentleman in this manner falleth sick: he was suddenly sur-
prised by a continual fever, with burning, thirst, troublesome heat in the soles of
his feet and palms of the hands, frequent delirations and perturbations of the
mind, fullness of the stomach, loathing, painful distentions and ructuations,
19 Ructuations: belches.
a According to *Galen, recovery from a disease often required the rapid rebalancing of humours,
termed a crisis, often on the fifth or seventh day of the illness.
11 Natura vel vis quae in potentiis naturalibus aliena excernit, vehementius operans magnum
et violentum arteriarum efficit motum, appetens illa quae molesta sunt expellere, atque ita
profluvium sanguinis facit. Galen. in aph. 21 lib 7 Hipp. [Nature or the ability in natural powers
which eliminates foreign things, working quite strongly brings on great and violent movement
of the arteries, striving to expel that which is irksome and thus causes an outflowing of blood.
Galen on Hippocrates’s Aphorism 21 of Book 7.]
*Galen’s commentary on Hp. Aph. 7.21 in In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii con-
tains the basis of Cotta’s Latin version: “For it has been shown in my writings on the natural
powers that the elimination of foreign things is one of the natural powers, which brings
about critical sweats and bleedings and movements of the stomach and any other simi-
lar things. In accord with this power sometimes the nature working within brings about
great and violent movement of the arteries, aiming to separate what causes pain, and thus
it brings on bleedings.”
12 Levata quae corpus nostrum regit natura exonerataque eo quo velut sarcina premitur, haud
aegre quod reliquum est vincet et expellet. Galen. de Meth. Med. lib 11. [The nature which rules
our body, having been lightened and disburdened of that by which it is pressed as by a coffin,
will without difficulty conquer and expel whatever remains. *Galen, De Methodo Medendi,
Book 11.]
10:785K, which is in Book 15, not 11.
dryness and yellowness of the tongue, bitterness and heat of the mouth, pains
about his short ribs, loins, back and shoulders, ill sleeps, and confused dreams.
There entertained these accidents the usual fullness of his body unto the com-
mon outward view, and accompanied a pulse swift, vehement and large, a urine
high colored, red, and thick, all which many witness of understanding confirm. 5
According unto the former indication, the patient was twice let blood,13 the
quantity lost the first time, coming short the second time, not exceeding ten
ounces, as the surgeon doth witness. He was once vomited,14 by due respites
twice purged with good effect and alleviation,15 oft by glisters gently moved,16
13 Two notes in the margin correspond to this place in the text:

1. Maxima remedia continuarum febrium haec duo sunt detractio sanguinis et potio frigida.
Gal. lib. 9. de Meth. Med. [Letting of blood and cold drink are the two chief remedies of
lasting fevers. Galen, Book 9, De Methodo Medendi.]
10:624 lines 10–12K.
2. Saluberrimum autem est febribus venam incidere, non continentibus modo sed etiam aliis
omnibus quas putrescens humor concitaverit. Gal. lib. 11. de Meth. Med. Ideo missus est
sanguis ex hepatica ad sanguinis hepatisque refrigerium et ventilationem, e mediana
etiam ad minuendam plenitudinem. [The healthiest thing for fevers is to cut a vein, not
only for continuous ones but also for all others which a rotten humor has called forth.
*Galen Book 11 De Methodo Medendi. Thus blood is let from the hepatic vein for the cool-
ing and airing of the blood, from the median vein (in the arm) also for the reduction of
thickness.]
(785:10–12K) Cotta’s Latin is close to that of Thomas Linacre found in Galeni Libro-
rum Septima Classis.
14 Si ad os ventriculi materia febrilis quae putruerit sua sponte impetum faciat, per vomitum
expellatur. Galen. de Meth. Med. lib. 11. [If the feverish matter which has rotted freely makes
an attack on the stomach mouth (where esophagus meets stomach), it is expelled through
vomiting. *Galen, De Methodo Medendi.]
10:756.
15 Bilis abundantia et turgescentia manifesta hoc exigebat, secundum intentionem Hippocrat.
Aphoris. 22 lib 1 et aph. 10 lib.4. Curandae autem non sunt omnes febres eodem tenore, nec eae
quae sunt sine accidentibus ac illae quae cum accidentibus tractandae sunt, ut testatur Gal.
de Arte curat, ad Glauconem lib. I. In aliis igitur eadem remedia iteranda, in aliis non omnino
usurpanda. [Excess and manifest swelling of bile required this, according to the spirit of Hip-
pocrates’s Aphorism 22, Book 1 and Aphorism 10, Book 4. Not all fevers should be treated with
the same course, nor must those which are without additional symptoms be treated the same
as those which have additional symptoms, as Galen’s De Arte Curat. claims. Accordingly, in
some cases a remedy should be repeated, while in others it should not be used at all.]
*Hp. Aph. 1.22: “Purge and move the concocted, not the unconcocted, nor what is in the
initial stages, unless it is wanting to burst forth: for the most part it is not wanting to burst
forth.” Hp. Aph. 4.10: “Use a purge in the case of those which are very acute, if wanting to
burst forth, on the same day: for delay in such cases is bad.”
*Galen’s Ad Glauconem de Medendi Methodo “To Glaucon on the Method of Treatment”,
11:42 line 11K says fevers with symptoms are to be treated differently from those without.
16 In febribus Galenus saepe injicit mulsam per clysterem si alvus sponte non ducitur. vide de
200 chapter 2
his diet prescribed, cooling, opening, and altering the evil quality of humors.
After these things done, within few days the urine in color, substance and resi-
dence manifesteth concoction, and therewith follow some disquiets and anxi-
eties,17 not unhopeful forerunners of the approach of the expected crisis of the
disease,18 by the urine so fairly promised.19 In this fair hope (though by unbe- 5
lief of sense denied) a parson-physician led by a secret ambition of stealing
the praise of such a cure, if fortune might haply favor the patient with ease,
3 Concoction: the bodily processing of food or drink prescribed, which Cotta claims leaves evi-
dence in urine.
Method. Med. lib. 11 et 9 de arte curat. ad Glaucon. [In fevers *Galen often injects honeyed
water by means of a clyster (an enema) if the bowel is not moved on its own. See De Methodo
Medendi Book 11 and the 9th Book of De Arte Curativa ad Glauconem.]
“De Methodo Medendi Book 11” refers to 10:756 line 17K: “the 9th book of De Arte Cura-
tiva ad Glauconem” (which has no ninth book in known divisions of it) probably refers
to the κλύσμασι μαλακοῖς “gentle clysters” mentioned in 11:46 line 17K of Ad Glauconem
de Medendi Methodo. There is no clear reason why Cotta cites these Galen passages here,
except, perhaps, to show that the course of treatment was justified by classical precedent.
17 Quippe misso in febribus in initio sanguine non solum pauperibus sed divitum etiam servis,
plurimis quidem quinto post, aliquibus septimo Crisis contingit. *Galen de Meth. Med. lib. 11.
[Namely when blood is let at the onset in cases of fever, the crisis occurs mostly on the fifth
day after, in some cases on the seventh day after, both for poor people and even for the slaves
of the rich. Galen, De Methodo Medendi, Book 11.]
10:784K
1. Vigilant aegri magna ex parte graviter se habent et febriunt vehementius, quanto propius
crisim accedunt. Gal. aph. 71. lib. 4. Hippoc. [The ill remain awake for the most part with
a serious demeanor and grow more feverish the closer they come to the crisis. *Galen on
the 71st aphorism of Book 4 of *Hippocrates.]
In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii, 17b:756, line 6 ff.K
2. Περι τας αρχας και τα τελη, etc. Circa initia et fines omnia imbecilliora circa statum omnia
fortiora. Hipp. aph. 30 et 29. lib. 2. [At the beginnings and endings, etc. At the beginnings
and endings, things are quite weak, but in the condition they are quite strong. Hippocrates,
Aphorisms, Book 2, Aphorisms 29 and 30.]
*Hp. Aph. 2.29: Ἀρχομένων τῶν νούσων, ἤν τι δοκέῃ κινέειν, κίνει· ἀκμαζουσῶν δὲ, ἡσυ-
χίην ἔχειν βέλτιόν ἐστιν (“When diseases begin, if it seems a good idea to set things in
motion, do so: but when they are at their height, it is better to keep things quiet.”) “Set-
ting things in motion” refers to purging, etc.
Hp. Aph. 2.30: Περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰ τέλη, πάντα ἀσθενέστατα, περὶ δὲ τὰς ἀκμὰς, ἰσχυ-
ρότατα (“At the beginnings and the endings, everything is weakest, but at the height,
strongest.”)
19 Si velociter morbus moveatur, etiam coloris et substantiae urinae mutatio sunt sufficientia
signa futurae crisis. Gal. in Aph. 71.lib.4.Hipp. [If the disease be moved swiftly, even a change
of the color and consistency of the urine are sufficient signs of the approach of the crisis.
*Galen on Aphorism 71, Book 4 of Hippocrates.]
Galen in Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii, 17b:757 lines 6–8K.
and himself therein with the opinion of the merit (as was very likely), in this
hope taking opportunity of the patient’s impatience, he whispereth unto him
the excellencies of aurum potabile, far beyond all other remedies.a
After the patient had from him received it, within short time good hap gave
ease. Ease being gained, begetteth in the patient an ever after incorrigible con- 5
sultation with his own self, and now measuring his good by his ease, and settling
in his thoughts an assurance of his recovery, he studiously and continually
defameth his physician, and with evil clamors filleth all corners of the coun-
try, as far as his agents, his own tongue, or credit could extend. In this interim
likewise he rejects the former begun method of discreet evacuations and alter- 10
ations of the offensive humors in his body, and instead thereof he cherisheth
and cheereth up himself with daily magnifying and worshipping aurum pota-
bile as the god and sole author of his supposed recovery. In this mean season
and intermission of the former courses, the forward signs of fair concoction, so
hopefully before appearing diverse days together, now retire and vanish, and 15
painful swellings fall into his legs and nether parts.20 And then, compelled, he
sendeth for other learned physicians, but useth them by uncertain fits, as his
own conceit induced, and with a reservation of his sole happiness and best
security in aurum potabile. To conclude, he escaped the present perils of the
former sharp accidents, but continued lingeringly and languishingly sick from 20
about the middle of March,21 unto the latter end of August next following.22
About that time he first began to find some reasonable satisfaction in ease,
a For aurum potabile, see note b on page 120 of this edition.
20 Sic lib. 11.Galen. de Meth. Medendi, Divites qui propter delicias debita praetermisere remedia,
phlegmonas contrahunt vel in jecinore, vel in ventriculo, vel in aliquo alio viscere. [So Book 11 of
Galen’s de Methodo Medendi: the rich who neglect needed remedies on account of pleasures
contract inflammations either in the liver or the stomach or in some other inner organ.]
Abbreviated from *Galen de Methodo Medendi 10:784K.
21 Quicunque morbi imperfecte iudicati sunt, deinde servantur in sequentium iudicatoriorum
dierum aliquem usque ad 40. diem, non simpliciter acuti sed acuti ex transmutatione vel deci-
dentia nominantur. Gal. in aph. 23. lib.2 Hipp. [Those illnesses which have not completely
come to a final issue, and then are preserved until one of the following decisive days up to the
fortieth day, are not called simply “acute” but “acute from improvement or death.” *Galen on
Aphorism 23, Book 2 of In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii.]
17b:505K.
22 Quadragesimus dies primus est morborum diutinorum, quicunque hunc transcendunt ad
septenarii rationem habent crisim, non septenarii quoad dies, sed quoad menses, deinde
annos. Gal. aph. 28.l 3.Hip. [The fortieth day is the first day of long-term diseases: any who
go beyond this have their crisis according to septenary multiples, not septenary according to
days, but months and then years. *Galen on Aphorism 28, Book 3 of *Hippocrates.]
Abbreviated from *Galen In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii (17b:640K).
202 chapter 2
and the recovery of some better strength, but a secret remainder or impression
of the former delirations continued, and some suspicious signs of a scorbut
seemed to increase, which before likewise did obscurely show.
Beside the shameful wrong unto physicians and patients, and the injury
of arts and truth itself in men that are professors of divine and holy callings, 5
behold the usual insidiation of death and danger, by the spirit of flattering
intrusion and secret lenocination of false hopes and ease possessing the dis-
traction of the distressed sick. What man learned and judicious cannot deter-
mine whether this dangerous long continuance of this gentleman’s disease may
not justly and in good reason be ascribed unto the sudden discontinuance of his 10
first means,23 and to the neglect thereby of perfecting the hopeful crisis so fairly
promised and intended?24 Or unto whom doth it not appear palpably gross,
that aurum potabile can contain in itself any such golden sufficiency as solely to
remove or prevent all the former accidents in this gentleman described, which
God, and nature, and reason have ever denied unto any one particular or spe- 15
cial medicine whatsoever?
Let all men unto whom God hath given ears or eyes, advisedly behold and
consider how dangerous and injurious these ordinary and ignorant intrusions
in reason prove unto poor patients, who, thus beguiled with opinion, and
blinded with deceitful hope, or ease, or sense, joyfully oft give thanks for their 20
own hurt, magnify the authors, and not seldom perish in the praise of their own
harms. The unlimited expatiation of so foul wrongs do challenge all men, not
only the learned, but all honest or ingenuous, unto the vindication of art and
truth from oppression by so gross and harmful ignorance. These examples are
sufficient to admonish the offenders of their impiety, and others of their own 25
peril in trusting unto them.
2 Scorbut: scurvy. 6 Insidiation: an insidious act. 7 Lenocination: wheedling.
23 Si integre, si plene, si perfecte natura iudicat, nihil novi moliatur medicus: si vero in quopiam
deficiat natura, quod deficit debet medicus adiungere. Gal. in Aph. 20.lib.I Hippoc. [If nature
apportions faultlessly, fully, and perfectly, the doctor should work nothing innovative: but if
nature is lacking in any regard, the doctor ought to contribute what is lacking. Galen on Apho-
rism 20, Book 1 of *Hippocrates.]
*Galen’s In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii (17b:438K) says that in some cases,
nature brings on a crisis, while in others, the doctor should artificially bring on a crisis.
24 Signum concoctionis nullum unquam pravum fuit, sed omnia optima semper et tanto citius
aegrum convaliturum ostendunt quanto citius apparuerunt. Gal. in aph. 12.lib.1 Hippoc. [No
indication of digestion has ever been bad: they are all very good and show that the faster such
signs appear, the faster the patient is going to convalesce. *Galen on Aphorism 12 of Book 1 of
*Hippocrates.]
From In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii (17b:399).
chapter 3
Of Astrologers, Ephemerides-masters
Now, concerning astrologers-practicers.1 There is a sort of men, who beside and

beyond that is sufficient and profitable unto physic, use in astronomical sci-
ence (having unadvisedly, prodigally, or unrecoverably spent too much pains
and time in the too curious or superstitious, or supposed excellence in the van-
ities of astrology, or else finding by their other defects in themselves the want 5
and insufficiency of knowledge more proper and essential unto a physician),
do therefore (which now is all the hopeful remainder of their time so far spent)
fish for a name and fame amongst the common and easy-deceived vulgars, with
the glorious baits of prodigious pretexts. Thus, they hook simple credulity to
worship and admire their lying revelations, prescribe fortunes and fates, and 10
limit the days and dates of men’s lives and deaths unto the dark points of their
calendars. Neither do they blush to promise and profess that they take counsel
of heaven (when Heaven denieth them2) thereby gaining to themselves glory
in the slander of Heaven and the scandal of truth.
Title Ephemerides: tables predicting the future locations of heavenly bodies.
1 Astrologi, Αποτελεσμητικοι, Γενεθλιάλογοι. [Astrologers, astrologers, nativity-casters.]

2 Vide Isai. cap. 47 vers. 13. Stent et saluent te Augures coeli qui contemplabant sydera et supputa-
bant menses, ut ex iis annuntiarent ventura tibi. Ecce facti sunt quasi stipula et ignis combus-
sit eos. Deuteron. cap. 18. Nec inveniatur in te qui ariolos sciscitetur, aut observet somnia, aut
auguria, aut pythones consulat. Omnia enim haec abominatur Dom. et propter eiusmodi scel-
era delevit eos in introitu tuo. [See Isaiah Chapter 47 verse 13, Let the augurs of the sky stand and
save you, they who observe the stars and reckon the months to announce from their observations
what will happen to you. Behold they have become like stubble and fire burns them. Deuteron-
omy Chapter 18, Let no one be found who seeks a soothsayer or interprets dreams or omens or
consults familiars or oracles. For all these are hateful to the Lord and he has destroyed them on
account of crimes of this nature at your entrance.]
Cotta has condensed Bible verses that are given as follows in GB: “Stand now among thine
enchanters, and in the multitude of soothayers (with whom thou hast wearied thyself from
thy youth) if so be thou mayest have profit, or if so be thou mayest have strength. Thou art
wearied in the multitude of thy counsels: let now the astrologers, the stargazers, and prognos-
ticators stand up, and save thee from these things that shall come down upon thee. Behold,
they shall be as stubble. The fire shall burn them. They shall not deliver their own lives from
the power of the flame. There shall be no coals to warm at, nor light to sit by” (Isa. 47:12–14).
“Let none be found among you that maketh his son or his daughter to go through the fire, or
that useth witchcraft, or a regarder of the times, or a marker of the flying of souls, or a sor-
cerer. Or a charmer, or that counselleth with spirits, or a soothsayer, or that asketh counsel

204 chapter 3
Thus, usually they pervert the right use of astronomical science unto deceit,
imposture, and juggling merchandizing for unjust and injurious gain, and per-
suade the voluntary motions and arbitrary actions of men, their consequences
and issues to be driven by the heavens unto ends and destinies there enrolled,
and themselves (as if the only true sons of Heaven forsooth) there only admit- 5
ted to read and view. Indeed, the will of man hath no power in itself to will or
move itself to any good pleasing unto God, or saving to itself, but by the spe-
cial grace of God, drawing, guiding, or moving his will thereto, yet doth the
general concordant consent of most divines grant as uncontroversed, a liberty
and freedom of man’s will unto any moral, natural, civil or politic good.3 And 10
in these kinds, all divines both ancient and neoteric, have both acknowledged
and admired the worthy examples of virtue in philosophers and heathen men,
whose infinite studious pains and voluntary laborious industry in achieving
so many incomparable excellencies no ingratitude can deny, or without honor
mention. 15
Virtue is not forced,4 but free in whom it is, and therefore not to be ascribed
unto the heavens or any other outward cause,5 but unto the free and voluntary
agent of itself, and by the own inward power in itself, moving itself thereto,
from his own purpose therein.6 This all men, divinity, philosophy, reason, expe-
9 Uncontroversed: not in dispute. 11 Neoteric: modern.
at the dead. For all that do such things are abomination unto the Lord, and because of these
abominations, the Lord thy God doth cast them out before thee” (Deut. 18:10–12).
3 Deus nos docet, irradiat, assistit, etiam suo modo trahit ut Saulem. Quod autem in nobis sit ullum
internum principium potestatis, eorum est vociferari qui nihil intelligunt. Scalig. de subt. [God
instructs, illuminates, and stands by us, and (some he: quosdam) even in his fashion drags as
he did Saul. That there is in us any inner principle of power (to act well: ad bene agendum) is (of
importance: interest) for those who understand nothing to proclaim. *Scaliger, Exotericæ Exerci-
tationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
From Exercitatio 307§25 (parentheses are what Cotta left out of the passage).
4 ἡ ἐθικη ἀρετή ἑξις προαιρητικἡ. Virtus moralis est habitus electivus. Arist. Eth.6. [Moral virtue is a
state that involves choice. Moral virtue is a disposition involving choice. *Aristotle, Nicomachean
Ethics VI, 1139a23–24.]
Aristotle’s Greek is ἡ ἠθικὴ ἀρετὴ ἕξις προαιρετική. The Latin translation is the same as that
of Tabula in Aristotelis Averroisque Opera, Venice, 1561, a thesaurus of quotations by Aristotle
and Averroes compiled by Julius Palamedes Adriensis (d. 1580). The Latin in note 5 below is
near-verbatim the same as that found in Palamedes’s work as well.
5 ἐοίκα δὲ τὸ βιαίον εἶναι οὐ εξωθεν ἡ ἀρχη, μηθεν συμβαλλομένου του βιασθεντος. Arist. Eth. 3. [What
is “forced” is that whose origin is external, with the thing forced contributing nothing. Aristotle,
Nicomachean Ethics III. 1110b15–17.]
Aristotle’s text: ἔοικε δὴ τὸ βίαιον εἶναι οὗ ἔξωθεν ἡ ἀρχή, μηδὲν συμβαλλομένου τοῦ βιασθέντος.
6 τα δε κατα τας ἄρετας γιγνόμενα οὐκ ἐαν οὑτως ἔχη δικαιως ἤ σωφρόνως πραττεται, ἀλλα καὶ ἐαν ὅ πρατ-
των, etc. Ea quae secundum vitutem aguntur, non iuste aguntur si sint iusta, sed si agens, scians,
of astrologers, ephemerides-masters 205
rience, with a unity of consent confirm. If then man’s action be his own, if the
end his own, the effectual prosecution thereof unto the end his own. If God
himself have granted this privilege unto all men, as indifferent and common
unto all whom he hath created under the condition of men, what creature shall
intercept the endowment of the Creator?7 What shall take the honor of his gift 5
from him that gave it, or the right thereof from him that thence receiveth it?
The heavens cannot so blaspheme their Maker, though men thus dare belie
the heavens to justify their own impiety. All things depend upon the providence
of God, and from him and by him are ordained second causes, which indeed in
nature have their necessity, but in the will of man have power only to move 10
or incline, and not to force. This is the reason that, though man by his stars
be born to infinite miseries diversely mounting and affecting him continually
from the earth, from the sea, from the land, from the air, from the fire, from his
own affections, infirmities, diseases, from diverse haps and causalities, yet unto
him that knoweth the free gift of his Maker, and the good that he hath done for 15
him, none of all these things by any necessity in themselves thereto, can touch
him or once come near him.8 For whether calamity approach from above or
eligensque propter virtutem ipsam agat, animoque stabili et firmo agat. Aristot. Eth. 2. [What is
done according to the virtues is not done justly or temperately simply if it is just or temperate,
but if the agent also, etc. Things done according to virtue are not justly done simply if the actions
are just, but if in addition the agent acts knowingly and by choice on account of virtue itself and
does so with a set and stable disposition. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1105a28–33.]
Aristotle’s Greek: τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὰς ἀρετὰς γινόμενα οὐκ ἐὰν αὐτά πως ἔχῃ, δικαίως ἢ σωφρόνως
πράττεται, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐὰν ὁ πράττων πῶς ἔχων πράττῃ, πρῶτον μὲν ἐὰν εἰδώς, ἔπειτ’ ἐὰν προαιρού-
μενος, καὶ προαιρούμενος δι’ αὐτά, τὸ δὲ τρίτον ἐὰν καὶ βεβαίως καὶ ἀμετακινήτως ἔχων πράττῃ
(“What is done according to the virtues is not done justly or temperately simply if the acts
have a certain quality, but if in addition the agent acts having certain qualities: firstly if the
agent acts knowingly, next if by choice and chosing the action for its own sake, and finally if
the agent acts from a stable and unshakeable disposition.”)
7 Post Adamae lapsum (inquit Calvinus) supernaturalia dona in homine extincta sunt nisi quate-
nus per regenerationem recuperentur: at intelligentia, iudicium, cum voluntate, quia insepara-
bilia ab hominis natura, omnino perire non potuere. Calvin. instit. lib. 2. [After the fall of Adam
(says *Calvin), the supernatural gifts were extinguished in humans except insofar as they might
be recovered through regeneration: but intelligence and judgment, with free will, because they are
inseparable from human nature, were not able to entirely perish. Calvin, Institutio Christianae
Religionis, Book 2.]
This could have been stitched together from the Index entry De Adamae lapsu (“on Adam’s
fall”) in Institutio Christianae Religionis. See also Institutio Christianae Religionis 2.2.12, which
discusses these matters.
8 Astrologorum decreta non sunt praetoria. Ptolemaeus. [The opinions of astrologers are not pre-
torian. Ptolemy.]
By “pretorian” is meant, “having the authority of law, forcing fulfillment” vel sim. Oft-
quoted, reportedly from *Ptolemy, but its exact source in Ptolemy is not clear. The Tetrabiblos
206 chapter 3
below, from malign constellation, or other inferior or terrestrial encumbrances,

man by his spirit of understanding, by prudence and circumspect providence,
hath a large immunity, whereby he may and oft doth avoid these violences, and
delude their forces.
The wise man (sayeth Solomon) foreseeth the plague, and hideth himself.a 5
Neither can any evil befall the wise, which he may not and doth not, either
being to come by provident foresight prevent, or present by careful industry
allay, or part by diligence redeem, no influence or destiny being able to bring a
man’s will and endeavor to a higher point than wisdom and goodness. This is
the reason that common calamities befall not all men alike, yea, rather to every- 10
one unlike. This is also the reason that many born under the same constellation
have different fortunes from each other, and far unlike their like constellation.
Nay, it is oft seen, and cannot be denied, that many men by their own industry
have contradicted their stars, whereby unfortunately marked in their nativities,
they have triumphed over the heavens in the felicity of their own wisdom and 15
virtue. Of this sort have been not only one Socrates and the great philosophers,b
but many common Socratically disposed and endeavoring.9
Contrariwise, also divers born under good stars unto good divinities, in their
growth have either overrun, or come short of their destiny.10 For although the
a “A prudent man seeth the plague and hideth himself, but the foolish go on still and are punished”
(Prov. 22:3). b We know about the enormously influential Athenian philosopher Socrates (469–
399 BC) mainly through *Plato’s dialogues which typically present him as a wise but unortho-
dox teacher who pointed out folly and ignorance through a characteristic method of rigorous
questioning. Hence, we say “Socratic,” referring to the philosopher generally and the “Socratic
method,” denoting the process of guiding a student to understanding through questions rather
than direct instruction. After many years, Socrates had made powerful enemies; he was convicted
of corrupting the youth of Athens and of not worshipping the city’s gods. Socrates defended him-
self by saying that his goals had had only been to seek wisdom and that whatever wisdom he
himself possessed was mainly knowledge of his own ignorance. His defense was unsuccessful
and he was executed by poison. Various schools of later Greek philosophy took Socrates as inspi-
ration. Cotta’s point seems to be that the wisdom of Socrates ultimately allowed him to escape
his unfortunate fate since he lived on in the thinkers he inspired.
(also known as Apotelesmatica), by Ptolemy, was the authoritative work on astrology for
many centuries: at I.3.10–12; it says that the predictions of natural scientists (φυσικοί, here
“astrologers”) are not inevitably fulfilled, because they can sometimes be averted. Cotta’s
quip may refer to that passage.
9 Sapiens assuescit sic futuris malis et quae alii diu patiendo levia faciunt, hic levia facit diu
cogitando. [Thus the wise man grows accustomed to bad things to come and the unimpor-
tant things which others do by long endurance, and he makes them unimportant by long
contemplation.]
Unattributed quotation from *Sen. Ep. 76.35.
10 Si ingenia primitius utiliter salubriterque ficta sint, omnem illam vim quae de facto extrinse-
heavens do work by their hidden power and influence, secret impressions, pro-
clivities, and inclinations in all things under Heaven, so in the constitutions and
tempers of men in their generation, conception and birth, yet are their effectual
productions thereof in men themselves variously alterable according to educa-
tion, inclination, occasion, and circumstance,11 and therefore, as touching the 5
absolute power of the heavens, ever varying.
There is no man that can so far deny himself a man,12 as to make doubt of free
arbitrary choice in himself to do or not do, to like or dislike, to do that he will
to refuse that he nill. For if heavenly influences compel or force men’s actions,
and their wills be led and not free, unjustly any man shall be unjust, neither can 10
the laws of God or men be just ordained against willful offenders.13 But God is
just, and laws are righteous, and therefore men’s actions are their own, moved
from an inward power and essence peculiar unto themselves, and from an end
and intention which is their own.
cus ingruit inoffensius tractabiliterque transmittunt. Sin contra, licet parvo aut nullo fatalis
incommodi conflictu urgeantur, sua tamen levitate et voluntario impetu in assidua delicta et
errores facile ruunt. Gellius. [If characters have been molded from the start advantageously
and in a healthy way, they bypass without hindrance and handily all that influence which in
fact enters externally. But if not, although they are pushed by the small or inconsequential
impulse of a discomfort caused by fate, they rush readily by their own silliness and free action
into constant wrongs and errors. *Gellius.]
Cotta has left out a clause and changed a few words, as he does frequently.
11 Secundae causae in natura quidem necessariae, in voluntate inclinantes, non cogentes. Scal.
de Subt. [Secondary causes in nature are indeed necessary, inclining but not forcing in the
will. *Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
12 Si homines nihil sponte, nil motu arbitrario faciunt, non erunt λογικα ζωα sed ludicra et
ridenda νευροσπασα. Gellius. [If people do nothing spontaneously, nothing by a willed move-
ment, they will not be rational animals but ridiculous and laughable string puppets. *Gellius.]
Cotta meant νευρόσπαστα. From Gel. 14.1, which reads slightly differently: ut plane
homines non, quod dicitur, logika zoa, sed ludicra et ridenda quaedam neurospasta esse
videantur, si nihil sua sponte, nihil arbitratu suo faciunt, sed ducentibus stellis et aurigan-
tibus (“So people seem to be not, as one says, ‘logical animals,’ but ridiculous and laughable
string puppets of a sort, if they do nothing spontaneously, nothing by their own decision
but rather are lead by stars and charioteers.”)
13 βουλέυεται δε οὐθεις περι τῶν ἀδυνάτων ἀλλως ἐχειν. Non contingit quempiam ea velle quae
impossibilia sunt aliter fieri. Arist. Eth.6. [No one deliberates concerning things which cannot
be otherwise. It does not happen that someone wants things (to be otherwise?) which cannot
possibly be otherwise. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics VI.2, 1140a31–32.]
Cotta may refer to one or both of two passages in Arist. EN: βουλεύεται δ’ οὐθεὶς περὶ τῶν
ἀδυνάτων ἄλλως ἔχειν (“No one deliberates concerning things which cannot be otherwise”)
or 1139a13–14: οὐδεὶς δὲ βουλεύεται περὶ τῶν μὴ ἐνδεχομένων ἄλλως ἔχειν (“No one deliberates
about things that cannot be otherwise.”) Cotta seems to be confusing Aristotle’s theories
of deliberation and desire and wishing.
208 chapter 3
Touching those therefore that from the heavens promise to tell them for-
tunes, to cast figures, to turn ephemerides for nativities, for good haps, for ill
haps, successes, losses, fortunate, unfortunate events, he that hath but common
sense and reason, and can think but worthily of himself, may easily discover
their falsehood, imposture, deceit, and cozenage, howsoever sometimes events 5
may countenance; for hoodwinked hap may sometimes light upon truth, and
craft working upon credulity, may make any truth of any falsehood.14 Thus far
briefly concerning the powers of the heavens over the mind and wills of men,
their voluntary actions, their consequences and issues.
Now concerning their virtue over bodies and humors of the sick and dis- 10
eased: no man can deny the heavens as general and superior causes to have
power over all things created under Heaven,15 by whose influence and radiation
all things increase, grow, live, and are conserved, and by whole recess all things
mourn, wither, fall, and droop. This doth witness the summer and the winter,
and all other seasons, which the heavens by their motion varying, bring unto 15
all things vicissitudes, changes, and alterations, and by their secret influence
14 Calliditas neque comprensa neque percepta loquitur sed ambagiosa, inter falsa atque vera
pedetentim quasi per tenebras ingrediens et multa tentando incidit aliquando repente in ver-
itatem. Gellius. [Cleverness says things neither comprehensible nor certain but roundabout,
going step by step as if in the dark between false and true. And by many attempts it falls some-
times suddenly upon the truth. *Gellius.]
From Gel. 14.34 (citing Favorinus, 80–160 AD, a Gaulish philosopher, who speaks about
astrologers, whom he also calls “sycophants”): “Non enim comprehensa” inquit “neque
definita neque percepta dicunt, sed lubrica atque ambagiosa coniectatione nitentes inter
falsa atque vera pedetemptim quasi per tenebras ingredientes eunt et aut multa temptando
incidunt repente inprudentes in veritatem aut ipsorum, qui eos consulunt, multa credulitate
ducente perveniunt callide ad ea, quae vera sunt, et idcirco videntur in praeteritis rebus quam
in futuris veritatem facilius imitari. Ista tamen omnia, quae aut temere aut astute vera dicunt,
prae ceteris,” inquit “quae mentiuntur, pars ea non sit millesima” (“He [Favorinus] says, ‘For
they [certain sycophants] say things that are neither comprehensible nor certain, but slip-
pery and roundabout. They rely on guesswork and proceed step by step between false and
true like people walking in the dark, and in their many attempts they rashly happen upon
truth or, led by the great credulity of those who consult them, they arrive in clever fashion
at the truth and therefore seem more easily to imitate the truth about the past than the
future. All those things of which you speak which they say truly either rashly or cleverly
in proportion to the lies they tell are not the thousandth part.’ ”)
15 Sunt enim superiora formae conservatrices inferiorum, quia causa causarum tuetur ea quae
fecit. Scalig. de Subt. [For things that are superior are (as it were quasi) preservers of inferior
things, because (this haec) the cause (itself ipsa) of causes watches over those things which
it has made (through the things which it has made per ea quae fecit). *Scaliger, Exotericæ
Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
From Exercitatio 6§5 (parentheses enclose what Cotta omits).
imperceptibly distill different and contrary inclinations, tempers, and affec-

tions. Hence winter, summer, spring, and autumn breed their peculiar diseases.
Evil and malign constellations beget plagues, pestilences, and other epidemial
contagions, which the air, as the great mother of all things breathing, doth fruit-
fully conceive and plentifully bring forth. 5
Unto what sight or sense hath ever been unknown, either the pride or splen-
dor of the Sun, mounting in his glorious altitude, or his eclipsed force and light-
someness opposed and abased? Who is ignorant of the monthly metamorpho-
sis of the Moon? What thing is or can be insensible of the cynosure and the nip-
ping frosts? Is not the glory of the heavens over all, and are not his forces in all? 10
Notwithstanding general causes produce not particular effects, and the heav-
ens are but general causes,16 second causes, outward causes, remote causes,
mediate causes, unto those things which immediately fall out in the bodies
of men from inward causes contained within themselves, and therefore solely
having by their inseparate nearness an inevitable and unavoided necessity in 15
themselves.
The inward causes of diseases are the humors of the body, which can never
be separated from the body, because in them consisteth the life and being of the
body. Therefore, when either they are corrupted from their kind, or, offending
in quality or quantity, raise diseases in the body, how or by what means can the 20
body choose but be therewith affected, except it could leave itself? From any
outward cause which is without, and of another divided and separate nature,
separation doth free from immediate necessity or consecution. Since then the
heavens are outward causes, and removed causes, and therefore never neces-
sarily or simply of themselves affect, and the inward causes of diseases stick 25
nearer, and so closely touch in their effects, that they suffer no interposition,
it is manifest, that the heavens have no certain or absolute power in the dis-
eased,17 nor can match or equal the immediate force appropriate only unto the
disease.
9 Cynosure: the North Star, or, more broadly, its constellation Ursa Minor. 23 Consecution:
logical consequence.
16 Pendent nostratia haec a superioribus propter aequivocam connexionem, non propter uni-
vocam effectionum communionem. Scalig. de Subt. [These earthly things of ours depend on
superior ones on account of an asymmetrical connection, not because they share the same
efficient causes. *Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
Exercitatio 6§5.
17 Communes causae communes habent effectus, nec vires aut actiones particularium flectunt
simpliciter aut primario. Causas vero immediatas necessario sequuntur effectus. [General
causes have general effects, and the strength or actions of particulars do not deflect them
strictly speaking or primarily. But effects follow immediate causes by necessity.]
210 chapter 3
The heavens indeed do oft and much also prevail in raising, allaying, increas-
ing, diminishing, enraging, and calming the inward causes, but ever by a pro-
portion, either with the temper and constitution of the sick, or the humors
of their bodies, whether originally bred, or after by time acquired. Saturn is
therefore said a great lord over melancholy bodies. In like manner, the Moon 5
over phlegmatic, Jupiter and the Sun in sanguine, Mars in choleric, (whether in
their several revolutions apart, or their conjunctions and combinations), and,
according to the greater or less proportion of their peculiar humors in body and
the dispositions of the particular parts of the body, they more or less exercise
their rule.a Therefore, also according as means more or less accrue to lessen 10
or increase their proportion, so more or less manifestly are their effects and
operations weakened or quickened. If the wise physician, foreseeing the evil
approach of a malign and Saturnine aspect, by discreet prevention abate and
withdraw the melancholy humor from the body, Saturn shall thereby want a
part of his proportion,18 and as the greater abundance thereof doth necessar- 15
ily more advance and promote his efficacy, so the exiguity thereof must needs
abridge and obscure it. The like may be said of all other aspects in their several
destined and appropriate humors. For the constellation of itself simply can-
not effect anything,19 nor can it build or ruin any being, which first hath not
the seminary and prime foundation thereof in itself, both as his subject and 20
his means. And this is the true cause that the body either by physic reduced to
just temper in itself, or to an equal contemper of all the humors,b or of itself
strong and healthful, in the most different constellations doth commonly find
indifference of alteration.
16 Exiguity: smallness. 20 Seminary: seminal, essential.
a Cotta here links celestial bodies with the temperaments associated with the four humors of clas-
sical physiology: black bile (melancholic), yellow bile (choleric), blood (sanguine), and phlegm
(phlegmatic). See pages 8–11 in the Introduction to this edition. b Contemper is typically a verb
meaning to moderate by mixing. Cotta here shows his willingness to stretch meanings by using
the word as a noun.
18 Causae efficientis opus augetur eius aucta substantia. Gal. in aph. 5 lib. 6. Hipp. [The effect of
its efficient cause will be increased if a thing’s substance is increased. *Galen on Aphorism 5
of Book 6 in *Hippocrates.]
18a:15K.
19 Astra vim non necessitatem inferunt. Ptolomaeus. [Stars exert influence, not inevitable force.
Ptolemy.]
*Ptolemy speaks passim of such influence.
And this is the reason that many in the most Saturnine and deadly constel-
lations live, as the contrary also cause that many in the most fair and Jovial die.
From this uncontroversed ground, astronomers generally themselves advise
and prescribe means, both to prevent the harms of influences to come, and also
to redress them present, and give unto the physician’s hand powers and reme- 5
dies to command, countermand, delay, allay, and abolish. And from this reason
*Ptolemy himself, the prince and father of astrology, in unfortunate aspects
doth advise to consult the prudent physician, and by his counsel and help to
decline the malign constellation.
For right remedies rightly administered unto the diseases and their inward 10
causes, by the decree of God and nature necessarily oppugn, allay, prevent,
and expel diseases, and therefore are not prescribed unto outward causes,20
but only unto the inward. And although the outward cause haply first raised
or imposed the disease, yet in the cure is not that cause so much respected,
but his effect (which is the disease itself) or the inward causes by which, and 15
through which, the outward had admission to their effects. If the inward causes
(the antecedent and the immediate) be removed, it is a miracle, and a thing
supernatural, that there should remain his effect,21 the disease, but the outward
cause may be removed, and yet his effect therein not follow him.22
2 Jovial: relating to the planet Jupiter, but perhaps also punning on its more common modern
sense, good-natured and jolly, which was new at the time. 11 Oppugn: oppose or attack.
20 Externis causis nihil praescribitur, summa tamen diligentia perquirendae praecognoscen-

daeque sunt ut deducant in interiorum cognitionem Gal. de Meth.Med. [Nothing is com-
manded by external causes, but with the greatest industry the external causes must be
inquired into and foreseen so that they lead down into knowledge of inner things. *Galen,
De Methodo Medendi.]
Not from Galen, but *Riolanus, Artis Medicinalis Theoricae et Practicae Sejunctim Hac-
tenus Multoties Excusae Systema, Part 3 Pathologia (“Pathology”), Chapter 5 De Causis Mor-
borum (“On the causes of diseases”) which has wording too similar to be so accidentally:
(causis) externis vero etiam si nihil praescribatur, tamen qui movent internas, corpusque
varie immutando illas, simul et ipsos morbos procreant: idcirco praecognoscendae sunt, sum-
maque dilligentia perquirendae, ut nos deducant in interiorum et abditarum causarum cog-
nitionem (“And even if nothing is commanded by external causes, the things which affect
internal causes and the body by altering them at the same time cause diseases: therefore
they must be foreseen and inquired into with the greatest industry so that they lead us
down into knowledge of the inner hidden causes.”)
21 Cum efficientibus causis necesse est accidentia tolli. Gal. in aph. 22 lib. 2. [By necessity the
accidents are removed along with the causes which bring them about. Galen in Hippocratis
Aphorismos Commentarii on *Hippocrates’s Aphorism 22, Book 2]
17b: 502K. A questionable principle when taken out of context: *Galen’s text does not
speak in the perfectly general terms which Cotta’s sentence does.
22 Si in una re qualibet levi causae ratio claudicet, simul in reliquis ubi videtur abundare merito
212 chapter 3
Thus, corrupt and hot constitutions of the air and constellations from the
heavens breed pestilent and hot diseases in the body, and the diseases still
remain, when the constitutions or constellations are changed. But when the
pestilent and hot humors, and dispositions within the body, which are inward
causes, are thoroughly removed, there can be no such effects continue, be far- 5
ther fed, or maintained. The outward cause may also be continually present, yet
particular subjects or bodies, feel or participate no effect.23 But if the inward
cause grow in quantity to quality unto the excess, it is impossible it should not
in the same moment produce the like sensible effect. For example, in some
heavenly conjunctions or combinations there may arise a hydropical constella- 10
tion, though many particulars be nothing therewith affected, or thereto thereby
inclined, but if hydropical humors or causes abound within the body, it is
impossible they should there be without not only the imminence, but present
consecution of the dropsy.
By these examples it is not obscure, that the heavens are a foreign invasion, 15
and therefore more easily admit interception,24 and that diseases are ever to be
suspected, because ever present. Where there is an unproportioned congruity
or susceptibility in the body and humors with the heavenly inclination, there
the heavens have no edge. Where the disease hath once taken possession in the
body, the necessity of this effect is absolute and unavoidable,25 howsoever the 20
heavens or any outward causes are disposed.26 He therefore that, finding the
10 Hydropical: likely to promote dropsy.
titubabit, ubique enim sibi constare debet causa si quidem vera est. Gal. de dign.Pulsib. [If in
one matter however insignificant our reckoning of the cause falters, at the same time in the
rest where it seems to provide clear knowledge it will deservedly falter, for a cause ought to
correspond to itself everywhere if it is a true one. Galen, De Dignoscendis Pulsibus.]
8:853K. Once again, *Galen speaks in a specific context (strong and weak pulses), where
Cotta generalizes.
23 Qui quidem ex solis incendio febricitat ab agentis causae caliditate affici natura aptus est.
Gal. de diff. febr. [One who becomes feverish from the heat of the Sun is fitted by nature to be
affected by the heat of an active cause. *Galen, De Differentiis Febrium.]
7:295–295K. Cotta’s Latin translation is the same as that of Nicolaus Leonicenus of Vin-
cenza (1428–1524).
24 Causa nulla sive aetherea, sive syderalis, sine patientis aptitudine agere potest. Galen de diff.
Febr. I. [No cause, whether celestial or ethereal, can have an effect without susceptibility of
the patient. Galen, De Differentiis Febrium, Book I.]
7:290K.
25 Causas immediatas necessario sequuntur effectus. Ideoque effectus immediatus est signum
ἀποδείκτικον suae causae. [Effects follow immediate causes by necessity. Thus an immediate
effect is a “demonstrative” indication of its cause.]
26 Quotiens vehementiores morbi premunt aut instabunt, ut in suffocante pleuritide, angina,
sanguinis immoderato fluore, extrema vasorum plenitudine, in aliis denique morbis qui nim-
inward disposition, shall for the superstitious fear of stars delay with speed to
seek present remedy, or in hope of foreign supply from constellations, neglect
certain rescue more near hand, is a fool, a mad man, or worse than either. The
first is continually acted by common simple deluded people, the other patron-
aged by obstinate defendants of vain paradoxes; and the third, by our impudent 5
astrologers, prostitute for gain.
I commend not senseless morosity in the perverse rejection of true astron-
omy, so far as is commodious for physic’s use (which reason itself, experience
and all the ancients worthily extol) but with reason and authority, I dislike
superstitious and needless curiosity in the over religious esteem thereof.27 “He 10
that observeth the wind, shall not sow, and he that regardeth the clouds, shall
not reap,” sayeth Solomon.a And I cannot but detest the shameless daily coz-
enage and imposture, heathenishly practiced by many, under the color, pretext,
and false shadows of true astronomy.28 An example hereof may not imperti-
nently for better illustration be here proposed. 15
a Cotta quotes Ecclesiastes 11:4 from GB exactly. The marginal text in the Bible glosses this verse
as follows: “He that feareth inconveniences, when necessity requireth, shall never do his duty,”
but Cotta seems to interpret the passage to mean that men must not be distracted from practical
reality by vain and distant concerns.
ium praecipites sunt, nullus astrorum delectus habendus aut cura. Fernel. de hora Phlebot.
[Whenever the more virulent diseases take hold or will come on hard, as in a suffocating pleu-
ritis, angina, abnormal plenitude of the blood, highly elevated plenitude of the vessels, and in
other diseases which are exceedingly precipitous, no casting of the stars or worry about them
must be held. Fernelius, On the Hour for Phlebotomy.]
*Fernelius, Universa Medicina, Section Methodi Medendi, Book II (De Venae Sectione
“On the cutting of a vein”), Chapter 13 (On the Stage of Disease, Day, and Hour at which
Blood Should be Let).
27 Optimi quique astronomi iudiciariam astronomiam tanquam vanam et futilem et nullo fun-
damento subnixa postquam multum diuque versarunt, repudiarunt. Mornae. de verit. relig.
[All the best astronomers after they have mulled it over long and hard have rejected predic-
tive astronomy as empty and useless and resting upon no foundation. Mornaeus, De Veritate
Religionis Christianae, Chapter XXV.]
Here, Mornaeus, like Cotta, has just cited *Ptolemy.
28 In praeclarissima arte astronomica curiosa vanitate in observationes veras se implicante,
superstitiosa et aliena inculcata reperiuntur. Camer. de divin. [Forced into the illustrious sci-
ence of astonomy, where painstaking deception is mixed into true observations, superstitious
and strange things are found. Camerarius, De Generibus Divinationum.]
*Camerarius’s De Generibus Divinationum (Leipzig, 1576, 34–35) differs: cum multa sane
in hanc praeclarissimam artem, et vitae communi utilem maxime, aliena et supersitiosa
inculcata reperiantur, aliquibus novis semper excogitationibus illam augentibus, et curiosa
vanitate in observationes veras sese implicante (“Although there are many things in this
illustrious science (viz. astrology), very useful for common life, strange and superstitious
214 chapter 3
A gentleman of Northamptonshire diseased by an immedicable ulcer of the

reins, was moved by his friends (after my despair of his recovery signified pri-
vately unto them) to call the advice of a famous ephemerides-master, who,
coming unto him, and not knowing (and therefore not considering) his disease,
from the counsel table of his ephemerides pronounced, that if the patient sur- 5
vived three or four days (which we must suppose were of an ill aspect) until the
next ensuing Tuesday (which was, it seemeth, a fairer influence) he made no
doubt of his recovery and life. But he survived three months or thereabout, and
in the interim neither did the aforesaid ill-disposed stars any apparent hurt, nor
the well-disposed any eminent good. But after the forenamed three months, 10
the stars brake promise, the disease kept touch, the gentleman died.29 The rea-
son in the disease was manifest: without a new creation or generation, a part
in itself, radically and in the whole substance perished, can never be restored.
The disease, therefore, could not lie, nor all the heavens could perform either
a new generation (because the patient could not again enter into his mother’s 15
womb), nor a new creation (because the world could not again return into the
old chaos). How vainly, then, did here the astrologer gape and gaze after uncer-
tain stars, when the true knowledge of the disease, the cause and nature thereof
(wherein consisteth an infallible ground) manifesteth the certain issue? How
foolishly and ignorantly (or shamelessly and imprudently) did astrological sim- 20
ple folly or intolerable imposture, either cunningly and wittingly seem to look
aloft for that which lay near hand below, or simply stumble over so plain truth,
and tumble into so ridiculous and gross error?
And thus it is apparent, both how uncertainly astrologers fable,30 and how
certainly diseases do not lie. And who comparing that one with the other, can- 25
2 Reins: kidneys.
things are found forced into it, and ever novel thoughts augment it, with a painstaking
deception mixed into true observations.”)
29 Astrologi dum coeli scrutantur plagas, quod ante pedes est, nemo eorum spectat. Cicero.
[While astrologers examine the occurrences of the skies, none of them looks at what lies at
his feet. Cicero, De Divinatione II.13.]
Found in *Cic. Div. 2.13, where it is attributed to Democritus. In Cicero, however, the
subject is not astrologi (“astrologers.”) The saying clearly took on a life of its own as an
aphorism and acquired the subject astrologi at some point. It has a history in Latin prior
to Cicero as well. In Terence’s Adelphoe, is found: istuc est sapere, non quod ante pedes modo
studere, sed etiam illa quae futura sunt prospicere (“Being wise is not only seeing what is
before one’s feet but also things which are to come.”) The man usually considered the first
philosopher in the western tradition, Thales, is notoriously said to have fallen down a well
because he was not looking where he was going.
30 μάντεις ἀστερόσσαν ὅσοι ξητεῖτε κέλευθον ἐρῥοιτ’ εἰκαιής ψευδολόγοι σοφίης. ὑμέας ἀφροσύνη μαιώ-
not see, in which truth hath more evidence, and trust security? There is a sober
and modest use of astronomy,31 either for general prediction, or particular
accommodation unto particular ends. Both these (thereby putting a difference
between honest use and false abuse thereof) *Ptolemy himself hath bounded
within that which is either manifestly natural and according to nature,32 or in 5
reason possible or contingent.33
What, with these conditions, astronomy doth afford unto the benefit of the
sick, is to be esteemed and guided by the prudent physician, according to par-
σατο. τόλμα δ’ ἔτικτε τλημονας, οὐδ’ ἰδιην ειδότας άκλείνην. Leonid. Transtulit sic quidam: Vatum
sidereos quisquis scrutare meatus dispereas, mendax non nisi vana sonas: Obstetrix tibi stul-
titia est, audacia mater. O miser et proprii non bene gnare probri. [Seers who seek the star-
filled path, be gone, you fabricators of useless wisdom. Folly delivered you, audacity bore you,
wretched folk, you who don’t even know your own ignominy. Leonidas. Someone has trans-
lated it as follows: Perish you who examine the wanderings of stars, you lie and make no sound
that is not empty: folly was your nursemaid, audacity your mother. O wretched and not even
aware of your own ignominy.]
Leonidas of Tarentum (third century BC) wrote mostly epigrams. This one is Greek
Anthology 9.80: Μάντιες ἀστερόεσσαν ὅσοι ζητεῖτε κέλευθον,/ ἔρροιτ’ εἰκαίης ψευδολόγοι
σοφίης./ ὑμέας Ἀφροσύνη μαιώσατο, Τόλμα δ’ ἔτικτεν,/ τλήμονας, οὐδ’ ἰδίην εἰδότας ἀκλεΐην.
1. Syderum occasus et ortus cognoscendi a medico artis perito, ratione morborum vulgar-
ium et epidemiorum, quia hi temporum mutatione, tempestatumque vi suscitantur. Hip-
pocr. lib. de Loc.aere.aqu. lib. Epid. lib. aph.3. [The fallings and risings of the stars must be
known by a physician skilled in the art, on account of common and widespread diseases,
because these are stirred up by change of the seasons and by their strength. Hippocrates’s
book Airs, Waters, Places, and Epidemiae and Aphorisms, Book 3.]
This probably refers to *Hp. Aër. 1.2, which explicitly mentions the risings and
fallings of stars as things the physician should know, but concentrates on climate phe-
nomena. In Hp. Epid., probably the “Constitutions” are what is referred to here (there
are several “constitutions” each of which begins with a description of meteorological
phenomena and ends with descriptions of diseases that affected numbers of people:
nothing about stars is found there), and Hp. Aph. 3 has a good deal of material about
climate phenomena and disease, but nothing about stars either. Of course, risings and
fallings of stars do happen in sync with the seasons, but Hippocrates’s concern is with
the weather, not the stars.
2. In unaquaque regione ubi obire artem medicam instituimus, cuiusque syderis emer-
sus occasusque perspexisse necessarium est, quia tempora ab his anni circunscribuntur.
Galen. in lib. I Hippocr. de Morb. vulg. [In every place in which we endeavor to apply
the medical science, the risings and fallings of each star must be examined, because the
seasons of the year are defined by these. *Galen in Hippocratis Librum I Epidemarium
Commentarii vi (“Commentary on *Hippocrates’s Book I of Common Diseases”).]
17a:16 lines 13–15K.
32 το φυσικον. [The natural.]
33 τὸ δυνατὸν. [The possible.]
216 chapter 3
ticular necessities, circumstances, and considerations, as either the heavenly

inclinations shall seem proportioned unto them,34 or they liable to those gen-
eral and common causes. Whatsoever doth wander further, or is extended unto
other uses than these, is not ingenuous, not proper unto a physician, but is
abuse of time, himself, and others, trifling vain idleness, foul and unlearned 5
falsehood.
34 ὑπο κυνα καὶ προ κυνος ἐργώδεις αἱ φαρμακεῖαι, etc. Hippoc. [Under and before the dog star,
drugs (purgatives) cause problems. Hippocrates, Aphorisms IV.5.]
*Hp. Aph. 4.5: Ὑπὸ κύνα καὶ πρὸ κυνὸς ἐργώδεες αἱ φαρμακεῖαι.
chapter 4
Of Conjectors by Urine1
As the heavens themselves are not free from the insinuation of imposture and
deceit (thus cunningly doth evil wind itself into the likeness and shape of good-
ness) so is nothing almost under the heavens created, which is not made an
instrument, a visor, and bawd unto adulterate seeming, lying, and cozenage.
The air, the fire, the waters, the fowl, the fish, and infinite other creatures,2 yea 5
their definite and single3 parts apart, are all made prodigious enchantments,
and snares of ignorant minds, begetting faith unto falsehood, and trust and
credit unto untruth. As art upon true and proved grounds doth promise accord-
ing to good reason fair likelihood, so imposture upon wondered and unknown
conclusions professeth assurance in falsehood, and certainty in impossibility, 10
which, while wise men contemn, credulous fools admire and follow.
Amongst many other, the inspection of the urine is in this kind too com-
monly most palpably abused by many that carry the name and badge of learn-
ing. It is a common practice in these days, by a colorable derivation of supposed
cunning from the urine, to foretell casualties, and the ordinary events of life, 15
conceptions of women with child, and definite distinctions of the male and
female in the womb, which while impudence doth gloriously set forth, the com-
mon simplicity doth worship and revere. It is unknown to none learned, that
the urine is truly of itself and properly indication of no other immediate dis-
positions,4 but such as are of the veins and liver, the blood and humors, the 20
4 Bawd: one who panders to immoral, often sexually illicit, behavior. ‖ Adulterate: debased.
14 Colorable: counterfeit, pretended, but perhaps with a pun relating to the color of the spec-
imen.
1 οὐρόσκοποι [Urine examiners.]

Not a classical Greek word.
2 Hinc ἀερομαντικη, πυρομαντικη, ὑδρομαντικη, ιχθυομαντικη, φυλλομαντικη, χρυσταλλομαντικη, ἀλευ-
ρομαντικη, κριθομαντικη, βελομαντία, etc. [Hence divination by air, fire, water, fish, leaves, crystals,
flour, barley, arrows, etc.]
*Camerarius, De Generibus Divinationum (Ac Graecis Latinisque Earum Vocabulis) (“On
the types of divination [And their Greek and Latin terminologies]”), lists all but βελομαντία (it
also has coscinomany and catoptromancy). Leipzig, 1576, 9.
3 Hinc extispicia χέριμαντία, φυσιογνωμονικη, magia δια χαρακτήραν, etc. [Hence examination of
entrails, palmistry, physiognomy, and magic by means of character, etc.]
4 Urina primo et per se vere et proprie antecedentes morborum causas, affectus partium natu-
ralium secundaeque regionis indicat, tum venarum, renum et vesicae. Galen. in Prorrhet. Hipp.
[The urine primarily and in and of itself truly and particularly indicates the antecedent causes of

218 chapter 4
antecedent causes of diseases, and the natural faculty giving only conjecture
of the diseases at the other parts by consequent,5 by the knowledge of the
common and antecedent causes of all diseases.6 Erroneously, therefore, the
common sort imagine that in the urine is contained the ample understanding
of all things necessary to inform a physician by his judgment of the urine. Unto 5
the satisfaction of the physician’s knowledge are many ways and helps besides
the urine, as material, and in many cases of more special moment, necessity,
and use.
In the pulse are properly and solely apparent manifold indications, which,
in the urine, Lynceus himself could never see.a This is the cause that many 10
even unto the last moment of a languishing life, continue in their urine not
only no shadow of danger, but fair and flattering forms of lying safety, the pulse
only by itself forewarning the mischief.7 The animal faculty,b the affections of
the third region, and habit of the body, and many particular parts have their
a For Lynceus, see Book 1, Chapter 9, note 3. b The animal faculty is one of the three faculties of
the soul, along with the vital and the natural. According to *Fernelius, an authority Cotta cites
frequently, “The vital faculty is the only one that brings the others to completeness, and is assisted
by them in their shared tasks. The natural faculty supplies it with food, and by keeping the chest
and lungs in movement, the animal faculty brings about its nutriment and cooling. Moreover,
the other two furnish the animal one with material: the vital one glides in through the arteries
to guard and build up the natural one, while itself always in need of the animal one.” Fernelius,
Physiologia, Ch. 17. For more, see Bono, “Theoretical Medicine.”
diseases and the dispositions of the natural parts and of the second region, of the veins, kidneys,
and bladder. Galen, On the Prorrheticon of Hippocrates.]
*Galen’s Commentary on *Hippocrates’s Prorrheticon (16:590, line 6 ff.K) says indications
found in urine are not deceptive and show the disposition of the parts of the liver, kidneys,
bladder, and blood vessels. No passage precisely corresponding to Cotta’s Latin has been
found in that work, however.
5 Coniunctas morborum causas extra venas, affectus tertiae regionis, pulmonis, cerebri ex acci-
dente et incerto urina monst[r]at: Affectus hepatis, venarum, renum manifeste et sine dubio
demonstrat. Galen. in Prorrhet. Hipp. [Urine indicates compound causes of diseases outside of
the veins, affects of the third region, the lung, and the brain by accident and uncertainly: it indi-
cates clearly and without doubt conditions of the liver, veins, and kidneys. *Galen, Commentary
on *Hippocrates’s Prorrheticon.]
This may be taken from 16:513–516K, or from Commentary on Hippocrates’s Prorrheticon
more generally.
6 Plethorae scilicet et cacochymiae a quibus omnes morbi primum fiunt, deinde foventur. [Namely
excesses and unhealthy states of the humors from which all diseases arise at first, and then are
fomented.]
7 Prognostica quibus praevidemus sitne moriturus aeger, aut convaliturus, certa sumuntur a
pulsu, qui vitalium et spiritualium partium affectus arteriae pulsatione monstrat evidenter.
Galen. lib. de decret. Hipp. et Plat. [Certain predictive signs by which we foretell whether the
of conjectors by urine 219
peculiar excretions,8 which only keep the property of their indication unto
themselves, communicating no part unto the urine. Neither is the judgment
of the urine ever infallible,9 or not deceivable,10 even there where it is prop-
erly and solely allowed chief esteem, divers impediments both positively and
privatively forestalling his right estimate: positively either by assumption or 5
divers meats,11 drinks or medicines,12 or when divers diseases concurring in the
patient is going to die or recuperate are derived from the pulse, which clearly shows by the
pulsing of the artery conditions of the vital and spiritual parts. Galen, De Decretis Hippocratis
et Platonis.]
Not quoted from De Placitis Hippocratis et Platonis: in somewhat related passages, at
1.6, however, *Galen claims that the brain is the seat of the spiritual, the heart of the vital,
because injury to the brain affects the soul, whereas injury to the heart does not. Galen
claims to have handled a heart with tongs, which only affected the pulse, not the animal’s
voluntary movements. 2.4 reiterates the idea that the heart controls pulse, but the brain
controls voluntary motions.
*Riolanus, Artis Medicinalis Theoricae et Practicae … Systema at “Pathology” §4, Chap-
ter 1, has very similar wording to the first half of Cotta’s quotation: Prognostica vero (quibus
praevidemus, sitne moriturus aeger, an convaliturus) certiora, sumuntur a pulsu: alii aliter
contentionem dirimunt, partium naturalium affectus, et quotquot sunt in genere venoso, ex
urinis verius deprehendi volunt: vitalium vero seu spiritalium partium affectus, arteriae pul-
satione foelicius aestimari (“Quite certain predictive signs, by which we foretell whether
the patient is going to die or recuperate, are derived from the pulse: some decide the
controversy [whether urine or pulse leads to more reliable conjectures] one way, others
another: conditions of the natural parts and however many there are in the classification
concerning the veins they want to detect more accurately from urine: conditions of the
vital or spiritual parts, however, they want to be more successfully assessed by the pulsa-
tion of the artery.”)
8 Omnes quae nutriuntur particulae excrementum aliquod creant, utique non negamus. Ga-
len. lib. I. de nat. facult. [All things which are fed by material things create some excrement,
as we do not deny. *Galen, Book 1, De Naturalibus Facultatibus.]
2:71K.
9 Sic sudor succorum qui in toto corpore abundant nota est: urina vero succorum qui in vasis.
Gal. de sanit. tuend. lib.4. [Thus sweat is known to be one of the liquids that abound in the
body as a whole: urine on the other hand is known to be one of the liquids which abound in
vessels. *Galen, De Sanitate Tuenda Book 4.]
Op. cit. 6:251K.
10 Nos autem ingenue fatemur fere totam partem semeioticen in urinis esse coniecturalem, sed
coniecturae in multis sunt artificiales, quae proxim(a?)e accedunt ad veritatem. Rondelet de
urin. [We frankly admit, however, that almost the entire diagnostic element in urine is con-
jectural, but conjectures which come closest to the truth in many things are science-based.
Rondeletius, De Urinis.]
From *Rondeletius De Urinis, chapter VII quod urina certum sit signum etc. (“That urine
is a reliable indication etc.”) That scientific conjectures approximate truth is attributed to
*“Galen passim” in Book 1, Chapter 5, note 22.
11 Alteratur saepissime urina novissime sumptis Rhabarbara, Terebinthina, Violis, etc.
12 Urina immoderato potu facile diluitur, et aliena permistione conspergitur. Fernel. de urin.
220 chapter 4
body,13 together send down their several or contrary recrements into the urine,
and thereby confound the true judgment of any of them therein, or thereby
privatively, when either by stoppages (which diversely happen in the tortuous
windings and turnings between the liver and the veins, and conduits thence
descending unto the reins and bladder) the substance, color, and contents of 5
the urine are intercepted,14 and the thin aquosity oft only issueth by so straight
a percolation, as can carry no sign, no sight, or show of the natural estate of
the urine in itself. Or else when the natural heat withdraweth itself unto some
interior intention or nature within.15
When therefore the urine descendeth in his own substance, quantity, qual- 10
ity, and contents, without impediment or hindrance, it is a certain, proper and
true demonstration of the true effects of the liver, veins, the second concoction,
and of the diseases of those parts which in his descent it washeth, and giveth
unto the wise physician an uninterrupted certain judgment of itself, as when
it descendeth in borrowed liquor and colors,16 it reporteth rather his rubs and 15
interception by the way. Hence the learned physician, either by the first imme-
diately instructeth himself to a direct opposition unto the discovered disease,
or by the other finding the impediment that hindered the right understanding
and discovery, he thereby informeth himself to remove that impediment, or
1 Recrements: waste products. 5 Reins: kidneys. 6 Aquosity: watery humours.
[Often urine is altered by recently consumed rhubarb, terebinth (turpentine), violets, etc.
Urine is easily diluted by elevated drinking, and is sprinkled by mixture of other stuff. Fer-
nelius, De Urina.]
*Fernelius, Universa Medicina, Section Pathologiaei, Book III, Chapter VIII, says, using
very similar words, “If the urine is not diluted by drink and has not been sprinkled with a
mixture of something else, it carries a sign of the various humors.”
13 In eodem corpore saepe plures occurrunt morbi, compositi, impliciti, connexi, congeneres,
degeneres, contrarii, varii. [In the same body often several diseases occur as combined, inter-
woven, conjoined, cognate, weakened, opposed, or varied.]
14 Hoc indicatur in ουρητικοις λιαν, in valida renum obstructione a grumo, calculo, lenta et vis-
cida pituita, in generali etiam obstructione a crapula, ebrietate, plethora. [This is made clear
in those who urinate excessively, in a strong obstruction of the kidneys by an accumulation, a
stone, by slow and thick phlegm, or in general even by an obstruction caused by a hangover,
drunkenness, or an excess of a humor.]
15 Hinc in apostematibus internis urinae apparent saepe tenues et vix coloratae. [Hence in inter-
nal abscesses the urine often appears thin and hardly colored.]
16 In aegris saepe transmittitur aliena materia ad urinas tum critice tum symptomatice, in sanis
per proportionem correspondet bibitis et assumptis urina. Actuar. lib. I. de iud. urin. [In the ill,
foreign matter is often transmitted to the urine, sometimes such that it is diagnostic, some-
times such that it is symptomatic. In the healthy, the urine corresponds proportionately to
what is drunk and consumed. Actuarius, Book 2, “On Distinctions of the Urine.”]
Actuarius wrote De Urina (“On Urine”) which is likely what de iud. urin. refers to.
else finding it thereby undiscoverable, searcheth it by another disquisition or

investigation, by another way or method, until he have attained the right end of
a true physician, which is the prudent rescue of the distressed life and health,
and not the false trump of his own undeserved praise, promoting unworthiness
to gain and lucre. Thus, he neither deceiveth himself with vain expectation, nor 5
others with lying profession, but diversely in both maketh a prudent and good
use of both, according to the indication, whether certain and undeceiving, or
doubting and ambiguous.
And as the ends are diverse, of those that view the urine to conjure up won-
ders, and those that esteem the urine to detect the disease for the good of the 10
diseased, so are their understandings differing: the one truly directed by rea-
son and judgment,17 the other by nimbleness of cozenage, and circumstance
of simplicity and ignorance, whereof the chief use is not the benefit of the sick,
but the color of fraud and commodity by deceit. Touching the oracles of for-
tune pretended in the urine, and her floating flavors in so low an ebb, those 15
that too commonly in their own experience find good drink to steal their wit
out of their brain, may haply imagine it thence descended into the urine. I leave
them there to seek it that want it so much, and deserve it so little. The mention
is unworthy mention.
Concerning the looking of unborn babes in a urinary glass, and the making 20
of old fools in love with their own reflection: to unmask the common illusion in
this kind, I will briefly point unto the discovery of the folly, whereinto entering
their serious cogitation and due recognition, they may more amply after exer-
cise and satisfy themselves, whom their own fatal stupidity doth not detain, or
resolute obstinacy preoccupate. 25
The conceptions of women, together with the accidents accompanying the
same, do necessarily bring forth general alterations unto the whole body, partly
by the consequent stoppages of the body, and partly by distracting the natural
heat and spirits from other parts unto that new intention, whereby is added
either quantity or quality, or both unto the blood and humors, and from thence 30
the urine receiving different tincture and substance doth manifestly report the
odds. Yet for that this sudden production of change in the body issueth from
25 Preoccupate: influence. That is, the facts, which are obstinate, do not influence the judgment
of fools.
17 Artes improbae apparens bonum, verae verum bonum comparant. Galen. [Shameless skills
provide an apparent good, honorable ones a true good. Galen.]
From Thrasybulus Sive Utrum Medicinae sit an Gymnasticae Hygieine (5:822K). Cotta’s
formulation is more concise and alliterative than *Galen’s, which is more prosaic, quite
verbose, and specific to health.
222 chapter 4
conception only by accident, thereof being truly and immediately no cause

itself, but an occasion only moving other causes, as commonly or more com-
monly moved, both by diverse kind of other obstructions beside, and also by
other distractions of the natural heat and spirits, by critical intentions, concoc-
tions, and maturations of diseases. Therefore is the confused alteration of the 5
urine found upon conception indefinite, and can be no special note of concep-
tion.
This is also further manifested by the alterations and effects themselves fol-
lowing conception, which not only in differing bodies, but in the very same,
are seldom the same, but commonly far unlike, yea, and oft contrary at one 10
time from themselves at another. This women themselves in their own experi-
ence must needs witness, seldom observing the changes of bodies after con-
ception in all alike, and oft each in themselves finding the particular man-
ners of their own alteration far discrepant. This their oft deceit in themselves,
mistaking, and uncertainty in themselves commonly doth testify, sometimes 15
suspecting themselves with child when they prove diseased, sometimes doubt-
ing diseases being only with child. Since then conception is neither in itself
a sole, nor a separate cause, nor any true immediate cause of the alterations
of the body following thereupon, but only the occasion moving other causes,
and those causes are as indifferently also moved by many other occasions 20
besides unto the same effects, their generality doth discharge their propriety
in this particular, and the common indication in the urine any special sig-
nification proper unto conception alone. This demonstratively proveth the
uncertainty of the signs of conception that are common with other in the
urine. 25
Now concerning the small certainty of the signs that are thereto supposed
peculiar: the inward disposition and affections of inward parts, which by the
outward sense cannot be deprehended, are by three ways or means solely to be
detected.18 The first is the action or function proper and inherent in the party.19
The second is the proper excretions proceeding from the party.20 The third is a 30
28 Deprehended: discovered.
18 Partem interiorem affectam indicant actio laesa, dolor vel ametria in excretis aut retentis.
[Damaged or painful action or a mismatch in what is excreted or retained indicate that an
interior part is affected.]
19 Ea pars per se aut per consensum laborat cuius functio est laesa. [The part whose action is
damaged is impaired either in its own right or by sympathy.]
20 Excreta naturalis oeconomiae fideles nuntii. [Natural excretions are the reliable heralds of
the constitution.]
distinct feeling or pain in the part.21 The proper functions of any part can never
be disjoined from the part, and therefore appear not in the urine.
Pain or other sense and feeling are ever unseparable companions with their
patient parts, whereof the urine having no sense, can have no part, and there-
fore therein also is insignificant. It only then remaineth, that the affection and 5
conception of the womb solely doth discover itself by the determinate excre-
tions thereto peculiar. The peculiar excretions of any part do bring testimony
unto the truth of their indications, either by the concomitance of part of the
substance of the substance of the part,22 or of part of some substance either
naturally, or by some ill disposition adherent to the part, or of the ordinary 10
recrements of concoctions, or other preparations, or operations of nature in
the part.
Whether excretions in all these kinds proceed from the womb and how and
with what differences and distinction, it is not here necessary to determine.
It is sufficient that the proper indication of the dispositions of that part must 15
necessarily be derived from the excretions thereto appropriate, which there-
fore proveth the urine no right prognosticator of any affection thereof issuing
from other and different vessels.
It may be objected, that by the contiguity of the womb and bladder, and
the near termination of their extremities, and expulsive faculty of the sem- 20
inary vessels, moving sometimes with the urinary, may thereby mixing their
recrements connect their indications. This is true, yet not always, but rarely
and seldom true, and therefore uncertainly happening doth doubtfully promise
or signify. The expulsive motions and offices of the seminary parts are not so
ordinary, so frequent, so common, as the urinary, neither doth their rarity in 25
their motion always then meet or consent with the urine, and sometimes also
meeting therewith, it giveth notwithstanding impertinent indication unto the
inquisition of conception, other common recrements after conception,23 no
21 Ubi dolor ibi morbus. [Where there is pain, there is the disease.]
22 Quicquid e corpore excernitur vel est toto genere praeter naturam, vel de substantia partis
affectae, vel parti adnatum, vel coctionis excrementum. [Whatever is excreted from the body
is either entirely foreign to the body, or it is from the substance of an affected part, or it has
come to be alongside a part, or it is a byproduct of bodily processing.]
23 Indicant menses albi gravidarum qui saepe in bonis habentur, rubri etiam qui saepissime per
anastomosin venarum exteriorum cervicis uteri et crurales dicuntur fluidi sunt. [Menses give
indications, white ones of pregnant women, which are often held to be among good things,
red also, which are also called “crurales” (of or having to do with legs) on account of the recon-
nection of the exterior veins of the cervix of the uterus, are fluid.]
The English translation is ambiguous because it is hard to be certain of the precise
Latin meaning without more context.
224 chapter 4
less or rather more descending then those which are only consequences of con-
ception. And thus, is made apparent the falsehood and deceit of the ordinary
profession of the prediction of conception by the inspection of urine, which
also the most ingenuous and judicious writers and authors from their own long
proof and experience have ever generally exploded as impious imposture.24 5
The true artist doth promise nothing beyond that which reason doth demon-
strate, and art habitually perform; the deceiver, by fair pollicitations bewitcheth
simple credulity, ridiculously to delight in his own wrong and gross collusion.
7 Pollicitations: promises.
24 Three marginal notes correspond to this place in Cotta’s text:

1. Veteres graeci omnes omnino praetermiserunt mentionem signorum conceptus in urina.
Mongius et Costaeus in annot. in tract. Avicen. de urinis. [All the ancient Greeks generally
omit mention of the idea of signs in urine. Mongius and Costaeus in their annotations on
*Avicenna’s treatise De Urinis.]
Not found verbatim in the Latin Canon Medicinae Avicennae, but Book I, Fen 2, Doc-
trine 3, Summa 2, Mongius and Costaeus’s annotation 1 has a somewhat similar claim:
ut rectum iudicium feratur, plura observanda proponit, de quibus Graeci ne verbum qui-
dem: uno excepto Actuario qui pauca quaedam ex his animadvertit (“In order to make a
correct judgement [about urine], he [Avicenna] proposes many things that must be
heeded, about which the Greeks say not even a word, with the single exception of
Actuarius, who points out a few of them.”) The text in question concerns the collec-
tion of urine and the care that must be taken to ascertain the circumstances (time
of day, diet, etc.). Ancient Greek medical texts have a lot to say about urine in gen-
eral.
2. Urinarum inspectione abuti ad praesentiendum an mulier conceperit vel non, impos-
torum est, non medicorum, licet permulti nugas in id genus cognitionis et cautiones
scripserint. Ioannes Lebon de therap. puerp. [Abusing examination of urine for early
detection of whether a woman is pregnant or not is the province of impostors, not doctors,
although quite a few have written trifles about this sort of knowledge as well as cautions.
Joannes Lebon, De Therapeia Puerperarum.]
This sentence is found in §Prognosticon de Foetu in Utero of the very short work
Therapia Puerperarum (“On the Care of Pregnant Women”) from the 1570’s by Johannes
Lebon, which Cotta may have found appended to *Hollerius’s De Morbis Internis
(which Cotta refers to several times).
3. Urinam de impraegnatione nil certi significare omnes antiqui crediderunt, ideo de hac
re nullas notas reliquerunt. Nam cum foetus sit extra venas et de venoso genere tantum
indicet urina, non potest aliquid certo indicare, nisi adiunctis aliis. Rondeletius de uri-
nis. [All the ancients believed that urine indicates nothing certain about impregnation,
and thus they left no writings about this matter. For since the fetus is outside of the blood
vessels and the urine gives indication only about the circulatory, it is not able to give any
certain indication except by means of other things connected to it. Rondeletius, De Uri-
nis.]
Close to verbatim from Chapter XXIII of Tractatus de Urinis by *Rondeletius.
It is very worthy note and memory, that a great and learned clerk Cornelius
*Agrippa,a retracting his former wont therein, doth ingenuously confess of his
affectation and circumvention of common admiration by his supposed magic
and astrological skill, and it doth well fit and settle instruction and satisfaction
in this our particular also. “Though of another kind I have been,” sayeth he, 5
from my childhood, by my parents, carefully instituted in astrology, and

in riper age and understanding afterwards spent therein no small time. At
length by long and certain proof I found it wholly compound and founded
of mere fictions, and toys of vain imaginations: wearied therefore and
grieved with my time and study so long and so idly spent, I labored to cast 10
away the irksome and unpleasing memory thereof out of my mind and
never in my thoughts to entertain it. But the violent and forcible impor-
tance of great and mighty potentates (who usually prevail to abuse great
and worthy wits unto base arts and offices) again compelled me upon the
same rock, and my own private profit again enticed me to think it duty 15
and honesty to make profitable use of willful folly, and with toys to please
these that so much desired toys.25
a In De Incertitudine et Vanitate Scientarum (Of the Vanity and Uncertainty of Arts and Sciences)
*Agrippa condemns astrology as (in the 1575 English edition) “nothing else but a false conjecture
of superstitious persons which through long practice have made a science of things uncertain,
whereby they deceive the simple sort.” H1v. Cotta omits the fact, however, that Agrippa derides all
kinds of learned arts in that book, including medicine, which he calls “a certain art of manslaugh-
ter, altogether servile, although it presume to pass under the title of philosophy.” Agrippa, Vanity,
Nn4r.
25 Ego quoque hanc artem a parentibus puer imbibi, deinde non modicum temporis et laboris
in ea amisi etc. Vide reliqua ex authore tractatu de Astrologia. Vide in marg. c. 3.p. 101. [I have
also learned this art from my parents as a boy, then I wasted no small amount of time and
labor on it etc. See the rest from the treatise De Astrologia by the author (Cornelius Agrippa).
See Chapter 3, Page 101 in the margin.]
In the Houghton copy, the Latin reference to the marginal note is crossed out.
The quotation from Cornelius *Agrippa is from De Incertitudine et Vanitate Scientarum,
Chapter 30 De Astronomia. The original is: Ego quoque hanc artem a parentibus puer imbibi,
deinde non modicum temporis et laboris in ea amisi, tandem didici totam hanc, et omnem,
nullo alio fundamento inniti, nisi meris nugis et figmentis imaginationum, taedetque et poen-
itet insumptae olim operae, cuperemque omnem illius memoriam usumque expoliare, abji-
cique iamdudum ex animo, nec reassumerem unquam, nisi me potentum violentae preces
(qui solent nonnumquam ad indigna artificia etiam magnis probisque ingeniis abuti) saepe
rursus impingere compellerent, suaderetque domestica utilitas me aliquando illorum frui
debere stultitia, et nugas tantopere cupientibus nugis obsequi. Cotta’s translation is gener-
ally accurate, but embellishes slightly.
226 chapter 4
The same apology for the exercise of urinary divination,26 their own con-
sciences unto themselves do make that use of it, but they loath the example,
and truth is hateful because incommodious.
It was sometimes my hap to witness the free profession of a dying physician
unto this point. He inhabited Northampton many years, was in nation Irish, 5
in manners homely, in learning of mediocrity, but in auguration of urine of
conception was generally reputed excelling, and in a fortunateness therein oft
posing some better learned. Three or four days before his death (expected and
known unto himself) while by his own earnest request then (as oft before) I
was present, motion was made unto him that he would commend unto poster- 10
ity that skill by which he lived, with many so much esteemed and admired. His
answer was free and ingenuous, to this effect:
It is unworthy posterity, unworthy the name of art. I have long with the
felicity of a good opinion exercised it, and with tried certainty know it
uncertainty, and certain deceit. Simplicity is ever ready unwittingly to 15
betray itself, and it is easy to him (that is therein much and continually
exercised) in common people palpably to see their simple hearts, in their
eyes, in their gesture, in their countenances, and other circumstances, of
themselves unobserved and unconsidered. I have sometime by good hap
been fortunate in my predictions by urine, of conceptions, which because 20
when it sometime happened, it seemed a wonder. It therefore was ever
largely transported many ways, and much busied and employed common
talk. I have proved therein a hundredth fold more often and more com-
monly in mine own knowledge false,27 yet because to err was no wonder,
(and therefore not so much worth either relating or observing) as also for 25
that it was for the most part privately to some few known, and ofttimes
also the shame of illusion in the most put the report thereof into silence,
and contradictory instances still died unremembered, but fame and opin-
26 Praestigiaturae opinionem merito referunt, qui non ex speculatione medica, sed ex divinandi
quapiam arte in morbis praedicunt. Gal. lib. 10 de simp. med. facultat. [They deservedly bear
the reputation of quackery who make predictions about diseases not from medical specula-
tion but from some skill in divination. *Galen, Book 10 of De Simplicium Medicamentorum
Temperamentis ac Facultatibus.]
12:263K: Cotta is paraphrasing, not quoting, in his translation.
27 Temere, callide, et astute, dicta aliquando incidunt in veritatem sed quae vera dicunt prae
caeteris quae mentiuntur non est pars millesima. Gellii dictum de Astrologis. [Rashly, clev-
erly, and shrewdly spoken things sometimes fall upon the truth but the truths which they say
in proportion to the lies they contain is not the thousandth part. *Gellius’s thought about
Astrologers.]
ion survived and prospered. It ever excused my deceitful outcome unto

myself, that I deceived none but such as either desired or deserved it, who,
by their insidiation of the proof of my skill either provoked it, or by their
unreasonable earnestness extorted it.
In this and other the like, some few days before his death, he thus died unto his 5
former life, and lived unto his soul and saving health.28
And thus, it is manifested, both by reason and also by the last testimony of
dying experience, how the urinary divining for prediction of conception, for-
saking the brighter streams and clearer fountains of detecting truth, doth hide
itself in the puddle water, there laying shining baits for dazzled fish. The more 10
silence, the better fishing.
Lest therefore I may haply too much prejudice the pleasing spoil of will-
ing fools, I will think that which hath been already said unto any other suffi-
cient intimidation, advising honest minds from the judicious physician, by the
plainest information to draw the directest counsel,29 lest by the vain proof of a 15
deceiving worth, seeking that is not, they lose that might be more proper and
pertinent unto their health.
28 Vixit qua voluit vivere parte magis. [He lived on in the part he wanted more to live on.]
A slightly altered version of *Mart. 6.18 line 4: vivit qua voluit vivere parte magis (“He
lives on more in the part he wanted to live on in.”) The point is that someone lives on in
a friend (a person’s other part), whom one wants to live more than one wants oneself to
live.
29 Incertam et plerunque dubiam mercedem referet qui periclitatione medicos tanquam vates
augurarii coget. Consultor vero prudens et fidelis sani consilii fructum percipiet. Fern. de urin.
[One who forces physicians to make predictions by trial like seers will receive an uncertain
and mostly dubious reward. But the prudent and constant client will gain the fruit of sensible
counsel. Fernelius, De Urinis.]
The last sentence of *Fernelius’s De Urinis.
chapter 5
Of Travelers
As from all parts of the world, true knowledge doth fetch home his substantial
grounds to enrich itself; so falsehood and lying imitation doth likewise derive
deceivable colors to beguile the imprudent. Hence, under the name of travel-
ers supposed much knowing, by much seeing of things worthy to be known
(the common expectation of wonder giving glad entertainment, and desire of 5
novelty joyous welcome), insufficiency clothed with this outward figure of suf-
ficiency, doth oft enter into the rights of better desert, and by casual profiting
some few, deceiveth most, and ruineth many.
Travel is required in a physician, not as any part of his essence, but as an
ornament, receiving the essence and perfecting of itself from the essence and 10
perfection of a foresettled and confirmed understanding. The general theory
and speculation of any knowledge or science whatsoever, is in no soil or coun-
try a stranger to them that duly and truly seek it, nor doth understanding meet,
or is taken up, in highways. But to the most secret retired thoughts reflecteth the
brightness of his true worth, and from the perfect fullness of time, and thence 15
accomplished brightness of his beam doth seasonably break forth, and solely
give the rectified perspective of particular objects.
In the occurrents of travel, it is indeed the sense that conducteth the object
to the understanding, but it is a preexisting power and ability in the under-
standing itself1 that rightly judgeth and disposeth the object.2 If, therefore, the 20
understanding be either in itself originally defective, or by want of time unset-
tled, or by precept and doctrine not habitually formed, the sense may truly,
rightly, and continually present, but the understanding shall either falsely or
not fully apprehend, distinguish, digest, or dispose, whereby disorder in want
of right method, doth rather multiply confusion then increase right use. Hence 25
many things worthy notice escape ignorance, unjust reductions are commonly
miscarried to improper subjects, good uses are unseasonably or unreasonably
wrested, mistaking obvious, right estimates either for the most part unob-
1 ἔστι γὰρ νου μὲν ὄργανον ἐπιστήμη Scientia est intellectus instrumentum. Aristot. [Science is the tool
of the intellect. Science is the tool of the intellect. Aristotle.]
*Arist. Pr. 955b37. Problems was written by multiple Peripatetic (i.e. Aristotelian) authors
over a long period of time.
2 Res ipsae saepe aut praeposterae, aut confusae, aut falsa specie solet sese offerre. [Matters are
often wont to present themselves in reverse or confused order or with a deceptive appearance.]

of travelers 229
servedly overpassed, or casually well happening. For where wisdom doth not
lead travel forth, knowledge guide it on, prudence accompany it, good desire
uphold it, the true end persuade and call it forth, folly easily seduceth, and
depraved ends pervert the right fruition.
Hence, we see commonly many travel far and bring home little. Some make 5
swift adventure and slow return with late repentance. Some bring home more
than they would, some more than they should, and all that begin travel with raw
judgment, for the most part, come home perpetually after drunken with opin-
ion. Different countries, airs, people, customs, manners, zones, and climates, do
fruitfully expose commodious consideration unto those whose judicious view 10
and exchange doth know rightly to entertain them in a way, and in many exam-
ples of many worthy physicians the benefits thereby have ever been conspic-
uous. Amongst the rest, *Galen’s industrious commutation of distant regions,
by his own writings are not obscure. But he that entereth into Galen’s travels
without Galen’s mind,3 may exceed him in pains, but shall never come near 15
unto him in the fruit and worth.
This is the reason that our common traveling physicians for the most part
(the learned only in all places and countries worthily purchasing unto them-
selves due reverence) do oft from beyond the sea bring home strange prepara-
tions and medicines, but little wit and discretion safely to use them, by the great 20
opinion of far-fetched wonders distracting and cozening the needful inquisi-
tion of a more inward worth in themselves to warrant their accommodation,
without which, both heedless proof and needless use, do oft find in the best
excellence a harmful goodness. And howsoever haply commending itself in his
own property and virtue, yet oft stinging unto the heart busy, unnecessary, and 25
unadvised meddling.
It is grown so common in these days to entertain fugitives under the for-
mer pretexts,4 that it shall ease my pains to report the mischiefs being grown
too common to need any other notice then their own ugliness, each post pro-
3 Coelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt. Horat. [Those who run across the sea
change their sky, not their soul. Horace.]
*Hor. Ep. 1.11.27.
As a young man, *Galen studied medicine in his home town of Pergamum. Then, sup-
ported by wealth inherited from his father, he traveled to, among other places, Alexandria
(home to the only library better than that at Pergamum) and Rome to further his education
and career. See Nutton, “The Chronology of Galen’s Early Career.”
4 Quia inopes sunt et indocti in patriis suis vivere non possunt bene noti. Galen. de sui temporis
pseudomedicis. lib. praedict. [Because they are resourceless and not learned, they are not able to
live well-reputed in their own countries. *Galen on false doctors of his time, in Prediction.]
From De Praenotione ad Posthumum 14:623K.
230 chapter 5
claiming their wooden worth, and their painted clouts everywhere hanging up
their ragged executions.5 It is usual with these men, moving their wandering
and uncertain steps from place to place and from town to town, by fair delud-
ing promises and pollicitations to draw the lives of simple credulous men,6 for
their own gain, into their own hands. And after they have by their common des- 5
perate courses provoked and drawn forth unwilling death (when they see him
coming) to run away, and to leave the miserable beguiled innocent in his angry
jaws, to answer their rash and needless challenge. The wiser sort have better
learned to know them, but the simple are still their prey.7
It necessarily now followeth unto the general conclusion of all that hath 10
been before said, that both the travels of the mind, and contemplation in the
former tractates mentioned, and also the change of places and countries here
specified, with all other sense-informing means and inquisitions of knowledge
and science, without precedent, right institution and settled, incorrupt seeds of
select understanding shall all ever doubtfully, and for the most part lamely, suc- 15
ceed unto timely growth or ripe perfection. For knowledge must ever go before
industry as a guide, and particular practice follow general rule, which he that
hath not first in mind fully and truly conceived, must needs want the idea that
formeth an understanding action.
And thus, hath it hitherto appeared negatively, now it followeth affirma- 20
tively, where true election may make right choice of a good physician.
The end of the second book.
5 Cyclopum crudele genus visceribus miserorum et sanguine vescitur atro. [The cruel race of
Cyclops feeds on the innards and dark blood of the wretched.]
Compare Visceribus miserorum et sanguine vescitur atro (Verg. A. 3.622).
6 Hoc solo a latronibus differentes quod in urbe non montibus scelera perpetrant. Gal. lib. prae-
dict. [In this respect alone differing from thieves: that they commit their crimes in the city, not the
mountains. *Galen in Prediction.]
From De Praenotione ad Posthumum 14:622K.
7 Quod non cognoscantur ab omnibus, hoc ipsum malitiam naturae ipsorum auget et usque iis
insidiantur qui ea quae versute semper perpetrant non norunt. Galen. lib. praedict. [The fact
that they are not recognized by all increases the wickedness of their nature, and they continu-
ously entrap those who do not know about the things which they shrewdly perpetrate. *Galen in
Prediction.]
Also from De Praenotione ad Posthumum, 14:622K.
The Third Book
∵
chapter 1
The True Artist, His Right Description and Election
The corruptible condition of all things in substance,1 and perpetual mutability

and alteration in accidents, doth every moment beget such diverse odds and
differences in the same things, that their former considerations and respects
can never constantly, truly, and indeed long continue them to be the same.
Hence by vicissitude, it ordinarily cometh to pass, that of those things whereof 5
lately seemed certainty, thereof by continual access of different accidents and
circumstances, is again begotten uncertainties.2 That which late seemed nec-
essary, in an instant becometh casual. That which was true, now false. That
which was good, now evil, and that which was possible, oft impossible. Neces-
sity and this uncertainty of all things doth drive men that desire with more 10
likely certainty, through prudence to guide their actions unto the school of
contemplation of the world, and of the general revolution of all things therein
(which is true philosophy) that thence by long study and diligence observing
to know and distinguish what is in nature, and the ordinary vicissitude of all
things, according to several seasons, circumstances and subjects, means, mea- 15
sures, and manners variously, now true, then false; now necessary, then casual;
now absolute in itself, now conditional, with supposition, and by accident, now
possible, now impossible.
They may inform themselves from tried and approved knowledge, where
with certainty is safe to resolve,3 how in uncertainty neither to neglect the least 20
1 Haec ἀλλοίοτης illa ἀλλότης. [The one is “alteration” the other is “otherness.”]
2 Quin res, aetas, usus, semper aliquid apportet novi, ut quae te scire credas, nescias et quae putatis
prima in experiundo repudies. Terent. [But that affairs, time, and experience always bring some-
thing new, so that you don’t know what you think you know and what you think is of the first
importance you reject when you put it to the test. Terence.]
From Ter. Ad. 5.4.: Numquam ita quisquam bene subducta ratione ad uitam fuit, /quin res
aetas usus semper aliquid adportet noui, / aliquid moneat: ut illa quae te scisse credas nescias, /
et quae tibi putaris prima in experiundo ut repudies (“Never was anyone so good at balancing
life’s accounts that affairs, time, and experience didn’t always bring something new, didn’t give
some warning: so that you don’t know what you think that you knew, and what you thought
of the first importance you reject when you put it to the test.”)
3 Bona consultatio e summa ratione eruit consilia, et haec est rectitudo consilii. Aristot. Eth. 6.
[Good deliberation produces results from the best reasoned calculation and goodness of deliber-
ation consists in that. *Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics VI.]
Probably referring to EN 1142b7f.

234 chapter 1
hope,4 nor to overween the best good hap, how to endeavor in that is possi-
ble, how to observe necessity in that is impossible, providently how in cases of
urgence and serious counsel, to forecast and husband occasion and opportu-
nity that ill haps harm not, vain hope deceive not, time beguile not, advantage
escape not, uncertainty prejudice not, occurrents prevent not that good which 5
according to reason and the destined issue in nature, diligent endeavor may
otherwise effect. This is the sum of art and prudence. This is the use and per-
fection of reason in man, without which man must needs be as the brute beast,
void of understanding, dwelling in perpetual blindness, darkness and confu-
sion, without distinction of good and evil, true and false, without consultation 10
or election of the one or other.
Without the knowledge of nature our life is death, our sight blind, our light
darkness, and all our ways uncertain. He that knoweth not the quality of the
fire, can neither seek comfort by the warmth, nor fear the scorching. He that
hath not observed nature in the water cold and moist, shall neither needing 15
their contemper think of their use, nor subject to their danger decline their
hurt. Who hath ever been so blind, that hath not claimed reason for every
action,5 both as nature’s common light and rule in all things, as also his own
eye and hand to guide him unto the understanding thereof?6 For there is rea-
son in nature,7 and reason of understanding. Reason in nature is the constant 20
course and order of nature according to which she governeth and ordereth all
16 Contemper: mixture. ‖ Decline: avoid.
4 ὁ δὲ βουλεύομενος ζητεῖ καὶ λογίζεται. Qui consultat quaerit et rationem subducit. Aristot. Eth. 6.
[The one who deliberates seeks and calculates. The one who deliberates seeks and calculates.
Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics VI.]
*Arist. EN 1142b1–2 (repeated at 1142b14).
5 Ideo Plutarch περί παιδων άγωγης confundit μαθησιν και λογον. Rationem et disciplinam καλῶ δὲ
τὸν λογον μαθησιν etc. [Thus in The Education of Children (De Liberis Educandis) Plutarch con-
fuses “learning and reason,” (reason and learning), “I call reason ‘learning’ ” etc.]
From *Plu. The Education of Children (De Liberis Educandis) 2a10.
6 Ratio manus intellectus. Scal. [Reason is the hand of the intellect. *Scaliger.]
From Exercitatio 256 in Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.
7 Quae virtus movet cor, quae mutat succum in cibos, quae distribuit, quis dicat id sine ratione
agere? Sine ratiocinatione quidem non sine ratione. Scalig. de Subtil. [What vigor moves the
heart, what changes bodily fluid into food ( food into bodily fluid in summum cibos), what dis-
tributes it, who would say that it does so without reason? Without reasoning certainly, (that is
without conclusions of logical arguments, id est sine deductione argumentorum), not without
reason. *Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.]
From Exercitatio 307§5 (parentheses include what Cotta misquoted or left out).
the true artist, his right description and election 235
things.8 Reason of understanding is that light and eye of the mind,9 whereby is
discovered what is according to reason in nature, good and evil, true and false.
Thus, the reason of man hath his excellence and perfection, consisting in find-
ing out and understanding the excellence and perfection of reason in nature.10
This is the top and height of all human wisdom, knowledge, and learning. 5
Hereby is distinguished the subtle and wise from the mean understanding,
from the fool and idiot,11 the counsel of the prudent, from the rash and unad-
vised, the sharpness of wit and discerning understanding from sottish amaze-
ment and stupidity. Hence are only settled and cleared all doubts, difficulties,
and ambiguities, by which otherwise forever men remain void of counsel and 10
of truth. Hence it cometh to pass, that as men more or less earnestly seek the
wisdom, order, and reason of nature in her dispensation of the whole world,
and therein more or less dispend their studious pains, so they diversely obtain
answerable measures and proportions therein, growing in wisdom more or less
according as they are more or less of generous desire and ingenuous exercise 15
therein.12
13 Dispend: expend.
8 Natura est ratio universi. Scalig. [Nature is the ratio of the universe. Scalig.]
Ratio can be translated as “reason,” “system,” “logic,” or “proportion,” inter alia. It is not
clear where or whether *Scaliger said this.
9 Ratio est vis animae quae movet se ab effectibus ad causas investigandas et vicissim a causis
ad ea quorum illae causae sunt. Scal. de Subtil. [Reason is the strength of the mind which
moves itself from effects to the investigation of causes and in turn from causes to those
things of which they are the causes. *Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Car-
danum.]
10 Quid est ratio nisi naturae imitatio? Senec. [What is reason if not imitation of nature?
Seneca.]
From *Sen. Ep. 66.39 “‘Quid est ergo ratio?’ Naturae imitatio.” (“ ‘What then is reason?’
Imitation of nature.”)
11 Solertia est acerrima coniectatio ex iudicii summi adytis penitius eruta. Aristot. eth. 6. [ Judi-
ciousness is the keenest conjecture derived from the innermost sanctum of good judgment.
*Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics VI.]
Not found in EN 6, but σύνεσις, which can be translated as “judiciousness,” is briefly
discussed there.
12 ἐτι τὸν ἀκριβέστερον καὶ τὸν διδασκαλικώτερον τῶν αἱτίων σοφώτερον ειναι, etc. Qui rerum causas et
naturas maxime dijudicat et docet maxime sapientem iudicamus. Aristot. Metaph. I. [More-
over we consider the more accurate and more instructive about causes to be wiser, etc. He
who best distinguishes and teaches causes and natures we judge most wise. *Aristotle, Meta-
physics I, 982a12–14.]
Aristotle’s text: ἔτι τὸν ἀκριβέστερον καὶ τὸν διδασκαλικώτερον τῶν αἰτιῶν σοφώτερον εἶναι
περὶ πᾶσαν ἐπιστήμην.
236 chapter 1
The order of nature in all her works is constant,13 full of wonder, and un-
changed truth in the continual cohesion,14 sequence and fatal necessity of all
things, their causes and effects. Wherein therefore how the almighty Deity hath
commanded all things by an unchangeable law to be ordered, is both true and
necessary wisdom to understand, and the true pattern,15 rule, and square of 5
every discreet, sober, and wise design and consultation.
Hence upon the principles of nature stand everlastingly founded all arts
and sciences. For science is the faithful and truly studied apprehension of the
mind, of the never deceiving general grounds in the general dispensation in
the nature of all things,16 and art is the learned and skillful habit of imitation 10
13 ούδὲν γὰρ τῶν φύσει ὀντων ἀλλὼς ἐθίζεται. Nihil eorum quae natura fiunt aliter assuescit. Aris-
tot. eth. 2. [For none of those things which are by nature can be accustomed to be otherwise.
None of those things which occur by nature can be accustomed to be otherwise. *Aristotle,
Nicomachean Ethics II.]
Arist. EN 1103a20. Aristotle’s Greek text is οὐθὲν γὰρ τῶν φύσει ὄντων ἄλλως ἐθίζεται
14 Est enim naturalis ordo φυσικη συνταξις omnium rerum, ex aeterno aliis ad alia consequen-
tibus incommutabili manente eiusmodi complicatione. Gellius. Noct. Attic. [For there is a
natural ordering, “a natural ordering,” of all things, from eternity with ones following others
in an unchangeable abiding web of that sort. Noctes Atticae.]
The following is found in Matthias Schurer’s 1514 text of *Gellius in an appendix on
Greek passages left untranslated by Gellius. The Latin is not original to Gellius and is so
similar to Cotta’s that it cannot be accidentally similar (just a few unimportant differences
are evident). The Greek is part of a longer quotation in Gel. 7.2.2, which is Chrysippus’s
definition of “fate.” Φυσικὼ σύνταξιν, etc. (“Naturalem quendam ordinem omnium rerum,
ex aeterno aliis ad alia consequentibus, et incommutabili manente eiuscemodi complica-
tione.”)
15 Natura dux optima. Naturam ducem si sequamur, nunquam aberrabimus. Cicero. [Nature is
the best guide. If we follow nature as a guide, we will never err. Cicero.]
The first part became a common motto, but may derive from *Cic. Sen. 5: in hoc sumus
sapientes, quod naturam optimam ducem tamquam deum sequimur eique paremus (“We
are wise in this, that we follow nature as the best guide like a god and we obey it.”) The
second part is close enough to verbatim (by Cotta’s standards) to be a quotation from Cic.
Off. 1.100: quam si sequemur ducem, nunquam aberrabimus (“… which (nature) if we fol-
low as our leader, we will never err …”). Cicero has the same sentiment in different words
at the end of Leg. 20. In Cicero, however, natura could refer to different things, depending
on what and whose ideas he is expounding.
16 Scientia est conveniens, firma, et nunquam a ratione declinans cognitio. Galen. in Medico.
opt. [Science is consistent, robust, and never-parting-from-reason knowledge. *Galen in Me-
dico Optimo.]
From Pseudo-Galen’s Introductio seu Medicus, 14:684K. Very similar definitions of sci-
entia are found at Pseudo-Galen’s Definitiones Medicae, 19:350K.
thereof in human action.17 And all true arts, thus founded upon the undeceiv-
ing grounds of nature, in themselves are ever certain and infallible,18 whose
rules, although discretion according to circumstance may continually diversely
vary, yet can no time,19 nor circumstance ever or any time, abrogate.
Hence, above all other arts and sciences, the art of physic must needs be 5
most excellent and true, because it most continually converseth with nature as
her prime and proper subject, and beyond all other most immediately depen-
deth upon the perpetual study, view, and observation of nature, and the contin-
ual consultation with nature in every action. For it is requisite in a competent
physician, that he truly be able and fully furnished to be unto nature a gov- 10
ernor and moderator to preserve her, to conserve her, behoovefully to dispose
and guide her in her best and rightest way,20 not only of being, but of being
well, and well continuing.
11 Behoovefully: usefully, advantageously.
17 Ars est habitus cum ratione factivus. Eth. 4. [Skill is a productive state involving reason.
Ethics IV.]
Probably referring to *Arist. EN 1140a10, “Skill and a productive state combined with
true reason would be the same thing,” or perhaps 1140a20, which repeats the same thought
worded slightly differently.
18 Ars medica quoad naturam propriam theoremata et praecepta artis indubitatae est fidei,
vera, firma, stabilis, naturae principiis semper consentanea, solum quoad subiecta varia,
medentium operas et inde eventus instabiles coniecturalis. Galen de Sect. opt. [Medical sci-
ence, in so far as its proper nature, theorems, and precepts of the art, is of undoubted faith,
strong, stable, and always in agreement with the principles of nature, only in so far as its sub-
jects varied and the works of healers and hence unstable outcomes conjectural. *Galen, De
Sect. Opt.]
Not found together in Pseudo-Galen’s De Optima Secta ad Thrasybulum, which is the
Galenic work with the closest title to Cotta’s citation, but that work does discuss all of
the ideas in this quotation separately. The Pseudo-Galenic Introductio seu Medicus, which
Cotta apparently knew as De Medico Optimo also contains these ideas.
19 In medicina perpetuum est quod sequi debeat, non semper perpetuum quod sequi convenit.
Celsus. [In medicine what ought to follow is a universal, but that which is generally agreed to
follow is not always universal. Celsus.]
From De Medicina 7.12.4. *Celsus’s text: Adeo in medicina, etiam ubi perpetuum est, quod
fieri debet, non tamen perpetuum est id, quod sequi convenit (“So in medicine, even when
there is a universal thing that ought to be done, there is no universal thing which is gen-
erally agreed to follow.”) Although Celsus’s sentence makes best sense if fieri means “be
done,” the Latin fieri can mean “happen” instead of “be done,” and so Cotta’s sequi “to fol-
low” is possibly right, but it is unclear precisely what Cotta’s version would mean.
20 Haec est ὑγιείνα sanitatis tuendae consil(i)um et προφυλακτικη. [This is “health” the plan of
preserving health and “precaution.”]
238 chapter 1
It is also requisite he be able as a prudent minister with knowledge to pro-

vide and reach unto her all needful helps,21 and to remove from her all harmful
impediments. Lastly, he must be a faithful friend in her necessity, needfully
assisting, helping, and comforting her.
And how can he duly perform these things unto nature, that truly and per- 5
fectly knoweth not nature?22 Above, therefore, and beyond all other artists the
physician immediately hath need and use of exquisite knowledge of nature.
For since he is deputed to be helper and restorer of particular nature, how can
he for that end but become scholar and imitator of the general? For as all par-
ticulars do ever participate the nature and kind of the general, and are therein 10
comprehended, so besides that which unto every individual nature is specially
proper, there is an essential property in it belonging unto the general,23 without
which as the particular cannot be at all, so therefore is ever an eye, a respect and
reference to be had, that those things which for the good of the particular are
considered or consulted may never be disproportioned from the general, which 15
he that knoweth not, cannot consider. He, therefore, that shall rightly and pru-
dently dispose for the good of any man, ought as well to know and advise what
21 Medicina est adiectio necessariorum, detractio inutilium. Hippocrat. [Medicine is the appli-
cation of things that are necessary and the removal of what is not beneficial. *Hippocrates.]
This is from one of two passages:
1) *Galen, De Methodo Medendi 10:772 line 15K: “For Medicine is application and remov-
al: application of things that are lacking and removal of things in excess.”
2) *Hp. De Flatibus §1 line 27: “For medicine is application and removal, removal of
things in excess and application of things that are lacking.” Galen has the same order
(“application … removal”) as Cotta, whereas Hippocrates has the order reversed. Galen
is probably paraphrasing Hippocrates.
22 Physiologiae necessitas perpertua medico non ad discendam modo sed ad exercendam quo-
que artem. Galen. de Med. opt. [A doctor has continuous need of physiology not only for
learning but also for practicing the medical art. *Galen, De Med. Opt.]
Galenic treatises which may correspond to “De Med. Opt.” are Quod Optimus Medicus
Sit Quoque Philosophus (typically abbreviated De Opt. Med.), the Pseudo-Galenic Intro-
ductio seu Medicus, as well as De Optimo Medico Cognoscendo, which survives only in
Arabic and was not available at any time in Latin in spite of the misleadingly Latin title.
Although Cotta’s sentence about physiology has not been found, in Quod Optimus Medi-
cus Sit Quoque Philosophus, 1:61 line 8K, Galen claims that the best doctor needs philosophy
both in learning the medical skill and in practicing it. In the Introductio seu Medicus is
found (14:689K) a definition of physiology as a part of medicine, and hence, one assumes,
necessarily something a doctor must know.
23 Species generis, individuum utriusque; naturam participat utrunque et individuum et spe-
ciem genus et facit et comprehendit. [The species belongs to the general, the individual to
both; the general shares the nature of and both makes and comprehends both, the individual
and the species.]
and how he participateth with the general condition, as not to be ignorant what
is peculiar unto himself.24 For if he know not the general kinds and natures
of things,25 what powers, faculties, privileges, prerogatives, properties, endow-
ments, belong indifferently to all, as well as differently to the special, he shall
oft omit and overslip a larger portion offered in the common good, then any 5
specialty shall after recompence or countervail in itself.
Contrariwise also, if he only know the general, and understand not to com-
pare, consider, apt and fitly suit it unto the particular,26 he shall never from
the common derive thereto ought pertinent or truly accommodate. It is nec-
essary, therefore, a physician understand both what nature hath allowed man 10
in universal, with all other things, and also no less what proper to himself, and
enclosed in his own. For if he know not nature in her special kind,27 when her-
self is separate and free from other implications, how shall he judge or know her
just reduction thereto, when he findeth her oppression requiring his assistance
to bring her home unto herself? 15
24 Huc spectat ἰδιοσυγκρασία specificae differentiae et proprietates rerum occultae. [“The private
make-up” looks to this, the specific differentia and hidden properties of things.]
25 Sed et medicus et exercendorum corporum magister optime singulorum curam rationemque
habuerit, si genus universum cognoverit. Nam qui bonus artifex et ad res percipiendas et
contemplendas idoneus effici velit, ad genus universum illi progrediendum est, atque in illo
cognoscendo elaborandum. In hoc enim scientias positas esse scimus. Aristot. Eth. 10. [But
both the doctor and the physical trainer will have the best systematic treatment for individ-
uals if they know the universal kind. For the one who wants to become a good master and fit
for understanding and grasping things must go to their universal kinds and work at knowing
them. For we know that professional knowledge lies in them. *Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics X,
1180b13–16.]
Cotta has embellished in the middle: Arist. says “But both the doctor and the physical
trainer and any one else who knows the universal would best care for individuals (for the
sciences are both said to be and have as subject matter what is common to many.”)
26 Universe enim ei qui febre afflictatur inedia et quies utilis est, alicui autem fortassis inutilis.
Aristot. Eth. 10 καθόλον μὲν γὰρ τῷ πυρεττοντι etc. [For fasting and rest are generally advanta-
geous to one who suffers from fever, but to someone else perhaps disadvantageous. Aristotle,
Nicomachean Ethics X. For generally to the feverish, etc.]
Arist. EN X 1180b8–10: καθόλου μὲν γὰρ τῷ πυρέττοντι συμφέρει ἡσυχία καὶ ἀσιτία, τινὶ δ’
ἴσως οὔ.
27 Qui ignorat corporis affectum secundum naturam a quo actio producitur, prorsus cognoscere
non potest affectum praeter naturam a quo actio laeditur. Galen. de Meth. Med. [One who
does not know the condition of the body in accord with nature from which an action is pro-
duced surely cannot recognize the condition contrary to nature by which the action is harmed.
*Galen, De Methodo Medendi.]
From op. cit. Vol. 10:93.
240 chapter 1
Neither must he here only consist, but must farther view and consider, what
God either in Heaven or in Earth, in the whole world, or the wide ocean, from
all the elements or elementary things hath ordained for any good or use of man.
For as God hath created all things for the good of man, so hath he appointed
the physician to fit and accommodate all things unto the necessity and need of 5
man, and hath farther also deputed him to supply unto man even those things
which nature herself ofttimes cannot.28
Nature cannot either open the necessary vein, or ventilate or evacuate the
corrupt blood from the bruised part, or in the right and behooveful quantity.a
Nature cannot with election or regularly purge the right and proper humor, 10
fitting the cause and necessity. Nature cannot fetch home from the fields and
mountains her medicinal herbs, fruit, wood, and plants unto her own necessity,
but art transporteth them unto her at several seasons, and for several needs.
Nature cannot decoct, infuse, compound, mix, or prepare her roots, metals, or
other drugs and simples, in number and nature infinite, but art is unto her ben- 15
efit and service therein accurate. As therefore the physician must ever have
nature for his chief counselor,29 so must he ever again be sufficient and able
substitute and helper unto her.30 Not to speak of his excellent subject (which
is the life and health of mankind) his divine direction in his calling (led by the
14 Decoct: condense through boiling.
a Cotta here says only the physician, and not nature, can let blood in the correct amount, but
earlier he mentions a case where letting blood led to nature “seconding the work,” by causing a
nosebleed, and thus helping evacuate the ideal quantity of that humor. See pages 197–198 in this
edition.
28 Natura non potest aratro boves iungere, nec illorum opera terram scindere, arte utrunque fit.
Scalig. [Nature is not able to yoke the oxen to the plough, nor to split the earth by their work,
both of which happen by means of skill. *Scaliger.]
From Exercitatio 101§12 of De Subtilitate.
29 Quo natura vergit tendendum medico naturae ministro. Ἁ δεῖ ἄγειν ὅπου ἄν μάλιστα ῥέπη, ταυτὴ
ἄγειν, etc. [Where nature inclines, the doctor, as a servant of nature, must go. Do what it is nec-
essary to do, wherever there is an especial imbalance, etc.]
From *Hp. Aph. 1.21 Ἃ δεῖ ἄγειν, ὅκου ἂν μάλιστα ῥέπῃ, ταύτῃ ἄγειν, διὰ τῶν ξυμφερόντων
χωρίων (“Do what it is necessary to do, wherever the preponderance especially lies, via the
appropriate parts of the body” [apparently referring to purging].)
30 Ut natura recte operans imitanda, ita aberrans reducenda et adiuvanda. Natura enim alias
agit satis, alias parum, alias nihil. Galen. de venae sect. contra Erasistrat. [As nature working
properly should be imitated, so when it errs it should be redirected and assisted. For nature
at one time acts sufficiently, at another insufficiently, and at another not at all. *Galen, De
Venae Sectione Adverus Erasistratrum (“On Phlebotomy Against Erasistratus”).]
No such passage has been found in Galen, although he does say on occasion that one
must redirect the sick onto nature’s course or similar things.
unchanged order and wisdom of God himself, manifested and set forth unto
him in the structure and great frame of Heaven and Earth) doth exact and
require in him all possible perfection to sound and fathom the depth and height
thereof. For as it is manifoldly and unmeasurably enfolded and wrapped up in
the intricate wisdom of his universal workmanship, so must long days and time 5
carefully spent, indefatigable study, pains and meditation, restless vigilance, a
clear eye of understanding, and sincere affection work and labor it out, and
thence must his prudent and wise action derive the ground of all his counsels
and consultations.
And thus, must the true physician ever behold God as his guide, and be gov- 10
erned and directed by his hand. For God is nature above nature,31 and nature is
his hand and subordinate power.32 God being therefore the cause of causes in
nature, he is the giver of health and life in nature, and the physician is his ser-
vant and minister therein.33 To learn of such a teacher, to imitate so absolute
a pattern, what wisdom is sufficient, what suffiency worthy? If any man think 15
it a light labor to find out the order and reason of so infinite a workman in the
immense work of all things, or but an easy difficulty to imitate his example in
infinite actions,a he knoweth not what is the height of human wisdom, which
being to know most among men,34 (although what in that knowledge is nearest
a The Houghton copy has the “in” in “infinite” crossed out.
31 ὁ γὰρ θεὸς δοκεῖ τῶν αἰτίων πάσιν ἀρχὴ τὶς. Est enim Deus omnium causarum causa et princip-
ium. Arist. metaph. I. [For God seems to be the origin of the causes for everything. For God is
the cause and origin of all causes. *Aristotle, Metaphysics I.]
From Metaphysics 983a8–10.
32 Two marginal notes are tied to this place in Cotta’s text:
1. Natura est ordinaria dei potestas. Scalig. de subtil. [Nature is the ordinary power of God.
Exercitationes 77§5, 188, and 365§8.
2. Natura quid aliud quam Deus et divina ratio toti mundo et partibus eius inserta. Senec.
[What else is nature other than God and divine reason implanted into the entire world
and its parts. Seneca.]
*Sen. Ben. 4.7.
33 Sanitas opus Dei, opera vero nostra. Scalig. [Health is the work of God, but by our labor.
*Scaliger.]
No source has been found in Scaliger.
34 ὁ τα χαλεπα γνωναι δυνάμενος καὶ μη ράδια ἀνθρωπῳ γινωσκειν οὑτὸς ὅ σοφος. Qui maxime homini
difficilia cognitu potis est cognoscendo assequi, ille sapiens. Aristot. metaph. I. [One who is
able to know difficult things and to know things not easy for a human is wise. Who is able
to understand by knowing things especially difficult for a human is wise. Aristotle, Meta-
physics I.]
*Arist. Metaph. 982a10–11. Cotta has changed the Greek to make it an independent
clause, and Cotta’s accents and breathing marks are largely incorrect.
242 chapter 1
unto God, is the least shadow of himself) yet is it so much as is able to make
men justly admired, and happy that obtain it; as all other that want it, worthily
as unhappy and infortunate as ignorance can make man.
Ignorance is ever blind; blindness continually stumbleth and oft infortu-
nately falleth;35 but knowledge giveth eyes, and the happiness of sight declin- 5
eth the unhappiness of our lives’ perpetual groping error, and the miserable
confusion of the darkness of mind and all knowledge is the eye and sight of the
mind. Since then knowledge is the eye and sight of the mind, and all knowledge
cometh either by ordinary light of nature, or the extraordinary illumination of
the Creator of nature, whence shall the ordinary dispensation of men’s ways 10
and actions borrow counsel and light, but from nature?
And then how necessary is the knowledge, learning, and study of nature,
not only unto the accomplishment and ornament of our better being, but
unto the establishment of prudence and discretion, and the happy conse-
quences thereof in all our lives and actions? If prudence and wisdom flow from 15
hence, and the miserable condition of man perpetually crave their supply, and
the never-ceasing mutable uncertainty of circumstances continually multiply
occasion of consultation from thence, how can any action or purpose of man
be rightly tried, approved, and assured unto him, but by the complement and
perfection of this knowledge? And if knowledge only rectify and make happy 20
men’s works, endeavors, and actions in all things, how is it much more chiefly
and absolutely requisite and necessary in a physician? His subject, which is the
safeguard of life and succor of nature,36 exacteth the most exquisite wise and
wary working. His rule in working (which is the prudent observation and imi-
35 Animus lumine mentis et intelligentiae orbatus, ignorantiaeque tenebris et caligine demer-

sus, sibi ipsi mentitur, se ipsum perpetua fallit, et in capitales fraudes facile impellit undique.
Osor. de reg. instit. [A soul deprived of the light of the mind and intelligence, immersed in the
darkness and murk of ignorance, lies to itself, deceives itself continuously and easily drives
into fatal deceits all around. Hieronymus, Osorius De Regis Institutione et Disciplina.]
Book IV. 1574 Cologne edition, 131.
36 Morbus cum sit vitae humanae capitalis hostis, medicus unice natura duce, est morbicida.
Pulchre Riolanus. [Since disease is the chief enemy of human life, the doctor, with nature
alone as guide, is the disease-killer. Riolanus.]
*Riolanus, in his dedicatory epistle to the Paris Senate in Ars Bene Medendi, says: Atqui
morbus est summus et capitalis hostis civitatis, … (3 lines) … nature duce … (11 lines) … At
medicus ipso etiam nomine est morbicida … (“Disease is the greatest and chief enemy of
the state, … with nature as guide … The Doctor is by this name itself even a morbicide.”)
The point Riolanus was making was that as Athenians rewarded one who killed a tyrant,
who was the chief enemy of the state, and called him a “tyrannicide,” so the doctor ought
to be rewarded for killing the greatest enemy of the state and called a “morbicide.”
tation of his Creator in the created order and reason of all things) challengeth
the help and assistance of all possible worthiness and excellence, the highest
protection of counsel, and most incomparable sagacity of understanding.
For what wisdom, learning and knowledge, can be more then needful unto
his use and help, whose continual employment and exercise consisteth in exe- 5
cuting the perpetual decrees and counsels of creation,37 in restoring the ruins
and decays of generation, in rectifying, reforming, and moderating the errors
of continual mutation and alteration, in opposing death, and enlarging life?
Lastly, in arming the several true trials and just estimates of the native uses
and properties of all things, substances, quantities, qualities, forms, seasons, 10
and circumstances, according to the command of the general commander of
Heaven and Earth, and the edicts of nature, for the good of man?
What human science can afford more ample matter and occasion of divine
cognition? What employments are more continual works of charity? What
virtue cometh nearer unto God in goodness and mercy? God createth man; the 15
healthful and helpful hand of the physician restoreth and repaireth his daily
lapses. What wisdom more inwardly converseth with the hidden and secret
works of God in nature? And though his better and more erected thoughts oft
humble themselves unto the necessities of miserable men (which proud and
foolish minds contemn), yet hath the example of the saving Deity herein most 20
exalted him whom virtue instructeth, wisdom formeth, prudence counseleth,
and art firmly guideth.
Without the competent concurrence of all which, the necessity of their
hourly use doth altogether deny sufficience in a physician. How worthy rev-
erence in themselves, and how happy for others were it, if more wontedly and 25
usually our physicians would first labor for this settled perfection and general
idea of prudent deliberation, before they so readily rush unto particular prac-
37 τῶν νουσῶν γὰρ φύσεις ἴητροι, φύσεως δέ ὑπηρέτης ἰητρός. Morborum medici naturae sunt, natu-
rae vero minister medicus. Hippocrat. [For the natures of diseases are doctors, and the doctor
is a helper of nature. Of diseases natures are the doctors, and of nature the helper is the doc-
tor. Hippocrates.]
Not found as such in *Hippocrates: perhaps pasted together from *Galen Thrasybulus
sive utrum medicinae sit an gymnasticae hygieine Vol. 5: 853: ὅτι δ’ ὁ ἰατρὸς τῆς φύσεώς ἐστιν
ὑπηρέτης καὶ ὅτι καλῶς εἴρηται ‘φύσις ἐξαρκεῖ πάντα πᾶσιν’, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς τὰς νόσους αὐτὴ κρίνει
καὶ ὡς εἰσὶν αἱ φύσεις τῶν νούσων ἰατροί, παλαιοῖς ἀνδράσιν αὐτάρκως εἰρημένα, τί ἂν ἔτι δεοί-
μην ἐγὼ διέρχεσθαι (“That the doctor is a ‘helper of nature’ and that it has been well said
that ‘nature provides all things to all things,’ but also that nature judges diseases and that
natures of diseases are doctors of diseases, has been sufficiently said by the ancients: why
should I go over it any more?”)
244 chapter 1
tice and action?38 For although it be experience that indeed giveth unto reason
the true reflection of itself, yet is it the rule of reason that first guideth experi-
ence forth unto likely proof.39
But now in these days this excellent knowledge, so worthy in itself, how
unworthily is it esteemed by others, because so slightly sought and found in 5
physicians themselves, every man hastening to run before his knowledge either
of himself or his action, unto particular trials of confused conceit and con-
fidence in opinionate grounds?40 Hence, as mechanical offices and adminis-
trations are rather more commonly conspicuous in our ordinary practitioners
than any weight of prudent perpension or lively stamp of judicious disposition 10
or ordering, so doth the general slightness and lightness herein of most sprin-
kle a common disgrace and ignomy upon all, casting the excellent faculty itself
in estimate almost behind the most inferior science.
To leave therefore the proud and disdainful contemners herein unto the just
contempt of God and nature in his greatest need, that others deserve not so ill, 15
and all may learn rather to choose the good from the ill than to despise the bet-
ter for the worse, I will here point the inquisition of the best, who though haply
rarely found, yet may the pattern commend the nearest thereto, and draw the
well deserving unto his safest choice.
10 Perpension: deliberation.
38 Operatio est finis syllogismi practici. Arist. Eth. 6. [Action is the conclusion of the practical
syllogism. *Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics VI.]
Aristotle himself does not call it “the practical syllogism,” but at EN 1147a25–30 (and
a few other places in the corpus) Aristotle describes a form of reasoning that takes one
premise concerning a universal, another concerning a particular, and forms the conclu-
sion, which is an action. Later ages coined the phrase “practical syllogism.” An example
might be: 1) Debts should be repaid as soon as possible; 2) I have a particular debt to this
man, Cleisenthene; and therefore 3) (the action of my paying him back). Surely Cotta is
referring to the aforesaid passage here.
39 Prudentia rei futurae consultum curat ex disciplina non ex antegressis actionibus. Quare hic
habitus omnibus artibus communis sit necesse est. Scalig. Poet.3. [Prudence takes care of a
decision about the future from theoretical considerations, not from experience of the past.
Which is why it must be common to all crafts and arts. *Scaliger, Poetices Libri VII Book III,
Chapter XXVI.]
40 Huiusmodi turbam vulgo videmus a primis literarum rudimentis continuo se ipsam Medici
nomine iactitantem, et venditantem, invidam, maledicam, obtrectatricem, novam speciem
Cynicorum avaram, supinam ignavam, simul atque ignaram. Scal. Poet. 3. [We see a crowd
of this sort from the first dawnings of literature continuously vaunting and trying to sell them-
selves with the name of “Doctor” a hateful, slanderous, disparaging, new sort of cynic, greedy,
indolent, (drunken: temulentam) dastardly, and ignorant. Scaliger, Poetices, Book 3.]
*Scaliger Book 3, Chapter 16 (Cotta omits temulentam).
In all cases and subjects of election, it is wisdom chiefly first to seek that is
most excellent. Next, where excellence is not, prudently to accept mediocrity,
but ever knowingly to avoid evil. The pattern of perfection doth show the more
and less perfect, and manifesteth the more or less imperfect, from which the
farthest distance is the greatest defect, and the nearest affinity the best excel- 5
lence.
Of mediocrity are many degrees. There is mediocrity ascending from itself
toward perfection or excellence, and mediocrity descending from itself unto
the lowest step of means.41 All that are contained within the latitude of medi-
ocrity, participate the same true rules and grounds with those that consist in 10
the highest top of excellence, only herein different, that the latter, with a more
piercing eye, searcheth the marrow of the same truth, the other more shallowly
foundeth the same profundity. This difference of mediocrities distinguisheth
only the several measures of the same perfection, whereby they differ, not in
kind but in degrees of comparison. Thus, are men termed good, better, and 15
best of all.42 All considered in the same quality, every one an artist, every one
rightly understanding, but some more clearly, readily and fully, others less, and
all truly.
Unto whom therefore either excellence doth give true splendor and emi-
nence, or mediocrity maintaineth within indifferent bounds of true art or 20
science, he is either in the one worthy, or the other tolerable.a He whom far-
ther unworthiness hath exempted out of both these, is in himself unprofitable,
a Cotta’s text has “intolerable” here, but the Houghton copy has the “in” struck out. This anony-
mous emendation seems right and we have adopted it, for Cotta’s point seems to be that while
great learning makes the physician “worthy,” a patient may, within reason, have to settle for a
man of more mediocre accomplishment, who is, nevertheless, “tolerable.”
41 Mediocritas in confinio boni malique posita est. Col. lib. 4. [Mediocrity is positioned on the
border of good and bad. Columella, Book 4.]
From Col. 3.5: Prudentis autem coloni est ex deteriori terra potius in meliorem, quam
ex meliore in deteriorem transferre. Propter quod mediocritas in electione loci maxime pro-
batur, quoniam in confinio boni malique posita est (“It is a mark of a prudent farmer to
transplant from worse soil into better soil, rather than from better into worse. For that rea-
son mediocrity is especially to be approved in selection of a place, since it is positioned
at the border between good and bad.”) Lucius Junius Moderatus Columella (5 BC–AD 60)
wrote influential works on agriculture.
42 Alius alio sapientior, alius alio γραμματικώτερος. [One person is wiser than another, and one
is more scholarly than another.]
246 chapter 1
and in others’ use harmful.43 The first and second, and the second by the first
thou mayest here view in the following description of this latter book, and the
third and last in the first and second going before.
43 ὁ μὲν πονηρὸς οὐδὲν ἀλλο πλὴν κάκος. Eurip. Malus nihil aliud praeterquam malus. [The bad
person is nothing other than bad. Euripides. The bad is nothing other than bad.]
*E. Hec. 596.
chapter 2
Of the Physician’s Educationa
As all ages have derived and acknowledged the foundation of arts from the prin-
ciples of nature,1 reason, prudence, and knowledge or science, and experience
hath ever confirmed their profit and necessary use unto constitution of arts
by daily proof,2 so unto the complement and achieving first of knowledge, and
after of the right composing of art, from thence all times and men have with 5
one general decree and consent determined a necessity of seven ever presup-
a Contrary to his usual practice, Cotta does not provide a title for this or the next chapter. We have
added appropriate titles for consistency and clarity.
1 Artes omnes ratione methodo acquiruntur. Aristot. metaph. 7. [All sciences are acquired by a
reasoned method. Aristotle, Metaphysics VII.]
This brief sentiment has no obvious source in Metaph. 7, but it may derive from Metaph.
1025b6 (in Book 6): “Generally, every science which is intellectual or involves reasoning at
all treats of causes and principles.” But that does not say exactly what is said here. More
likely the source is Giovanni Battista da Monte (1498–1551), who, in a collection of his works
entitled Opuscula Varia, in the work entitled Methodus Medicinae Universalis or Ad Glau-
conem in lib. Gal., §3, says quod autem omnes artes per unam rationem acquirantur, declara-
tum fuit. Habetis praetera auctoritatem Aristot. septimo Metaphysices, et vi. Ethicorum, ubi
ait, artes ratione et methodo acquiri. Et docet Arist. methodum resolutivam ad sanitatem
acquirendam, quam docet Galenus. Praeterea vidistis Platonem in Philebo, qui ait nullam artem
sine methodo divisiva et resolutiva acquiri posse. qui enim (inquit) artem se acquisivisse sine
methodo arbitratur, sciat se umbram artis habere, non artem (“That all arts are acquired by
a single method has been stated. You have, moreover, the authority of *Aristotle in Meta-
physics, Book VII and Ethics, Book VI, where he says that arts are acquired by reason and
method. Aristotle also teaches that the divisive method must be acquired for health, as
*Galen teaches. Moreover you see *Plato in Philebus, who says that no art is able to be
acquired without the divisive and analytic method. For whoever, he says, thinks that he has
acquired an art without a method should know that he has the semblance of an art, not an
art.”)
2 Sine generali methodo nulla ars discitur, neque disci potest. Galen. de meth. med. [Without a
general method, no skill is learned nor is it able to be learned. Galen, De Methodo Medendi.]
This may refer to De Methodo Medendi 10:628 line 16K, where *Galen says that method lies
in the general, practice in the particular, and both are necessary.
The following is too similar to be accidentally so: omnino cum sine methodo nulla ars nul-
laque scientia naturali lumine inveniri nec doceri nec memoria teneri possit … (“Since in general
without method no skill and no knowledge is able to be discovered by natural light nor to be
taught nor to be held in memory …”): from De Methodo Opus ad Galeni Ceterorumque Medi-
corum et Philosophorum Libros by Pietro Giacomo Toleto, 1558, 1.

248 chapter 2
posed conductive helps thereto,3 without which neither knowledge not science
can preexist, nor art from thence exist or have firm being.4
These seven *Hippocrates, with consent of his own time and assent of since
succeeding times, hath in this order numbered:a
Nature, precept, fit place for study, study, institution, industry, time.5 5
*Aristotle with some others have named only three: nature, precept, indus-
try.b But in these three by consequent hath included all the rest. For study and
contemplation must necessarily attend precept and industry both. Study with-
out fit place and some certain seat, can never deeply settle, uncertain motion
distracting and interrupting serious cogitation and assiduity; and time is nec- 10
essary to be supposed in all.
By “nature” we must not generally understand the first moving and being
power which is in all things in universal,6 but more specially for this subject,
a The list derives from *Hp., Lex §2: “For one who is going to acquire an understanding of the heal-
ing art accurately must be in possession of the following: nature, instruction, a suitable place,
education from childhood, love of work, and time. First of all there is need of nature: for if one’s
nature conflicts with it, all is in vain, but if nature leads the way, instruction in the art occurs,
which one must acquire alongside of judgment, having been from a young age educated and in
a place which will be suitable for learning. Moreover one needs to add love of working for a long
time, so that the learning, having taken root in one, bear fruits properly and prodigiously.” b At
the start of the second book of Oec. 1345b9, *Aristotle says that for household management one
needs experience, a suitable nature, and industry. It is not clear, however, whether Cotta had a
specific Aristotelian text in mind here for this commonplace thought.
3 Artes instituuntur et accipiunt principia ex scientiis. Scalig. de Subt. [Skills are set up and take
their starting points from the sciences. *Scaliger, Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Car-
danum.]
Possibly refers to Exercitatio 307.31: Quocirca etiam artes instituo, quibus do principia ex
scientiis (“Which is why I also set up skills, to which I give starting points from the sciences.”)
4 Intellectus speculativus, activus, factivus, habent principia universalia communa. Scalig. de
Subt. [The speculative, the active, and the practical intellect have common universal principles.
From Exercitatio 307.31.
5 Cotta’s notes provide corresponding Latin terms: Naturam [Nature], Praeceptionem [Instruc-
tion], Locum studiis aptum [A place fit for studies], Studium [Study], Institutionem a puero
[Education from childhood], Industriam, [Industry, love of work], Tempus [Time].
6 Omnis substantia natura dicitur. πᾶσα γὰρ οὐσία φυσις λεγεται. Aristot. in Metaph. [All substance
is called “nature.” For all substance is called “nature.” *Aristotle in Metaphysics.]
Cotta’s Greek, quoted out of context, differs slightly from its source, Arist. Metaph. 1015a11–
13: μεταφορᾷ δ’ ἤδη καὶ ὅλως πᾶσα οὐσία φύσις λέγεται διὰ ταύτην, ὅτι καὶ ἡ φύσις οὐσία τίς ἐστιν
(“By cross-application, every substance is called ‘nature’ generally because nature is a sub-
of the physician’s education 249
proclivity, natural aptness or fitness, peculiar disposition in the helps of gifts of

nature,7 ripeness of wit, capacity, reason and docility.
By “precept” are understood the maxims, axioms, and ancient golden rules
of truth,8 which many ages and aged observation from time to time for com-
mon good and ease have commended,a compiled, and summed methodically 5
into general orders, heads, and numbers.
By “place fit for study” are not only understood the narrow enclosures of
retired silence, and abdication unto private contemplation, but also the places
of the societies and common assemblies of the learned, where both by private
conference,9 and also by public hearing the daily readings,10 teachings, and 10
exercises of logical disceptations of schools allotted every faculty by itself,11 the
11 Disceptations: debates and discussions.
a In most of the copies we have examined, the first letter of the word “ease” is not printed with
particular clarity. It is possible that “case” is meant, but the 1619 edition clearly seems to read
“ease” and that word makes more sense in context.
stance.”) Aristotle’s point seems to be that the prototypical instance of a “nature” is that
of an animal, plant, or other being that has the origin of its own growth and movement
in itself: all such things are also substances, but not all substances are “natures” in this
prototypical way.
7 Natura etiam pro peculiari indole, ingenio, more accipitur. Sic apud Virgilium. Nunc age, nat-
uras apibus quas Iuppiter ipse addidit, expediam. [“Nature” is also used for individual inborn
quality, character, morals. So in *Virgil: “Come now, I will explain the natures Jupiter himself
put into bees.”]
Nunc age, … is from Verg. G. 4.149–150.
8 Axiomata propositiones sunt per se fidem facientes, omnibus doctis in confesso et perpetuae.
Gal. de Meth. Med. [Axioms are propositions which themselves make one trust them, known
to all learned people everywhere and eternal. *Galen.]
Perhaps from Galen, De Methodo Medendi 10:34 line 9K or 10:50 line 1K, where Galen
says that axioms are unproven. In the second passage he also says that they are agreed
upon by all because they are clear to the intellect.
9 Grata colloquia et iucundi dialogi opulentiora quam perpetui libri. Scal. [Agreeable conver-
sations and pleasant dialogues are more splendid than unending books. *Scaliger.]
From Exercitatio 308 of Exotericæ Exercitationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum.
10 ὁμιλία ἔτεκε τέχνας. Conversatio artes peperit. Eurip. [Conversation gave birth to the arts. Con-
versation gave birth to the arts. Euripides.]
A saying attributed to *Euripides by others as well as Cotta, but not found in those
words in Euripides. Perhaps inspired by E. Andr. 683–684: ἡ δ’ ὁμιλία/ πάντων βροτοῖσι γίγνε-
ται διδάσκαλος (“Conversation is the teacher of all things to humans.”)
11 Etenim sicuti lapidum collisione ignis: ita ex disceptationibus elicitur veritas. Scalig. de Subt.
[For just as fire is from the striking together of rocks, so truth is drawn out from discussions.
Optima illa est docendi ratio quae viva voce traditur. Neque enim quenquam ex libro nau-
250 chapter 2
mind may usually receive redoubled memory of the maxims, axioms, and rules
of every art and science, whereby continual inculcation may both more firmly
settle them,12 and occasion their more frequent and better labored examina-
tion and rumination. That in whose admission two senses bear testimony, and
by two ways doth enter, hath firmer possession. The weakness or weariness of 5
the sight or eye in private reading sometimes mistaketh, oft omitteth, and not
seldom overslippeth; but the understanding standeth ready at the gates of the
ears,13 ever giving easy entrance, and with ready attention more due perpen-
sion,14 the most faithful remembrance by the ear conducted unto the inward
seats and cells of the soul and contemplation. 10
By “study” is generally conceived the continual occupation and employment
of all the faculties of the mind in serious disquisition,15 prompt apprehension
and reception of general rules and precept, and frequent oft after review of
their former several notions, reflecting the understanding upon itself in the
recognition of his passed intellection, and in due rumination unto right diges- 15
clerum vel alterius artis artificem evadere licet. Libri enim sunt iis qui ante eruditi fuerunt
monimenta, non rudium et indoctorum doctrina perfecta. Galen. de Alim. fac. lib. I. [That
method of teaching is best which is handed down viva voce. For one cannot become a ship-
master or an artisan of any other art from a book. For books are reminders to those who have
been taught beforehand, not completed doctrine for the unskilled and unlearned. *Galen, De
Alimentorum Facultatibus Book I.]
The first passage is from Exercitiatio 308. Compare Exercitatio 291§6: “and truth is ham-
mered out by the collision of minds, as it were.”
The second passage is a good translation of Galen De Alimentorum Facultatibus (6: 480
lines 5–9K) and is very close to that of Martinus Gregorius (1538).
12 Qui sapiens et doctus evadere cupit, φιλομαθῆ, φιλήκοον, ζητήτικον εἴναι oportet. Plato. de Rep.
[One who wants to turn out wise and learned needs to be fond of learning, listening, and given
to inquiring. Plato, Republic.]
A mixed-language paraphrase of Plato, Republic 535d.
13 Animus habitat in auribus. Herod. [The soul dwells in the ears. Herodotus.]
From Hdt. 7.39. Desiderius Erasmus lists the Latin version as a proverb (Adagia IV.5.53).
14 Vox scripturam ad audiendum longe praestantior et disertior, auriumque sensus potior mag-
ister. Plato. [For listening to writing, the voice is far superior and more eloquent, and the sense
of the ears is a more capable master. *Plato.]
It is not clear to what Platonic text Cotta refers.
15 Studium est vehemens animi applicatio ad aliquid. Perot. in Epigr. *Martial.
Nicholas Perottus (AD 1429–1480), an early Italian humanist scholar of Latin and Greek,
wrote a commentary on Martial’s Epigrams called Cornucopia: Cotta’s passage is found on
page 831. Perottus probably got this idea from *Cicero’s studium est animi assidua et vehe-
mens ad aliquam rem applicata magna cum voluntate occupatio, ut philosophiae, poeticae,
geometriae, litterarum (“Zeal is the constant and strong attention of the mind paid to some
matter with a strong will, such as philosophy, poetry, geometry, literature”) found in Cic.
Inv. 1.25.36.
tion. From whence, by long exercise and use therein, gaining a habit and true
method thereof, the firm knowledge and science of assured infallible rule and
principle, doth beget art, and art bring forth the end of art, which is the honor
of the artificer, the ever-reasonable satisfaction of needful use and necessity,
and, for the most part, desired issue.16 5
By “institution” is conceived education, early beginning, and inchoation
from young and tender years,17 whereby the grounds and rules of knowledge
growing up with age, become, in shorter time, more natural, permanent, famil-
iar, easy, more clear and free of difficulties, which unto sudden apprehension
bring confusion and impediment. 10
By “industry” is understood continual care,18 exercise, and pains to make
every benefit and utmost use of nature’s bounty, of precepts worthy of place
and every other behooveful circumstance, to perfect institution, to save, pre-
13–252.1 Prevent: anticipate.
16 ὑγίεας μὲν οῦν πόιεειν ἅπαντας τούς ἀσθενέοντας, ἀδυνάτον. Infirmos omnes sanos facere est
impossibile. Hippocrat. [It is impossible to make all the sick well. It is impossible to make all
the sick well. Hippocrates.]
From *Hp. Prog. 1 line 8.
17 Educatio est nutritio et provectio a tenerioribus annis. Sic Terent. Eduxi e parvulo, etc. Et Vir-
gil. Nascentes educat uvas. Nonius Marcellus de proprietat. Serm. sic habet: Alere est vitam
victu temporali sustentare, educare autem ad satietatem perpetuam educere. [Upbringing
is nourishing and advancing from the quite tender years. Terence puts it as follows: “I have
raised him up from a little one,” etc. And Virgil: “… would raise native grapes.” Nonius Marcel-
lus De Proprietate Latini Sermonis (422) has the following: “To nourish is to support life with
daily sustenance: to bring up, however, is to bring to a state of lasting abundance.”]
From Ter. Ad. 1.1.23. The purported *Virgil quotation may be from *Ov. Pont. 1.3.51, dul-
ces educat uuas “(this field) would raise sweet grapes.” The work De Proprietate Latini
Sermonis by Nonius Marcellus (a grammarian of the fourth or fifth century AD) is now
more commonly known as De Compendiosa Doctrina.
18 Industrii homines iidem qui laboriosi, amantes laboris, agendi pulchra studiosi, Cicer. Tusc.
Quaest. 2. [Industrious humans are the same as hard-workers, who love to work and strive to
do fine things. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations Book II.]
Apparently, Cotta is referring to Cic. Tusc. 2.15, which contains much but not all of the
thought in Cotta’s Latin. There, *Cicero says: Itaque industrios homines illi studiosos vel
potius amantis doloris appellant, nos commodius laboriosos; aliud est enim laborare, aliud
dolere (“That is what they [Greeks] call industrious humans, ‘zealous or rather lovers of
pain,’ but we [Romans] more appropriately call them ‘industrious’: for work is one thing,
pain another.”) Cicero is discussing the fact that Greek has one word which means both
“work” and “pain,” whereas the normally more impoverished Latin vocabulary has two dis-
tinct words and so presents them as distinct concepts. Of course, the same word can have
two very distinct, even opposed, senses, and so Cicero’s claim is tendentious, but Cotta
has plucked the thought out of context, and Cicero’s actual point is not germane.
252 chapter 2
vent, and redeem time and opportunity, with serious affection and desire to
whet, uphold, and maintain alacrity, constancy, and perseverance through
labor and diligence unto perfection.
By “time” is understood the several competence of years of every single use,
and due in all. 5
The necessity to the helpful concurrence of all these unto any one perfec-
tion is easily manifest. The want of natural helps of wit and other reasonable
parts of man, must needs be uncapable of precept.19 Without precept (being
the rich compiled treasure of the excellent knowledges of many ages and gener-
ations) how shall any single life’s sufficiency otherwise truly attain the precious 10
worth and benefit of due perfection in any art? Without study also precept
is never deigned, because not deserved, God and nature perpetually bless-
ing the proportioning several measures of knowledge and understanding to
some quality of thoughtful search and assiduity.20 Where is not place fitting
study, and allowing the prompt concourse of learned conference,21 study must 15
needs want those ready helps which mutual speech, special example, and many
common reciprocal auxiliary assistances in learned society, do manifestly, prof-
itably, and continually supply. Where wanteth timely institution,22 either later
springs bring slower growth, or too sudden sprouts soon wasted springs. Where
industrious affection and exercise either fainting waneth, or is not ever in the 20
12 Deigned: granted.
19 Quod natura negat reddere nemo potest. [When nature refuses to oblige, no one is able to rise
to the occasion.]
From Maximian, Elegies 5.54, unattributed by Cotta, perhaps because the poem is
about a man unable to get an erection.
20 θεὂι τ’ αγαθα πόνοις πωλοῦνται. Dii labore vendunt bona mortalibus. [Gods sell goods for works.
Gods sell goods to mortals for work.]
Similar to a line in Lib. Oration 64 §105: τῶν πόνων πωλοῦσιν ἅπαντα οἱ θεοὶ τἀγαθά (“The
gods sell all good things for works.”)
21 Scholae ψυχων διδασκαλεῖα λογικών καὶ θεογνωσίας παιδευτήρια. Basil. [Schools are schools for
rational souls and learning places for knowledge of god. Basil.]
Adapted from *Basil of Caesarea, Homilies on the Hexaemeron Homily 1, §6, line 13:
εἴπερ τῷ ὄντι ψυχῶν λογικῶν διδασκαλεῖον καὶ θεογνωσίας ἐστὶ παιδευτήριον (“If it (the world)
is a school and learning place for rational souls and knowledge of God.”)
22 Tantam enim vim habet puerilis institutio, ut sine illa nemo ad ullum decus eniti possit. Oso-
rius. [Childhood education has so much power that without it no one is able to ascend to any
prominence. Osorius.]
οὐ μίκρον οὖν διαφέρει τό οὕτως ἢ οὕτως ἐυθὺς ἐκ νέων ἐθίζεσθαί, αλλὰ παμπόλυ. Non parum
igitur sed plurimum quin potius totum refert, sic vel non sic homines ab adolescentia assue-
factos esse. Aristot. Eth. 2. [It makes no small difference, then, whether one is brought up this
way or that way from youth, but rather a great deal of difference. Therefore it makes no small
full; eclipsed care must needs prove dull, and pains flow, and without pains
shall ever succeed but meager profit. Lastly, where full time is scant,23 defect is
large, and where season short,24 no good proof long.25
And thus it is apparent, that none, and no one of these may be wanting,
where is desired any reasonable perfection. And this is the same infallible truth 5
in all faculties and professions. For many instances, behold but one, and see by
common consent of all learned, by testimony of reason and experience, how
progress of knowledge doth in every part answer the nature and custom of hus-
banding seed. Compare the fertility of soil with capacity in nature,26 the seed
with wholesome precept, the country neighborhood of readiness and plenty 10
(whereby need with common benefit may mutually both lend and borrow)
unto the like helps of learning in learned society. Compare careful gathering
together and storing of good seed unto daily study, industry and pains to toil
and labor, usual early bringing up, and prudent timely country education to
necessity of institution, and the yearly seasons to studious times. Are not all 15
but rather a very large nay rather all the difference that humans be brought up from youth in
this way or not. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics 2.]
The first passage is from Osorius’s De Regis Institutione et Disciplina, Book III (1574
Cologne edition, 99).
The second passage is *Arist. EN 1103b23–25. Cotta does not quote the entire sentence,
but he does translate the entire sentence into Latin.
23 Veritas filia temporis: Αγει δὲ ἐις φῶς τὴν ἀλήθειαν χρόνος. [Truth is the daughter of time: time
brings truth into the light.]
Cotta gives no particular source of this motto, which was used extensively in various
ways in England (see Gordon, “‘Veritas Filia Temporis’ ”). The Greek version is difficult to
trace: it may have been invented by Cotta.
24 Emuntur artes tempore et diligentia. Laert. [Arts are purchased by time and industry. Laer-
tius.]
Taken from D.L. Lives of the Philosophers 6.95 lines 7–8: “He (Metrocles) said that some
things are purchased by money, such as a house, but others by time and industry, such as
education.”
25 Non potest in eo succus esse diuturnus, quod nimis celeriter est maturitatem assequutum.
Cicer. [The sap cannot be of long duration, because it has reached maturity too quickly.
Cicero.]
Cic. De Orat. 2.88: in a youth aspiring to be an orator, *Cicero prefers the presence of
qualities in need of pruning to the lack of such qualities.
26 τόν αὐτὸν τρόπον γῃ μεν ἐοίκεν ἥ φύσις, γεώργῳ δὲ ο παιδεύων, σπερματι δὲ αἱ τῶν λογῶν ὑποθή-
και. Analogiam habet natura cum tellure, agricola cum eo qui praeceptis instituit et instruit,
semen cum salubribus praeceptis. Plutarchus. περι παιδ. αγωγ. [In the same way, nature is like
the earth, and the teacher is like the farmer, and the teachings of reason is like a seed. Nature
is analogous to the earth, a farmer to the one who teaches and instructs by teachings, the seed
to wholesome teachings. Plutarch, Περὶ παίδων ἀγωγῆς.]
From *Plu. De Liberis Educandis, (On the Education of Children). 2b.
254 chapter 2
in both, and both in all alike? The seeds of virtue and knowledge are ever fitly
sowed in childhood, the age of institution,27 in whose unjudging youth their
hidden virtue stealeth root,28 in years of discretion growth,29 in confirmed age
gathereth ripeness,30 and in consisting age bringeth forth ripe fruit in practice
and proof,31 therein continuing ever until declining autumn, the fall of age, and 5
the winter of this mortal life.32
And this is that span of man’s life, and ought be his reckoning of his days
well dispent in any virtuous or noble faculty. These things are manifest unto
all, and need not so much proof as better consideration. And thus the necessary
concurrence of the knowledge of nature unto perfection in any worthy faculty, 10
hath briefly and sufficiently appeared, and more specially the use thereof unto
a physician hath been plainly instanced and manifest, and his primacy in the
counsel and consultation of nature, the necessities of life have amply proved. It
hath been likewise farther considered, that as in all arts and sciences, so espe-
cially in physic, no man ever attained the meanest satisfying worth, without 15
27 Pueritia ad 14 annum numeratur. [Boyhood is reckoned at the 14th year.]

28 Venaticus ex quo tempore cervinam pellem latravit in aula, militat in sylvis catulus. Nunc
adbibe puro pectore verba puer, nunc te melioribus offer. Horat. [The hunter, from the time
it first barks at a deer’s hide in the yard as a puppy, works in the woods. Now, boy, drink my
words with a pure heart, now entrust yourself to the better. Horace.]
*Hor. Epistles 1.2.65–68.
29 Adolescentia haec est, ab annis pueritiae durans ad 20. et 25. annum, huic succedit iuventus
et progreditur ad 35. [This is “adolescentia,” lasting from the age of boyhood to the 20th and
25th year. “Iuventus” follows that age and lasts to the 35th year.]
“Adolescentia” could, perhaps, be translated as “early adulthood” and “iuventus” as
“young adulthood.”
30 Iuvenilis haec est aetas. [This is the “iuvenilis” age.]
In classical antiquity, a “iuvenis” was approximately 20 to 40.
31 Consistit aetas a 35. ad 50. aut circiter, et vel paulo magis vel minus pro temperaturarum dif-
ferentiis. [The age lasts from the 35th to the 50th year or thereabouts, differing either a little
more or a little less according to temperament.]
32 Studia in adolescentia sunt tanquam in herbis, quae annis post maturioribus pulchrae fruges
sunt futurae, nam quae seminaverit in iuventute metet cum senuerit. Plutarch περι παιδ. αγωγ.
[Pursuits in young adulthood are as if in green crops, which in later years are going to be fine
fruits, for what one sows in youth one reaps when one grows old. Plutarch, De Liberis Educan-
dis (On the Education of Children).]
Not from *Plu. De Liberis Educandis (On the Education of Children). The beginning
resembles closely *Cic. Cael. 76 quae studia in his iam aetatibus nostris contractiora esse
debent, in adulescentia vero tamquam in herbis significant, quae virtutis maturitas et quan-
tae fruges industriae sint futurae (“Pursuits which at our age ought to be quite limited, in
young adulthood give indication, as if in young crops, of what the ripeness of virtue will
bring and how great the fruits of diligence are going to be.”) The end resembles Paul’s Letter
To the Galatians 6.7.2: “For what a man sows, he will also reap.”
the assistance of a sevenfold furtherance, without nature either disposing or

favoring,33 hath been declared the vanity of utmost endeavor. Without pre-
cept where hath ever been any right subject, rule, or measure unto wandering
confused thought and contemplation?34 Without study and industry was never
gained worth,35 nor without institution ever purchased assurance of any per- 5
petuity. In want of fit and settled place, the most desirous endeavor doth find
wearisome loss of so fair and helpful opportunity, and there is no goodness by
time unsettled hath ever been well confirmed.36
From hence it must necessarily follow as certain conclusion, that accord-
ing as men are more or less wanting in any of these, so do the number of the 10
wants truly measure the quantity of their defects. And since these are seven
so inseparable companions and guides unto sufficiency in those by whom it is
truly acquired, they must needs therefore by necessary consequent be therein
fair likelihoods and proofs of that sufficiency unto others also whom it shall
concern to know and enquire it for their own direction and satisfaction. And 15
as these are thus necessary to be enquired, so is it as easy for the meanest to
trace and discover them in any particular knowledge.
Nature doth express herself in her own endowments open to every eye in
common conversation. The hope and opinion of good precept, doth unto the
33 Tu nihil invita dices faciesve Minerva. [Without Minerva’s aid, you will neither say nor accom-
plish anything worthwhile.]
A programmatic statement about artistic accomplishment that became a motto, orig-
inally from *Hor. Ars 385. Minerva stands for wisdom, inspiration, nature, and the like.
34 φύσεως μὲν γὰρ ἀρετὰν διαφθείρει ραθυμία, φαυλότητα ἐπανορθοῖ διδαχη. Innatam virtutem igna-
via et desidia destruit, et corrumpit, naturalem ineptitudinem rusticitatemve corrigit et
emendat doctrina. Plutarch περι παιδ. ἀγωγ. [Sloth destroys natural virtue, education cor-
rects badness. Laziness and vice destroy and corrupt natural virtue, education corrects and
improves stupidity and boorishness. Plutarch De Liberis Educandis.]
From *Plu. De Liberis Educandis (On the Education of Children) 2c11–13.
35 καὶ τὰ μὲν ῥάδια τοῦς ἀμελοῦντας φύγει, τὰ δὲ χαλεποι/α, etc. Quae facilia sunt cognitu fugiunt
incuriam, quae vero difficilima elegantia concinna capiuntur. Plutarch. [Easy things escape
the negligent, and difficult things, etc. Things which are easy to know escape negligence, but
things which are very difficult are acquired by clever elegance. Plutarch, De Liberis Educandis
(On the Education of Children).]
From *Plu. De Liberis Educandis 2c13–d1.
36 Annus in apricis maturat collibus uvas. Ovid. Illud ingeniorum velut praecox genus, non
temere unquam pervenit ad frugem. Quintil. Festinata maturitas occidit celerius. Idem. [The
year ripens grapes on sunny hills. Ovid. The sort of character that is as it were too quick
hardly ever gets to fruition. Quintilian. Maturity that is rushed decays more swiftly. The same
author.]
The first passage is from Tib. 2.4.13, not *Ovid. The second passage is from Quint. Inst.
1.3.3. The final snippet, from Quint. Inst., preface to 6.10, became a proverb.
256 chapter 2
most ignorant give prudent guess, either by the particular knowledge, or at

least inquisition of precedent timely institution and likely institutors. Good
and pertinent institution, deriveth probability of itself, from the testimony of
convenient time and fit place of institution. Industry cannot be hid, and study
by his assiduity doth ever prove itself,37 and by continual exercise of itself, as it 5
first giveth, so it after perpetually holdeth sufficiency,38 and manifesteth itself
thereby, both past and present, unto any one.
And as education itself is of all learned esteemed and judged absolutely
beyond exception or dispensation necessary,39 so are his places common, and
therefore not obscure. Lastly, time well dispent doth point his proof unto exam- 10
ination of his several degrees growth, both how in childhood and youth,40 unto
the years of discretion, disposed, and also after that time in manhood and con-
firmed age unto consistence, disposing himself.
These are those easy notes, whereby from the necessity, partly their con-
tinual presence, and partly precedence in every faculty, the meanest capacity 15
together with the best may confirm and better satisfy their prudent hope or fear
in choice. These marks, though common and indifferent unto all, yet do they
bring more or less different behooveful use, according to different judgings and
understandings.41 Such as are learned in the same faculty, beside these outward
37 In omni literarum profectu stylo, libello καινω perpetuo est opus. Isocrat. [In all progress of
literature there is always need of a new style and work. Isocrates.]
The end of the word profectu as well as the Greek word καινω are quite difficult to make
out in the original printings but they yield good sense. Unfortunately, this sentiment is not
found in Isocrates in any passage where he uses a word containing καιν-. In all, Isocrates
seems to appreciate innovation but not slavishly.
38 Literae marsupium non sequuntur; sudoris comites sunt et laboris, sociae jejuniorum, non
satietatis, continentiae, non luxuriae. Hieronym. [Letters do not follow a purse; they are the
associates of sweat and work, the associates of the hungry, not of satiety, of continence, not
of excess. Jerome.]
From Jerome, Contra Rufinum, I.17 which in the modern text consulted here has the
synonymous saturitatis, not satietatis, but is otherwise as Cotta reports.
39 Recta institutio caput omnis virtutis. Plat. de leg. [Correct education is the chief element of all
virtue. *Plato, Leges.]
Possibly refers to Pl. Lg. 643c.
40 Eradenda cupidinis pravi sunt elementa, et tenerae nimis mentes aspersioribus formandae
studiis. Horat. [The origins of base desire must be extinguished and too soft minds must be
formed by harsher disciplines. Horace.]
*Hor. Carm. 3.24.51–54.
41 Foelices essent artes si de iis soli iudicarent artifices. Aristot. [The arts would be happy were
their practitioners their only judges. Aristotle.]
Nothing found in *Aristotle, but this is attributed to “Philosophus” (a usual way to refer
to Aristotle) in De Laudibus Legum Angliae by John Fortescue (ca. AD 1394–ca. 1480). This
and common informations are farther enabled to allure this inquisition by the
presence and knowledge of the same sufficience in themselves when they find
it represented unto them in another.
Such as are learned in different faculties, or are general readers or schol-
ars only, by the signs common unto all kinds of learning may better judge of 5
a common faculty in general knowledge, but unproperly determine a special
worth.42 The first have therefore more certain understanding, the second some-
what more advantaged conjecture. He only that is altogether unlettered and
unlearned, for that he cannot help his judgment from any of these two for-
mer inward lights or intelligence of his own understanding, must therefore 10
chiefly derive his information from without, and from these outward signs,
from whence it is also better to raise probable reason and conjecture to resolve
itself,43 than altogether trust report and others’ faith. For that which is prob-
1 Allure: draw towards itself.
quotation is also found in St. Jerome, letter 66.9, To Pammachius, where it is attributed
to “Fabius,” and in the preface to Jerome’s Commentary on Isaiah 16, attributed to an
unnamed orator. Some think “Fabius” and the “orator” is Quintilian (Marcus Fabius Quin-
tilianus), because in the Institutio Oratoria 12.10.50, Quintilian says that what is put into
books ought to be well-polished because iudices artis habeat artifices (“It has those prac-
ticed in the art as judges of the art”), but that is quite different from this quip.
42 Artis cuiuslibet iudicationes primae omnibus hominibus sunt notae sequentes soli artifici.
Gal. lib. 6. de Meth. Med. [The principle judgments of any science, following that science
alone, are known to all humans. Galen, Book 6 of De Methodo Medendi.]
This might perhaps be from *Galen, De Methodo Medendi Book VI, 10:389 lines 8–
13K, but that passage has a different thrust from Cotta’s: “For the first proofs in every
science belong to all humans, so that if they are sufficient to make scientists, nothing
prevents us from being shipwrights or practicing a skilled trade and being able to make
shoes and manufacture clothing and to build houses and to play the kithara and to be
rhetors.”
43 μάντις ἄριστος ὁστις εἰκαζει καλώς. Eurip. bene qui conjiciet vatem hunc perhibebo optimum.
Cicero de divin. [The best prophet is one who conjectures well. Euripides. I proclaim whoever
conjectures well the best prophet. Cicero, De Divinatione.]
Ap. BC 2.21.153.14 and Gregory Nazianzenus Against Emperor Julian 2 (Oration 5) quote
the Greek sentence as Cotta does (i.e. without the δ’ that is in modern editions of Euripi-
des’s fragments) but with no attribution. *Euripides Fragment 973 (Nauck): μάντις δ’ ἄρι-
στος ὅστις εἰκάζει καλῶς was attributed to Euripides by Arrian (Alexandri Anabasis 7.16.6
line 4). It was also attributed to Menander (Körte and Thierfelder fragment 941). The Latin
is from *Cic. Div. 2.5: Vide igitur, ne nulla sit divinatio. Est quidam Graecus vulgaris in hanc
sententiam versus: “Bene qui coniciet, vatem hunc perhibebo optimum.” (“Hence beware lest
there is no divination. There is a certain common Greek saying which translates into this
pithy saying: ‘I proclaim whoever conjectures well the best prophet.’ ”)
258 chapter 2
able cometh near unto truth,44 and he that industriously excerciseth himself
in discerning rightly true probability, shall always more wisely walk, and most
seldom err or be deceived.
44 Artificialis coniectura e probabili eruitur ratione et proxime semper accedit ad veritatem.

Galen. [A conjecture guided by scientific knowledge is derived from the probable/credible by
reason and always comes closest to truth. Galen.]
Probably from De Crisibus (9:583 line 5K): see Book 1, Chapter 5, note 22, which has a
very similar idea attributed to “*Galen passim.”
chapter 3
Conclusion
And thus, with a plain sensibleness unto vulgar capacity, I have delivered the
sententious sum of those things which the learned in the largeness of many vol-
umes have widely scattered and confounded. Which, as according to the first
promise and purpose, it giveth unto the meanest a light unto a larger field of
prudent consideration, so doth it also unto the younger student yield a prof- 5
itable taste of that true way and method which prosperously guideth unto per-
fection. And although sharp-witted folly in the ambition of proud conceit hath
ofttimes devised and imagined easier and shorter ways and cuts unto a higher
pitch,1 yet aftertime hath still otherwise proved it unto erroneous men, when
for the most part their eyes and time are almost out, and folly hath already too 10
sufficiently fatted itself to glut repentance.
I will not spend time in blaming this our time herein; daily experience is
just reproof. From that which hath formerly been discoursed, there seemeth
yet remaining a doubt demanding answer: whether none but men, as before,
known learned, may prove safe or commendable use. Where the causes and 15
diseases are both common and vulgar, and no circumstance requireth more
than ordinary consult, there without doubt ordinary harmless remedies with-
out deeper counsel or advice, may by themselves sufficiently satisfy a usual
need.2 For this cause the empiric is justly to be preferred before all other sects,
1 Huiusmodi fuere illi Thessalii asini et ipse ipsorum parens Thessalus, qui in sex mensium spacio
totam medicinae artem non modo vorabant ipsi, sed et alios docere profitebantur. [Those Thes-
salian asses and their parent Thessalus himself were of this sort, who, in the space of six months,
not only themselves devoured the entire art of medicine, but even professed to teach it to others.]
*Galen calls “Methodist” followers of Thessalus or Thessalus himself “Thessalian asses”
several times. He rejects the Methodists’ claim to be able to teach the entirety of medicine
within six months at De Disgnoscendis Pulsibus (8:770 line 10K) and De Crisibus (9:642 line 7K),
although he does not call them “Thessalian asses” in either place.
2 Sed et medicus optime singulorum naturam rationemque habuerit qui genus universum cog-
noverit. Veruntamen nihil prohibet quo minus etiam is qui sit nescius uni alicui pulchre consulat,
dummodo experiendo quae cuique accidunt accurate prospexerit: quemadmodum multos sibi
ipsis optimos medicos videmus, cum alteri subvenire atque opitulari non possint. Aristot. Eth.
10. [But also the doctor who understands the universals will best grasp the nature and account
of individual cases. Nonetheless nothing impedes but that even one who is ignorant should care
excellently for some one person, provided that that one accurately foresees what happens to each
by empirical means: just as we see many who are optimal doctors for themselves, but are not able
to help and succor another. *Aristotle, Ethics 10.]

260 chapter 3
for that (for the most part) never changing his approved ordinary good reme-
dies, he thereby in ordinary cases doth more commonly benefit; while other
sectaries from the wild composition of their confused and deceived minds
(ever therefore vainly continually varying the mixture of their medicines) must
needs thereby both prevent the ordinary benefit of usual and tried medicines 5
in common diseases,3 and in all other also by their misgoverned rules, and mis-
taking reason, ever either overrun or come short of that happy and safe issue,
which more distinct, judicious and truly understanding accommodation from
more prudent right deliberation doth more certainly and assuredly bring forth.
This is the reason that *Galen instituting and counseling a young physician,4 10
doth chiefly instruct him first to bend all his whole labor and endeavor to aim
at that unstained purity of sight and discerning sagacity, which is only proper
unto the truly learned and solely orthodox physician, whereunto, if his power
and means will not advance him, he then adviseth him to make choice of the
empiric solely to imitate before all other sects,5 because his plain constant 15
course in ordinary diseases doth most oft good, and in most commonly least
hurt, though with the rest never sure, and not ever safe. And thus far (deserv-
ing reader), I have pointed thy better remembrance into the right way of the
most likely inquisition.
Virtue is likewise a needful companion unto sufficience of understanding, 20
a grace and ornament unto a physician, and in him a benefit and advantage
unto the patient: by the one well gained, discreetly and justly steering his suffi-
3 Sectaries: a follower of a sect, or more broadly, a follower of a particular school.
3 Methodici debitae pharmacorum compositionis ignari opera artis invertunt. Galen. de sect. [The
Methodists in their ignorance of the appropriate composition of drugs upset the works of their
art. *Galen.]
Possibly from De Compositione Medicamentorum per Genera (On the Compositions of Medi-
cines by Types). 13:375K.
4 Galen lib. de sectis in Suasor. ad artes. lib Isagoges Med. [*Galen in his book De Sectis, in Suasoria
ad Artes, in the book Isagoges.]
These books are now known as De Sectis ad Eos qui Introducuntur (“On the Schools [of
Medicine] for Beginners”: Cotta refers to it thus in his next note), Adhortatio ad Artes Addis-
cendas (“Exhortation to Learn the Arts”), and Introductio seu Medicus (“Introduction, or the
Doctor.”) The third one is Pseudo-Galenic and was thought to be so in Cotta’s time.
5 Eaedem in iisdem affectibus medelae ab iis qui rationem profitentur et empiricis medicis trahun-
tur. De ratione inveniendi eas inter eosdem dissentio est. Galen. de Sect. [The same cures for the
same conditions are laid claim to by both doctors of the “rational” persuasion and those who pro-
fess empiricism. The disagreement between them is about the method of discovering the cures.
Galen De Sectis ad Eos Qui Introducuntur.]
From *Galen, De Sectis ad Eos Qui Introducuntur 1:73 line 10K.
conclusion 261
cience, by the other well known,6assuring his confidence. But being every man’s
common duty to learn the philosopher’s subject, and beside my promised per-
formance, I will commend it unto easy observation in every man his own trial
and proof, the ordinary judgment more easily knowing virtue in the6 outward
shape of fair action, than readily conceiving or examining it by the general7 5
idea or large description. It only now remaineth thou call once again remem-
brance unto remembrance, by recovering in our passed discovery in few words
the general brief sum for better impression and continuance.
It hath been manifested how senseless common use doth draw fond custom
unto mechanical counsel. Reason and prudence have also given thee a taste 10
and better sense of the unobserved mischief therein, and hath taught thee a
more wise fear. Nor hath it been the least wisdom, to know to hold suspected
among those whom learning hath exempted out of the unlearned multitude,
such as make profession of double perfection in two faculties,8 where one in
true reason is never sufficiently or above needful measure fulfilled in the most 15
excellent, beside the perfection and right habit of understanding, the atten-
dance in care and circumspect action requiring never less than the whole and
utmost endeavor—which he that thinketh too much for his own calling, pro-
fession or faculty whatsoever, is the least of all worthy of it, or well deserving
in it. 20
It hath been likewise farther noted unto prudent observation, that among
men honestly limited within one calling, notwithstanding immoderate, extrav-
6 Natura siquidem utraque haec largita est nobis, et ipsa iudicia et fidem. Naturalia indicia sunt
sensus et ratio. Ordiuntur haec a maxime facilimis usu et cognitione. Fides et persuasio sine ulla
disciplina natura duce indiciis adhibentur. Galen. lib. 9 de dog. Hipp. et Plat. [Since indeed nature
has bequeathed both judgment itself and belief on us. Natural evidence of this are the senses and
reason. This begins from their especially easy use and cognition. Trust and persuasion, without
any learning, with nature as a guide, are applied to this evidence. Galen, Book 9 of De Placitis
Hippocrates et Platonis.]
Nothing in *Galen precisely matches Cotta’s words, but De Placitis Hippocrates et Platonis
9.1 discusses the same issues and makes similar points.
7 Non omnes ita sunt solertes ut ex solo universali ipsi particularia inveniant. Galen. lib.5.de
san.tuend. [Not all are so talented that from a single universal they can discover particulars.
*Galen, De Sanitate Tuenda.]
6:351 line 6–7K. The Latin is the same as Thomas Linacre’s translation.
8 Sua ipsius propria agere et alienis negotiis non implicari, est iustitia, τὰ ἀυτού πράττειν καὶ μὴ
πολυπραγμονεῖν δικαιοσύνη ἐστί. Plato. de Rep. [To do one’s own business and not to be entangled
in the business of others is justice. To do one’s own things and not to be a busybody is justice. Plato,
Republic.]
From *Pl. R. 433a9–10.
262 chapter 3
agant, and impertinent curiosity too prodigally dispent in things of least mo-
ment, least pertinent or profitable unto necessary use, doth vainly sometimes
divert the more serious and chiefly fixed study and respect upon the more main
ends and offices therein,9 (as hath been before noted of curious astrologers and
superstitious Ephemerides-masters) whereby that which is most necessary, is 5
dangerously oft neglected, and that which is least needful, fondly more pre-
ferred and esteemed.
Lastly hath been pointed the man whom thou mayest most discreetly and
with most likely safety choose to trust with thy life and health.
First, thou art advised to consider that he be a man free from the former 10
imputations, and, secondly, that he be commended unto thee by the seven fore-
mentioned testimonies: one whom nature hath fitted and set forth by common
good parts expressed in open and apert,10 just and discreet word and action,
1 Dispent: expended, spent. 5 Ephermeridies-masters: Those who study astrological tables. See
Book 2, Chapter 3.
9 Qui omnes in arte aliqua minutias et subtilitates persequitur, exitum nullum inveniet: si vero
in illis modum utilitate terminaverit, non mediocrem fructum ex illis capiet. Non enim omnia
ex singulis disciplinis, sed necessaria, et ad usum magis accommodata sunt addiscenda.
Osor. de Reg. instit. [One who pursues every detail and subtlety in any area of knowledge will
find no ending point of the pursuit: but if one stops at utility, one will find no middling profit
from them. For one must learn not everything in each discipline, but the things that are nec-
essary and more fit for use. Osorius, De Regis Institutione et Disciplina.]
John Osorius (ca. 1542–1594) is little-studied today, but was praised by Michel de Mon-
taigne as “the best Latin historian of our era.” Qtd in Losse, Montaigne, 158. His text from
Book V, pages 149–151 of a 1574 Cologne edition has these sentences a page apart: … si
non omnia ex singulis disciplinis, sed necessaria tantum et ad usum magis accommodata
didicerit, omnes facillime cum fructu et iucunditate percurrent (149) … Si enim omnes earum
minutias et subtilitates persequi voluerint, exitum nullum invenient: si vero illarum modum
utilitate terminaverint, non mediocrem utilitatem ex illis capient (151) (“If people do not
learn all things in each discipline, but only the necessary things and those more fit for
use, they will run through them all with profit and enjoyment … for if they desire to pur-
sue their every detail and subtlety, they will find no endpoint; but if they delimit their
measure by utility, they will find no middling usefulness from them.”)
10 Praeclara autem studia non omnibus ornamento esse possunt, sed iis tantum qui praeclaro
ingenio et egregia virtutis indole praediti sunt. Osor. de Reg. instit. [Not everyone’s efforts are
able to be ornamented with renown, but only those which have been bestowed on a renowned
talent and an extraordinary character of virtue. Osorius, De Regis Institutione et Disciplina.]
Undoubtably loosely based on Osorius, Book VIII, (1574 Cologne edition, 288): Atque
haud scio an ob eam causam utile rebus humanis fuisset legem ferri, qua non omni, qui vellet,
liceret praeclaris disciplinis operam dare: sed illis tantum, qui essent acri ingenio, et animo
magno, praeclaraque virtutis indole praediti (“And for this reason [that learning and intel-
lectual skills are harmful in the hands of bad people] perhaps it would have been useful for
human affairs had a law been passed according to which not everyone who wanted would
conclusion 263
and also in special proof and use, the same in all occasions, capable, sensible,
wise, temperate, and understanding, in his profession carrying credited assur-
ance by his former times, place, institution, study and industry well known,
commendably formerly, and ever dispent. If thou make this careful and likely
good election of thy physician, thou shalt not so usually find so many luckless 5
events of after-repented choices, nor so commonly heedlessly draw upon thy-
self so many miserable calamities as daily fall out in want of more reasonable
fore-considered care thereof.
Happy is he who doth converse with the prudent,11 consulteth the wise,
trusteth the just and honest, and imploreth skillful help. God hath promised his 10
blessing unto the prudent, in his unaltered decree destining unto providence
both more certain prevention of evil, and also more likely forestalling of other-
wise more casual good.
In the wise (with caution and difficulty ever admitting any suspected or
doubted trust) succeedeth ever for the sometimes deceived issue,12 ordinar- 15
ily redoubled recompense, of fools ungusted, but unto the end deserving it,13
16 Ungusted: not tasted.
be permitted to study the illustrious disciplines: but only those who have a keen intellect,
a great soul, and are endowed with a brilliant inborn quality of virtue.”) See note 9 above.
11 Prudentia ad rationis normam quae cogitat quaeque agit universa dirigit, et nihil praeter
rectum et laudabile facit. Macrob. [Prudence directs all it thinks or does according to the rule
of reason and does nothing except what is right and praiseworthy. Macrobius.]
Adapted from Macr. Commentary on the Somnium Scipionis 1.8.7: Et est politici pruden-
tiae ad rationis normam quae cogitat quaeque agit universa dirigere, ac nihil praeter rectum
velle vel facere humanisque actibus tamquam divinis arbitriis providere (“It is proper to a
political man to direct what he thinks and what he does entirely according to the rule of
prudence’s reason and to want or do nothing except what is right and to look after human
actions as if with divine judgment.”)
12 Artem in plerisque certam subvertere non debet paucorum vel in paucis error Galen. de Med.
opt. [The error of a few or in a few things ought not to overturn a science sure in most things.
*Galen, De Med. Opt.]
Although this sentiment is not found in Quod Optimus Medicus Sit Quoque Philosophus
(typically abbreviated De Opt. Med.), a similar sentiment is found in De Diebus Decretoriis
9: 783 line 9–14K.
13 πάντα κατα λόγον ποιέοντι, etc. Omnia secundum rationem facienti licet non succedat secun-
dum rationem non est ad aliud transeundum dum manet quod a principio visum est. Hipp.
Aph. lib.2. [If one does everything according to a rational assessment, etc. One doing every-
thing according to reason’s assessment should not change to another procedure even if things
do not happen according to reason as long as what seemed right at the beginning remains
the same. Hippocrates, Aphorisms.]
*Hp. Aph. 2.52: “One who is doing everything according to a rational assessment should
not, as long as the original assessment remains the same, change one’s procedure, even if
what occurs is not in accord with that assessment.”
264 chapter 3
repaying the unknown inexplicable nectar of infinite acquiescence of mind,

and ample content of rich joy of heart unto itself.
In the skillful, error is barred frequence, and folly common or ordinary
admittance.14 These things common experience doth rarely know, because sel-
dom regarded: folly forever possessing this world of fools, and a mite of wisdom 5
being ever more rare than ten mines of gold.15
Know thou therefore the best pattern, aim ever to attain his nearest affinity,
with discreet coercion of that desire in want of so plentiful supply, contentedly
also accepting reasonable mediocrity, by ever eschewing the hated name and
inured note of known ignorance and adulterate bigamy of two callings,16 the 10
one in common use wholly insufficient, the other for the most part, but in part
able to supply either outward presence or inward worth.
Commit thy life into his hand that esteemeth it worth his whole study and
endeavor, that understandeth the causes in nature, wherein consisteth life, and
is skillfully able to draw forth thy destined line unto the utmost length and date 15
in nature, that knoweth the price and opportunity of life, that feareth God, and
loveth man, unto whom known danger giveth careful caution,17 safety, security,
judgment, resolution, and general knowledge unscanted counsel in all occur-
rents.18 Thus shalt not betray thy life to folly, nor by thy blame shall others’
14 ἔστι δὲ εὐστοχία τις ἥ ἀγχίνοια. Solertia est dexteritas in verum scopum seu finem collimandi.
Aristot. Eth. 6. [Cleverness is a sort of good aim. Understanding is cleverness in true aim or
of aiming directly at a goal. *Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics.]
From op. cit. 1142b6.
15 Vir bonus et sapiens, qualem vix repperit unum Millibus e cunctis hominum consultus Apollo,
Iudex ipse sui, etc. Virgil. [A good and wise man, the sort of which Apollo, when consulted,
hardly finds one among all the thousands of men, is a judge himself of himself, etc. Virgil.]
Not *Virgil, but Ausonius (AD 310–394) Eclogue 3.1–3, whose text is close to Cotta’s, but
usually reads multis “many” instead of cunctis “all.”
16 Tantumne otii est a re tua tibi, aliena ut cures quae nihil ad te pertinent. Terent. [Is there so
much leisure from your own affairs that you worry about those of others which do not pertain
to you? Terence.]
This is a version of Ter. Hau. 1.1.23–24: “Chremes, tantumne ab re tuast oti tibi/ aliena ut
cures ea quae nil ad te attinent?” (“Chremes, do you have so much leisure from your affairs
that you worry about others’ which do not pertain to you?”)
17 τον ἰατρὸν δοκέει μοι, etc. Medicum uti providentia ut mihi videtur optimum est. Hipp. lib. I
praenot. [It seems to me that a doctor, etc. It is best, it seems to me, that a doctor use fore-
sight. Hippocrates, Book I, Prognosticon.]
From *Hp. Prog. 1.1.
18 In medico nulla potest esse perfectio sine illa encyclopedia quae homini viam munit ad foelic-
itatem. Scalig. [There can be no accomplishment in a doctor without that general course of
instruction which builds a path to well-being for humans. *Scaliger.]
From Poetices, Libri VII, Book III, Chapter XVI.
conclusion 265
ignorance deservedly punish and interrupt thy quiet ease.19 Thus mayest thou
both live in more free content, and oft more happy days, and die in thy full time
by a ripe and mature death,20 in the blessing of God, and right of nature, yield-
ing thy life unto the common law of mortality,21 not falling under the heavy
burden of thy own guilt in rash exposal, or careless neglect. 5
FINIS.
19 καὶ τοῦτο λύπρον τὸ συνασοφεῖν τοῖς μὴ σοφοῖς. Est et hoc vile et miserum cum stultis et fatuis
insipere. Eurip. [This too is painful, to be foolish along with the foolish. Euripides.]
From *E. Ph. 394: καὶ τοῦτο λυπρόν, συνασοφεῖν τοῖς μὴ σοφοῖς.
20 Foelix qui potuit tranquillam ducere vitam, et laetas stabili claudere fine dies. Maximian.
[Happy is he who could lead a quiet life and close his cheerful days with a steadfast end. Max-
imian.]
Not quite verbatim from Maximianus Elegies 1.289–290: felix qui meruit tranquillam
ducere uitam / et laeto stabiles claudere fine dies (“Happy he who has earned the right to
lead a peaceful life and with a cheerful end to finish his steadfast days.”)
21 Quasi poma ex arboribus cruda si sint vi avelluntur, si matura et cocta, decidunt: sic vitam
adolescentibus vis aufert, senibus maturitas. Cicero. [As apples from trees: if unripe, they are
plucked with force; if ripe and ready, they fall. Thus force takes life from youths, and old age
takes it from the old. Cicero.]
From *Cic. Sen. 19.71, which is usually edited as vix evelluntur (“they are plucked with
difficulty”) instead of vi avelluntur (“They are plucked with force.”)
The Trial of Witchcraft, Showing the
True and Right Method of the Discovery,
with a Confutation of Erroneous Ways
1616
∵
To the Right Honorable Sir Edward Coke, Knight,
Lord Chief Justice of England and one of his
Majesty’s most honorable Privy Council and to the
rest of the honorable and worthy judgesa
Right honorable Lords, where according unto the direction of good laws, gra-
cious sovereigns nobly rule and loyal subjects freely obey, there the common-
weal, which is the common good of both, produceth the most royal, happy, and
stable monarchy. If ever any kingdom hath been fortunate to give a true mirror
and example of this happiness, this famous island hath been therein incompa- 5
rable, wherein so many puissant monarchs, successively swaying this imperial
diadem according unto the ancient laws and customs of this nation have so
many hundreds of years governed this mighty people in peace and honor at
home, and victoriously led them in triumphant war abroad as by the glorious
trump of foreign and domestic fame and history is not obscure. The splendor 10
of this truth, the injurious aspersion of insufficiency in our English laws can-
not without shame or blushing guilt behold. Notwithstanding, since in some
few things to be wanting, was never as yet wanting in the most exquisite laws,
a Edward Coke (1552–1634) was an English jurist. The son of a relatively little known Norfolk
lawyer, Coke would rise to the highest levels of the English legal profession. As Chief Justice of
the King’s Bench, and in other influential positions, he championed the rule of law above royal
edict. He went so far as to tell King James himself that only trained judges should interpret the
law, to the exlusion of all others, including princes. Bodet, “Primer,” 469. Around the time Cotta’s
Trial was first published, Coke would be dismissed, in large part because his legal decisions
and writings had made him many enemies, including his long-time rival Francis Bacon. White,
Grievances, 7–9. He would later reemerge as a parliamentarian and opponent of King James and
Charles I. He is remembered for his important legal treatise, the Institutes and the Laws of Eng-
land (1628–1644). Cotta might have thought twice about dedicating his book to Coke, since in
1610 Coke had ruled in favor of an unlicensed practitioner and against the College of Physicians,
arguing that their charter was unlawful because it concentrated too much authority in a single
body. Cook, “Against Common Right,” 128. On the other hand, Coke had prosecuted Anne and
Brian Gunter in 1606–1607 for fraudulently accusing two women of witchcraft. The case was the
first instance of accusers being charged with fraud in England. Levack, “State-building,” 110. More-
over, Coke was widely thought of as friendly to the Puritan cause and Cotta may have carefully
chosen him for his witchcraft book and not his medical book. See Elmer, Politics, note 119. More-
over, Cotta may have identified with Coke’s personality. One modern biographer has described
Coke as “combative,” possessing “a zeal after learning, a bookishness that shaded into pedantry.”
Boyer, Elizabethan Age, 190. If this portrait is accurate, one can see why Cotta, zealous in his own
learning, may have admired him.

270 dedication
policy, and state that ever hath been and since the law of God itself (though per-
fect in itself) through human imperfection in the true perfection was never yet
seen, give me leave through all laws and countries in one particular to wonder
at their general defect.
What law or nation in the detection of witches and witchcraft hath as yet 5
ever appeared competent or from just exception exempt? How uncertain are
among all people differing judgments? Some judge no witches at all, others
more than too many, others too few by many. In so opposite extremes, so
extremely opposite, I do not presume to prescribe how a law may become more
absolute or perfect, I only labor and enquire to learn. 10
Among many general directions by different authors diversly published con-
cerning the perfecting of particular laws (as far as perfection is possible unto
human frailty), Demosthenes in his second oration Against Aristogiton, in my
thought, doth seem to equal (if not exceed) the most exquisite. Three things
sayeth he (as may be plainly out of the forenamed place collected) do concur 15
unto the upright constitution of every complete law, whereby it may be held
sacred and inviolate. The first is that it be εὕρημα μὲν καὶ δῶρον θεῶν, that is,
that it be “the ordinance and gift of God.” Second, that it be δόγμα φρονίμων
ἀνθρώπων, that is, “the sage and judicious decree and counsel of the most wise
and prudent.” The third is that it be πόλεως συνθήκη κοινή, that is, “the universal 20
consent of the whole state, city or country.”a
Certainly, the true cause of the forementioned general lameness and con-
fusion of laws in the proposed case of witchcraft consisteth herein. First, for
that men have not as yet sufficiently searched the holy scriptures to find out
that εὕρημα τῶν θεῶν,b that is, “what is the ordinance of God therein.” Secondly, 25
for that men have not seriously consulted with that wisdom and prudence,
which by the light of nature and reason, Almighty God hath left discoverable
and allowed to be justly and truly deemed δόγμα φρονίμων ἀνθρώπων,c that is,
“the sage counsel, determination, and decree of the most judicious, prudent
and wise men.” 30
When these two are met and are agreed, namely the ordinance of God and
the upright and sincere counsel of the most holy, prudent, and wise men, pur-
a The first, not the second, oration Against Aristogiton, by Pseudo-Demosthenes, §17, reads as fol-
lows: “Every law is the invention and gift of the gods (εὕρημα μὲν καὶ δῶρον θεῶν), the opinion of
sensible humans (δόγμα φρονίμων ἀνθρώπων), a rectification of both willing and unwilling trans-
gressions, and a common compact of the city state (πόλεως συνθήκη κοινή), according to which
(compact) those in the city-state should live.” Cotta’s quotations in bold and given in Greek in
parentheses. b “(An) invention of the gods”: part of the Demosthenes passage in note a above.
c “The opinion of sensible humans”: part of the Demosthenes passage in note a above.
dedication 271
posely studied and without superstition exercised therein, then will the happy
harmony of all men’s hearts become easily tunable thereto, which is πόλεως
συνθήκη κοινή,a that is, “the common consent of prince, people, and country.”
Unto this fair work and building of God, let it not seem presumption that I offer
this my moiety of desire and good will. I know that in this subject many ages of 5
learned authors have endlessly varied; many famous writers have been branded
with infamous errors; many excellent wits have run themselves almost out of
their wits, and those who have been best deserved, their trembling pens have
niggardly dropped and timorously pointed out any fully or firmly avouched cer-
tainty. 10
It is, notwithstanding, no breach of rule of modesty, but by bounden duty
unto the accomplishment and honor of truth, to add whatsoever in my utmost
endeavor may be conducible. Neither would my many conflicts, with difficul-
ties in this kind, hold me excused if so oft spurred, or rather galled, by so
frequent exercise, practice, and conversation with persons in so divers extraor- 15
dinary manners afflicted and supposed bewitched, it should awake no answer-
able dispatch or display therein.
Let it then seem no wonder that a man (though less than the least among
men) who hath not only as studiously as others labored the same particular and
as diligently therein observed, but hath far more happily been fortuned than 20
others with frequent matter and occurrents worthy of observation and hath
also been more plentifully gratified with opportunity to enrich his understand-
ing with variety and worth of objects instructing his reason, and confirming his
experience.
Let it seem no wonder (I say) that a mean wit thus beyond others furnished 25
thereto may adventure amidst so many doubts and ambiguities wherewith
so many worthies have been formerly entangled and perplexed, to avouch
and prove certainty and demonstration. In this subject of witchcraft, by bet-
ter means advantaged if beyond former times or writers I have haply pro-
posed a more direct and certain module and method of judging therein, I do 30
not thereby arrogate unto myself but attribute unto the means, nor derogate
from others, whom if the like contingence of the same helps had as freely and
friendly affronted, and the like facility had opened as ready access, I acknowl-
edge in the guilty sense of my own exiguity (whether in the outward beauty of
13 Conducible: tending towards a certain end, conducive. 21 Occurrents: things that present
themselves. 30 Module: model. 34 Exiguity: smallness.
a “A common compact of the city state”: part of the Demosthenes passage in note a on page 270.
272 dedication
words, or inward substance of understanding) it had been easy for any man to
exceed with so good means this so evil meanness of my performance.
Since then (Right Honorable Lords), the subject itself and a pertinent and
peculiar use therein, do point unto your Honors the property of this dedication,
unto whose tribunal the laws of God and men appeal against that foul abom- 5
inable sin, let it not be censured pride or presumption, humbly to present unto
your Lordships that consideration and resolution which beyond my merit or
desert, occurrents have freely administered unto long-distracted meditation. If
there may appear therein ought advancing truth or serviceable unto the com-
monweal, vouchsafe for those good respects, it may be gracious in your eyes, 10
acceptable and worthy your noble favors and protection against the injuries of
adverse obdurate custom, ignorance, envy, and the vulgar indignation of com-
mon received and deceived opinion. In the mean season, my devoted heart
shall devoutly pray unto Almighty God for your Lordships’ long life, the mul-
tiplication of many happy days, redoubled honor in your service of God, your 15
King and country and after this life, that life which ever lasteth.
Your Lordships’, in the most humble desire and tender of his devotions, service,
and observance,
John Cotta.
To the Reader
Ingenious reader, in this subject of witchcraft which I here present unto thee,
thou art not ignorant what obscurity, difficulty, difference, contrariety, and con-
tradiction hath among authors and learned men in all ages arisen. From the
effusion of general ignorance or superstitious blindness herein willing to with-
draw the vulgar illusion, I have endeavored demonstratively to declare what 5
portion of certainty in such uncertainties God and nature hath destined and
allowed. It is not any worth either arrogated unto myself or derogated from
other but my studious desire and vehement affection in this particular, together
with some special experience and pains upon divers occurrents and occasions
extraordinarily happening that have drawn me forth to offer my opinion as the 10
widow’s mite,a more haply in good will and hearty affection than in true value
or deserved esteem.
If it may only give occasion unto a more exquisite pencil, it is the height
of my intention and a complete recompence of my endeavor. For this cause
and for common easy reading and apprehension, I have purposely avoided and 15
discontinued the smooth thread of a continued labored style and have for the
most part preferred and inserted a plain texture, of a more vulgar and careless
phrase and word.
The envious haply may cavil that a physician out of his own supposed
precincts should rush into sacred lists or enter upon so high points of divin- 20
ity, as by an unavoidable intercurrence, do necessarily insert themselves in the
proposed subject. Divinity itself doth herein answer them. In the theory of the-
ology, it is the duty and praise of every man to be, without curiosity, fruitfully
exercised.
For as touching matter of divinity, as it falleth out, or is incident in the dis- 25
course of this small treatise, I only propound such reasons and considerations
therein, as in common are allowable and commendable in every Christian man,
and therein I do neither usurpingly control others, nor controllingly conclude
23 Curiosity: needless attention to details which should not concern him.
a “And as Jesus sat over against the treasure, he beheld how the people cast money into the trea-
sury, and many rich men cast in much. And there came a certain poor widow, and she threw
in two mites, which make a quadrin. Then he called unto him his disciples and said unto them,
‘Verily, unto you that this poor widow has cast more in than all they which have cast into the
treasury, for they did cast in of their superfluity, but she of her poverty did cast in all that she
had, even all her living’” (Mark 12:41–44).

274 to the reader
myself, but willingly submit unto the grave censure and dictature of the learned
and reverend divine. If therefore (good reader) I have here published or com-
municated unto thee ought thankworthy, as it is by me freely intended unto
thee, so let it not from me be unfriendly extended by thee. If I have in ought
erred, let it be thy praise and goodness to make thy use thereof without abuse. 5
If thou hast formerly thought amiss and dost here read that is more right, be
not ashamed to acknowledge thy better knowledge. If thou list not to know,
then know that truth shall judge thee, and injustice herself, without thee.
Thy well-willing friend,
John Cotta.
1 Dictature: dictatorship. Here, Cotta may mean it in a diluted sense, what divines may dictate as
matters of doctrine.
chapter 1
Of natural knowledge and how it is solely acquired,

either by sense or reason or by artificial and
prudent conjection
As there is one only Infinite which hath created all things finite, so is there
one only finite most nearly like unto that Infinite which is wisdom and knowl-
edge in men and angels. The knowledge which is given to angels is only known
to God and angels. The knowledge which is given to man is known by man,
limited, measured, and confined. It is therefore by the most wise philosophers 5
and fathers of former times, and the sages of later times and ages agreed, by a
general consent and harmony of the same truth, that all things which are allot-
ted man to know or understand are by two ways or instruments solely to be
achieved or hoped.
The first of these is the inward understanding; the second is the outward 10
sense. The understanding hath knowledge divers ways. First immediately, by
an inbred idea and understanding of certain general notions common unto all
men and in them and with them born.1 This, though intellectual, may be in
some sort assimulated unto that natural instinct in brute creatures by which,
when they come first into the world, yet immediately by the direction of nature, 15
they refuse and fly from that which is evil and harmful, and seek and know that
which is needful unto their life and preservation.
Secondly, the understanding hath knowledge by ratiocination, by the dis-
course and use of reason. By this ratiocination, we do in many things gain a
certainty of knowledge;2 in other some a probability and likelihood only of cer- 20
1 Scaliger de Subtil. Exercit. 307, sect. 22.

*Scaliger Exercitatio 307§22 concerns Aristotelian universals vis-à-vis the intellect. Why
Cotta cites it is unclear.
2 Omnis syllogismus vel regularis et recta ratiocinatio est vel demonstrativa vel dialectica, Aris-
toteles liber Analyticorum. [Every argument or ordinary and correct reasoning is either demon-
strative or dialectic, *Aristotle, book of Analytics.]
“Demonstrative” reasoning is syllogistic, scientific, and certain, whereas “dialectic” rea-
soning occurs in preparation for or outside of science, where certainty is not attainable.
“Analytics” refers to one of three treatises: Prior Analytics deals with the syllogism formally,
Posterior Analytics deals with demonstrative syllogisms, and Topics deals with dialectical syl-
logisms.

276 chapter 1
tainty; yet ofttimes in a very great nearness and affinity with certainty.3 Knowl-
edge likewise cometh by the outward senses which do certainly and undoubt-
edly inform the understanding concerning their several proper objects where
the faculty is sound and the instruments of sense, and the outward means of
conveyance are rightly disposed. 5
Among these five senses, the sight and hearing, the eye and ear, are the
most excellent and chief ways of multiplication and increase of natural knowl-
edge. Besides these ways of knowledge, namely, the inward and outward sense,
there never was, nor ever can be, enumeration of any other. For this cause,
the philosophers have divided all things that are incident unto mankind to 10
know or understand. Either unto such things as immediately in their very
first thought or mention do prove themselves and at the first consideration
or sight are evident unto all men, or such as are directly inferred and nec-
essarily proved by other propositions,4 or such as by prudent guess only and
likely conjecture give a fair probability of truth and certainty. Such things as 15
immediately prove themselves, and are undoubted in their first view are sub-
ject either to the sense only or unto the understanding only. Such things as
are only proper to the sense and thereto immediately and properly subject
are things seen, heard, touched, tasted, smelt, as colors, figures, lineaments,
sounds, music, hardness, softness, dryness, moisture, roughness, smoothness, 20
sour, sweet, diversity of odors, and the like, in which without the use of the five
senses, men cannot be sensible or know anything in this inferior world under
the heavens.
Such things as are subject unto the understanding only, and not unto the
sense and immediately prove themselves, are general notions and receptions, 25
inseparably fixed in the understanding of all men. Of this kind are these posi-
tions in philosophy: all things that are made have their matter out of which they
3 Dialecticus syllogismus vel ratiocinatio ex propositionibus Dialecticis, vel probabilibus, licet non
certa ut demonstrativus syllogismus, tamen vera indicia constituit, ideoque est verarum opin-
ionum fons, Aristoteles ibid. [Dialectical argument or reasoning is from dialectical or probable
propositions, and although it does not establish certainty as the demonstrative argument does,
nevertheless it establishes true indications, and so is a source of true opinions, *Aristotle, Ibid.]
See note 2 in this chapter.
4 Hinc syllogismi perfecti et imperfecti ratio ex Aristot. [Hence the method of the complete and
incomplete syllogism from Aristotle.]
*Aristotle held that some syllogistic arguments, the so-called “first figure” syllogisms, are
complete and require no further proof. For instance, “All x are s, All s are z, thus All x are
z.” Others are “incomplete” and are proven by various techniques that involve the first figure
syllogisms. Cotta’s motive in citing this notion here is unclear, except that he seeks to be as
rigorous in his analysis as possible.
of natural knowledge and how it is solely acquired 277
were made; have their special forms and difference by which they are apart that
they are; and lastly to that being which they are, are risen from that which they
were not.5
Likewise, these positions in logic: every proposition is true or false, affirma-
tive or negative, and extendeth generally unto all under the same kind or to 5
some particulars, or to a singular, or is indefinite. Likewise, in arithmetic these:
one is no number;a one cannot be divided or is indivisible; four is more than
two. Likewise, in physic these: every man is sick or healthful or a neuter; con-
traries are cured by contraries, as heat by cooling, cold by heating, moisture by
drying, dryness by moisting. 10
As in these named sciences, so in all other. There are the like general notions,
immediately at the first view proving themselves unto the understanding and
every man in common sense and reason, immediately consenteth unto their
truth, and he that denieth it, or seeketh proof thereof is esteemed justly mad
or void of reason. 15
There are other things also subject unto the understanding only which do
not immediately upon the first view or consideration (as the former) prove
themselves, but are proved by others more clear and evident than themselves,
as this proposition:
The motion of the heavens is not infinite. 20
This is not manifest unto every man at first view, but requireth another more
manifest than itself to make it manifest, thus:
That which hath a certain limited course, circumvolution, and motion

cannot be infinite. But astronomy for many thousands of years hath dis-
covered the courses, periods, revolutions and set perambulations of the 25
heavens, and therefore the motions of the heavens cannot be infinite.
8 Neuter: in neither category. Cotta asserts that one might be poised on the very boundary
between health and illness, neither well nor sick.
a It is not entirely clear what Cotta means by “one is no number.” Perhaps only that one represents
a single thing, as opposed to a multiplicity of things. If so, the next clause is meant to repeat the
idea in a different way, rather than add new ideas.
5 Materiam, Formam, Privationem. [Matter, Form, Privation.]

*Aristotle held that a given physical thing comes to be as a combination of matter and
form which comes to be from some previous matter-form combination or combinations. The
278 chapter 1
It may here easily be observed how the first position being unable to prove
itself, but another more manifest doth give it light, and doth deduce it unto
that which doth so immediately prove itself unto common sense and reason
and observation of all ages and time, that no idiot can be ignorant or will deny
it. 5
Thus hath been manifested how some things are immediately understood
in the very first consideration and view; some are proved by themselves; some
not proved by themselves, but made evident by others. As many things are in
the former kinds and several manners manifested and evidently proved unto
reason, sense or understanding, so are there many things neither by themselves 10
nor by other evident, neither to the understanding and reason, nor to the out-
ward sense at the first apparent but remain ambiguous and doubtful. In these
things certainty of knowledge by manifest proof failing, there remaineth no
other refuge but prudent and artificial conjecture, narrowly looking and search-
ing thorough probabilities unto the nearest possibility of truth and certainty. 15
From hence do arise excellent uses and benefits unto understanding, though
not so far forth, ofttimes gained as is desired unto all private ends, yet so far
forth as maketh wise and understanding men excel and shine before all oth-
ers. Hence it cometh to pass that in doubtful cases, counsels, and attempts,
one man is seen and known to overshine another as much as the glorious Sun 20
doth his eclipsed sister, the Moon. Hence have issued so many noble and heroic
virtues, sagacity, exquisiteness of judgment, prudence, art, in the administra-
tion of high affairs. For although in probabilities are no evident certainties, yet
do they so far forth ofttimes advantage and advance unto the knowledge of
certainty that it is almost equal unto certainty and doth persuade and settle 25
discrete resolution and disposition in all affairs.
In this consisteth the height, the top, the sum of art, and the perfection of all
human knowledge above or beyond which no man could ever soar or level. By
this light only, the former mentioned means failing, is ofttimes gained much
excellence of natural knowledge to man, beyond and without which the eye 30
and sight of knowledge in man is sealed up, his understanding darkened, and
cannot know many hidden things. And thus to him that rightly doth meditate
and consider, it is undoubtedly clear and certain how the Creator and infinite
Prince of All Principles hath found the beginning and end, the power and posse
28 Level: aim at. 34 Posse: Latin for “to be able”: used here to mean power, possibility, or poten-
tial.
previous matter-form combinations must be such as to possibly become the given physical
thing, and hence Aristotle speaks of the previous ones as having the “privation” of the given
thing’s form.
of all knowledge, upon one of the former ways of investigation beside which
there is no natural knowledge to be expected.
Philosophy as yet never found other ways unto that infinite number of all
arts and sciences so admirably flourishing thorough so many ages of the world.6
For this cause the most excellent and prime philosopher, *Aristotle, rejecteth 5
whatsoever cannot be found by sense or proved by reason as spurious. Like-
wise, *Ptolemy hath bounded the true art of astronomy within fatum physicum,
“within a necessity in nature,” and to distinguish it from superstition (whereby
curiosity usually defileth or entangleth it) doth limit it intra convenientem nat-
urae modum, that is, “within proportion and measure answerable to reason and 10
nature.” For this cause also, all true philosophers have determined the two only
instruments of all true arts to be reason and experience, which *Galen doth
call the two legs whereupon the art of physic doth consist. And therefore, in
the second chapter of his Finitiones Medicae, he sayeth, Optimus is est medi-
cus qui omnia in medicina recte agit ratione,a that is, “He who doth all things in 15
his subject of physic, according to right rule and reason, is the most excellent
physician.”
From hence also all true artists have defined art to be habitus cum ratione fac-
tivus, that is, “a settled ability and promptness of action and operation accord-
7 Fatum physicum: natural destiny. As usual, Cotta provides his own translation after: “a neces-
sity in nature.” 18–19 Ratione factivus: a productive capacity with reasoning. This definition
of art as a productive capacity that includes understanding and rules, common in medieval and
renaissance times, comes ultimately from Arist.’s EN, VI.4 1140a10. *Aristotle, however, considers
art, which is productive, to be separate from science, which is theoretical.
a Cotta translates the Latin in the sentence following, as usual. Finitiones Medicae refers to
Pseudo-Galen’s Definitiones Medicae, translated into Latin by Bartholomaeus Sylvanius Salonen-
sis (sixteenth century) published by Frobenius in 1542 at Basel and by Iuntae in Venice in 1556:
perhaps Cotta used that translation. Cotta may have taken his Latin from elements of P43F (def-
initions 25 and 26): Consummatus medicus est is, qui in speculatione et actione numeros omnes
explevit. Optimus est, qui omnia in medicina recta agit ratione (“The doctor in the fullest sense is
he who in theory and action has been thoroughly educated. The best is he who does everything
in medicine according to correct reasoning.”) There is nothing nearby about “two legs,” but in
definition 10 is found “the highest parts of medicine are theory and practice,” then in definition
14 is found “The first two sects of medicine are the empirical and the rational, and the third is
the methodical.”
6 Quod non est secundum naturam non continetur a Scientia, Aristot. Anal. Poster. [That which is
not according to nature is not included in Science. *Aristotle, Posterior Analytics.]
In Posterior Analytics, Book 2, Aristotle treats of what a “nature” is and its relation to sci-
ence: to know a thing is to know its nature, its inner principle of movement, change, and
rest.
280 chapter 1
ing to reason.” Upon this ground others have built other true rules and obser-
vations concerning true and lawful arts. Therefore (sayeth *Galen) Ars non est
ex iis quorum neutiquam est potestas,a that is, “Art is not of such things as can-
not be accomplished.” Which is worthy noting, to distinguish prestigious and
supposed arts from true art. 5
To this, others likewise have added another observation. That is, that art
is employed about such things as are in reason profitable and not vain. So
sayeth *Scaliger, Ars non est de rebus inutilibus.b It is yet further observed upon
the same ground that true art doth not confound or cloud itself in mists, but
reduceth unto order, light and reason, things dissipate, confused, and out of 10
order and reason (as *Cicero affirmeth), Ars res divulsas dissolutasque congluti-
nat, et ratione quadem constringit.c Upon the same grounds divers renowned
commonweals have expelled all false and forged arts, as necromancy, aero-
mancy, geomancy, with other sortiligious divinations.d Upon the same reasons,
divers emperors, kings, kingdoms and laws have exploded, censured, and con- 15
demned all such as under pretext of the wholesome arts of astronomy, mathe-
matics, and the like, have run into foolish curiosities, impostures, and deceitful
practices.
a A sentence from Pseudo-Galen, Isagoge, Chapter 6 (Cotta indicates the source in Chapter 5,
but nothing in Chapter 5 corresponds to Cotta’s words), as translated into Latin by Johann Win-
ter von Andernach (Frobenius, Basel 1542 and Iuntae, Venice 1556) reads: Artes enim non ex iis
quorum neutiquam adest facultas (“For arts are not among the things of which there is no abil-
ity”) and is presumably the passage Cotta is quoting. The full sentence: “The definitions of arts
come from what they can accomplish, not from what they cannot.” Pseudo-Galen is propound-
ing a principle of definition: that a skill is defined by what it can do, not by what it cannot do.
For a brief note on Andernach, see Short Discovery, Book 1, Chapter 8, note 51. b “Art does
not apply to useless things” or “There is no art concerning useless things.” An ars sit de rebus
inutilibus (“Whether there is a skill for useless matters”) is the title of Exercitatio 326, of Julius
Caesar *Scaliger’s De Subtilitate (the answer is “no”). Cotta must mean to refer to Exercitatio 326,
because Exercise 37, which he cites, has only 2 sections, and thus no section 31 to which Cotta
refers. Nothing in Exercise 37 is relevant. c Extracted from a longer, quite different sentence in
Cic. De Orat. 1.188: Adhibita est igitur ars quaedam extrinsecus ex alio genere quodam, quod sibi
totum philosophi assumunt, quae rem dissolutam divulsamque conglutinaret, et ratione quadam
constringeret. *Cicero here claims that the elements of arts are found separately, and “Thus a
certain external skill was applied from another area, which the philosophers claim entirely for
themselves, (a skill) to bring together a dispersed and broken-apart affair and to bind it by a cer-
tain method and reason.” Cotta is claiming for all arts the qualities Cicero attributes to the art of
the philosophers. dNecromancy, aeromancy, and geomancy are means of divining the future
or other hidden truths, by communicating with the dead, by observing things in the sky, and by
patterns of earth, respectively. Sortiligious: related to divination based on casting of lots.
*Justinian, the Roman law giver and emperor, his laws are extant to this pur-
pose.a Likewise, *Tiberius his decrees for the expulsion of counterfeit mathe-
maticians and magicians.b And Ulpian in his book De Mathematicis et Maleficis
testifieth the publication of their goods and their inhibition by the emper-
ors from communion with other citizens so much as in fire or water.c And as 5
reason, good laws, kingdoms, nations, and commonweals have distinguished
ingenuous, liberal, true and profitable arts and sciences builded upon reason,
truth, and understanding, from base, ignoble, unprofitable, needless, curious,
and erroneous arts,d so hath the holy scripture both justified, sanctified, and
commended the one, and condemned and nominated with rebuke and shame 10
the other. The first is evident, where Almighty God doth testify concerning the
knowledge and skill of workmanship in gold, silver, and stone, that he gave
a Justinian I, despite his humble birth, was the nephew of the Emperor Justin I. He became con-
sul, then a co-ruler with Justin and finally sole Emperor (AD 527–565). He is remembered, in part,
for working to reunify the divided empire, sometimes through ruthless military force. Perhaps
even more significantly, he collected and codified the laws of the empire in AD 529. Codex Jus-
tinianus 9.18 contains the laws in question. b Suetonius, Life of Tiberius 36: “He (Tiberius) also
expelled the astrologers (mathematicos), but was lenient to those who begged for pardon and
promised to renounce their art.” c Cotta may refer to Ulpianus Libro VII de Officio Proconsulis
sub Titulo de Mathematicis et Vaticinatoribus, (*“Ulpian in his 7th Book on the Duty of Proconsul
Under the Title Concerning Astrologers and Soothsayers”), which is Section XV.2 of Mosaicarum
et Romanarum Legum Collatio (Comparisons between Roman and Jewish Law, ca. AD 315). Part of
Section XV.2 reads: Praeterea interdictum est mathematicorum callida impostura et obstinata per-
suasione. Nec hodie primum interdici eis placuit, sed vetus haec prohibitio est denique extat senatus
consultum Pomponio et Rufo conss. factum quo cavetur, ut mathematicis Chaldaeis ariolis et ceteris,
qui simile inceptum fecerunt, aqua et igni interdicatur omniaque bona eorum publicentur, et si
externarum gentium quis id fecerit, ut in eum animadvertatur (“Moreover, the clever imposture
and persistent urging of astrologers has been forbidden, and not for the first time in our day.
Rather this prohibition is old: there is a senatus-consultum from the time when Pomponius and
Rufus were consuls in which there is an interdiction on astrologers, Chaldeans, soothsayers, and
others who enact a similar practice from access to fire and water, all their goods are confiscated,
and, if any foreigner enact such a practice, that person is to be killed.”) In including Maleficis,
Cotta may combine the title of XV.2 with the title of Section XV.3, Gregorianus Libro VII sub Tit-
ulo de Maleficis et Manichaeis. It might be held that the title of Section 9.16 of the Theodosian
Code (De Maleficis et Mathematicis et Ceteris Similibus) is closer to Cotta’s title, but it has noth-
ing about Ulpian or punishment by exclusion from fire and water in it. d Cotta here, and in
the following paragraph, uses “curious” in a pejorative sense, suggesting an overly ambitious and
ultimately fruitless desire for knowledge that is either useless or harmful or both. In some other
instances, Cotta uses the word in the more modern sense, as a laudable quality of a mind eager
to expand its understanding. Peter Harrison has argued that the early modern period saw a tran-
sition away from the pejorative sense of the word and the concept, towards the more positive
sense, and argues that the cultural shift in the understanding of curiosity removed one of the
“chief impediments to the advancement of learning in seventeenth-century England.” Harrison,
“Curiosity,” 266.
282 chapter 1
it by his Spirit unto Bezaleel and Aholiah who were workmen according to
knowledge and understanding in that lawful art, profitable unto the building
of God’s house.a The second is manifest where it is in their due commenda-
tions recorded that those who before used and practiced vain and curious arts,
when they were by the preaching of the apostles truly converted, in token 5
of their undissembled repentance, they absolutely renounced and disclaimed
their vain learning and openly burnt their books, though valued at a high rate
and rich price.b
a “And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, ‘Behold, I have called by name, Bezaleel the son of Uri,
the son of Hur of the tribe of Judah, whom I have filled with the Spirit of God, in wisdom, and in
understanding, and in knowledge, and in all workmanship, to find out curious works to work in
gold, and in silver, and in brass. Also in the art to set stones, and to carve in timber, and to work
in all manner of workmanship. And behold, I have joined with him Oholiab (also known as Aho-
liab) the son of Ahisamach of the tribe of Dan, and in the hearts of all that are wise hearted, have
I put wisdom to make all that I have commanded thee’” (Exod. 31:1–6). Cotta incorrectly assigns
this passage to chapter 3 in Exodus. b “Many also of them which used curious arts brought
their books and burned them before all men, and they counted the price of them, and found it
fifty-thousand pieces of silver” (Acts 19:19).
chapter 2
That no knowledge can come unto man in any art

or science, but by sense or reason, or likely and
artificial conjecture, is proved by the science and
knowledge of physic instead of all other arts and
sciences
Now for the better impression of that which hath been before said, that is, that
nothing is or can be detected, or is liable unto man’s knowledge which cometh
not unto him by the help of reason, the inward or the outward sense, demon-
stration, ratiocination, or judicious and prudent conjection in reasonable like-
lihood. Let us examine any one particular, ingenuous, liberal, or lawful art or 5
science, instead of many and therein view how by the former mentioned keys,
doors, and entrances solely are opened the ways unto their contemplations,
study, and perfect apprehension. And if one art or science may be sufficient
herein, I think it most fit to choose my own, because as to myself most prompt,
so unto any other not unprofitable. 10
All diseases that happen unto the body of man are either outward or inward
and therefore either seen by the eye and deprehended by the outward sense, or
conceived only by reason and inward understanding. Inward diseases, subject
only unto reason and understanding, do sometimes appear clearly and cer-
tainly to reason and understanding; sometimes they do not appear certain or 15
by certain notes and signs but by likely marks only, which are the grounds of
artificial conjecture.
And as some diseases are apparent to outward sense, some evident to inward
reason, some by artificial conjecture only in learned exact search and perqui-
sition pursued unto their discovery, so also are many diseases hidden from all 20
these ways of investigation, and therefore remain as remembrances of man’s
manifold ignorance in this life, and of the secret reservation of God’s decree
and prohibition. As then in those diseases which are apparent unto sight, it is
blindness in a physician to make question in these which are evident to reason.
To make doubt is reasonless fatuity in those which may be attained by artificial 25
conjection, search, or perquisition. Either to be slack is sloth or to be unable is
4 Conjection: conjecture. 12 Deprehended: discovered. 19–20 Perquisition: diligent search.

284 chapter 2
insufficiency—so in those diseases, which neither outward sense, nor inward

reason, nor art, nor artificial conjecture can possibly discover. To hope or seek
beyond sense and reason, and reasonable likelihood, is reasonless and sense-
less striving, and impatience of those bounds which God hath set to limit the
curiosity of man. 5
For better proof and illustration, it will not be impertinent to nominate some
particular diseases in all these kinds. First, for outward diseases and such as evi-
dent to outward sense, they are infinite. Who that is the least practiced in physic
doth not assuredly know, when with his eyes he doth behold an inflamma-
tion, a scirrhus, a gangrene, cancer, callus, fistula, ulcer, leprosy, psora, struma, 10
petechia, variola, jaundice, gout, tabescence, extenuation, and the like?a
Secondly, for inward diseases evident to reason, he that is least learned doth
know that all diseases which may be defined must necessarily be evident to
reason, as also that it is not difficult to define innumerable diseases to him that
is able to conjoin with the part affected the true immediate kind of the affec- 15
tion.1 The stomach, ceasing her proper function of concoction, or deprived of
appetite, doth it not thereby manifestly prove unto reason some inward ill affec-
tion therein? If with that ill affection be joined a manifest inward heat about
the region of the stomach, accompanied with an ague, dryness, thirst, and other
accidents and consequences of heat, is not as plainly detected the kind of the 20
affection to be hot?
Thus both the part affected, which is the stomach apparently (because there
the former accidents are found originally moving and first seated) and also the
ill affection (which by the manifest burning heat doth prove her kind) being
both conjoined, do truly define the disease to be an inflammation of the stom- 25
ach. The like may be said of the inflammations of all other inward parts of
pleurisies, frenzies, inflammation of the liver, spleen, womb, reins, guts, and
other parts, the certain testimonies of excessive heat giving demonstration of
an inflammation, and the pain (or at least some defect) or defection in the
27 Reins: kidneys.
a Cotta here lists a variety of ailments, some still known by their early modern names, others
known by different names today. A scirrhus is a hard tumor; a fistula is a burrowing abscess;
psora is any of various itchy skin ailments; by struma, Cotta likely means scrofula, a lymphatic
ailment also called the King’s Evil; petechia is an illness characterized by bleeding lesions; variola
is another term for smallpox; tabescence is emaciation, as is extenuation in this sense.
1 Genus morbi proximum, cum parte affecta coniunctum constituit morbi speciem. [The proxi-
mate genus of disease combined with the part affected constitutes the species of the disease.]
This idea of definition originates in Aristotelien classificatory language: a definition of a
species consists of the proximate genus plus a differentia.
that no knowledge can come unto man but by sense or reason 285
proper offices of the parts manifesting the parts themselves. As concerning

inward inflammations of divers parts, so likewise on inward ulcers, and other
maladies may be instanced. The disease of the bladder is oft certainly known,
by pain in the part, or by cessation of his proper functions or defection therein,
and the kind of disease therein by the excretions ofttimes proceeding from it. 5
And thus, an ulcer is oft discovered in the bladder by pain with purulent and
sanguinolent miction. Diseases likewise of the head are certainly discovered
and detected unto reason, by defects growing, sometimes in the understand-
ing, sometimes in the memory, sometimes in the imagination, sometimes in all
those together, sometimes in the general motion of the whole body. Diseases of 10
the heart likewise appear by the evil and faulty motions of the pulse, by sound-
ings and defections in livelihood of the spirits and the vital faculty. Diseases
of the womb, or mother, likewise do oft demonstrate themselves by deprived
or depraved motions. It were tedious to make a particular enumeration of all
diseases of this kind which are in the same manner evident and apparent unto 15
reason.
Now let us briefly also consider some diseases which are neither evident
to reason, nor manifest to sense, but are gained, detected, and hunted out of
their deep and hidden coverts by the quick and exquisite scent of probable
and artificial conjecture, the necessity or use whereof, either in an ambiguous 20
complication of doubtful diseases, or in the extrication of any intricate single
affection or malady, there is no man in physic exercised who doth not daily find.
Many examples of diseases of this kind would cause the small body of this little
work voluminously to swell. We will, therefore, only propose one.
Let us suppose a sick man, doubtfully and diversely with these accidents 25
afflicted, namely: a continual fever, a cough, spitting of blood, shortness of
wind, headache, deliration, want of sleep, dryness, thirst, pains in divers
parts—sides, ribs, back, and belly. What disease or diseases here are can neither
be manifest to sense, distracted in this confusion, multitude, and concurrence
of accidents, nor yet be evident to reason at first view, because it requireth so 30
different consideration and divided contemplation of so many severals apart.
Here then it remaineth that learned, judicious, prudent, and discrete artificial
conjecture proceed exactly to distinguish and analyze as followeth: all the fore-
named pains, distempers, and accidents may indifferently arise, either from the
lungs inflamed, or the liver, or the midriff, or the pleura, because any one of 35
these by itself doth usually bring forth all, or most part of them. Here then, pru-
dent, artificial, and exquisite perpension doth exactly value and esteem all the
7 Sanguinolent miction: bloody urine. 27 Deliration: delirium. 37 Perpension: thorough

reflection.
286 chapter 2
different manners, quantities, qualities, positions, and situations of pains—

likewise, accidents, motions, times, manners of motion, characters, orders, and
all other, both substantial and circumstantial considerations.
And first, as touching the fever, headache, thirst, idleness of brain (because
they are common to many other diseases besides these, and require no curious, 5
but a more cureless and common respect), prudent and circumspect conjec-
tion doth leave their needless confusion of more useful and needful perpen-
sion, and doth more narrowly search about those accidents, which are more
inseparable, proper and peculiar unto the diseases named, and by exact dis-
quisition in their indifferences, doth notwithstanding sift out their hidden and 10
secretly couched differencies, by which, in exact view, they are found and dis-
tinguished sufficiently differing.
The inseparable accidents which do peculiarly, or for the most part accom-
pany the diseases before named, that is, the inflammation of the lungs, the liver,
the midriff, and the pleura, are cough, shortness of wind, spitting of blood, 15
pains about the ribs, sides, belly, which in all these named diseases, more or
less are present, either primarily, or by consent of one part with another. These,
though seldom absent from most of the four former diseases, and therefore not
easily distinguished when they proceed from the one or the other; yet, rightly
weighed and accurately considered in their several manners, measures, and 20
right positions in every one when apart and single, they do likewise in their
confused mixture one with another, yield distinct and several difference to him,
that in a judicious and discerning thought, doth bear their just distinctions
apart.
For illustration, spitting of blood is usually a companion to all or most of the 25
four named diseases. But in one, in less quantity, in another more. In one, after
one manner, in another, after another. In one by vomiting, in another by expec-
toration, and in another by coughing. In one with much exspuition, in another
with little. In one with danger of strangulation and suffocation, in another with-
out. In one with thickness, blackness, and small quantity of blood, in another 30
with thinness, brightness of color, and more quantity, and in one of these also
with less, and in another with more difficulty and labor. Shortness of wind, or
difficulty of breathing, is a common companion to all the named diseases, but
in one with frequent exspuition, in another without, and where, but exspuition,
in one with more facility, in another with difficulty, in one with one manner of 35
distension of the instruments of respiration, in another with another. In one
kind of difficulty of respiration more frequent, in another less, in one more
grievous, in another tolerable.
28 Exspuition: spitting.
The like may be said of coughing and pains. Coughing in one of the fore-
named diseases is with much, in another with little, and in another with no
exspuition at all. In one continual, in another with intermission. In one with
intension, in another with remission. In one loud, in another still. And where,
with expectoration, in one of one color and quantity, in another of another, and 5
in another of none at all. In one easy, gentle, free, and without pain. In another,
grievous and painful, yea, suffocatory and near to strangle.
Pain likewise is a common companion to all the mentioned diseases, but
distinguished in the one and the other, by the manner, nature, and situation of
the several parts, which apart in every one it possesseth, and also by the dif- 10
ferent odds, fashions, and kinds of pain, some being sharp, some dull, some
quick, some slow, some with distension, some with punction, some with heavi-
ness and sensible weight, some more grievous to the patient lying, some to him
sitting or standing, some more calm in one position of the body and some in
another. 15
And thus, prudent and skillful conjecture by due and diligent perpension,
comparing together odds and exactly referring unto true discerning the sev-
eral properties and differences of accidents, their manners, proportions, and
other due circumstances, doth in the end reduce every accident to his right
disease, and every disease to his right cause, whereby the prudent and judi- 20
cious physician doth clearly understand, directly and timely, to apply proper
and pertinent remedies. And thus, in doubtful cases, which are neither evident
to reason, nor manifest to sense in the art and exercise of physic, it is manifest
how solert and accurate conjection, through the clouds and mists of ambigu-
ities doth, in the end, so clearly send forth and give so fair a light, that doubt 25
itself doth become out of doubt, and is little inferior unto certain and plain
demonstration.
As a short sum of all that hath been said, whatsoever hath been declared of
diseases, the same may be propounded concerning their issues very briefly.
The issue of all diseases are either informed from the sense, or evident by 30
reason, or scrutable by artificial conjecture. Examples of the first kind are man-
ifest when with our eyes we behold the motion and sense external and other
outward functions of the body, either abolished or in a high degree deprived of
their power and natural use. This certain testimony of our sight doth certainly
inform the understanding, concerning the dangerous issue. 35
Examples of the second kind are manifest likewise, when we find either the
causes of diseases unremovedly fixed, or the disease itself rooted in the sub-
12 Punction: pricking sensation. 24 Solert: wise.

288 chapter 2
stance of any of the principal parts or accidents in malignity, vehemence, and

fury irresistible. In these cases, a doubtful and hard issue is evident to reason
by just consequent.
Examples of the latter kind are also apparent, when in diseases, good and evil
signs are so doubtfully mixed, that some promise life, others as much threaten 5
death. Some in number discourage, other some in worth as much as encour-
age. We do oft see and know in the midst of this mist and darkness where there
appeareth not to a common sense so much as the least show of any indication
of certain issue. Yet through the exquisiteness of a prudent and artificial per-
pension and due exact distinction in the forementioned seeming inscrutable 10
odds, the learned physician even in the first scarce-sensible budding of indi-
cation and in the first most imperfect and scarce being. Being thereof doth
oft discover that true event, which usually and for the most part is seen and
observed to come to pass.
If any man, not rightly apprehending reason, make a doubt or question of 15
any such possible exquisiteness, let him consider and behold it by an easy
example. In an inequality of one and the same vermiculant pulse,a where the
beginning of the same distention is quicker, the next continuation or middle
part is slower, and the beginning of the end, thereof, ending almost before it
begin, it must needs be very difficult, nay almost impossible, unto the first view 20
of sense or reason, or to a common judgment or learning, to divide really, and
distinguish this one short small motion into two or three distinct times and
parts of motion, the space so very short, the faculty of moving so low and weak,
and the moving itself almost altogether in an insensible exiguity and an indivis-
ible degree of lowness. We see ofttimes a common vulgar cannot in his reason 25
conceive it, much less by his sense at all perceive it. Neither is it found easy to
every man, though learned therein, yea, or educate thereto, either perfectly to
apprehend the general idea of such a motion, or at all in the first proofs and
trials of his sense or hand to deprehend any particulars. Notwithstanding, the
physician that exquisitely discerneth and judgeth doth both in reason see that 30
every single smallest motion hath his divers distinct division of parts, and also
by his discerning, wary, judicious and exercised touch, doth apertly detect and
discover it.b
And thus, hath been proved by several instances taken in the art of physic
instead of all other arts and sciences for avoiding tediousness and confusion, 35
that all knowledge, all art, all science whatsoever given unto man, hath no
a Perhaps redundant since vermiculant means related to the pulse, though perhaps with an addi-
tional sense of a motion similar to peristalisis. This usage seems earlier than the 1707 citation
given as the earliest in the OED. b That is, sees it as obvious.
other entrance, means, or ways thereto but through sense or reason, or prudent
and artificial conjecture, sagacity and exquisiteness of judging and discerning
thereby.
And that it may better appear that beyond these ways and lights, the physi-
cian cannot find any knowledge or discovery of diseases, let us view some par- 5
ticular examples of some diseases for this cause undiscoverable and not to be
detected, and therewith consider the impossibility of discovery to consist solely
herein. Namely, for that they are removed from any capacity of sense or reason,
and from the reach of all artificial search, scrutiny, and accurate insight derived
from both, which is the highest strain of human understanding. In the gen- 10
eral it cannot be denied (except of such whose understandings are extremely
blind) that it is impossible, that those diseases should or can be at all so much
as suspected (and therefore much less known) which yield no show, no sign,
no indication of themselves. There needeth hereof no other nor better proof,
than the enumeration of some particular diseases of this kind. 15
Are not divers secret and hidden apostemations and other inward collec-
tions of vicious matter in the body, daily seminaries of unexpected and won-
dered shapes of corruption and putrefaction which lying long hidden in the
body and, by an insensible growth taking deep root, in the end suddenly
break forth beyond all possible expectation or thought of the most excellent, 20
exquisite and subtle circumspection and disquisition? For a brief confirmation
hereof, *Hollerius doth mention a man, the cause of whose disease while he
lived, being unknown to physicians and art, after his decease, his guts were
found gangrened and perished and therein things viewed like unto water-
snakes, and his liver full of scirrhose knots.a 25
There happened unto myself this year last past, a patient, a very worthy gen-
tleman, who, being extremely vexed with the strangury, dysury, and ischuria,b
together with pissing of blood in great abundance, and the stone, by the use
and accommodation of remedies, found much ease, mitigation of pains, and
qualification of the extremity of all the former accidents. Notwithstanding, for 30
that there were certain indications of an ulcer in the body or capacity of the
bladder, his recovery was not expected, but, after his decease, in the dissection
of his body, his bladder was found rotten, broken, and black, without any man-
ifest matter therein as cause thereof, or so much as one stone, although he had
formerly and immediately before avoided many stones at several times. This I 35
16 Apostemations: festering abscesses. 17 Seminaries: breeding grounds.
a This anecdote is likely taken from *Hollerius’s De Morbis Internis (On Internal Diseases). Schir-
rose knots: what today would be termed cirrhosis of the liver. b Disorders all related to pain and
difficulty in urination.
290 chapter 2
produce, being fresh in memory, as an instance of impossibility of knowledge

unto a physician in many and frequent cases. For how could the fracture or
color of his bladder while the patient was living by any exquisiteness of art or
understanding be known in any possibility, means, or power of man, although
all the other accidents above mentioned were undoubtedly, by certain indica- 5
tion and signs discovered?
I might here deliver many other like examples out of mine own knowledge.
I will only call to remembrance one more.
I was of late years physician unto a right noble lady, the cause of whose
apparent dangerous estate divers learned and famous physicians conjoined 10
with myself could never discover. In the dissection of her body after her de-
cease, her heart was found enclosed with a shining rotten jelly, and the very
substance of the heart the same color. In the same lady, an intolerable pain
about the bottom of her stomach, by fits deprived her of all ease by day, and of
rest by night, and could never be known in the cause or removed in the acci- 15
dents by any mean or remedy. But after death, in the dissection of her body
before mentioned, a black round jelly as big as a tennis ball did manifest itself
in that place where, in her life, the intolerable pain was seated and fixed.a Of
this evil discoloration of her heart, of the matter and evil color of that matter
wherewith her heart was environed, as also of that collected jelly in her stom- 20
ach, what possible knowledge, think you, or exquisite understanding, or art of
man could ever in her life time give any notice or information?
Like unto this is that which *Hollerius in the twenty-first of his Rare Obser-
vations doth mention.b In a sick man perplexed in a strange manner from an
unknown cause in his life, after his death his liver and epiploon did appear 25
corrupted and putrified, his stomach toward the bottom bruised and full of
black juice or humor. Christopher Schillincus,c opening the body of a child after
death reporteth that he saw in the small veins running through the substance
of the liver many small scrawling worms then living.
25 Epiploon: a membrane enwrapping the intestines, also called the omentum. 29 Scrawling:
crawling.
a Cotta may be describing what today’s physicians would call a “mucinous adenocarcinoma,”
a mucus-producing tumor that can appear in the various gland structures of bodily organs.
b Found in De Morbis Internis at the end of Book I, in Singulares Aliquot Hollerii Observationes,
Quae ad Consilia Curandi Pertinent. c A Silesian doctor named Christopher Schilingus is found
on the list of proscribed authors in Index Librorum Prohibitorum et Expurgandorum Novissimus
pro Catholicis Hispaniarum, Madrid, 1667. This story is found, in a letter relating several medical
cases, from the same Christopher Schilling to Andreas Dudithius dated 12 Nov. 1578: letter 931.
Cotta’s source for this case is not clear.
*Benivenius doth make mention of a woman tormented grievously by a nee-

dle in her stomach which was impossible by any art or exquisiteness of under-
standing to be conceived or suspected, if nature itself, working it out through
the body and substance of the stomach unto the outward view and sense, had
not so discovered it.a 5
I will not here mention the generation of worms, stones, and the like in the
guts, gall, heart, lungs, and other parts, of which no art, or excellence of knowl-
edge can possibly take notice until they have proved themselves unto the sight.
Many diseases of these kinds bring fearful and terrible accidents and afflictions
unto the body, yet for the most part are never detected because they have not 10
only no proper true certain likely, but no possible means or way of indication
or notice at all, in any reason or understanding of human art or science, with-
out which the most exquisite and scientifical clerks are altogether disabled and
must necessarily be ignorant.
Thus hath been at large manifested that nothing can be unto the physi- 15
cian in his art and science known, which either by outward sense or inward
is not apparent or by likely and artificial conjecture from both is not detected
or discerned. The like might be urged concerning the trials of law and justice
and inquisitions, of offences and errors against the law which are the diseases
of a commonweal, as the former of the body of man. Many offences against 20
the law are apparent unto the outward sense, as sight or hearing, and, there-
fore, being witnessed by hearers or beholders, are without doubt or difficulty
immediately dispatched, sentenced, and adjudged. Many also are evident to
reason, which therefore are held and reputed invincibly and infallibly to con-
vince. 25
Many offences also there are, neither manifest to sense, nor evident to rea-
son, against which only likelihood and presumptions do arise in judgment,
whereby notwithstanding, through narrow search and sifting, strict examina-
tion, circumspect, and curious view of every circumstance, together with every
material moment and odds thoroughly, and unto the depth and bottom by sub- 30
tle disquisition fathomed, the learned, prudent, and discerning judge doth oft
detect and bring unto light many hidden, intestine, and secret mischiefs which
unsensibly and unobservedly would otherwise oppress and subvert the com-
monweal. When by none of these ways of extrication the truth can possibly be
a Antonius *Benivenius, Libellus de Abditis Nonnullis ac Mirandis Morborum & Sanationum Cau-
sis (“Booklet about Numerous Hidden and Wondrous Cases of Diseases and their Cures”), Basel
1529. The woman is found in case XX, to which Benivenius claims to have been an eyewitness.
292 chapter 2
gained, the wise and upright judge unto necessity in want of due warrant unto
just proceeding doth with patience and sobriety submit.a
For this cause (as may be seen upon records) many cases justly, necessarily,
and unavoidably stand perpetually inscrutable, undecided, and never deter-
mined, as certain proofs and evidences of the limitation and annihilation of 5
man’s knowledge in many things of this life, Almighty God ofttimes decreeing
to hide some truth from the sight of man, and detaining it in his own secret will
and pleasure.
a Katherine Eisaman Maus quotes from this passage in a way that implies that Cotta here
endorses the search for the witch’s mark as, Maus says, “a satisfactory basis for inferring hor-
rible motives and desires” in the heart of the accused. Moss, “Proof and Consequences,” 38. But
this passage does not refer to the witch’s mark, nor does Cotta condone its use as evidence for
wrongdoing. See the Introduction to this edition, pages 29–30, as well as note a on page 152. See
also pages 412–417 below.
chapter 3
Whether witchcraft have any other ways or means

of investigation than those before mentioned and
what is the true investigation
It hath been at large before declared, how God and nature have limited and con-
fined all knowledge of man within certain ways and bounds, out of which, and
beyond which, it cannot pass; as also for that cause, that no justifiable art or true
science whatsoever doth or can exceed those restraints. There have been also
divers examples produced of the necessity of man’s ignorance in the impossi- 5
bility of much knowledge and discovery of things hidden and inhibited by the
just and unsearchable decrees of God and nature.
It remaineth now to enquire concerning our particular subject of witchcraft,
whether in the common way of all other detections of truths it ought likewise
to consist, or whether by itself have other privileges beyond all other trials. 10
If reason be the sole eye and light of natural understanding which God hath
given unto reasonable man (as is before proved), if without it can be no nat-
ural knowledge, no art, no science, no discovery, if law among all people and
nations be so just in all things, as to do or allow nothing against true reason
(in which consisteth right), if God himself, and all flourishing commonweals 15
have tied men and laws and the decision by them of all doubts, questions, and
controversies, either unto right proof, evidence, and allegation, according unto
reason, or at least fair likelihood, presumption, and probability, and beyond
these there never was, is, or can be any just judgment or trial, how is it possible
that man can attain knowledge of witchcraft if not by those means, by which 20
only his nature is capable of whatsoever is allotted to be known thereto?
If this be infallibly true, man must either by the former common ways of
knowledge and detection know likewise and detect witchcraft, or else be alto-
gether ignorant thereof, whereof the contrary by daily experience is manifest. It
may be and is objected that it is a hard and difficult matter to detect witchcraft 25
by the former and ordinary courses, as is oft seen and found apparent. So is it
likewise equally difficult, and as hard by the same means ofttimes, for many a
just man to prove and clear his opposed innocency, and for many an injuriously
wronged wretch to prove his right, to defend his goods, yea, life itself from vio-
lence. Notwithstanding, this is no allowance unto another way, no reason or 30
justification of any unwarranted way, or way out of the way of reason, justice,
and law, be his burden never so importable, or his injury exceeding cruelty.

294 chapter 3
For if God had allowed unto men always smooth, assured, certain and infal-
lible ways unto the satisfaction of their wants, and the accomplishment of their
intentions and desires without failing, what would become of religion, virtue,
and wisdom? Then should every man be alike wise, and men would be so confi-
dent in their own strength and power, and so proud, that they would forget God, 5
and never think of the Almighty. If the means and ways unto all knowledge, and
the information of our desires and affections did meet with no impediment,
no opposition, no contradiction, no casualty to intercept, and all things should
prosperously succeed unto our means and endeavors, there would never be any
use of patience, temperance, or dependence upon the divine providence—and 10
consequently, little acknowledgement, and less worship and adoration of our
Creator, who according to his wisdom, good will and pleasure, doth otherwise
govern, guide, order, and dispose all things. For if unto our supposed needful
ends, uses, and necessary desires were certain and uncontrolled ways, nothing
impossible, nothing denied, then were our lust a law, and man in no power but 15
in his own, in no awe, in no law, in no rule.
Therefore, Almighty God, in his great and unspeakable wisdom, hath sub-
jected vain man, and made his pride subject to infinite creatures, limits, re-
straints, coercions, thereby to teach him true wisdom, piety, trust, dependence,
worship, and adoration of his all-restraining and all-limiting unlimited power. 20
Man, therefore, must thereby learn to be contented so to know, as therewith
to learn to know himself. That is, with his large portion, his lot, his manifold
endowments, his excellency of sense, reason, understanding, prudence, art,
not to forget or spurn at their interdictions, prohibitions, and enjoined lists,
beyond which to desire to know, is curiosity, is folly: Sapientia vera, / nolle nimis 25
sapere, sayeth the poet: “It is true wisdom, not to be too wise.”a That is, not to
19 Coercions: restraints.
a “True wisdom is not to want to know too much.” These exact words occur, however, not in
poetry, but in prose in *Scaliger, §274, and are quoted by later authors as Scaliger’s. The sen-
timent is relatively common. Among poetry near Cotta’s time is found the following: Joannes
Sambucus’ Emblemata, from 1567, has a poem entitled Nimium Sapere “too much knowledge.”
Among the works attributed to St. Cyprian (AD 205–258) published in 1564 in Paris by Morel is
a Carmen ad Senatorem ex Christiana Religione ad Idolorum Seruitutem Conuersumi (“Poem to a
Senator Converted from Christianity to the Worship of Idols”), nowadays considered to be anony-
mous and dated to the fourth century. Verse 63 reads Sic nimium sapere stultum facit (“Thus too
much knowledge makes the fool.”) In their commentary on the anonymous poem, Anne-Marie
Boxus and Jacques Poucet cite Ecclesiastes (7:17): noli esse multum sapiens (“Don’t desire to be too
wise”); St. Paul (Rom. 12:3): Non plus sapere quam oportet sapere sed sapere ad sobrietatem (“Not
to know more than what is fit to know but to be knowledgeable to the point of temperance”);
whether witchcraft have any other ways of investigation 295
know, nor desire to know more than is allowed or needful: needful not in our
desires, but God’s decree.
Here then let me entreat reasonable men, not too much (as is usual) to swell
with indignation, or to be puffed with impatience, where God doth not apertly
reveal and plainly (as they desire and think needful) the subtle engines and 5
mystical craft of the Devil in the machinations of witches and sorcerers, but
soberly, modestly, and discreetly. So far forth, be contented. To pursue the trial
and just way of their discovery, as with sense, with reason, with religion is just
and righteous, knowing that whatsoever is beyond these lists, is reasonless,
senseless, and impious. 10
For since God and nature (as is before said) hath limited the scrutiny of all
true arts and sciences, all natural knowledge for discovery of controversies and
resolutions unto the lights of reason and sense, and artificial conjecture, pru-
dence, art, sagacity, and subtlety of understanding derived from thence, unto
what other bar or seat of justice can witchcraft appeal or be brought? 15
It may be objected the art of witchcraft, being supernatural, and the prac-
tice thereof sustained by an extraordinary power, that therefore the means
and ways of discovery must be likewise more than ordinary and supernatural.
Hereto is truly answered, that since the nature and power of spirits is unknown
unto man (as all things supernatural) and can be and is no otherwise known, 20
but by examining the works issuing from thence and comparing them aright
with that which is natural (because man in his reason and understanding can-
not discern that which is truly transcending his nature otherwise than observ-
ing how far it exceedeth that which is according to nature). Therefore (I say)
the works of the Devil, or witches, though sustained and produced by a super- 25
natural power, yet can have no other way for their detection by man, but that
which is ordinary unto man, and natural and possible unto man; for that which
is above or beyond his power or nature, is not his own. From hence must neces-
sarily be concluded that there is no other ordinary way unto man (who knoweth
or can know nothing but that is natural) unto the discovery of that is supernat- 30
ural, but that way which is likewise natural.
Although therefore the subject of witchcraft require a greater measure of
knowledge to discern that which is therein really and truly supernatural, from
that which in nature ofttimes hath very great likeness, and deceivable simili-
4 Apertly: openly.
St. Ambrose (Epist., 1, 6): Est autem mensura sapientiae; quae si supra mensuram sit, nocet, quia
scriptum est: noli esse multum sapiens (“There is a limit to wisdom: if one exceeds the limit, it is
harmful, for it is written ‘don’t desire to be too wise.’”)
296 chapter 3
tude therewith, yet is the way unto that knowledge the common highway which
conducteth unto all other knowledge whatsoever. Let men then be persuaded
and contented (since God hath allotted, and allowed unto the nature and power
of man no other way) in this only warranted true way to seek the discovery, to
find the footing, path, and steppings of witchcraft, as of all other things, which 5
by the decree of God are revealed unto man, and subject unto the knowledge
of man.
It may be here demanded, whether Almighty God doth not extraordinarily,
and miraculously at some time discover this so abominable sin of witchcraft,
as well as by ordinary means leave it unto discovery? This doubt shall more fitly 10
in more due place be hereafter at large discoursed.
It hath now been here manifested, that there is or can be no other ordi-
nary trial of witchcraft, than that which is common unto all other detections
of truth, and also that all detections subject unto the discovery of man (as hath
been before cleared) are drawn and derived either from sense or reason, or 15
likely probability raised from both.
chapter 4
Of the works of witches and devils
Before we proceed further to treat concerning matter of witchcraft, according

to the former ways of discovery and investigation, it will be needful to distin-
guish who is the true author, cause, and immediate workman of the supernat-
ural works, which by sorcery and witchcraft are compassed or brought to pass.
All created substances endowed with powers and virtue from God their 5
creator, are either bodily, or corporal substances,a or spiritual, or mixed and
between both. Bodily and corporal substances are the heavens, the celestial
bodies of the stars, of the Sun, of the Moon, the bodies of the elements, and all
elementary substances from them derived and composed. Spiritual substances
are either angels, or devils, or souls of men after death, separated from their 10
bodies. Mixed substances, partly spiritual, partly bodily, are mankind com-
pounded of a natural body and an understanding soul.
Hence it commeth to pass that man by his understanding spirit doth togeth-
er with angels, spirits, and devils, participate and understand many things, as
the scripture revealed: the history and creation of the whole world, many truths 15
of God, the grounds of reason, the principles of nature, many general rules and
observations, and infinite particular objects of many things past, present, and
to come. But for that, this understanding soul is depressed and imprisoned in
this life by the body, by the passions, diseases, and manifold encumbrances
thereof, and cannot extend or enlarge itself further unto any portion of knowl- 20
edge than through the narrow windows, closures, parts, and organs of the body.
Therefore, must necessarily the knowledge of man be much inferior unto that
measure of knowledge which spirits, being of a more subtle essence and free
from the burden and encumbrance of an earthly tabernacle or prison, do in a
more large extent enjoy. 25
As is said of the difference of knowledge in spirits beyond the power and
nature of man, so may be said from the same reason of the difference of the
works of spirits, far enlarging and extending their virtue and power beyond
the power and force of men. The works of men are confined within the power
and nature of these sublunary bodies, unto which they are annexed and tied. 30
The works of spirits are limited to no corporal substance or body, but spa-
ciously compass the whole and universal body of the sublunary or inferior
a Throughout this chapter, Cotta uses the word corporal in an obsolete sense (OED 2a), what today
would be corporeal or material.

298 chapter 4
world (as the Devil doth witness of himself)a and are not tied unto any par-
ticular place, but rule generally therein, and in all places by the permission of
God, as is evident, where the Devil is called the prince that ruleth in the air,
even the spirit that now worketh in the children of disobedience; and likewise,
where he is called the Prince of Darkness of this world.b From these undoubted 5
grounds, it is necessarily inferred, that both all knowledge exceeding the knowl-
edge of man, must needs issue from the knowledge of spirits, and also that all
works exceeding and transcendent, above the power and nature of corporal
substances, must necessarily be the force of spirits.
It may now be demanded, how the works of good spirits shall be known and 10
distinguished from the works of evil spirits and devils, since both their works
proceed from the same nature, substance, and spiritual essence common unto
them both. This shall appear by the consideration of the orders and sorts of
good spirits, expressed in holy scripture, and their properties, beside which all
other are necessarily evil, and therefore devils, like unto whom likewise, by just 15
consequent must be their works, the one reciprocally discovering the other.1
All good spirits are either angels and messengers of God, specially sent with his
holy embassage, to special holy men, for special holy ends; as was the Seraphim
sent unto Isaiah,c and as were the shepherds, when our Savior was born, or
as were the angels which were sent unto the patriarchs of old, or else tutular 20
angels, ordinarily commanded to guide, protect, and defend the elect and cho-
sen children of God, as is manifest both by the testimony of our Savior. “See
a “Then the Lord said unto Satan, whence comest thou? And Satan answered the Lord, saying,
‘From compassing the Earth to and fro, and from walking in it’ ” (Job 1:7). b “Wherein, in times
past ye walked, according to the course of this world, and after the prince that ruleth in the air,
even the spirit that now worketh in the children of disobedience” (Eph. 2:2). “For we wrestle not
against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, and against the wordly gov-
ernors, the princes of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness, which are in the
high places” (Eph. 6:12). c “Then show one of the Seraphims unto me with a hot coal in his
hand which he had taken from the altar with the tongs. And he touched my mouth, and said, lo,
this hath touched thy lips, and thine iniquity shall be taken away, and this sin shall be purged”
(Isa. 6:6–7).
1 Angeli boni non possunt peccare, confirmati per gratiam. Angeli mali, per malitiam obstinati
non possunt bene velle. Magist. Sent. dist. 7 lib. 2. [Good angels are not able to sin, because they
are strengthened by grace. Evil angels, hardened through evil, are not able to have good will.
Magister Sententiarum, Distinction 7, Book 2.]
From Magister Sententiarum (The Four Books of Sentences), compiled by the French bishop
Peter Lombard (ca. AD 1100–1160) in the twelfth century, then arranged into “distinctions” by
Alexander of Hales in the thirteenth century. The book is extraordinarily wide ranging, and
served as a standard book of theology in the Middle Ages. This passage is a partially quoted
summary paraphrase of Distinction 7, Part I, Chapter I, found in Book II (Chapter 33).
of the works of witches and devils 299
that you despise not,” sayeth our blessed Savior, “one of these little ones: for I
say unto you, that in Heaven their angels always behold the face of my Father,
which is in heaven.”a And by that text also: “Are they not all ministering spirits,”
sayeth the apostle, speaking of angels, “sent forth to minister for their sakes,
who shall be heirs of salvation?”b Beside these orders of good and holy spirits, 5
neither hath the holy scripture, neither hath the light of reason, or nature, or
observation known or discovered any other.
All the works likewise and employments of these good spirits, are all and
ever observed to be like themselves, holy, good, freely serving and ministering
unto the express will, known and undoubted pleasure of Almighty God, as is 10
certainly confirmed: “Praise ye the Lord,” sayeth the Psalmist, “ye his angels that
excel in power, that do his commandments in obeying the voice of his word.”c
All works, therefore, or effects issuing from spirits, that cannot be proved
and manifested to be first commanded by God,2 secondly, tending solely to the
execution of his will, and thirdly, are not contained in one of the four first men- 15
tioned offices and administrations of spirits, they are all certainly and assuredly
to be suspected as works of devils and evil spirits, whom God doth permit (as
sayeth St. *Augustine in his third book of De Trinitate),d to bring to pass such
works of theirs, partly to deceive those wicked, which God in judgment hath
given over to be deceived of devils, partly, to quicken and stir up the godly and 20
holy man, and to try and prove him thereby, as he did his faithful servant Job.
Now for a more distinct clearness and light unto the proof of these suspected
works of devils, it is very profitable, necessary, and pertinent, that we consider
their kinds which are two.e The first kind is of such supernatural works, as are
done by the devil solely and simply to his own ends or use, without any refer- 25
ence or respect to any contract or covenant with man. The second kind is of
such transcendent works, as are done with a respect or reference unto some
contract or covenant with man.
a Quoted exactly from GB (Matt. 18:10). b “Are they not all ministering spirits, sent forth to
minister, for their sakes which shall be heirs of salvation?” (Heb. 1:14). c “Praise the Lord, ye
his Angels, that excel in strength, that do his commandment in obeying the voice of his word.”
Ps. 103:20. d See *Augustine De Trinitate 3.8. e In the passage that follows, when Cotta refers
to “the devil” he is referring to the particular devil or evil spirit in question, not to Satan who is
the Devil.
2 Boni angeli difficile comparent, nec nisi summi Dei iussa capessunt. Fern. I. de Abd. Rer.Caus.
lib.i.ca. [Good angels may accomplish a difficult thing, but not unless they adopt the biddings of
the greatest God. Fernelius De Abditis Rerum Causis.]
Cotta changes *Fernelius’s text, which reads: Hi siquidem difficile comparent … (“these, if
indeed they should accomplish something difficult do not do so unless …”) where “these”
refers to good spirits that some people claim to be able to control.
300 chapter 4
In the first, the devil is solely an agent for himself, without the consent or
knowledge of man. In the second, the supernatural and transcendent works
are truly, essentially, and immediately from the devils—also (because out of
the reach or power of any command of man simply) yet therein man hath a
property and interest by covenant and contract, and derivation thereof from 5
the devil, which is truly and solely sorcery, and witchcraft. For since supernat-
ural works are only proper to a spirit, and above the nature and power of man,
they cannot truly and properly be esteemed his. And therefore, it is not the
supernatural work itself, but man’s contract and combination therein with the
devil, his consent and allowance thereof, that doth make it his, and him a witch, 10
a sorcerer, which is a contractor with the devil.
Now let us proceed to consider how these supernatural works in the former
several kinds are or may be detected, some by reason, some by sense.
chapter 5
The works of the Devil by himself, solely wrought

without the association of man
It is not destitute of easy proof that there are many supernatural works of the
Devil manifest to sense, wherein man doth not participate in knowledge, con-
tract, or consent with him. Did not the Devil, in the body of a serpent, mirac-
ulously reason, dispute, speak and confer with Eve?1 Was not his speech and
voice undoubtedly, manifestly, perceptively, and truly heard, and sounding in 5
her ears? There then was no man as yet born that could combine with the Devil
in this supernatural work, or that could then be found a witch.
Likewise, was not the Devil’s carriage of the body of our Savior, and setting it
upon a pinnacle of the temple manifest to the eye?a Was not the fire which the
Devil brought down from heaven in so miraculous manner, and in so extraor- 10
dinary power to devour so many thousands of Job’s sheep, truly visible? The
messenger escaping to bring the tidings doth witness it.b
Was not the power of the Devil seen at such time, as in the gospel he car-
ried whole herds of swine headlong into the sea?c Was not the Devil seen to
a “Then the Devil took him up into the holy city, and set him on a pinnacle of the temple” (Matt.
4:5). b “And while he was yet speaking, another came, and said, ‘The fire of God is fallen from
the heaven, and hath burnt up the sheep and the servants, and devoured them: but I only am
escaped alone to tell thee’” (Job 1:16). c “Now there was there in the mountains a great herd
of swine, feeding. And all the devils besought him, saying, ‘Send us into the swine, that we may
enter into them.’ And incontinently Jesus gave them leave. Then the unclean spirits went out and
entered into the swine, and the herd ran headlong from the high bank into the sea, (and there
were about two thousand swine) and they were drowned in the sea” (Mark 5:11–13). Compare
Matt. 8:30–32.
1 Instrumentum Diaboli Serpens. Tremelius Iunius. The Serpent did verily speak. It was a true ser-
pent not a shadow. The Devil spake in the serpent as the angel in the Ass. Dr. Willet.
The Latin means “The serpent is the instrument of the Devil.” “Tremelius Junius” refers to
the authors of a ca. 1590 edition of the Bible: Immanuel Tremellius, Franciscus Junius, and
Theodore Beza. Strictly, the Bible does not say that the Serpent in Genesis was the Devil, but
that interpretation was uncontroversial. Andrew Willet (1562–1621), was the author of a vari-
ety of theological tracts in Cotta’s time. The specific reference to Willet is not clear, but in
Num. 22, Balaam’s ass is inspired by an angel to speak and reproach his cruel owner. The inci-
dent shows that spirits can make animals speak, lending plausibility to the notion that the
serpent in Eden was Satan.

302 chapter 5
rend and tear the bodies of men by him possessed, in an extraordinary and
supernatural manner and sort? Was not the very voice of a spirit heard and dis-
tinguished, when the Devil in so fearful and marvelous manner cried out in the
possessed? Did not the people behold the miraculous force of the Devil casting
the possessed into the midst of them? Did not the people hear and behold a 5
foul spirit crying aloud, and in an admirable power and manner, coming out of
the possessed?a
All these were works supernatural of the Devil, and manifest to outward
sense; yet no mention, no suspicion, no reason of mention or suspicion of a
witch or sorcerer, wherein therefore the Devil alone was sole agent. 10
But it may be objected that these examples out of the holy scriptures are
recorded as things specially seen, or noted, in some special ages and times,
which aftertimes and other ages do not, or cannot afford. The contrary is man-
ifest by the faithful histories and true reports of ethnic writers, who living in
distant ages, do not differ in the true consent and harmony of the same report, 15
concerning the same things, as they have succeeded in their several ages. It
is not incredible, but certain unto any common reader, what divers authors
of approved faith and credit, in several ages have written: how the Devil not
only out of the bodies and several parts,2 a part of the bodies of men have
uttered words, and spoken with the voice of men, even as in the Gospel he 20
did out of the possessed, but also out of trees, caves of earth, images, and stat-
ues.
The first is evident by the general report from one succeeding age unto
another, concerning the Pythons, Pythonici, ἐγγαστριμυθοι, ventriloqui, and the
a Here Cotta cites several biblical instances of Christ exorcising evil spirits. For instance, “And
there was in their Synagogue a man with an unclean spirit, and he cried out, saying, ‘Ah, what
have we to do with thee, O Jesus of Nazareth? Art thou come to destroy us? I know thee what
thou art, even thou holy one of God.’ And Jesus rebuked him, saying, ‘Hold thy peace, and come
out of him.’ And the unclean spirit tear him, and cried with a loud voice, and came out of him”
(Mark 1:23–26). Cotta also cites Matt. 9, Mark 9, and Luke 4.
2 Oracula edita sunt per pudenda puellae. Mornaeus de verit. Rel. cap. 23 ex Diodoro. [Oracles are
delivered through the genitals of a girl.]
Cotta is perhaps misremembering Philippus Mornaeus De Veritate Religionis Christianae
(Concerning the Truth of Christian Religion, Leiden 1587), whose Latin actually says that the
oracles are received (excepisse) through the pudenda and then simply delivered (ederet) by
the girl (Mornaeus does not say out of what orifice the oracles come). The story of oracular
genitalia in Christian-Pagan polemics is explored in Connor, Dumbstruck. Diodorus Siculus’s
Library (16.26) contains a story about how the medium of the Delphic oracle was originally a
young girl, but nothing about genitalia, wombs, guts, or the like associated with speaking.
the works of the devil by himself 303
like.a The second was never hid many hundreds of years, for many ages long
before the birth of our blessed Savior, as is apparent by the famous Ora-
cle of Delphos, the Oak of Dodona, the statue of Memnon.b Petrus Gregorius
*Tholosanus, in his Syntagma Iuris,c reciteth this history concerning certain
statues at Alexandria, that they did fall unto the ground suddenly, and with an 5
audible voice declared the death of Mauricius the Emperor, even at the same
moment and point of time when he was then slain at Rome.d
As the Devil doth show himself by voices and sounds in trees, caves, stat-
ues, and the like, so doth he in divers other outward shapes and forms of other
creatures. Thus he appeared unto Eve, and spake unto her in the shape of a 10
serpent aforesaid. Of his appearance in divers other forms likewise are many
testimonies.
It is reported by John *de Serres, the French chronicler, that the late re-
nowned King of France, Henry IV, being in his hunting sports, a devil or spirit
presented unto the King’s ears and his whole company, a great cry of hounds, 15
and winding of horns. The King commanded Count Soissons to go see who
it was, wondering who durst interrupt his game. The Earl still issuing forward
toward the noise, still heard it, but seemed nothing nearer unto it, though desir-
ing to come nearest unto it. At length a big black man presented himself in the
thickest of the bushes, and speaking unto the Earl some few words, suddenly 20
vanished. There could be no deceit in so many ears and witnesses, nor can the
objection of a mere imagination stand uncontrolled of the just reproof of want
of wit and good manners, in doubt or denial of so fair and so well advised due
testimonies.
a “Pythons” and “Pythonici” refer to the Greek oracle at Delphi, originally inhabited by a serpent
or dragon named Python (which was later killed by Apollo). “Engastrimyths” and “ventriloquists”
(made up of word elements that mean “belly talker” in Greek and Latin respectively) refers to
the fact that many oracular mediums supposedly spoke without moving their lips. The element
meaning “belly” may be a euphemism for genitalia through which the god might inspire, or out
of which the prochecy might come. Ventriloquism as entertainment is a more modern phe-
nomenon. b “Delphos” is a Latin accusative form of “Delphi.” The Greek oracles at Delphi and
Dodona were preeminent pan-Hellenic oracles: at Dodona, the rustling of oak leaves was inter-
preted. At Delphi, the god spoke through a woman, the Sibyl. The statue of Memnon refers to a
statue of Pharaoh Amenhotep III which broke in an earthquake in 27BC: after it broke, sounds
were heard as if issuing from the statue, to which oracular powers were attributed. It became a
popular tourist site in antiquity. c Petrus Gregorius *Tholosanus, Syntagma Iuris Universi Atque
Legum Pene Omnium Gentium et Rerum Publicarum Praecipuarum, Lyon 1582, recounts this story
about Alexandrian statues and the death of Mauricius in Part 1, Book II, Chapter 12. Tholosanus
probably has it from Theophylact Simmocatta (seventh c.), Historiae VIII.13. d Mauricius Flav-
ius Tiberius was the Eastern Roman Emperor between AD 582 and 602.
304 chapter 5
Master Foxe, in the life of Martin Luther, doth relate the apparition and con-
ference of the Devil with a young man, who upon contracts agreed between
the Devil and himself, delivered unto the Devil his bond for conditioned per-
formances.a *Speed, in his Chronicle, and relation of the passage of many affairs
within the time of Henry IV, doth make mention of the apparition of the Devil 5
in the habit of a Minorite Friar at Danbury Church in Essex,b with such thun-
dering, lightning, tempests, and fireballs, that the vault of the church broke,
and half the chancel was carried away.c
I will not further recite infinite histories and reports, which may seem to
depend upon the obscure or doubted credit of superstitious factions, or partial 10
authors, but of such only as can by the common consent of times, and general
voice of all writers, exact credit and esteem.
In this kind what a multitude of examples doth the whole current and
stream of all writers of all ages afford? Who almost that readeth any ancient
classical author, can avoid the common mention of feigned gods and goddesses 15
of the field, of the woods, of the mountains, of houses, of deserts, of rivers,
of springs, and the like, offering themselves unto men and people, sometimes
in one shape, sometimes in another, requiring worship, ceremonies and rites;
some in one manner, some in another; doing strange and admired works oft-
times, sometimes pleasantly encountering people, sometimes menacing?3 20
a Cotta here probably refers to John Foxe (1517–1587). His Book of Martyrs was a hugely popular
tome published in four English editions between 1563 and 1576. There is a life of Martin Luther in
Foxe’s book, but there is no such story in it. The story does recall the tale of Doctor Faustus, widely
known in Cotta’s England through a play by Christopher Marlowe (1564–1593). b The largest
order of Franciscans is the Order of Friars Minor, also called “Minorites.” c Cotta refers to John
*Speed’s History of Great Britain, published in 1611. For more see Hadfield, “Bruited Abroad,” 162.
3 Vide Platonem in Epinomide de viribus et potestatibus Heroum, quos Latini Lemures dixerunt. De
Geniis item diis et daemonibus promiscue in coelo, terra, et singulis mundi regionibus distributis
vide in Politico. Vide Platonem 4. de legibus. Quos ibi Plato promiscue Daemones appellat, Latini
his nominibus, et quibusdam officiis distinxerint. [See Plato’s Epinomis concerning the strength
and powers of the Heros, which the Romans called “Lemures.” Likewise, about spirits, gods and
demons distributed commonly in the sky, earth and the individual regions of the world, consult
Statesman. See Plato’s 4th book of Laws. The beings which Plato there regularly calls demons, the
Romans distinguish with these names and certain cults.]
Reading De Geniis item, a likely emendation for the printed De Genus Item (gibberish in
Latin). The references to *Plato are neither apt nor accurate. The Pseudo-Platonic Epinomis
contains an extended discussion of astronomy (and mathematics), but little about what
would be called “heroes” or “Spirits,” and its “gods” are the (living) stars and planets. Lemures
are not discussed there. The Statesman is a longish work whose main focus is far from gods
and demons, and the fourth book of the Laws mentions but is not mainly concerned with
demons, demigods, or gods.
the works of the devil by himself 305
Hereupon grew the multitude and variety of names given unto them, accord-
ing to the several manners, shapes, gestures, and places which they used, as
fauns, satyrs, nymphs, empusa, lemures.a All Christians who know God, his
word, and truth, and thereby believe one only true God, must needs assure
themselves that all these were evil spirits, and devils. That such were, all times, 5
ages, histories, and records of times with one universal consent confirm. That
they were manifestly seen, known, and familiarly by the outward senses dis-
cerned and distinguished, cannot be denied, by the several descriptions of their
manners, shapes, and gestures.
And thus, briefly avoiding the tediousness of the multitude of uncertain 10
particular examples given by private men, I have by undoubted and uncon-
trolled references unto ages and successions of continued histories from one
unto another manifested, how among the heathen, the Devil hath apparently
offered himself unto the outward sense, without the association of a witch or
sorcerer: which was likewise before proved by instances out of the holy scrip- 15
ture. In all these the Devil hath affected to counterfeit the apparitions of the
blessed Angels of God unto his holy servants,4 thereby to make himself like or
equal unto God in ignorant and unbelieving hearts.
a Fauns are male spirits of a forest or other place in Roman mythology, much like satyrs, which
are from Greek mythology. Nymphs are minor female nature deities, usually attached to a place,
in Greek mythology. An empusa is a monstrous female demigod in Greek mythology, sometimes
daughter of Hecate and Mormo. Lemures are restless and evil spirits of the dead.
4 Diabolus Dei aemulus quo se fallaci similitudine insinuet in animos simplicium. Calvin. lib. 1.
Instit. Cap. 9. Sect. 2. [The Devil is a mimic of God in order to sneak himself into the souls of the
simple by means of deceptive similarity.]
*Calvin, Book 1 of Institutes of the Christian Religion, Chapter 9, Section 2. Cotta has
adapted Calvin’s sentence: Nec me latet, ut satan in multis est Dei aemulus, quo se fallaci simil-
itudine melius insinuet in animos simplicium (“Nor does it escape me that in many ways the
Devil is a mimic of God in order the better to sneak himself into the souls of the simple by
means of deceptive similarity.”) The context in Calvin is the claim that the Bible’s writing
styles are varied, as is the Devil’s speech.
chapter 6
Works done by the Devil, with respect unto

covenant with man
It now followeth to give examples of such supernatural works as are offered

by the Devil, wherein man hath an interest and property by contract with the
Devil, as also to show that these works are manifest in like manner unto the out-
ward sense. Unto this proof out of holy scripture, behold the Witch of Endor.
Did not Saul contract with her, and she promise unto Saul to bring up Samuel 5
unto him? Did not Saul see the vision raised by her, or at least speak thereto, and
receive answer therefrom?a Were not then his eyes and ears (those two outward
senses) certain witnesses of her sorcery? Behold also the sorcerers of Egypt. Did
not Pharaoh see and view with his eyes those great and mighty sorceries, water
turned into blood, rods into serpents, frogs caused to issue out upon the face of 10
the earth?b
And, as the holy scripture doth afford us these examples, so are the histo-
ries of all ages, people, and countries, fraught with the like as manifest to sense
as these, and as apparently detecting and pointing out the sorcerer and sor-
cery. Livy reporteth in those ancient days of Rome that the Roman Claudia, a 15
vestal virgin, did show herself in act, able alone with ease and facility to draw
a mighty ship by a small line or girdle, which was in the weight and greatness
unmovable, against the force and power of many strong men, assisted by the
strength of cattle accustomed to draw mighty and heavy burdens. That this was
an act supernatural, and above and beyond any natural virtue or force in her 20
a “Then said Saul unto his servants, ‘Seek me a woman that hath a familiar spirit that I may go
to her and ask of her.’ And his servants saying to him, ‘Behold, there is a woman at Endor that
hath a familiar spirit.’ Then Saul changed himself, and put on other raiment, and he went, and
two men with him, and they came to the woman by night. And he said, ‘I pray thee, conjecture
unto me by the familiar spirit, and bring me him up whom I shall name unto thee’” (1 Sam. 28:7–
8). The relevance of the The Witch of Endor to witch hunting had been discussed since at least
the fifteenth century. The right application of the scripture, however, was contested. See EW, sv
“Endor, Witch of”. Elizabeth Reis suggests Cotta’s view may have been influential in the witch tri-
als of New England. Reis, Damned Women, 75–77. For more, see the Introduction to this edition,
pages 39–42. b In Exodus, Moses and Aaron call upon God to plague the land of Egypt with
various evils in an effort to convince Pharoah to release the Israelites from bondage. Pharoah’s
magicians were able to duplicate some of the miracles using their sorcery, and it is to these false
miracles that Cotta refers. See Exod. Chapters 5 through 12, especially Chapter 7. See also the
Introduction to this edition, pages 42–43, for more details.

works done by the devil, with respect unto covenant with man 307
nature is madness to doubt. That in this supernatural act also she had a prop-
erty by her allowance and liking thereof, expressed by her voluntary action of
undertaking and drawing, who can make doubt? The act was supernatural and
above her power and nature. Her good will, allowance, and voluntary putting
the act in practice, did prove her consent and contract with that power and 5
nature superior unto her own, which is undoubtedly sorcery and witchcraft.a
Tuccia, also a vestal virgin, is reported by mumbling of a certain prayer, to
keep water within a sieve, or riddle, as witnesseth not only *Pliny, but even Ter-
tullian.b *Camerarius maketh mention of a man,1 who armed only with certain
charms, would undertake to receive upon his body, without harm, bullets or 10
shot out of the fiery cannon. He maketh also mention of another, who would
undertake to lay his hand upon the mouth of the like instrument, even when
the fire was already given, and thereby cause the flame appearing in the mouth
thereof, together with the shot there, to stay.
It is credibly written of *Pythagoras, that he was at once by several parties 15
seen, in the very same point of time, both in the city of Thurium, and the town
of Metapontum. Appollonius likewise was translated, as it were, in the twin-
a Livy is the ancient historian Titus Livius, author of an extensive history of Rome, Ab Urbe Con-
dita (From the City’s Foundation). The work was a principle model for renaissance historians.
Only a few dozen volumes of Livy’s 142 survive, and in the early modern period there were vari-
ous efforts to preserve, discover, or replace the missing material. Similar enthusiasm was shown
for finding the historian’s physical remains, and when they were discovered in the fifteenth cen-
tury, powerful men sought to secure pieces of his bones, which were thought of as sacred relics.
Liv. 29.14.5–14 reports that in 204BC, a statue of the Idaean Mother (the Great Mother, Cybele)
arrived by boat and then was carried by Roman matrons, among whom Claudia Quinta was most
prominent. *Ovid, not Livy, reports at Fast. 4.291–349 the story about Claudia pulling the statue-
laden boat from the mud of the Tiber. In the Roman tradition, Claudia’s actions demonstrate
her virtue. Richard Bovet, writing in 1641, cites Cotta here in his enumeration of many proven
instances of the reality of witches and spirits. Bovet, Pandaemonium, F7v. b Vestal Virgins were
priestesses of ancient Rome, named for the goddess they served—Vesta, goddess of the hearth.
The most important of their tasks was to maintain the sacred fire of Vesta; allowing it to die
suggested that her sacred protection had left the city. Their chastity was considered to have a
direct bearing on the health of the Roman state; therefore, the punishment for violating their
oath of chastity was to be buried alive. *Plin. Nat. 28.12, reports that in 145 BC, Tuccia, accused of
unchastity, carried water in a sieve as support for her plea of innocence (which Pliny says was
still extant but does not quote). Tertullian, Apologeticus 22, apparently refers to both Claudia and
Tuccia without naming them: “Why then should I speak of … the water borne in a sieve, and the
ship propelled by a girdle?” For more, see Beard, “The Sexual Status of Vestal Virgins.”
1 De Divina Generibus pag.118.

*Camerarius, Commentarius de Deneribus Divinationum, ac Graecis Latinisque Earum Co-
cabulis (Commentary on the Forms of Divination and their Greek and Latin Terms. Leipzig,
1575).
308 chapter 6
kling of an eye, or in the space of a word speaking from Smyrna unto Ephesus,
as some histories report.a That the power by which these things were done, was
more than human, no reason can doubt. That also the voluntary accession of
these men’s disposing, or apting themselves unto these works, doth prove their
consent, and by consent, society with a spirit, who can doubt? 5
But here, by the way, is just occasion offered unto a question. Namely,
whether a spirit or devil can cause or bring to pass that the same true body
at once may be really in two distant places as it seemeth by this history of
Pythagoras. The answer hereto must needs in reason be negative, because it
is impossible in nature, and in the ordinary unchangeable course of all things 10
by God created, that one individual and continued substance, or entire thing
should be wholly divided from itself, and yet be itself, or possibly be twice, or be
in two places, and yet be but one and the self-same thing. We must therefore
rather here think that the Devil is a juggler,b presenting the lively shape and
portraiture of Pythagoras in one place, and thereto haply by his supernatural 15
power, adding a counterfeit livelihood of speech and gesture, while the true
substance is certainly and truly seen in another place.
That these like practices are usual with the Devil is apparent in many other
kinds beside. Did he not undertake unto Wisdom itself, our blessed Savior, to
show unto him all the kingdoms of the Earth, a thing so far out of his reach 20
and compass, but only by a lying and juggling vision?c If this he doth unto the
Son of God, how shall the silly sons of sinful men escape? It is written by some
authors, that the Devil hath persuaded some foolish sorcerers and witches that
he hath changed their bodies and substances into cats, asses, birds, and other
creatures, which really and indeed without illusion (if it be not presumption to 25
reason with the Devil) is impossible unto him to do. For there can be no real or
true transmutation of one substance or nature into another, but either by cre-
ation or generation. The one is the sole immediate hand of God, communicable
to no creature (because there cannot be two creators); the other is natural, the
finger-work and power of God in nature, and proper to the nature of living ani- 30
mate creatures, not to angels or spirits.
a Philostratus’ Life of Apollonius of Tyana 4.10 reports that Apollonius was transported from
Smyrna to Ephesus in the same manner as *Pythagoras, who was simultaneously in Thurium
and Metapontum. Porphyry’s Life of Pythagoras 27 and 29 reports that Pythagoras was on the
same day at Metapontum and Tauromenium in Sicily. b Juggler: a conjurer, a trickster. Com-
pare Shakespeare’s Macbeth: “And be these juggling fiends no more believ’d, / That palter with us
in a double sense; / That keep the word of promise to our ear, / And break it to our hope” (5.8.19–
22). c “Again the Devil took him up into an exceeding high mountain, and shewed him all the
kingdoms of the world, and the glory of them” (Matt. 4:8).
Again, creation is the work of an infinite power, and therefore of God alone,
because there can be but one infinite, whose nature containing all things, and
contained of nothing, can admit no equal, no second, no other. The Devil, then,
cannot create. That likewise he cannot cause these transmutations by gener-
ation is as plain and evident, because a true and real generation hath many 5
precedent alterations,2 and by little and little in space of time groweth unto the
perfection of that kind, unto which it doth tend or is begotten; but these seem-
ing transmutations by the Devil of the substances of men into cats, and the like,
are swift and sudden, in a moment, and without preparation, and therefore are
no true, but seeming and juggling transmutations. 10
Here may be again objected, that the Devil is able to work above the power of
nature, and, therefore, beside and above the natural course of generation, he is
able to make these real transmutations. It is answered, though the Devil indeed,
as a spirit, may do, and doth many things above and beyond the course of some
particular natures, yet doth he not, nor is able to rule or command over general 15
nature, or infringe or alter her inviolable decrees in the perpetual and never-
interrupted order of all generations. Neither is he generally master of universal
nature, but nature master and commander of him. For nature is nothing else
but the ordinary power of God in all things created,3 among which the Devil,
being a creature, is contained, and therefore subject to that universal power. 20
For this cause, although above the power of our particular nature, the Devil
as a spirit doth many things, which in respect of our nature are supernatural,
yet, in respect of the power of nature in universal, they are but natural unto
himself and other spirits, who also are a kind of creature contained within the
general nature of things created. Opposite therefore, contrary, against, or above 25
the general power of nature, he can do nothing.
Therefore, to conclude this point, he cannot be able to command or com-
pass any generation above the power of nature, whose power is more universal
and greater than his. We will then hence conclude, that above and beyond the
universal nature and course of all generation, he cannot make a true transmu- 30
tation of the substance of any one creature into another.
2 Generatio non est nisi in tempore idque apparata materia per antecessionem mutationis, quam
Graeci ἀλλοιωσιν, recentiores Ciceroniam maluerunt commutationem. Scal. de subt. exercit. 6.
sect. 14. [There is no creation except temporal creation and that is with the material of the
change present beforehand, which the Greeks call “alteration.” More recent people prefer to use
the Ciceronian “commutation.” *Scaliger, De Subtilitate Exercitationes 6.14.]
3 Natura est ordinaria dei potestas. Scalig. [Nature is the ordinary power of God. *Scaliger.]
Exercitatio 249.3.
310 chapter 6
It was before proved that it is impossible for him to do it by creation. It is here

manifest that he cannot do it by any course of true generation. There can be no
real transmutation of one substance into another, without either a creation or
generation. We will therefore conclude with the saying of St. *Augustine: Nec
sane Damones naturas creant, sed specie tenus, qua a Deo creata sunt, commu- 5
tant, ut videantur esse qua non sunt. That is, “Devils cannot create any nature
or substance, but in juggling show or seeming only, whereby with false shad-
ows and outward induced shapes covering those things which are created of
God, by these commutations they cause them to seem that which they are not
indeed.”a 10
Concerning other manifest jugglings and illusions of the Devil, divers au-
thors have given divers examples, but that which above all the rest doth most
palpably detect him herein, is a history related by Johannes Baptista *Porta in
his second book De Magia Naturalis. He there witnesseth, that upon the Devil’s
suggestion, a witch believed firmly, and persuaded herself, that all the night 15
she had ridden in the air, over divers great mountains, and met in coventicles
of other sorceresses; when the same night the mentioned author himself, with
others, had watched and seen her all that imagined time of her transvection
in the air, to be within her chamber profoundly sleeping, yea, had smitten her,
made her flesh blue with strokes, and could not awake her, nor persuade her 20
afterward, when she was awakened that they had so used her, or at all had either
seen or beheld her. Thus prevalent was the juggling power of the Devil.b
St. *Augustine doth deliver a history concerning the father of one Praes-
tantius,c who lying in a deep trance so profoundly that no means could awake
him, did dream (as when he awaked he did report) that he was transformed 25
into an ass, and carried bags or burdens of corn into a camp of soldiers. At the
16 Conventicles: Assemblies. 18 Transvection: Carrying from one place to another.
a The City of God 18.18: Cotta embellishes and has left out some of *Augustine’s text: creant, si
aliquid tale faciunt, de qualibus factis ista vertitut quaestio; sed … (“Nor do demons really cre-
ate natures, if they do any thing of the sort here under in question, but as far as appearance
goes they change things which have been created by God, so that the things seem to be what
they are not.”) Modern critic Jan Frans van Dijkhuizen cites this passage from Cotta as evidence
that the Devil was, in the period, seen as a “consummate actor, and as a master of illusion.” Van
Dijkhuizen, Devil Theatre, 155. He does not acknowledge that Cotta is translating Augustine here.
b The story Cotta relates does not seem to be contained in the second book of Natural Magic. For
more on *Porta and his thought, see Armytage, “Giambattista della Porta and the Segreti.” c The
City of God, Book 18. *Augustine explains that a person’s phantom may take the shape of a beast
perceptible to others while the person’s body and soul remain elsewhere in a deeper-than-sleep
state. Then he relates this story about Praestantius, who was given drugged cheese by a landlady.
same time, in the same manner, such a like ass as he in dream imagined himself
did bring such burdens into the same camp.
From these examples may be justly drawn a plain demonstration of the
Devil’s palpable juggling and illusion, which also may serve for confirmation,
together with the reasons before annexed unto my former answer, concerning 5
the Devil’s seeming, or deceitful presentation of the real body of *Pythagoras
in two distant places at once, in the same point of time. And from all these con-
joined and conferred, may be truly inferred and collected, that the Devil as he
doth many supernatural works really, so he doth many other by illusion and
beguiling the imagination. 10
These his jugglings, not withstanding, are things also supernatural, and
tricks only possible to spirits and impossible to man. For it is impossible to man
to frame so lively a seeming presence of man in one place that it shall not be dis-
cerned otherwise than the very same true presence and real substance which
is really in another place, as also to fasten such dreams as were before men- 15
tioned upon men and according to those dreams to cause the things dreamed,
by the witness and testimony of other beholders, to be brought to pass in so
lively likeness and similitude as cannot be discerned and discovered otherwise
than the very same that they were in dream likewise believed. From hence it
doth also follow very necessarily that what man so ever shall undertake these 20
supernatural jugglings, which are only possible in the power of spirits, and of
the Devil alone, is thereby as truly convinced to be a witch or sorcerer as he that
undertaketh any of the former real supernatural works, or any other of the like
kind because they are both and all alike proper only to the Devil, and wherein
man can have no property or power but by and through him. 25
Let us now then again return unto the Devil’s real supernatural perfor-
mances and works unto sorcerers, from whence by the way of answer unto the
former doubt, concerning *Pythagoras his supposed reality of being at once in
two places, we have hitherto only digressed.
It is written as a thing usual unto many famous magicians, sorcerers, and 30
witches, unto the view and sight of some admitted spectators, to raise resem-
blances of the dead, which seemeth a thing undoubted by the witch of Endor,
raising Samuel the prophet unto Saul the King before mentioned. In this kind,
those famous and renowned witches, Medea and Circe in old and ancient
times are reported to excel.a Hence, among the heathen had necromancy the 35
a Medea’s story is in Apollonius of Rhodes’ Argonautica and *Euripides’ Medea, among others.
She betrayed her father to help Jason, with whom she went to Athens. Jason later betrayed her
312 chapter 6
reason of the name and νεκρομαντεῖον which is divination by calling up or rais-

ing the dead.
Later times have not been behind former times in the record of the like, but
to add reason to enforce the truth of report herein, I will answer an objection
which may be made. Whether in these apparitions there be only illusion and 5
imagination, or something truly and really visible unto the outward sense.
As touching the real raising of the dead, it is impossible unto the limited
power of the Devil, either in the substance of body or soul, to reduce or bring
the dead back into this world, or life, or sense again. Because in death, by the
unchangeable and unalterable decree of God in his holy writ, the body retur- 10
neth into dust from whence it came, and the soul to God who gave it. Notwith-
standing, since the outward shape and figure, and proportion of any substance,
and not the substance itself, or creature, is the true and natural object of the
eye, according to the Philosopher, who truly sayeth, Res non videntur, sed rerum
species;a that is, “The substances or things themselves are not offered, nor come 15
unto the sight, but only their shape, and outward figure,” as also for that com-
mon sense and experience do teach us, that it is a thing absurd and impossible
that all those bodies and substances, which in infinite number we daily see
and behold really and materially in their corporal substances and dimensions
should be contained in the small body of the eye. For these causes (I say), it is 20
possible according to reason that the Devil in these supposed apparitions of the
bodies and substances of dead men may present true, real, and natural objects,
certain and assured unto the eye and sight, if he can only present thereto the
outward lively portraitures, and shapes of the substances or bodies, though the
bodies themselves be away. 25
That the Devil can do this, is no doubt. For if man by art can usually divide
the outward shapes, and figures of creatures and substances from the sub-
stances and creatures themselves (as is apparent by the looking glass) and the
cunning painter can, in another borrowed substance, separated from their true,
right, and proper substance, represent perfectly the true and lively shape of 30
by marrying another, and so she killed their children. *Ov. Met. 7.242 ff. reports that she restored
Aeson’s youth using a necromantic rite. Circe, Medea’s aunt, is found in Homer’s Odyssey 10. She
changed Odysseus’ men into pigs and held him for a year but released him and told him how
to voyage to the underworld and communicate with the dead (Odyssey 11, perhaps the oldest
instance of necromancy in literature). Circe had been used as evidence of the reality of witchcraft
since the seventh century AD. Roberts, “Descendants,” 190. Roberts cites Cotta in his discussion.
a “The Philosopher” is *Aristotle. Cotta here may be drawing on Aristole’s critique of *Plato’s the-
ory of forms in Book 7 of the Metaphysics.
men and other creatures even when they are not only absent and removed in
far distant places but when ofttimes they have many years been swallowed of
the grave, why should it be thought impossible unto the Devil (who certainly
is more than exquisite Apelles excellent) to offer and present unto the eye like-
wise any true shape whatsoever?a 5
If he can offer the true shape (as is not to be doubted), he doth offer a true
and perfect object, and therefore that which is truly and certainly manifest to
sense, although speech and the motion thereof, without another visible body
to sustain it (being impossible unto shapes and portraitures drawn by men)
be things supernatural and truly spiritual, which do therefore make it a work 10
proper unto the Devil. And thus, it is apparent, that the supposed apparitions
which the Devil doth offer of dead men, may be esteemed and reckoned among
such supernatural works of devils and sorcerers, as manifestly are brought to
outward sense.
Now let us return to view some other kinds of the same works of the same 15
authors. It is reported by some writers of worthy credit, that the bodies of sor-
cerers and witches have been really carried, and locally removed from one place
into another by the Devil. And of later times (as Bartholomaeus de Spina doth
witness)b the inquisitors have condemned unto perpetual prison, and there
detained witches, who by their own confession, and others’ proof, have, by the 20
Devil, been transported into so far distant places in few hours, that afterward it
hath been travel of many days, by their own natural power to return again from
whence they were manifestly by the Devil carried.
It is a thing likewise written and vulgarly received, that witches are oft-
times seen bodily to haunt places, fields, houses, graves, and sepulchers, in an 25
unusual and miraculous manner and wondered fashion. These things, and infi-
nite more, whether true or no, cannot be known, but to him that doth himself
behold, and can from his own sight avouch them really true, and not imag-
inary. To perform some manner of asportation, and local translation of the
29 Asportation: usually the action of taking feloniously, stealing, but probably used by Cotta in
its etymological sense, simply a carrying away.
a Apelles of Cos flourished in the fourth century BC and was the painter par excellence of antiq-
uity. He studied under Pamphilius, the first ancient painter to employ geometry in his work, and
was celebrated for his ability to paint extremely fine lines. For more, see Joost-Gaugier, “Cos-
mography and Painting,” 781. b Bartholomaeus de Spina (1475–1546) was a Dominican friar,
who published the Novus Malleus Maleficarum sub Quaestione de Strigibus seu Maleficis (New
Hammer of the Wicked under the Heading of Bloodsuckers and Criminals) and Apologia de Lamiis
Contra Ponzinibium (Defense Against Ponzinibius on Witches).
314 chapter 6
bodies of witches and sorcerers, it seemeth in reason a thing where unto the
Devil is not unable.
First, for that it appeareth within the power of a spirit, by the history of the
Prophet Habakkuk, whom the angel carried by the hair of the head, out of Judea
into Babylon.a The natural faculties and properties of a spirit, given in their cre- 5
ation, and by their essential forms united unto them, the Devil doth participate
with all other spirits whatsoever, though in his fall from heaven, he lost their
true happiness and perfect fruition in the face and favor of God his creator.
Secondly, for that there are undoubted examples in holy scripture of the
Devil’s power in the local translation, not only of bodies inanimate, as fire, 10
winds, tempests, houses (as is apparent on the history of Job), and of animate
bodies also, or bodies of brute creatures (as is evident in the herds of swine
which he carried headlong into the sea), but likewise of the bodies of men, as
is clear in the gospel, where it is said, that the Devil did cast the bodies of the
possessed into the midst of the people. If the Devil could cast, or carry their 15
bodies the distance there expressed (whatsoever or how little so ever it was) it
doth manifestly prove his power, in the local motion of men’s bodies although
the full extent of his power therein be not necessarily thence collected.
Concerning the taking the body of our Savior, and setting it upon a pinna-
cle of the Temple, I will not urge, but do conclude upon my former reasons 20
sufficiently and necessarily, that the Devil, where God himself doth not coun-
termand, or prohibit him, hath power to dispose and transport our natural
bodies. I will not cite a multitude of authors herein, and from them borrow
needless examples. As some may be true, so I do not believe all, and very few I
wish trusted, where the proof doth not manifestly exceed all exception. 25
I conclude, that it is possible, that sometimes the supernatural power of the
Devil in this kind, as in other before mentioned, may appear unto outward
sense manifest, and the witch or sorcerer be found a voluntary with him. And
as is said of this kind, so may be said of many more besides those before men-
tioned. 30
Concerning the manifest supernatural works done by charmers, who is igno-
rant? To omit the histories of Medea and Circe those old famous hags, who were
seen by charms immediately to cause grain to wither upon the ground, the cur-
rent of waters to stand still, the stream to run back against the course, tempests,
a A reference to the book of Daniel. In Cotta’s time the parts of Daniel that include this story were
not considered canonical and so do not appear in GB which perhaps explains why Cotta does not
indicate a chapter and verse.
rain, thunder, winds to rise and fall at their word and command.a For an assured
testimony of the true and real harms, which charmers manifestly unto outward
view and sense did unto the ancient world, is as yet extant so many hundreds of
years, the law of the twelve Roman Tables,b wherein was a decree and statute
made to prevent and restrain the manifest wrongs and injuries of charmers. 5
Alienas Segetes ne incatato, sayeth the law. Alienas Segetes incantando ne pellex-
eris, that is, “Let no man charm his neighbor’s grain. Let no man by charms and
incantations carry away or transport another’s grain.”c
There are many other true reports and records of other wonderful works and
supernatural feats, all alike offered unto the outward sense. Their enumeration 10
or citation is not further needful. It is sufficient whatsoever or how many so
ever they be, that they are works supernatural, that they are manifest to sense,
that they are of the Devil, and that the witch or sorcerer doth manifest his guilt
therein, by voluntary presenting himself therein, by manifest undertaking any
part or office in the performance or by promising, and according to promise 15
causing to come to pass. The reason is infallible. He that doth undertake vol-
untarily doth present himself and doth promise, and according to promise
cause to be performed that which is in another’s power and impossible unto
himself, doth thereby necessarily and unanswerably prove himself to have an
interest, a power, contract with that other, which for any man to have with the 20
Devil is society with devils, which is witchcraft and sorcery. And thus hath been
declared, how the supernatural works of the Devil and sorcerers may be mani-
fest to the outward sense, and the true testimony thereof.
An objection here may be made that many of the former works may seem
manifest to the sense, which indeed and truth are deceits of the imagination 25
and illusion, and therefore there can be no such certainty unto the outward
a On Circe and Medea, see note a on pages 311–312. The many classical versions of their stories
do not report either figure to be a weather-witch with the abilities Cotta ascribes to them here.
b In mid-fifth century BC Rome, the “Twelve Tables” of laws were set up in the Roman forum.
Their full original text has been lost. c Cotta’s translation is concise and accurate. This pre-
cise wording does not occur in the extant fragments of the Twelve Tables, however. The relevant
fragments are: a) *Plin. Nat. 28.17, discussing the efficacy of verbal spells, citing as evidence the
following: “Again, in the actual laws of the Twelve Tables we find also these words: ‘Whoever
shall have bewitched the crops’ (qui fruges excantassit) and elsewhere ‘Whoever has incanted an
evil song/spell’ (qui malum carmen incantassit)”; b) *Sen. Nat. 4.7.2 “And among us in the Twelve
Tables there is an interdiction ‘Let no one charm away a neighbor’s crops.’ (ne quis alienos fructus
excantassit)”; and c) Servius, commenting on *Verg. Ecl. 8.99: “I have seen sown crops transported
elsewhere: this occurred via certain magic arts, which is why ‘May you not charm away another’s
grain’ (neve alienam segetem pellexeris) is in the Twelve Tables.”
316 chapter 6
sense. It is truly answered.4 He that wanteth so much true judgment as to distin-

guish when he doth see a certain true object offered unto his sight from without
and when he is encountered only with a resemblance thereof from within his
fancy and imagination, is diseased in body or mind, or both, and therefore is no
competent judge or witness in these or any other weighty affairs. For he that is 5
in health of body, and in the outward organs and instruments of sense, and
sound in his reason, judgment, and understanding, though sometime the fog
and mist of deceived sense, or fancy, overshadow the brightness of true and
undeceived reason for a short time in him, yet it cannot so perpetually eclipse
it, but it will recover his light and true splendor again, and truth will shine more 10
excellently in the end out of that darkness. This is very lively seen in the exam-
ple of St. Peter who at first did think he had only seen the angel, which God sent
unto him to deliver him out of bonds, in a dream or vision. But when afterward
he was come to himself, and his true sense and reason, he then perfectly dis-
cerned and knew that he was really delivered out of prison by an angel of God.a 15
If men could not certainly discern between that which they do really see, and
that they falsely imagine in visions, dreams, and fancy, then were the life of man
most miserable. There could be no certainty of truth, no excelling in knowledge
or understanding. All men should be alike unable to distinguish whether we
live in dreams only, or in wakeful deed. But the certain knowledge which God 20
hath given unto mankind in so infinite kinds and measures doth prove the emi-
nence of reason and understanding above the entanglements and depression
of sense and fancy.
There remaineth as yet another doubt, which is how those things which
before were mentioned to be spiritual and supernatural can be subject in rea- 25
son unto outward sense or be known thereby, howsoever by the former exam-
ples, it doth so seem. It is true that a spirit and a spiritual work simply in itself
in the own nature and substance, cannot be seen by any bodily eyes, or be dep-
rehended by any outward sense.
a “Now when they were past the first and the second watch, they came unto the iron gate that
leadeth unto the city, which opened to them by its own accord, and they went out, and passed
through one street, and by and by the angel departed from him. And when Peter was come to
himself, he said, ‘Now I know for a truth that the Lord hath sent his angel and hath delivered me
out of the hand of Herod, and from all the waiting of the people of the Jews.’ And as he consid-
ered the thing, he came to the house of Mary, the mother of John, whose surname was Mark,
where many were gathered together, and prayed” (Acts 12:10–12).
4 Things imagined and fancied, easily discerned from those things which are real and true objects
of the sense.
Notwithstanding, as they do mix themselves with bodily substances,5 which

are subject to sense, by accident,a spirits and spiritual operations are certainly
tried and discovered even unto sense. For how is it possible that a spirit should
mix itself in corporal things, but the discrepant nature thereof, and mighty dif-
ference, must produce and beget some great apparent alteration, which alter- 5
ation being beyond the wonted nature of the one, doth prove another superior
nature in the other?
For illustration hereof, let us borrow an instance from one of the forenamed
manifest sorceries. Water is turned into blood by a spiritual power. The eye
doth manifestly see the water, and, as apparently, after see the blood, and is 10
a true and undeceived witness of both. Reason and common sense do know
the transmutation to proceed from an invisible power, which appearing in vis-
ible bodies, is by them apart seen, and doth detect an invisible author, because
an immediate effect manifested to sense, doth necessarily in nature prove the
immediate cause, though hidden and unknown to sense. That invisible and 15
spiritual things may, by those things which are visible and bodily, be conceived
and discerned, the holy scripture doth witness in these words of St. Paul: “The
invisible things of God,” sayeth he, “are seen by the visible things, or by his works
in the creation of the world, which are visible.”b
It may be here demanded, since it is the property of the Devil, in his seem- 20
ing miraculous contrivements and actions (though a limited and finite abject
creature of God) yet to endeavor to counterfeit and imitate the most high and
mightiest works of wonder of the infinite Creator, thereby to magnify, deify, and
equal himself unto God in unbelieving and seduced hearts. Since, I say, this is
his property, how shall the frail understanding and capacity of man distinguish 25
the marvels of the Devil, so lively resembled thereto, from the true miracles and
truly miraculous works of God, that thereby with more facility, and less confu-
21 Contrivements: ingenious constructions.
a “By accident” here means as a consequence of something else. b “For the invisible things of
him, that is, his eternal power and Godhead, are seen by the creation of the world, being consid-
ered in his works, to the intent that they should be without excuse” (Rom. 1:20).
5 Spiritus incorpori et a sensibus nostris remoti operibus conspicui. Fern. Lib. 1 de Ab.Rer.caus.
cap.II. [Incorporeal spirits inaccessible to our senses are conspicuous by their works.]
From *Fernelius Liber I, De Abditis Rerum Causis, but in Chapter XI. The Latin reads geniis,
penatibus, lemuribus, spiritibusque denique omnibus … ut qui peraeque omnes incorporei et a
nostris sensibus remoti sint, operibus solis conspicui (“Since all of them [genii, penates, lemures,
and in short all spirits] are incorporeal and inaccessible to our senses, but visible by their
works alone.”)
318 chapter 6
sion, industrious minds may discover the proper works and acts of the Devil,
and his associates, enchanters, witches, and sorcerers?
First, the true miracles of God being transcendent above all created power
and the immediate effects only of a creating virtue, Almighty God for his
sole good will and pleasure doth usually and ever dispense by the hands and 5
through the administration of holy men, prophets and apostles manifestly
called of God. Secondly, the end and scope of God’s miracles directly and
mainly aim and are bent at the glory of God and the benefit of his people, not
unto any private end, any particular vain end tending to satisfaction of private
lusts and curiosity. For this cause the holy apostles used the gift of miracles not 10
unto any other ends than unto the confirmation of that holy gospel, which they
preached and published from God. Neither did they therein ascribe ought unto
their own praise or glory, but solely unto the praise and glory of God, and the
good of his church.
That this was their true end and ought to be the scope and end of all that 15
receive the power of miracles from God, St. Paul doth witness and teach: “Now
there are,” sayeth he, “diversities of gifts, but the same spirit; and there are
diversities of administrations, but the same Lord; and there are diversities of
operations, but God is the same which worketh all in all. But the manifestation
of the Spirit is given to every man to profit withal.”a 20
It is from hence manifest that if any miracles proceed from God as author,
they are dispensed by men, sanctified by God, and who can and are able to
prove and justify their warrant from God, as also that these men of God do
solely possess and bend them unto the glory of God, and the weal of his church.
This then is the square and infallible rule by which all miracles do stand or fall, 25
and are approved either to be of God, or convinced to be of devils.
Let us then conclude this point, with that excellent and divine saying of
Theophilactus, upon the 9th chapter of St. Luke: Praedicatio miraculis et mirac-
ula praedicatione sanciuntur. Multi enim saepe miracula ediderunt per dae-
mones sed eorum doctrina non erat sana quamobrem eorum miracula non exti- 30
terunt a deo. That is, “The word of God doth establish and confirm the truth of
miracles, and miracles ratify and confirm the authority and truth of the word.
For many have done miracles by the power of the Devil, but their doctrine was
corrupt and not sound; and therefore, their miracles were not of God.”b
a 1Cor. 12:4–7. b Theophylactus of Ohrid (also “of Bulgaria”) (ca. AD 1050–after AD 1108), In
Lucam, Book IX: Tunc enim praedicatio per miracula confirmatur, miracula autem per praedi-
cationem, multi enim multa miracula per daemones fecerunt, quorum praedicatio sana non fuit,
et miracula eorum ex deo non fuerunt (“For then speech is confirmed through miracles, and
Wheresoever, therefore, miracles or supernatural works shall dare to show

their heads, not contained within those limits or compass, that is neither
proved immediately from God himself, nor mediately by him revealed in his
writ and word of truth, they are justly to be suspected to issue from the ene-
mies of God. The Devil, and evil spirits, and therefore their authors, ought to 5
be accomptant therein unto justice, and all religious ministers and servants of
God and justice, in the most strict and severe extent of law.
And thus, much concerning the manifestation of the supernatural works of
witches and sorcerers, unto or through the outward sense.
3 Mediately: something intervening. 6 Accomptant: accountable.
miracles through speech, for many have effected many miracles through demons, whose speech
was not sound, and their miracles do not come from God.”) Theolphylatus, In Lucam, 163. Cotta’s
quotation is close to the translator Johannes Oecolampadius’s, and his translation wordy but
accurate, except that he adds “the authority and truth of,” which is not in his or Oecolampadius’s
Latin.
chapter 7
The works of the Devil or witches manifest to

reason, or consequence of reason
All doubts being cleared, it hath undoubtedly appeared how supernatural and
spiritual works are apparent to sense. It now followeth to declare how likewise
they are evident to reason, or necessary to consequence of reason.
Those things are said to be proper objects of reason and understanding,
which, being remote from the immediate view or notice of the outward senses, 5
are grounded upon universal and intellectual known positions, propositions,
and certain and undoubted general notions, by necessary collections, or ratio-
cinations. That we may build the foundation of this our reason or ratiocination
upon the infallible truth of God’s holy word which shall never be shaken, let
us for the detection of witches and sorcerers, by reason, and consequence of 10
reason, syllogize directly, and immediately from God himself.
Thus sayeth Almighty God: “And when they shall say unto you, ‘Enquire of
those that have a spirit of divination, and at the soothsayers, which murmur
and whisper,’ should not a people inquire of their God?”a Under this interroga-
tive (“should not a people inquire of their God?”) is understood this affirmative: 15
a people should inquire of no other spirit but of their God alone.
From this holy text and writ, reason doth assume and collect necessarily, and
truly. First, that many things are hidden from the knowledge of man which are
revealed unto the science and knowledge of spirits. Otherwise, neither would
man ask or inquire of spirits (as hath been usual in all ages), neither should 20
God have occasion here to forbid the inquiring at spirits. That the ignorance
also of man in things known to spirits, is the true, first, and original motive or
reason for inquiring at spirits, is very plain by the words of King Saul: “God is
departed from me,” sayeth he, “unto the vision of Samuel, raised by the Devil,
and answered me no more, neither by prophets, neither by dreams. Therefore, 25
have I called thee, that thou mayest tell me what I should do.”b Here is a mani-
fest grant of knowledge in spirits above men.
a “And when they shall say unto you, ‘Enquire at them that have a spirit of divination, and at the
soothsayers, which whisper and murmur,’ should not a people enquire at their God? From the
living to the dead?” (Isa. 8:19). b “And Samuel said to Saul, ‘Why hast thou disquieted me, to
bring me up?’ Then Saul answered, ‘I am in great distress: for the Philistines make war against
me, and God is departed from me, and answereth me no more, neither by Prophets, neither by
dreams. Therefore I have called thee, that thou mayest tell me, what I shall do.’ ” (1 Sam. 28:15).

the works of the devil or witches manifest to reason 321
Secondly, reason doth hence collect, that all spirits that do suffer themselves
to be inquired at are evil spirits, and, therefore, devils, because Almighty God
hath here expressly forbidden the inquiring at any other spirit beside himself.
And, therefore, good and holy spirits will not, nor cannot, disobey the com-
mandment of God,1 nor countenance or assist men in so doing. 5
Thirdly, reason doth necessarily hence conclude, that such men as are in-
quired for revelations of things hidden from the skill and possibility or knowl-
edge of man, are sorcerers, witches, and soothsayers. The consequence and
inference of this reason is just, for that to promise those things, or to undertake
those things which are out of their own knowledge, and solely and properly in 10
the knowledge of spirits and devils, doth manifestly prove in the performance,
their interest, society, and contract with spirits and devils, which is sorcery and
witchcraft.
It may be here objected that there are some men who affect to be resorted
unto, and to be inquired at in things supposed hidden from the knowledge 15
of man, and to be reputed able unto such revelations, though haply they
practice to deceive, under the color or pretense of such ability. It is justly
hereto answered that this their presumption ought to be severely inquired into,
whether it do taste of ought that is diabolical, of the Devil, or supernatural, and
if nothing so do, yet in this grand cause of God himself, the religious jealousy of 20
the prudent magistrate ought to punish their presumption which dare affect to
undertake the name or note of a sin, so odious and abominable unto Almighty
God.
Let us for better impression again repeat and iterate those things which were
collected out of the propounded text: 25
First, that there is knowledge in spirits of things hidden, and separated

from the knowledge of man.
Secondly, that such spirits as are inquired at, and do reveal such knowl-
edge unto man, are devils.
Thirdly, that men which do practice to be inquired at for such supposed 30

revelations, ought not only to be justly suspected, and inquired into, but
1 Two marginal notes here:

1. Angeli boni non possunt peccare, Pet. Lomb. d.7. li.2. [Good angels are not able to sin. Peter
Lombard, Distinction 7, Book 2.]
2. This doth condemn that white magic or theourgia, which is supposed or pretended conference
with good spirits.
322 chapter 7
that if they be found therewithal, to know and reveal those things, which
are indeed and really above and beyond the knowledge of man, and are
properly and only in the power of spirits, that then this doth infallibly
prove their interest, power, and society with devils, which is certain and
assured sorcery and witchcraft. 5
And thus hath reason drawn a demonstration out of the book of God, of a
certain witch, and manifest sorcerer. Let us now exercise ourselves in the con-
sideration, examination, and trial of some particulars therein.
Who hath not heard of the name and mention of that famous and renown
British wizard Merlin, and of his high and great esteem among princes for his 10
prophecies?a Unto his foresight and predictions, from many forgoing ages, the
successes and events of divers princes’ affairs, in their several reigns, have been
usually by divers times and histories referred. For this cause Master *Camden,
in the description of Carmathenshire doth term him the Tages of the Britons.b
*Speed, in his tractate of the ancient inhabitants of Great Britain, as also of the 15
life of Aurelius, Ambrosius, and of the reign of King John, and of Henry IV, doth
out of Malmesbury, and others, recite divers accidents and events, in several
succeeding ages, unto his oraculous and miraculous illuminations, ascribed to
have been foreseen, foretold, and known.
If there be truth in those oracles, and ancient foreseeing revelations, they do 20
necessarily infer the assistance of a power, far superior unto all the power of
man. Therefore, whosoever doth find them true must conclude their author a
witch or a sorcerer. Neither hath the general reception, or opinion of authors,
been herefrom different,c who have published him the son of an incubus, or the
son of a witch, begotten by the Devil. As it is said of this ancient, time-noted, 25
and age-viewed sorcerer, so may be testified of many other.
24 Incubus: a spirit thought to visit women in their sleep for sexual congress.
a Merlin is a standard character in Arthurian stories, tales that originate in French and Welsh
legends beginning in the ninth century AD. Cotta would likely have drawn his knowledge of
Arthurian legend from the compendious collection of such tales contained in La Morte Darthur
(AD 1470) by Sir Thomas Malory (d. AD 1471) The book went through several editions in the six-
teenth century, most notably in 1582—the last edition to be published until 1684. The legends
were not a particular favourite of the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods and, despite Cotta’s ref-
erence here, Merlin does not figure especially prominently in the witchcraft discourse of the
time, nor, indeed, in popular culture. For more, see Brinkley, Arthurian Legend in the Seventeenth
Century. b Tages is a legendary figure who introduced divination to the Etruscans: *Cicero tells
the story in Div. 2.50–51, *Ovid in Met. 15.553–559. Carmathenshire is a county in Wales. c That
is, different from the facts already cited.
What shall we judge of that infamous woman, among the French called Joan
of Arc, by others Joane Pucelle de Dieu? John *de Serres, the French historian,
doth report that she had many miraculous revelations, whereof the King (then
Charles VII) and all his army and men of war, were open wondering witnesses,
and in those revelations for the most part there was found no less wondrous 5
truth than true wonder. By her sole encouragement, and stout assurance of
success, built upon miraculous revelations, the French prosperously encoun-
tered the victorious English in France at several times, and against all human
reason, recovered their (in reason unrecoverable, and most desperate) stand-
ing, even near unto the pit of utter downfall, with more than unspeakable 10
amazement and terror unto the suddenly confounded English. Notwithstand-
ing, at length she was taken prisoner by the English, executed, and burnt for
her witchcraft.a
What shall we say or judge of other the like authors, and broachers of super-
natural revelations and predictions in other times? The forementioned his- 15
torian reporteth, that a wizard foretold Duke Biron of his death, and that he
should die by the back blow of a Bourguignon, who afterward proved his exe-
cutioner, being that countryman.b
Melanchthon out of Carion doth recite the mention of a woman, of the order
of the Druids, among the Tungri, who foretold Diocletian that he should be 20
emperor of Rome, when he had first killed a boar, which proved afterward one
a Joan of Arc (also known as Jeanne d’Arc) was born in Lorraine around AD 1412 to a relatively
prosperous country family. Raised amid the violence of the latter part of the Hundred Years War,
she became, as a young woman, convinced that she had been granted visions from God and that
various saints were calling her to a special destiny. Impressed by her zeal, authorities allowed la
Pucelle (“the Maid”) to join French troops in the field, and she became an inspiration in battles
against English forces. She continued to function as a military leader, but her role and reputation
became increasingly contested, and she was eventually captured and turned over to the English;
she was tried and convicted of heresy, not witchcraft, and, following a period of supposed refor-
mation, was executed by burning in 1431. Her story has been frequently recounted, with widely
varying levels of sympathy, in art and literature ever since. She officially became a saint in 1920.
b Charles de Biron, son of French military hero Maréchal Armand de Biron, was made a Duke
and a peer in 1598, and entrusted with several diplomatic missions. Resentful of his lack of influ-
ence with the King, however, Charles committed treason by plotting with the Spanish and other
Catholics who were unhappy with the light treatment of French Hugenots. He was executed in
1602. The English playwright George Chapman (ca. 1559–1634) wrote a play based on the case
for the Boys of St. Paul’s—which apparently offended the French ambassador so greatly that he
called for Chapman’s head. For more, see Pitts, Henri IV of France, 273–277.
324 chapter 7
Aper, then a usurper, which in the Latin tongue signifieth a boar.a *Suetonius
writeth of a diviner, who long before was able to make known the death, and
the manner of the death, and murder of Julius Caesar.b Philippe de Commines
doth make mention of one Friar Hierome, and of his many admirable revela-
tions and predictions, concerning the affairs of the King of France, which as 5
from the Friar’s own mouth, he himself did oft hear, so with his own eyes he
did witness and behold their issue true. It was disputed whether in these tran-
scendent revelations the Friar were a man of God or no, and it is doubtfully
there concluded.c
In these like revelations and prophecies, reason cannot deny, but must 10
acknowledge the manifest impression and stamp, of more than human science
or demonstration. If we desire or affect more specially to view what our own
histories at home afford, who can deny him a wizard, or witch, who as *Speed
and others testify, in the reign of Richard the Usurper foretold, that upon the
same stone where he dashed his spur, riding toward Bosworth field, he should 15
dash his head in his return, which proved accordingly true, when being slain
in battle, he was carried naked out of the field, and his head hanging low by
the horse side behind his bearer did smite upon the same stone in repassage,
where before in passage he had struck his heel and spur.d
What can be deemed less of the author of that prophecy in Edward IV; that is, 20
that “G” should murder King Edward’s heirs, which “G” understood of the Duke
18 Repassage: passing back over again.
a “Carion’s Chronicle”, was co-authored or perhaps authored by Philipp Melanchthon, the Protes-
tant reformer (1497–1560). Melanchthon purportedly received a work from one Johann Carion,
which he corrected and translated into German and printed under Carion’s name in 1532. Subse-
quently the work was reprinted and translated into several languages (Latin and English among
them). Melanchthon translated it into Latin, and published it in 1558, and subsequently aug-
mented it in additional editions, work carried on by his son-in-law Peucer. Aper (which does
mean “boar” in Latin) refers to Lucius Flavius Aper, who was Pretorian Prefect under the Emperor
Numerian, whom he is reported to have killed. The then-future emperor Diocletian accused and
killed Aper himself on the spot. The story of Diocletian (who was emperor from AD 284 to 305)
and the druidess among the Tungri, as well as that of Aper, is related in the Historia Augusta in the
lives of Carus, Carinus, and Numerian (emperors from AD 282–285), Chapters 13–14. b Sueto-
nius’s life of Julius Caesar contains no reference to a diviner who, long before the event, predicted
Julius Caesar’s death in detail. Suetonius does say, however (Section 81) that shortly before the
event, a haruspex named Spurinna warned Caesar that danger would come to him no later than
the Ides of March. c The Mémoires of Philippe de Commine (ca. 1447–1511), a French statesman
and historian, were first printed in 1524 (I–VI) and 1528 (VII–VIII). This story is found in Book VIII,
Chapter 2 (not 19 as Cotta’s text indicates), where the conclusion is that Jerome was a good man.
d Richard III was killed in AD 1485 at the Battle of Bosworth Field. He was replaced by Henry VII,
the first of the Tudor monarchs.
of Gloucester, was too true?a How can he likewise escape the just suspicion of
the same foul crime, from whom originally or first was derived that prophecy
or prediction in Henry V, concerning his son, as yet then unborn, videlicet, that
what Henry of Monmouth should win (which was Henry V) Henry of Windsor
should lose (which was Henry VI and his son) as it after came truly to pass?b 5
But here may be objected, that since it is said by God himself, that no man
ought to ask of any other spirit, but of God alone, things hidden and unrevealed
to men before alleged, and since for that cause it is not to be doubted that many
things may be revealed by God unto men, for this cause and reason (I say) it may
be deemed and objected, that some of the former revelations and prophecies 10
may be free from the imputation of witchcraft and sorcery.
It is unanswerably answered to this objection: first, that all the revelations
and prophecies which are of God, are ever published by holy prophets and
men of God, immediately called by God himself unto these their holy func-
tions and places. Secondly, those holy vessels, holy saints and servants of God, 15
which are the publishers of God’s revelations or prophecies, do ever avouch and
openly profess God himself to be author thereof, from whom they only claim,
and openly proclaim their immediate and express warrant and commission,
as appeareth by all the prefixions of their prophecies: “thus sayeth the Lord,
the word of the Lord, the burden of the Lord, the revelation of Jesus Christ,” 20
and the like. Thirdly, the revelations and prophecies which are thus derived
and sent from God, carry in themselves some manifest stamp of their authority
and power from God, in some fruits or effects correspondent and answerable to
the nature, will, and pleasure of God, and are directly and originally bent and
intended unto the glory of God, and the public weal and good of his church and 25
people.
By these notes and infallible marks of God’s holy prophecies and revelations,
may be evidently discerned a clear difference and distinction thereof from
devilish predictions, and sorcerous prognostications, which therefore cannot
shroud or hide themselves under color or pretense thereof, being duly and 30
rightly expended.
19 Prefixion: a pre-made arrangement, but apparently used here by Cotta to mean that which has
been said before or after. He may be combining “prefix” in its grammatical sense with “affixion,”
anything added on to.
a The prophecy, famously included in Shakespeare’s play Richard III, is ambiguous, since “G”
might also be interpreted as Edward’s other brother, the Duke of Clarence whose first name was
George. b King Henry V (AD 1387–1422) died unexpectedly in France, probably of dysentery,
leaving the throne to his infant son, Henry VI (AD 1421–1471), who was subsequently overthrown
in favor of Edward IV (AD 1442–1483) during the Wars of the Roses.
326 chapter 7
It may be yet further objected, that some learned and truly religious servants
of God (though no public ministers of prophetical functions or callings) have
had sometimes their special revelations of some particular things, in which
it were not only manifestly injurious, but plainly and extremely ridiculous to
accompt them witches. It is true, and cannot be denied, that Almighty God 5
sometimes by dreams, sometimes by secret prodigies, doth admonish some his
private servants, good and holy men, of some things to come, for their own pri-
vate and retired reformation, information, or better preparation, but that any
prophecies or revelations can be of God, that are obscurely whispered or cast
abroad by any unwarranted or profane authors, without any manifest warrant, 10
commission, or authority from God, in the upright judgment of all men that
truly worship and fear the true God, the God of hosts, is much irreligion and
profane credulity to avouch or affirm.
Nay, it is altogether contrary and contradictory, and therefore impossible to
God, his miraculous revelations, visions, and prophecies, ordinarily, or com- 15
monly, to serve or wait upon the ordinary ends or uses of private men, since all
true miracles and miraculous revelations are ever in their proper nature and
true end, solely attendant upon God his immediate command and word, unto
his extraordinary works. To make it therefore ordinary, or a thing common, or of
customary practice, to foretell or give prediction of things to come, must nec- 20
essarily proceed from the Devil, since the gift of true prophecy, and the spirit
of true revelation is not subjected to the common or usual intentions of men.
Neither can profit, or commodity, or sale be made thereof by men at their plea-
sure, as is not unwonted with all the disciples of Simon Magus,a sorcerers and
witches, in their markets and fairs made of their prophecies and revelations. If 25
then these whispered revelations cannot be of God, then are they necessarily
of the Devil. If they proceed from the Devil, then by an inevitable conclusion,
those men are his instruments or organs, by whom or through whom they orig-
inally flow, or are derived unto men and published.
It may be yet further objected that in men possessed by the Devil, as were 30
those men in the gospel whose bodies the Devil did really rend and tear (in
whom he did roar and cry out) whom he cast into the midst of the people.
It may be (I say) objected, that in those possessed and the like, there may be
revealed many things hidden from men, without the imputation or just opin-
ion of witchcraft or sorcery in them. 35
5 Accompt: account, reckon.
a Simon Magus was a sorcerer mentioned in Acts 8:9–24, who practiced in Samaria until he was
converted to Christianity and baptized.
That this may be is manifest in the Gospel, where the Devil in the possessed
uttered words of knowledge then hidden from men, but by extraordinary reve-
lation, when he acknowledged our Savior to be Jesus, the son of the living God.
This could not in any possibility of man’s reason be known unto the possessed,
because it was then but in part revealed unto the disciples themselves, who 5
were as yet but learners themselves and scholars of that divinity. Neither had
the natural man, or the world as yet so much as tasted or savored any notice
thereof.
The like may be objected concerning those that are obsessed. I call them
obsessed, in whose bodies outwardly appearing no extraordinary signs or to- 10
kens of the Devil’s corporal presidence, or residence in them (as was in the
possessed manifest)2 yet are their minds, understanding, wills, and reason pal-
pably observed to be besieged, captive, and enchanted by an extraordinary and
more than natural, or rather an infernal, invasion of the Devil’s illusions, for the
magnifying and advancing whereof, the Devil doth ofttimes mix and temper 15
them with some rare and wonderful revelations, by, or through, the obsessed
delivered. From these objections both concerning the possessed, and also the
obsessed, doth issue a necessary sequel, that prophecies and revelations are not
always inseparable testimonies of a witch.
It is truly hereto answered, that solely and simply revelations are not suffi- 20
cient evidences, or convictions of a witch, or sorcerer, but with difference and
distinction. Supernatural revelations, unrequiredly transfused and transferred
by the Devil, do not prove the persons in whom they are found to be their
own free or desirous agents in consent therein, but rather properly and truly
the Devil’s patients, and therefore it cannot be their guilt, but his intrusion, 25
usurpation, and insidiation. But supernatural revelations, in which any man
shall knowingly, and deliberately consult with, or inquire at a known spirit,
and enjoining the free liberty of his will, not depraved or corrupted by illu-
sions or diseases, shall with consent or allowance thereof entertain commerce
conference or assistance of spirits unto that purpose. Such revelations (I say) 30
9 Obsessed: tormented by an evil spirit; that is, possessed—although Cotta draws his own dis-
tinction in the passage that follows. 11 Presidence: control over. 26 Insidiation: plotting.
2 Master Perkins in his discourse of witchcraft, ch.3 pag. 122, doth divide likewise witches unto such
within whom the Devil is not inwardly, but from without doth inspire them within whom he is, as
was the Pythonisse at Philippi Act 16, 16.
*Perkins writes: “Divination is of two sorts: either in and by means, or without means. Div-
ination by means is likewise of two sorts: either by such as are the true creatures of God, or
those which are merely counterfeit and forged.” Perkins, Discourse of Witchcraft, Mmmm2v.
328 chapter 7
wheresoever truly and duly detected, do demonstratively and infallibly point

out a witch or sorcerer.
Although, therefore, the possessed, or obsessed, are justly acquit in their rev-
elations and prophecies, because transmitted or sent unrequired, and unknow-
ingly unto them, yet cannot the witch or sorcerer be anything at all advantaged, 5
or cleared in his revelations, which are ever detected to be both by him affected
(as is proved by his mercenary sale thereof) and also forethought and pre-
meditate, as is evident by his promised and covenanted undertaking thereof,
according to conditions or agreement.
All objections therefore, doubts, and impediments removed, let us build a 10
never-deceiving, and inviolate conclusion concerning witches upon this never-
failing nor shaken foundation: that is, all supernatural revelations or prophe-
cies whatsoever, that issue not either immediately, and manifestly from God
himself (the proof and touchstone whereof hath been before touched and
briefly declared), or from the Devil in the ignorant possessed or obsessed, or 15
are not counterfeit and imposturous (which is likewise elsewhere in the due
place considered)—all other revelations (I say) whatsoever, not excepted nor
included in one of these, are undoubtedly issuing from witches and sorcerers,
and are certain and demonstrative proofs and evidences of witchcraft and sor-
cery, in whom they are originally first detected. And thus how reason doth cull 20
and draw forth a witch or sorcerer, hath evidently been cleared and declared.
chapter 8
Of divers kinds and manners, wherein sorcerers

and witches receive knowledge from spirits
As Almighty God hath out of the text before mentioned,a in general made
evident, who is infallibly a witch or sorcerer, so hath he in other places of scrip-
ture manifested some of their several kinds, according to the different shapes
and forms, in which they do inquire at spirits for their knowledge and revela-
tions. This is apparent out of Deuteronomy: “Let none be found amongst you 5
that useth witchcraft.”b What witchcraft is was before out of the Prophet Isaiah
declared.c
Now in this place doth follow the enumeration of some of the special or
particular shapes in which they shroud themselves. “Let none be found among
you,” sayeth the prophet, “that useth witchcraft,” and immediately after doth 10
add those particular forms in which they inquire: A regarder of times, a marker
of the flying of fowls,d a charmer, a soothsayer, or that asketh counsel of the
dead. As therefore before we proved that the infallible true note of a witch in
general, and in common unto all witches and sorcerers of what kind so ever, is
to be inquired at in things hidden from men (as is likewise by those words of 15
Saul apparent: “Seek me a woman that hath a familiar spirit, that I may go to
her and ask of her”).e So here in this text are reckoned up some of their several
shapes, by which in true and sound reason, and the due consequence thereof,
we may consider and collect many other, though not here numbered or men-
tioned. 20
For since the common and inseparable sign or mark of witches is certainly
made known to be the practice of revealing unto men that inquire those things
which are hidden from men, and only revealed by spirits, it followeth by nec-
essary consequent that not only those which are here specially nominated, in
that shape of marking of the flying of fowls, or of charming, or of raising the 25
dead, but all other whatsoever, in what other shape so ever, that is, hath, or can
a See note a on page 320. b “Let none be found among you that maketh his son or his daughter
to go through the fire, or that useth witchcraft, or a regarder of times, or a marker of the flying
of fowls, or a sorcerer” (Deut. 18:10). c In the previous chapter, Cotta defines witchcraft as will-
ingly and deliberately seeking knowledge beyond the skill of men to perceive with the aid of the
Devil. d Regarding and marking birds for the purpose of divination. e One of Cotta’s many
allusions to the Witch of Endor described in 1Sam. See note a on page 306 and pages 39–42 in
the Introduction to this volume.

330 chapter 8
be devised, that shall be found to practice or undertake to be inquired at, and

to give answer and revelation of things separated from the knowledge of man,
and which God hath hidden from men, and therefore hath forbidden by spirits
to be made known to men. All such (I say) in what shape so ever, as well in these
kinds here named, are, according to the general note of a witch, to be judged 5
witches and sorcerers.
For as the holy scripture hath nominated and pointed out unto us, some few
kinds as a light only unto all the rest. So may common experience by these
bring others unto our view, and all ages have upon the records of time and his-
tory left unto succeeding posterity many memorable and famous witches, not 10
only in these shapes and forms shrouded which are here mention, but in many
other.
Besides those kinds, therefore, which here the holy scripture hath nomi-
nated, let us take a short view of some other, which are in other shapes found
(since all are in their common kind and nature the same). It is no strange thing 15
that in the shape and under the pretense of astrology, some men have hidden
sorcerous practice, and performing under the color thereof such things as were
only in the power of spirits, have thereby clearly manifested that they derived
and borrowed them of spirits.a Saxo Grammaticus, in his history De Rebus Dani-
cis, doth make mention of a sort of wizards who would undertake for gain to 20
foretell the certain state and constitution of weather to come so assuredly that
they would usually sell unto merchants prosperous and fortunate winds when
by adverse and opposite gales they were detained from their intended voyage.b
This kind of sorcerer may very rightly be referred unto that which in Deuter-
onomy is noted by “a regarder of times,” which perhaps may also not unaptly 25
be understood a magical astrologer. His performance above the nature and
power of his art, of that which is only in the power of a spirit, doth both detect
the Devil to be chief author of the works and the other to be also guilty to
the work. That the professors of astrology have in former ages unto astrology
joined this devilish skill and custom, as also other kinds of diabolical divina- 30
a Cotta is here likely thinking of men such as the mathematician and astrologer John Dee, who
was sometimes accused of witchcraft. In 1599, Dee felt compelled to publish a letter outlining his
education and reading in order “to stop the mouths, and, at length to stay the impudent attempts
of the rash and malicious devisers and contrivers of most untrue, foolish, and wicked reports
and fables of, and concerning, my foresaid studious exercises.” Dee, Discourse Apologetical, A2v.
b Saxo Grammaticus (fl. ca. AD twelfth–early thirteenth century) chronicled Danish history in a
work known today as Gesta Danorum. Saxo’s earlier accounts, including the story of Hamlet, rely
heavily on folklore, though the later periods are more covered in a more historically accurate
fashion. While Saxo refers to magicians and wizards who can influence the weather in Books 5
and 9, he has no reference to the selling of any such services to merchants.
of kinds and manners, wherein sorcerers receive knowledge 331
tions, plainly doth appear. First, by the word of God, wherewith the astrologers,
the Chaldeans, magicians, sorcerers, and enchanters are conjoined.a
Secondly, it doth appear by the laws, which by the Roman Emperors were
provided against them jointly together, with Chaldeans,b magicians, and sooth-
sayers. The words of one ancient law are, Nemo Aruspicem consulat, aut Mathe- 5
maticum, nemo Ariolum, Caldeum, Magum; that is, “Let it be enacted or ordered
that no man ask counsel of a soothsayer, a mathematician, an astrologer, a
Chaldean, a magician.”c
Dion, in the twenty-seventh book of History doth make mention of astrol-
ogers,d who by devilish skill practiced and used to send the Devil to present 10
dreams unto men in their sleep,1 for which cause *Tiberius the Emperor re-
venged himself upon such astrologers, though otherwise himself a great friend
and lover of astrology.e
Sir Christopher Heydon in his defense of judicial astrology, doth out of
Osiander recite this distinction of astrology: Astrologia pura quae nihil habet 15
de magia, that is, “Astrology that is not mixed, nor intermeddleth with magic.”f
Whereby is necessarily concluded, that astrology may be, and sometimes is
a “Then the King commanded to call the enchanters, and the astrologians, and the sorcerers, and
the Chaldeans for to shew the King his dreams. So they came and stood before the King” (Dan.
2:2). b “Chaldea” is the area now known as Iraq and Kuwait, and refers in particular to the last
dynasty of Babylonia. When Chaldea fell to the Assyrians, many Chaldeans are said to have gone
out into the world and gained great fame as astrologers, magicians, and diviners, particularly in
Egypt, Rome, and Greece. Some of these Chaldeans were mathematicians, while others were sim-
ply charlatans. Under the Roman Empire, many leading scholars were profoundly influenced by
Chaldean astrology and believed that it could ascertain the will of the gods and man’s destiny. The
fathers of the Christian Church were particularly venomous in their attacks and refutations of
the Chaldeans, and the name came to refer to magicians, astrologers, necromancers, and anyone
else who might be accused of witchcraft, rather than literal inhabitants of the area of Chaldea.
For more, see Popper, “Mathematics and Astrology.” c Cotta here cites the Theodosian Code,
a collection of laws compiled on the instructions of the Byzantine Emperor Theodosius II in
438 AD. Cotta seems to have freely summarized the relevant section (9.16.4). Clyde Pharr’s mod-
ern translation gives the passage as: “No person shall consult a soothsayer or an astrologer or a
diviner. The wicked doctrines of augurs and seers shall become silent. The Chaldeans and wiz-
ards and all the rest whom the common people call magicians, because of the magnitude of their
crimes, shall not attempt anything in this direction.” d Cassius Dio, Roman History, Book 57 (not
27, as Cotta says), Section 15. e For the relevant edict, see note b on page 281. fIntermeddle
here in the sense of “concern oneself with.” Christopher Heydon (1561–1623) was a well-regarded
gentleman with a special interest in astrology and astronomy. His Defense of Judicial Astrology
(1603) was read through much of the seventeenth century. Like other astrologers of the time,
Heydon was fascinated by conjunctions of various heavenly phenomena and, from them, sought
to prognosticate. Rusche, “Merlini Anglici,” 329–330.
1 This kind of Devil is called an “ονειροπομπος,” [bringer of dreams].

332 chapter 8
impure and defiled with magic and sorcery. In other places of the same work,
he maketh a difference between astrologers simply, and such as with astrology
joined magic. And out of Brentius he reciteth these words, Non negat Hierim-
ias eam partem Astrologiae, quae sequitur manifestas naturae rationes; that is,
“The prophet Jeremy doth not deny or condemn that part of astrology, which 5
is guided by manifest reason or cause in nature.”a Hereby then is unavoidably
concluded, that the prophet of God condemneth that part of astrology which
exceedeth causes and reason in nature, and that necessarily must needs be sor-
cery and magic. As it is not obscure that some men under the color of astrology
have practiced magic and sorcery, so is it no less evident that many others, 10
under the pretense of advising and counseling in physic of curation or prog-
nostication of diseases, have likewise exercised the same devilish practice.
That this hath been no new upstart custom, the multitude of diseases which
ancient times do register to have been cured by enchanted spells and words
and magic skill doth plentifully witness. The most ancient father of all physic 15
and physicians, the incomparable worthy founder of method and art, *Hip-
pocrates,2 *Dioscorides,3 *Theophrastus,4 with other succeeding ancients, do
generally all acknowledge the force and power of magical curation. *Galen in
his younger time gave no credit thereto, but in the more aged experience of
a Another quotation from Heydon (see note f on page 331 above), who himself is quoting Johan
Brentius (Defense 27). In Heydon, the full quotation is “Non negat Hierimias eam partem Astrolo-
giae, quae sequitur manifestas naturae rationes in rebus corporalibus” (in rebus corporalibus =
“in corporeal matters”). Johan Brentius (also known as Jean Brentz/Johannes Brenz, 1499–1570),
along with Andreas Osiander (1498–1552), was a significant figure in the Protestant reformation.
He wrote biblical commentaries among many other things.
2 Hipp. libro de Sacro morbo de Magis.

Although there is a work attributed to *Hippocrates called De Morbo Sacro (On the Sacred
Disease [epilepsy]), there is no work called De Magis (On Magicians) or De Sacro Morbo de
Magis. Hippocrates is usually credited with being among the first to distinguish medicine
from magic and having rejected magic in medicine.
3 Dioscor. lib. 2 cap. 102.
*Dioscorides does not mention magical curation in De Materia Medica, but efficacy
against witches, magic, and devils is mentioned among the properties of certain substances.
Cotta may be associating this expert on herbal remedies with popular wisewomen who saw
certain herbs as having magical properties.
4 Theophrast’ de hist. Plant. Trallianus. lib. 9 cap.4. [Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants. Trallianus,
Book 9, Chapter 4.]
It is unclear why Cotta cites this author given the point he is making; Theophrastus is not
interested in magic, and at Book 9, Chapter 4, nothing is found about magic, witchcraft, or
cures. In Book 9, Chapter 19, Theophrastus says, “On the other hand what is said of amulets
and charms in general for the body or the house is somewhat foolish and incredible” (Loeb
translation).
right observation he doth acknowledge it.5 I will not stuff this small treatise
with the particular citation of every author. Later physicians also of the best
and most choice note, do herein, with former ages consent and concur, and
experience doth confirm a truth in both.a
Whosoever is acquainted with books and reading shall everywhere meet a 5
world of the wonders of cures, by words, by looks, by signs, by figures, by char-
acters, and ceremonious rites. As what the practice of former ages hath been is
manifest, so what our age and later time doth herein afford, is almost nowhere
in this kingdom obscure. The nearest unto that impudence, which here in this
our time doth produce and set forth, is that history of a German witch, reported 10
in the Malleus Maleficarum.b There was (as the author of that work sayeth)
sometime a sorceress in Germany, who usually cured not only all that were
bewitched, but all kind of diseased people, so far beyond all power or course of
art and nature, and with such facility, that all use of the art of physic or of physi-
cians was altogether (for a time) neglected and forsaken. While people from all 15
a Cotta probably has taken this list of ancients from another source. Baptista *Codronchius De
Morbis Veneficis ac Veneficiis, Venice 1595, in Book I (page 35 in the Milan 1618 edition) lists within
two pages *Dioscorides, *Theophrastus, *Galen, and Trallianus as witnesses to the effectiveness
of magic, and he also includes the claim that Galen changed his mind when he got older, as
evidenced by Galen’s words to that effect preserved in Trallianus from Galen’s lost “de Medica
Homeri tractatione.” In fact, parts of Codronchius read like a Latin version of this passage from
Cotta. bMalleus Malificarum (1487), “The Hammer of Witches,” was an oft-used and oft-cited
witch-hunting manual. Written by two inquisitors in the German witch hunt, Jakob Sprenger
and Heinrich Kramer, it was translated into many languages and disseminated in most European
countries as the definitive and comprehensive guide to the detection of sorcery. Cotta seems to
have a specific example in mind, but which one is not clear; the Malleus contains a score of exam-
ples of women using witchcraft and devotes much discussion to supernatural causes and cures
for illness. Because of its frequent translations and republications in multiple countries, the bib-
liography of the Malleus is a convoluted one. The text was not available in the period in English
translation, so Cotta presumably read it in Latin. A widely-available modern edition exists with a
translation by Montague Summers. For more on the book, see Demos, Enemy Within, Chapter 3.
5 Galenus lib. De Medica Homeri tractatione.

This is an invented Galenic work: none of the works attributed to *Galen has “Homer” in
its title. Alexander Massaria Practica Medica, Frankfurt 1601, 3.18, proclaims that Galen can
have written no such book in spite of the claim of “Alex.” that Galen wrote such a book. His
grounds are that it would have been antithetical to Galen’s beliefs to put credence in incanta-
tions and magical substances. “Alex.” must be Alexander Trallianus (ca. AD 525–ca. 605) who
seems more receptive to the possibilities of magical curation via amulets and incantations.
According to Trallianus, although Galen held incantations to be useless, he came round to it
in his old age in περὶ τῆς καθ’ Ὅμηρον ἰατρικῆς (On the Medical Art According to Homer). Tral-
lianus offers a quotation from this putative Galenic work, but the quotation is found nowhere
else in Greek literature.
334 chapter 8
countries, both near and remote, in such numbers and frequence resorted unto
her, that the governor of that country, imposing upon every man one penny that
resorted unto her, thereby raised himself a mighty treasure.
What others among the most ancient authors that are not physicians do pub-
lish concerning the power of incantations in the curing of diseases is needless 5
to write. He that hath read any few lines of old Homer, or of divers other aged
poets, shall find plentiful record hereof. Herodotus is not silent herein.a But to
omit all their needless testimonies, physicians of these last times, of the most
eminent note and worth (whose pens are yet scarce dry) do witness the truth
hereof from their own knowledge, sight and experience. Above the rest, *Fer- 10
nelius’s De Abditis Rerum Causis is worthy any man’s pains or view.b
Let us now lastly see what may be collected out of the book of God, con-
cerning the power of the Devil in curing diseases, from whom all these inferior
agents, witches, and sorcerers do derive their power and skill. If it be in his
power, where God doth permit, to induce diseases, it must needs be in his 15
power to cease or calm diseases, because both causing and curing consists
in the virtue and force of the same means. He, therefore, that knoweth how
and by what cause the disease is induced doth necessarily understand that by
the removal of that cause it is cured, and according to that rule can equally as
well, by the removal of that cause, cure, as by the induction of the cause bring 20
sickness. For this reason it is a maxim in physic infallible, that he is the most
excellent physician who knoweth best the causes of diseases, and who upon the
knowledge of their true causes doth found the right method of their curation.
That the Devil doth both know the causes of diseases, and also how by them
to procure and produce diseases, is manifest by the history of Job, upon whom 25
he brought that grievous general botch and bile over all his body.c That he did
this by the force of causes in nature must needs be evident: first, because he is a
creature, and subject and limited by nature unto and within her lists, and there-
fore is not able absolutely and simply without causes and means in nature to
produce any effects in nature, although our ignorance of his power and knowl- 30
edge (because it so far excelleth our power or nature) doth call all his works
justly supernatural. Secondly, for that boils and botches are known natural dis-
26 Botch: a tumour, boil, or sore.
a Cotta may, as elsewhere, be thinking of Circe and Calypso. But the use of incantations or spells
for curing diseases is not found in either the poet Homer nor in the poet Herodotus. b Cotta
refers to *Fernelius De Abditis Rerum Causis (On the Hidden Causes of Things, 1548). Fernelius says
that in Homer, Odysseus was able to staunch the flow of blood with a spell (carmen) (Fernelius
De Abditis Rerum Causis II.16), but it is not clear to what Homeric passage he refers. c “So Satan
departed from the presence of the Lord, and smote Job with sore boils, from the sole of his foot
unto his crown” (Job 2:7).
eases, and therefore had natural causes, although haply unknown to any man
and beyond the nature of knowledge or skill in man.
These reasons of the Devil’s impossibility to work those effects without
nature, are thus yet more briefly and clearly made infallible. Of nothing sim-
ply to produce anything unto a true being and existence, is the sole and proper 5
work of an infinite Creator, and impossible unto any creature.6 Therefore the
Devil, being a creature, could not bring those diseases upon Job, but by created
means preexisting in created nature in which he is contained and limited.
And thus much concerning that kind of witch and sorcerer, which is inquired
at concerning the curing and issue of diseases, which we will conclude with this 10
note, that all learned men of the best experience have observed: that in those
cures by witches and sorcerers, the Devil hath never perfectly healed but for
a time, or else where he hath seemed most perfectly to cure, it hath been for
a reservation of the body by him cured unto a greater and further mischief in
time to succeed. Besides, this kind of witch, by means unknown to man, or by a 15
supernatural virtue in known means above and beyond their nature, undertak-
ing to cure the sick, or to foretell the event and issues of diseases, there is also
another kind which doth undertake to be inquired at for extraordinary revela-
tion of such diseased persons as are bewitched or possessed by the Devil. This
kind is not obscure, at this day swarming in this kingdom, whereof no man can 20
be ignorant, who lusteth to observe the uncontrolled liberty and license of open
and ordinary resort in all places unto “wisemen” and “wisewomen,” so vulgarly
termed for their reputed knowledge concerning such diseased persons as are
supposed to be bewitched.
But it may be objected that many of these two last mentioned sorts are rather 25
deceivers and impostors only, who by an opinion of this power, and not by any
real power herein, do deceive, seduce, and beguile the people. This cannot in
some be denied. Notwithstanding, lest impious imposture be still tolerated to
be a covert to hide the manifest devilish practice of witches under pretense
thereof (whereby it shall ever continue in this shape neglected or unspied), I 30
will both briefly give satisfaction how the one may be distinguished from the
other, and also declare how men ceasing to inquire at devils and witches, or
impostors, may learn to inquire of their God alone, and by the light of nature
and reason (which he hath given unto them) in his fear, with his allowance and
approbation, more truly and certainly inform themselves. 35
6 Creatio est constitutio substantiae ex nihilo, Scalig. de Subt. Exercit. vj.Scct.13. [Creation is the
composition of substance from nothing.]
*Scaliger’s concern here is whether God creates the soul from nothing or from its own
substance.
chapter 9
Of wizards and impostors, how they differ from

witches
How witchcraft in divers kinds may, according to evidence of reason, be de-

tected, hath been before made manifest. How imposture may be discovered
(since there is so good use and necessity of the distinction thereof, for the more
perfect separating and setting apart of witchcraft by itself) we will likewise
briefly make manifest. 5
The impostor is he who pretendeth truth,1 but intendeth falsehood. For
this cause, sometimes under a holy pretense, he maketh God the author of
his unholy prestigiation,a and slandereth God unto his face. Sometimes to be
reputed an angel of light,b he maketh himself license to counterfeit the Devil.
He proposeth it his trade to seduce, and liveth by lying. Sometimes in show 10
a Here and some other places in this chapter, Cotta, rather uncharacteristically, simply provides
a Bible verse in a marginal note without quotation or elaboration. In this case, he cites Eph. 4:14,
which reads: “That we henceforth be no more children, wavering and carried about with every
wind of doctrine, by the deceit of men, and with craftiness, whereby they lay in wait to deceive.”
b “Which things have indeed a show of wisdom, in voluntary religion and humbleness of mind,
and in not sparing the body, neither have they it in any estimation to satisfy the flesh” (Col. 2:23).
1 Qui oculos fallent, alia pro aliis subditia ostentantes, ii praestigiatores ab antiquis dicti sunt.
Scaliger. Impostura ab eo dicta, quod adulterinas merces, pro veris supponit, Ulpian. Impos-
tores dicuntur versuti et fallaces homines, qui merces adulterinas pro veris supponunt, Accursius.
[Those who deceive the eyes, showing one thing falsely substituted for another, are called “praes-
tigiatores” (deceivers) by the ancients. *Scaliger. Imposture is so called because it substitutes
counterfeit goods for genuine. *Ulpian. Cunning and deceptive people are called impostors, who
substitute counterfeit goods for genuine. Accursius.]
The Scaliger quotation is found in Exercitatio 303§5 of De Subtilitate.
Accursius (AD 1182–1263) was an Italian lawyer and professor who compiled the Glossa
Ordinaria, a collection of glosses on the Corpus Juris Civilis which became a standard legal
reference. The purported Ulpian and Accursius quotations explain that the word “imposture”
or “impostor” is from a Latin root post-, from pon-/posit- which is found in the Latin word
supponit/supponunt “substitute” as well as in impostura “imposture” and impostor “impostor.”
This explanation is found in several legal reference works that would have been available to
Cotta, although it has not been located in Accursius’s Glossa Ordinaria or any text attributed
to Ulpian.

of wizards and impostors, how they differ from witches 337
and pollicitation he is a witch, but in the performance of the greater sin he is

less just, and in the personate resemblance solely a juggler. For as the witch
performeth that which is true, and infallible reason is transcendent and above
nature, so the impostor performeth that which in false and fallible reason and
opinion, only seemeth parallel. 5
Hence, as witches do strange and supernatural works, and truly unto reason
worthy of wonder, so the impostor doth things void of accomptable reason, in
shadow, show, and seeming only supernatural, wondered, and admired. And
hence it commeth to pass, that with undiscerning minds, they are sometimes
mistaken and confounded one for another.2 10
From hence it is also necessarily concluded, that as witchcraft is discovered
by a supernatural work above reason, whereto the witch’s consent is accessory.
So an impostor is detected by a work void of accomptable reason, but in deceiv-
ing false visor or show, wherewith the purpose and intention of the deceiver or
impostor doth concur. As therefore the suspected witch is tied to answer unto 15
any just doubt which may be directly urged against his or her manifest volun-
tary action that is proved supernatural, so is a truly doubted impostor bound to
give satisfaction, for such his ambiguous actions, as do in likely reason appear
fraudulent, vain, prestigious, juggling, cozening, or deceiving. And thus, shall
each appear in his own true shape apart. Of divers kinds of witchcraft, I have 20
before produced examples.
I may here likewise very pertinently, for further illustration, propose some
examples of imposture in general, that the odiousness of this foul sin may
appear more foul, and the ugly face thereof may be more fully discovered.
Among multitude of examples, I will recite only some few, whereof some con- 25
sist in lewd and guileful contrivement of action, other in the bewitching power
of false prophecies, revelations, predictions, and prognostications.
Concerning the first, who can be ignorant of the impious and infamous
impostures of Mahomet, who by guileful counterfeit miracles, and pretended
angelical illuminated works, first magnified and set up that heathenish em- 30
1 Pollicitation: Promises. 2 Juggler: trickster. 14 Visor: outward appearance, mask. 19

Prestigious: Deceptive, from the Latin for filled with tricks. Compare prestigiation (prestidigita-
tion, trickery) earlier in the chapter.
2 See Reginald Scot in his Discovery of Witchcraft, where in regard of the seeming likeness of impos-
tures and witchcraft, erroneously he counfoundeth them as one and the self-same sin.
For more on *Scot and his views, see the Introduction to this edition, especially pages 18–
20.
338 chapter 9
pire,3 and religion of the blasphemous Turks?a The history of Sebastian, the
pretended Portugal King, as it is set forth by John *de Serres, according to mas-
ter Grimeston’s translation thereof (if he were a true impostor indeed, and were
not injuriously traduced, and blurred with undeserved reproach) is an incom-
parable example, above and beyond many other. I will refer my reader to the 5
author himself.b
If we desire more near or domestical examples herein, behold, in the reign
of Henry VII, a boy of mean parentage, through imposturous machinations
opposed, set up, and crowned King in Ireland, against that famous and re-
nowned Prince Henry VII, putting him in great danger of his life and crown 10
of England.c
In the late reign of Queen Mary, there arose an impostor, styling himself
Edward VI. The danger of the progress of that impostor (if it had prevailed) who
knoweth not?d The manifest wrongs, injuries, and impeachments also from
a Mohamet (ca. AD 570–632), now usually transliterated as “Muhammed,” was born in Mecca, the
son of Abdallah, a poor merchant. In his forties, he became a preacher and eventually the final
and most important prophet of Islam. At first expelled from Mecca, he led his followers to a con-
quest of that city and, in turn, the unification of the Arabian Peninsula, laying the groundwork for
a vast Islamic empire. Various miracles have been ascribed to him, including splitting the Moon
into two pieces. For more, see Morrison, “Portrayal of Nature,” 130–131. b General Inventory of
the History of France, 1607, by Edward Grimeston (d. 1640) is a translation of Inventaire Générale
de l’Histoire de France by John *de Serres. Grimeston translated several “General Histories” (of
France, Spain, the Netherlands, and Venice). Sebastian (1554–1578) was heir to the throne of Por-
tugal from birth, but was probably killed in a misguided attempt to conquer Morocco in 1578.
The Portuguese refused to believe him dead, and suffered impostor Sebastians several times in
the late sixteenth century. For more, see Atkinson, History of Spain and Portugal, 158–160, and
Livermore, New History of Portugal, 151–172. c Perkin Warbeck (AD 1474–1499) was persuaded
by enemies of the English King Henry VII to seek the English throne, claiming he was Richard,
the younger brother of Edward IV who had, so went the story, been miraculously saved from
Richard III. He made multiple unsuccessful attempts at invasion and was finally captured in
1497. He surrendered on the promise of his life, but when he attempted to escape the Tower,
he was seized and hanged in 1499. He is known to scholars today mainly through a play by the
early modern dramatist John Ford (ca. 1586–ca. 1640). For more, see Arthurson, Perkin Warbeck
Conspiracy. d Cotta may have his facts confused here. He is likely thinking of Lambert Simnel
(ca. 1475–ca. 1535) the son of a joiner who was, apparently because of his resemblance to the
late Edward IV, chosen as a pretender to the throne, claiming at various times that he was the
son of Edward IV himself, and the son of Edward’s brother, the Duke of Clarence. He took the
name Edward VI, but his insurrection, in 1487, was put down at the Battle of Stoke. Interestingly,
he seems to have survived and supposedly spent his remaining years as a kitchen servant. These
3 Polidorus Virgil li.7.cap. ult. [Polydorus Virgil, Book 7, last chapter.]

Polydore Virgil (ca. 1470–1555) was an Italian historian who went to England and wrote
Historia Anglica (History of England) as well as De Inventoribus (On Discovery).
counterfeit prophecies, revelations, and predictions, issuing not only unto pri-
vate men and families, but unto kingdoms, empires, and commonweals, are
infinite.
*Julian, an Emperor of Rome, though otherwise a mighty and learned Prince,
and valiant soldier, by a prophecy of an impostress or seeming pythoness, 5
promising his conquest, and triumph over the kingdom of Persia, was thither
hastened unto his deserved death, and the vengeance of God upon his infa-
mous apostasy.a
It is reported by John *de Serres, the French chronicler, that the power and
force of some pretended revelations, and visions of a young shepherd, in the 10
reign of Charles VII of France, was so prevalent, that it persuaded Pothon
that great and famous French captain, with the martial of France, to arm and
encounter the then victorious English in the bowels of that kingdom by which
unadvised attempt the French were surprised and taken by the English.b It is
recorded by the same author, that one Martha Brosier, counterfeiting the fits 15
and passions of such as were possessed, in short time became so powerful in
illusion, that she ministered much matter of wonder and amazement, not only
unto private men, but unto the King’s counsel, to preachers in pulpits, yea unto
the whole parliament, until the counterfeit Devil enduring some punishment
and restraint, forsook his pretended possession.c 20
If we require examples in our own country, behold, in the reign of Edward IV,
his brother George Duke of Clarence,4 was hastened unto his untimely death,
5 Pythoness: specifically, a priestess of Apollo, particularly one associated with the temple at
Delphi. Also, a prophetess generally.
events, however, happened well before the reign of Queen Mary, so Cotta may be confusing some
of Simnel’s story with the genuine Edward VI (1537–1553), brother of Mary, and son of Henry
VIII. See Bennett, “Henry VII and the Northern Rising.” a In his epitome of Philostorgius’ Eccle-
siastical History, VII.15, Photius says “The apostate Julian undertook an expedition against the
Persians, relying upon the prophecies of the heathen oracles in different quarters, that his might
would prove irresistible.” b *De Serres recounts this story as happening under Charles VII in
AD 1430. c In 1599, Marthe Brossier was diagnosed as possessed near her hometown in Blois,
and was brought to Paris so that the Capuchins could conduct a series of public exorcisms. During
these exorcisms, her demon, called “Beelzebub,” made long declarations against the protestants
of France. Concerned about public order, the Bishop of Paris ordered a group of physicians
to examine the woman to determine whether or not she was indeed possessed. The physican
Marescot published an account which clearly indicated that she was not, and King Henry IV
ordered an end to the public exorcisms, despite anger among Catholics. Brossier was returned to
her home. For more, see Pearl, Crime of Crimes.
4 *Speed.
340 chapter 9
even by the allowance of his brother King, upon the fear of a vain and flying
prophecy, that “G” of King Edward’s heirs should be the murderer.a
In the time of Henry VIII, the holy Maid of Kent by her seeming miraculous
revelations, deceiving not only the common sort, but even divers learned and
some men of the best rank, and prime note, stirred up in the King great jeal- 5
ousy and fear of his crown and safety, as by the records of her attainder doth
appear, wherein doth stand proved and sentenced her treasonsome imposture
of most dangerous consequent, if it had obtained equal issue.b
In the same King’s reign, the bewitching esteem, credit, and hope of force
and virtue in counterfeit predictions, and pretended revelations, whet the 10
ambitious heart of Edward, Lord Stafford, Duke of Buckingham,5 first into high
treason, and to reach at the crown, and after from thence thrust him headlong
or headless into his grave.
In the reign of Edward VI, there was a prophecy divulged from the mouth
of some pretended wizard, by which the conjuration of Kett, and those Nor- 15
folk rebels, was heartened and encouraged to proceed in their rebellion and
outrage, unto the great danger and damage of the kingdom and, in the end,
unto their own destruction. That blind pretended prophecy, in the insidiation
of vain and credulous minds, was somewhat like unto that ambiguous Oracle
in *Virgil’s Aeneid. 20
Aio, te Aeacida Romanos Vincere Posse.

I say, the son of Aeacus the Roman power shall quell.
6 Record of attainder: the legal judgment by which estate is forfeit, as through treason or felony.
a Cotta uses this same example, with some variation above. See note a on page 325. b The
Maid of Kent, sometimes The Nun of Kent, was Elizabeth Barton (ca. 1506–1534) of Aldington.
Around 1525, she became ill and shortly thereafter began to utter prophecies, becoming widely
known. Thomas More sent the divine Edward Bocking to investigate; perhaps at Bocking’s urg-
ing, Barton’s prophecies gained a political element, foretelling, for instance, doom to Henry VIII
if he divorced Katherine of Aragon. Barton was arrested in 1533 and put to death for treason. The
validity of her putative confession has been questioned by some. See Marshall, Religious Identi-
ties in Henry VIII’s England, especially Chapter 7.
5 *Speed.
Stafford was accused of selling secrets to the Spanish. Historians continue to debate
whether, as Mitchell Liemon and Geoffrey Parker put it, this “dramatic, warm, excitable, [and]
sometimes hysterical” figure was, in fact, guilty. See Liemon and Parker, “Treason and Plot in
Elizabethan Diplomacy.”
This oracle may on either side indifferently, either actively or passively, be

understood.a Like unto it was that prestigious prophecy, which the rebellious
Norfolkians with their Kett trusted:
Hob, Dic, and Hic with clubs and clouted shoone,

Shall fill up Duffindale with slaughtered bodies soon.b 5
The rebels understanding this blind revelation, or prediction, concerning the

victory wherein they themselves should be agents and not patients (as after-
ward their own ruin did truly interpret it) and dreaming the filling up of the
Duffindale to be intended of other men’s dead bodies, and not their own, were
thereby incited with furious courage, unto the hazard of the kingdom and their 10
native country, until their own mangled and slaughtered carcasses became
butchered spectacles, and bloody monuments of such illusion and imposture.c
How many other fearful and horrid treasons have been built and grounded
upon other the like prodigious impostures? To recite the damages and wrongs
done unto private men by imposture in manifold kinds, were infinite. What 15
should we mention Prior Bolton of St. Bartholomew’s in London,6 who in
the reign of Henry VIII, upon the impression of an universal world’s flood,
grounded upon pretended miraculous predictions, ridiculously buildeth him-
self a house or nest on the top of Harrow Hill, to save himself from drowning?d
4 Clouted shoone: shoes studded with nails.
a The oracle is ambiguous in both English and Latin: the oracle could be saying that the son will
quell the Roman power or that the Roman power will quell the son. In English, the word order
makes the statement ambiguous, while in Latin, it is ambiguous because of the grammar. The
Latin quotation is a fragment of the archaic poet Ennius (239–169BC) which Cotta may have
gotten from *Cicero’s De Divinatione 2.56.116. *Augustine also quotes Ennius, but with differ-
ent wording (Dico te, Pyrrhe, vincere posse Romanos [“I say, Pyrrhus, that you the Romans can
conquer”]), which he probably got from Livy 12 (no longer extant). The story is that Pyrrhus,
King of Epirus, consulted an oracle of Apollo and received this as a response. The story is men-
tioned in prophecy in *Virgil’s Aeneid 6.839, but is not similarly ambiguous nor similarly worded.
b Eighteenth-century historian Francis Hutchinson cites Cotta as his source for this anecdote in
his long chronology of reported cases of witchcraft. Hutchinson, Essay Concerning Witchcraft,
C8v. c Wealthy farmer Robert Kett led a group of poor, discontented Norfolk rebels in a revolt
against enclosures in 1549. The rebels were defeated, and Kett was executed later that year. For
details, see Wood, 1549 Rebellions. d Because of a particular set of astrological conjunctions
in 1524, many English folk were concerned over the possibility of extensive and deadly flooding
in February of that year. By Cotta’s time, however, some were claiming that this story of Prior
William Bolton (ca. 1450–1532) was greatly exagerated, and that Bolton had built the house for
other reasons, either to replace his existing home or to serve as a retirement residence.
6 *Speed.
342 chapter 9
What mighty terrors did the wicked imposturous predictions of strange

events in the admirable year ’88 strike into the common people or vulgars of
England?a From whence, what different distractions in many private men did
bring forth, to relate, were just matter of profound laughter? What translations
of dwellings, peregrinations into other countries, exchange of inheritances for 5
monies, and other ridiculous extravagant molitions did the approach of that
year diversely prepare?
I will not waste paper in any more particular recitals.7 Our later age and
time hath not been barren of many wicked and harmful fruits of impostur-
ous prophecies, neither have they altogether escaped the eye of justice, nor the 10
blur of infamy written in their names and chronicled memory. And although
many impostures (because practiced upon private and more obscure person-
ages) are less known and published, than such as are committed against princes
and states, and therefore are more remarkable in the eyes of all men, yet are
they both equally in their natures pernicious. 15
It were not now impertinent from the declaration of the mischiefs of impos-
ture in general, to descend unto some such in particular, as are practiced under
the lying pretense and false color of a transcendent and magic virtue. In exam-
ples of this kind, Reginald *Scot doth over-abound in his Discovery. It is not
unknown unto my own proof, how usual it is with many, by the reputation of a 20
witch only, imposturously to promise and undertake the miraculous curations,
and prognostications of diseases and their issues. Wherein, for brevity’s sake,
and to avoid confusion, and the crambe or iteration of the same things, I will
6 Molitions: endeavors. 23 Crambe: an unpleasant repetition, from the Latin phrase crambe
repetita (“cabbage served again.”)
a In 1588, the Armada, a massive, but poorly organzied and badly equipped, invasionary force
from Spain was defeated by the English and forced to retreat. Though some Spanish ships were
destroyed by the more maneuverable and better-armed English vessels, a larger number of Span-
ish ships went down in ensuing storms, meaning only about half of the Armada returned to
Spain. The invasion was much anticipated throughout Europe, and the Spanish were buoyed by
the prophecy of great success made by a celebrated nun in Lisbon. As the time of the crucial con-
flict grew near, many false rumours circulated throughout Europe as to the outcome. Meanwhile,
in England itself, where the invasion had been intensely feared, the victory was seen as ordained
by the hand of God who had sent a “Protestant” wind to destroy the fleet of their Catholic ene-
mies. For more, see Robert E. Scully, “Confident Hope of a Miracle.”
7 Philippe de Commines, book 4 chap. 10 taxeth our English nation for the multitude and vanity of
flying prophecies in this kind.
In Philippe de Commines, Mémoires IV.10, is found “the chancellor of England … began
his speech with a prophecy (of which the English are always provided).” In the same chapter
a bit later, he again mentions the English fondness for prophecies. See note c on page 324.
refer the reader to a former manual by myself published, where, although, by

reason of my absence beyond and beside the errata, many errors both in some
words and sense do still remain, yea there are many things in this kind worthy
notice.8
There is a very rare, but true, description of a gentlewoman, about six years 5
past, cured of divers kinds of convulsions, and other apoplectic, epileptic,
cataleptic, and paralytic fits, and other kinds of accidents of affinity therewith.
After she was almost cured of those diseases, but the cure not fully accom-
plished, it was by a reputed wizard whispered, and thereupon believed, that
the gentlewoman was merely bewitched. Supposed witches were accused, and, 10
after, executed. The gentlewoman hath been free from all those accidents there
mentioned, the space of six years now past. In this last past seventh year, since
the writing of that history, some of the former fits are critically again returned.9
The same wizard or deceiver resorted unto and enquired at, doth now again
avouch her to be bewitched, upon opinion whereof and trust in his illusion, the 15
timely use and benefit of due counsel hath been much omitted and neglected.
Her diseases which formerly far exceeded these which now are, in number, fre-
quence, and vehemence, were in shorter space cured, and so continued the
space of six years together. These few which now do return, due counsel and
time neglected, though being in number fewer, less intricate, and far less vio- 20
lent, have notwithstanding a far larger space of time continued.
If that counselor or undertaker to counsel be a wizard in name and reputa-
tion only (as I do guess and deem him) then is this history an incomparable
example and instance of the wickedness, impiety, and cruelty of imposture
and impostors. If he be found a witch, then is it an unanswerable evidence and 25
8 Read page 71[171] the Treatise of Wizards [Book 1, Chapter 9 in The Short Discovery]; likewise,
in the second marginal note of the page 58 a history of a chirurgeon, famous in curing such as
were bewitched [actually in Book 1, Chapter 8, note 4]. Likewise, page 109–111 [225–227] a history
of imposture, under the color and pretense of the inspection and judging of urines; and likewise,
page 60 [154] and from thence unto the end of that whole chapter.
References in square brackets in the above note refer to this edition. In the original, this
note appears in the main text.
9 Plurimae autem passiones puerulis iudicantur in septem mentibus nonnullae in septem annis.
Hipp. Aphor. 28 lib 3. [Most health problems of youths reach a crisis (many in forty days, many)
in seven months, many in seven years. *Hippocrates, Aphorisms 3.28.]
Morbi Diutini ad septenarii rationem; habent Crisim, non septenarii quoad menses modo,
sed quoad annos. Galen in dictum Aphorism. [Chronic diseases have their crisis according to the
number 7, not only 7 as far as months go, but as far as years go. Galen’s comment on the aforesaid
aphorism.]
Cotta omits the part in parentheses. From *Galen In Hippocratis Aphorismos Commentarii
3.28.
344 chapter 9
instance of the Devil’s juggling, lying, illusion, and deceiving, whereof we made
mention and proof before in the question or doubt concerning *Pythagoras’s
reality in two places.a For, in true reason and judicious discerning, it is as clear
as the brightest day that no accident befalling the gentlewoman mentioned
can be other than natural, or farther supernatural, than either the Devil’s credit 5
with a witch, or an impostor’s credit with deceived and seduced men, is able to
enchant persuasion unto vain affiance in them.
I refer the reader to the consideration of the history at large, with that which
here is added: I will only exhort all men not to be in those doubtful cases, too
violent, nor rash in asking or believing unworthy or worthless counsel, but to 10
ask it of such as are truly and godly learned and prudent, and not of impostors
or seducers, considering that the consequences of rashness, mistaking error
and ignorance, are no less than the life or death of the sick, a putting out of the
eyes and light of reason, which God and nature hath given man to walk withal
in the dark pilgrimage of this life. A deprivation of due remedies which God 15
hath allowed (while beguiled with vain and foolish opinion, with willful blind-
ness), they worthily esteem not, nor will expect his grace and favor therein.
Assuredly, he that doth give up himself to become a prey to folly and illu-
sion, and led by deceivers headlong into confused, unjustifiable, unwarranted,
and inhibited explorations and trials, doth forsake the guidance and use of 20
right reason, and instead thereof, is intemperately distracted with impatience
of expectation, of due respect and esteem of God’s ordinance, and allowance in
his ordinary means may justly fear that God hath decreed and determined, not
only to despoil him of that common blessing which he hath promised to all that
duly seek and rightly use his allowed means, but also that he leaveth him unto 25
the cursed path and way of perpetual blindness and hardness of heart therein,
except his special and extraordinary divine grace in time reduce his dangerous
steps. For certainly he unto whose blinded eyes God doth offer so great mercy
and favor, as is plainly evident in all his ordained ordinary means, unto every
good that befalleth man in this life, and with thankfulness cannot or will not 30
behold it when it is laid at his unthankful feet, is in a desperate way of a lethar-
gical disposition, or senseless memory and oblivion, both of his reason, and of
himself, and of God’s merciful goodness towards him.
And thus, the ugliness of imposture both by the description thereof, and
also by example doth appear, wherein may be first seen, how they that trust 35
thereto, do forsake God, themselves, and their own common sense and rea-
son, and give themselves to be swallowed up of lying and illusion. Secondly, in
a See note a on page 308 of this edition.

the whole course of imposture itself, is seen the continual practice of merci-
less impiety, the usual wrong of the afflicted, the belying of truth, the deceiv-
ing the miserable, the deprivation of the sick, of the use of due remedies and
means which God hath made and blessed unto men, that, with praise unto his
name, patience and due dependence upon his providence therein, can be con- 5
tented to seek and expect the likely and hopeful issue thereof, in usual course
of nature.
Lastly, may be collected and observed the use and necessity of distinction
between imposture and witchcraft: namely that the odious and abominable
sin of witchcraft be not suffered to continue, unregarded or neglected under 10
the color of vain imposture, and that the Devil be not suffered to live amongst
us too commonly, and too openly, in the coat and habit of a foolish impostor
or juggler. For certainly nothing doth more hoodwink the thorough discovery
of sorcerers than remissness and omission of inquisition, and castigation of
impostors, out of whose leaven (no doubt) but diligent animadversion, might 15
ofttimes bolt out many a subtle and concealed witch.
15 Animadversion: judicial attention. 16 Bolt out: separate through sifting.

chapter 10
How men may by reason and nature be satisfied,

concerning such as are indeed and truly bewitched
It followeth now, according to promise, briefly to point unto direction how men,
leaving to inquire at witches, and sorcerers, and impostors concerning the sick
supposed to be bewitched, may inquire and be better satisfied by the light of
reason which God hath given unto them. Reason doth detect the sick to be
afflicted by the immediate supernatural power of the Devil two ways: the first 5
way is by such things as are subject and manifest unto the learned physician
only; the second is by such things as are subject and manifest unto a vulgar view.
Those things which are manifest unto the physician alone are of two sorts.
The first is when in the likeness and similitude of a disease, the secret work-
ing of a supernatural power doth hide itself, having no cause or possibility of 10
being in that kind or nature. The second is when natural remedies or means
according unto art and due discretion applied, do extraordinarily or miracu-
lously either lose their manifest inevitable nature, use, and operation, or else
produce effects and consequences, against or above their nature. The impossi-
bility of either of these in usual ordinary course of nature doth certainly prove 15
an infallibility of a superior nature, which assuredly therefore must needs be
either divine or diabolical.
This conclusion concerning the infallibility of a supernatural mover, from
the like assumption, the learned and worthy preserver of reverent antiquity,
Master *Camden, in his description of Cheshire, hath truly inferred upon 20
the miraculous prelusions and presages ever and perpetually forerunning the
death of the heirs of the house or family of the Briertons. These and such like
things (sayeth he) are done either by the holy tutular angels of men, or else
by devils, who by God’s permission mightily show their power in this inferior
world. 25
Whensoever, therefore, the physician shall truly discover a manifest tran-
scending power, manner, or motion in any supposed disease, there is an un-
doubted conclusion of the author. Where, likewise, remedies find concomi-
tances, or consequences contrary to their nature, or such as never were, nor
ever can be contingent in course of nature. This assumption truly granted, doth 30
invincibly infer a transcendent force and virtue, therein never to be denied.
Thus, how diseases, and the wonderful accidents which oft happen in dis-
eases, may be by the physician detected, according unto the rule of reason,

how men may be satisfied concerning such as are bewitched 347
whether induced by the Devil or no, is briefly pointed at. How the guilt of any
man therein with the Devil (which doth only convince a witch) may and ought
appear, hath been before declared and shall likewise hereafter be further made
clear.
It will not now be immaterial or unprofitable, for confirmation, illustration, 5
and better proof of those two ways, which are distinguished to be only subject
and manifest unto the physician in the detection of the secret works of devils
and witches in diseases, to produce one or two examples of both.
Concerning the first, *Fernelius in his second book, De Abditis Rerum Cau-
sis, delivereth a history of a young man of noble family, who was by a violent 10
convulsion in an extraordinary manner long time tormented.a Divers learned
physicians remained long time doubting and unsatisfied, both in the cause of
this disease, as also of the seat or place where the cause, with any sufficient rea-
son, might be judged settled. Behold very pregnant inducements of the finger of
the Devil moving in the disease: one was the incredible velocity of motion in the 15
disease, impossible unto the force of man; the other was for that in all the fits
and convulsions, though very strong and vehement, his sense and understand-
ing remained in the diseased, perfect and nothing obscured, or interrupted,
which in convulsions according unto natural causes was never seen, and is
impossible. 20
The force of these reasons to evince the presidence of the Devil, in the man-
ner and motion of the forenamed disease, the Devil himself did shortly after
justify, declaring and professing himself the author thereof in plainly expressed
words. In the forenamed book and chapter, there is another report or relation
of a man suddenly surprised, with an extraordinary fashion, or shape of mad- 25
ness or frenzy, wherein he uttered and revealed things hidden, and of profound
science and revelation, not only above the pitch and power of natural capac-
ity, and the forgery of feigned ecstasy, but really in true and upright judgment,
and unpartial discerning beyond all question and exception supernatural. The
sequel after made it good. These examples are sufficient unto men that are wise, 30
and with whom reason hath authority. I do not affect unadvised multiplication
herein, suspecting many histories, and reports of divers authors.
a *Fernelius, De Abditis Rerum Causis, II.16 claims to have been an eyewitness and reports many
more details (when in the grip of the demon/disease, the boy spoke Greek and Latin although
he had never been taught Greek, was affected by an image of the angel Michael and reading of
scripture, etc.). The boy revealed secrets known only to individuals attending him (especially
the doctors). There is no story about a second man revealing profound knowledge found in De
Abditis Rerum Causis II.16, the section that Cotta cites.
348 chapter 10
The possibility of those which are here produced, beside the unstained
credit of the author, is apertly confirmed by the holy scripture, where, in the
lunatic, the Devil manifested himself by actions only proper and appropriate
unto the power of a spirit. Such was his casting the lunatic into the fire, and into
the water, his violent rending and tearing him, which were things impossible 5
unto the power and nature of the lunatic himself, or of his disease alone.a
The man possessed among the Gadarenes likewise doth establish the same,
who was known, and seen evidently, not to be simply or solely diseased, by
those undoubted works, and that finger of the Devil, when he easily broke in
pieces those iron chains wherewith the lunatic was bound, so that no force 10
thereof whatsoever could hold or bind him; as also when he uttered and spake
that more than human understanding and revelations of Jesus Christ to be the
son of God, a knowledge as yet uncommunicated unto mankind, and unto rea-
son impossible.b
Concerning the second way of detection, subject unto the physician alone, 15
namely, when natural remedies aptly applied are attended with supernatural
consequences contrary to their nature, or above the same, out of the former
author, and forenamed place, there is an example also without farther strag-
gling of unquestioned estimation. A certain man there mentioned, vehemently
burning and thirsting, and by intolerable heat compelled to seek any mitigation 20
or extinction of his heat and thirst, in want of drink or other fitting liquor, hap-
a Cotta does not specify, but he presumably refers to the following passage: “And when they were
come to the multitude, there came to him a certain man, and kneeled down before him, and
said, ‘Master, have pity on my son, for he is lunatic and is sore vexed, for ofttimes he falleth into
the fire, and ofttimes into the water’” (Matt. 17:14–15). b The Bible relates, in multiple places,
the story of Christ casting devils out of human hosts and into a herd of swine. Cotta’s comments,
however, echo the details and wording of the account given in Mark: “And when he was come out
of the ship, there met him incontinently out of the graves, a man which had an unclean spirit,
who had his abiding among the graves, and no man could bind him, no not with chains, because
that when he was often bound with fetters and chains, he plucked the chains asunder, and brake
the fetters in pieces. Neither could any man tame him. And always both night and day he cried in
the mountains, and in the graves, and struck himself with stones. And when he saw Jesus afar off,
he ran, and worshipped him, and cried with a loud voice, and said, ‘What have I to do with thee,
Jesus the Son of the most High God? I charge thee by God, that thou torment me not.’ (For he said
unto him, ‘Come out of the man, thou unclean spirit.’). And he asked him, ‘What is thy name?’
and he answered, saying, ‘My name is Legion: for we are many.’ And he prayed him instantly that
he would not send them away out of the country. Now there was there in the mountains a great
herd of swine, feeding. And all the devils besought him, saying, ‘Send us into the swine, that we
may enter into them.’ And incontinently Jesus gave them leave. Then the unclean spirits went
out and entered into the swine, and the herd ran headlong from the high bank into the sea, (and
there were about two thousand swine) and they were drowned in the sea” (Mark 5:2–13). See also
note c on page 301 of this edition.
pened to find an apple, in the moisture and natural juice whereof, hoping the
usual short refreshing of the tongue, he, after the first tasting thereof, immedi-
ately found (not only that which was contrary to the nature of an apple, greater
burning and thirst than before) but had instantly his mouth and jaws so fast
closed and sealed up thereby, that he hardly escaped strangling. 5
The reasonable doubt of the latitation of the Devil, in this fair, harmless, and
usual remedy of the tongue, thirst and dryness, was afterward made more evi-
dent and manifest by the sudden and swift obsession of his mind, with frightful
visions, whereof as in the disposition, temper, substance or quality of his brain
or body, there was no ground or cause. So, in the apple itself was no other per- 10
nicious mixture, but that the Devil, as with Judas’s sop, though wholesome and
saving in itself, so in this medicinal fruit, entered and possessed, where God
permitted. The like may be said of other both outward and inward remedies,
which by a magic power are and may be oft interrupted, turned, and bent unto
a use contrary to their nature. 15
For this cause *Hippocrates himself, in his books De Sacro Morbo, and De
Natura Muliebri, doth acknowledge many accidents, as also diseases and reme-
dies themselves to be divine, as having their cause and being above the course
of nature.a When therefore fitting unto any cause, matter, or humor in the body,
according to true art and reason discovered, apt and fit remedies are aptly and 20
fitly by the judicious physician applied, notwithstanding contrary to the nature
and custom of such remedies, they have extraordinary, unusual, and justly won-
dered effects, is there not just matter of doubt, concerning an unusual and an
extraordinary cause answerable thereto? The deep and mystical contingents in
this kind, and their hidden reason and cause, the unlearned man, or he that 25
6 Latiation: lying or concealing. 11 Judas’s sop: the piece of bread dipped in wine given to
Judas at The Last Supper. The Bible relates: “When Jesus had said these things, he was troubled
in the Spirit, and testified, and said, ‘Verily, verily I say unto you, that one of you shall betray me.’
Then the disciples looked one on another, doubting of whom he spake. Now there was one of his
disciples, which leaned on Jesus’s bosom, whom Jesus loved. To him beckoned therefore Simon
Peter, that he should ask who it was of whom he spake. He then as he leaned on Jesus’s breast,
said unto him, ‘Lord, who is it?’ Jesus answered, ‘He it is, to whom I shall give a sop, when I have
dipped it.’ And he wet a sop, and gave it to Judas Iscariot, Simon’s son. And after the sop, Satan
entered into him. Then said Jesus unto him, ‘That thou doest, do quickly’ ” (John 13:21–27).
a An anonymous treatise traditionally ascribed to *Hippocrates, De Morbo Sacro (“On the Sacred
Disease”) is not only probably the first extant record of epilepsy but also noteworthy for claiming
that diseases are always simultaneously natural and divine, and none is divine but not natural.
De Natura Muliebri (“On the Female Nature”), however, while quite different, is largely a book of
treatments and remedies, none of which seem to involve magic as part of the cure or cause of
the condition. While the idea that all things human are in divine hands is noted early on in De
Natura Muliebri, none is said to be above or contrary to nature.
350 chapter 10
is not exercised in difficult discoveries, cannot discern, nor can the intricate
and perplexed implications therein, of doubt and ambiguities, possibly become
intelligible in every ordinary apprehension. Yet by the former easy and familiar
example, every man may guess and conjecture at the most abstruse. The sub-
tlety of the Devil doth easily deceive a vulgar thought, and in the clouds and 5
mists of doubts and difficulties beguileth usually the dim sight and disquisi-
tion.
The learned physician, notwithstanding, possessing true judgment and
learning, who doth and can warily observe and distinguish first the wonders
of nature unknown unto every mediocrity of knowing; secondly, the true won- 10
ders above nature in due collation with nature to be known, doth not easily or
rashly with vulgars err or run mad in the confusion of vain and idle scruples.
The wonders of nature are such natural diseases as are seen in their wondered
and admired shapes or mixture to have a great likeness or deceiving identity
with such maladies as are inflicted by the Devil. The wonders above nature are 15
such diseases as are truly and undoubtedly known and proved to have no con-
sistence or power of consistence, or cause, in sublunary nature.
Of the first I will here cite no particular examples, because I have both for-
merly in a former manual delivered briefly some of their general descriptions,
denied by no man that in ancient time was, or at this time is judicious and 20
learned physician, as also divers of their particular histories in the persons of
some sick men known unto myself.a Of the second it is here needless to pro-
pound any more particulars than those above mentioned, which I esteem for
the general illustration sufficient. In true and right decision and distinction of
the one from the other, multiplicity of consideration and circumspection ought 25
diligently attend the intricate maze and labyrinth of error, and illusion in their
deceivable likenesses, whereby the Devil, for his own advantage and the perdi-
tion of seduced and beguiled men, doth sometimes cunningly hide his own
works, and the devilish practices of witches and sorcerers from their due detec-
tion and punishment, sometimes to ensnare the guiltless and innocent, doth 30
jugglingly seem to do those things which nature doth justly challenge, not as
his, but as her own, in just balance weighed.
It is most certain that the Devil cannot possibly mix himself, or his power,
with any inferior nature, substance, or body, but the alteration, by the conjunc-
tion of so far discrepant natures, in the unchangeable decree of the universal 35
nature of all things, necessarily and unavoidably produced, must needs witness
and manifestly detect it in the great and mighty odds. This is very evident and
a See Book 1, Chapter 8 of Short Discovery.

apparent in all the supernatural works of the Devil, before mentioned in the
general discourse of this small treatise or work, whether such as were declared
manifest to sense, or such as were evident to reason, whether such as were
affected by the Devil himself, with the consent or contract of a sorcerer or
witch, or such as were without their knowledge, society, or contract performed 5
by himself. All those supernatural works of both these kinds were therefore
known to be supernatural because they were above and beyond any cause in
sublunary nature. The like the learned physician may certainly conclude, con-
cerning diseases inflicted or moved by the Devil. For it is impossible that the
finger or power of the Devil should be in any malady, but such a cause must 10
needs produce some effect like itself, where true and judicious discerning is
able to find the infallible, certain, and undeceived stamp of difference.a Thus
far hath been briefly declared how the physician properly and by himself doth
alone enter into the due consideration and examination of diseases (where is
just occasion of question) whether naturally or supernaturally inferred. How 15
unfit it is here to admit every idiot for a physician or counselor (as is too com-
mon both in these and all other affairs of health) let wise men judge.
Certainly, from hence it commeth to pass, that most men forever live in per-
petual confusion of their thoughts in these cases, and as a just judgment of God
against their careless search and neglect of learned and warranted true counsel, 20
all certainty and truth herein doth still fly far from them. For as in these ambi-
guities is requisite and necessary, a learned, judicious, and prudent physician,
so is it as necessary that he find those that need herein advice, truly and con-
stantly obedient unto good reason, temperate and discreet, not mutable upon
every vain and idle project to start away, and to be transported from reason- 25
able, just, and discreet proceeding, unto uncertain, vain, and empirical trials,
since wisdom, knowledge, and truth are never truly found, but only of those,
that with diligence, patience, and perseverance search and seek them out.
It remaineth now to come unto the second way of detection of the bewitched
sick, which was before said to consist in such things as were subject and man- 30
ifest unto a vulgar view, as the first unto the learned physician alone. As of the
first, some few examples have been propounded, so of the later let us also view
other some.
In the time of their paroxysms or fits, some diseased persons have been seen
to vomit crooked iron, coals, brimstone, nails, needles, pins, lumps of lead, wax, 35
hair, straw, and the like, in such quantity, figure, fashion, and proportion, as
could never possibly pass down, or arise up through the natural narrowness of
a In practice, though, even learned practitioners disagreed entirely as to what signs showed a
supernatural malady. Goodare, Witch-Hunt, 97.
352 chapter 10
the throat, or be contained in the unproportionable small capacity, natural sus-

ceptibility, and position of the stomach. These things at any time happening are
palpable and not obscure to any eye without difficulty, offering themselves to
plain and open view. These like accidents *Benivenius, *Wierus, *Codronchius
and others also, even in our time and country, have published to have been seen 5
by themselves.a
Some other sick persons have, in the time of the exacerbations of their fits,
spoken languages knowingly and understandingly, which in former time they
did never know, nor could afterward know again, as *Fernelius, a learned physi-
cian, and beyond exception worthy credit, doth witness concerning a sick man 10
known to himself. Some sick men also have revealed and declared words, ges-
tures, actions done in far distant places, even in the very time and moment of
their acting, doing, and uttering, as I have known myself in some, and as is tes-
tified likewise to have been heard, known, and seen by divers witnesses worthy
credit in our country,1 in divers bewitched sick people. 15
As these examples are manifest to any beholder, which shall at any time hap-
pen to view them, so are the examples of the first and second kind evident to the
reason and judgment of the learned and judicious physician, and all do there-
a In a 1529 treatise, Antonius *Benivenius relates that during his treatment of a woman, the
woman ferocior facta ac torvis oculis circumspiciens tandem prorupit in vomitum, quo longiores et
recurvos clavos aeneasque acus una cum cera et capillis in globum mixtis evomuit: et novissime ien-
taculi frustum tantae magnitudinis, ut devorare integrum nullus potuisset (“Having become more
crazed and looking around with wild eyes finally burst forth into vomit, in which she vomited up
quite long and curved-back nails and brazen needles together with wax and hair mixed up into a
ball: and then a bit of breakfast of such a size that no one could have got it down whole.”) Baptista
*Codronchius wrote De Morbis Veneficis (1595) in which he relates the stories that nails, needles,
coals, brimstone, “and similar things” are put into human bodies by demons and could not enter
without harm by the mouth or anus or other part. He also indicates that some sick people speak
or understand languages they have never studied, or reveal other knowledge beyond what they
actually know. A later seventeenth-century account from Northamptonshire relates the story of
a ten-year-old girl in Welton who vomited three gallons of water, along with many large stones
and coals, some so large that onlookers believed a full-grown man could not have fit them into
his mouth. Clark, Memorable Piece of Witchcraft, Ss4v.
1 See a Treatise of the Witches of Warboys.

In 1593, Alice Samuel, her daughter Agnes, and her husband John were executed for
bewitching the five daughters of Robert Throckmorton of Warboys, as well as the Lady
Cromwell. It is the first well-known English case of accused witches being executed for their
alleged crimes, and it established a basis for identifying those who are bewitched, based on
the symptoms of the Throckmorton children: convulsions, trances, and fits which they would
have many times a day and not remember. For more, see Almond, Demonic Possession and
Exorcism, 71–104.
fore certainly detect and prove a supernatural author, cause, or virtue, because
they are manifest supernatural effects.
Thus have we pointed out briefly, the detection of the bewitched sick, both
by learned reason proper unto the judicious physician, and also by common
sense and reason in all men. If men more at large please to exercise themselves 5
in due consideration and proof hereof, they shall find more certain and sound
satisfaction and fruit, with the blessing and allowance of God, than can issue
out of the mouths of sorcerers and witches, which God hath cursed, and disal-
lowed, and in whose hearts and mouths the Devil is oft a lying spirit.
It hath been briefly, and yet sufficiently herein proved, that Almighty God 10
hath given unto reason light, whereby reasonable, temperate and sober minds,
through circumspect care and diligence, may see and behold whatsoever is
truly possible or just for man to know, with the favor and allowance of God’s
grace, in the detection and discovery of the bewitched sick. Whosoever there-
fore shall condemn, or neglect this light, and shall ask counsel of devils and 15
witches, the open and proclaimed enemies of God, do certainly relinquish their
faith and trust in God their Creator, and their patience and dependence upon
his providence. And although it may sometimes fall out that prosperous issue
doth seem to follow the counsel of the Devil, yet doth it behoove men to be
wary, and not presume, lest it prove only a sweet bait, that by a sensible good 20
the Devil may draw their bewitched desirous vain minds unto an insensible
damnable hurt. For certainly, he who will rather be beholding unto the Devil for
his life or health, than choose to die in the gracious and merciful hand of God
his Creator, can never expect to participate any portion of salvation in him.
Thus much concerning the reasonable discovery of the bewitched sick, 25
wherein leaving to enquire at witches, sorcerers, or impostors, upright men,
that love or fear God, or embrace religion or common reason, may and ought
confine and satisfy their just desires.
chapter 11
The production of the works of witches and

sorcerers, unto the public seat and censure of
justice
We have hitherto considered how the works of devils and witches may be both
manifest to sense, and evident to reason. They have in their divers kinds and
different performances and manners distinctly been instanced. Besides those
kinds which have been mentioned, there may be innumerable more, among
which are those who undertake and are inquired at, to reveal treasures hid, 5
goods lost or conveyed away, the works and guilt of other witches, good for-
tunes, and evil fortunes in divers affairs, designs, and attempts, as also those
who undertake by enchantment, to lead captive the wills and minds of men,
unto extraordinary and unreasonable desires or lusts, hatred, or love unto, or
against, this or that person, or this or that particular thing, above or beyond the 10
natural power of resistance, and the force and usual guidance of natural rea-
son, in the ordinary course of man’s will and nature. But they are all included
in the same general kind, and common proof of their devilish impiety, derived
from the word of God before alleged unanswerably, and the true consequence
of reason from thence. 15
The difference that is in their divers kinds doth only arise from their several
subjects, manners, ceremonies, and rites, according to their several differing
contracts with the Devil: some using in their works, revelations, or oraculous
answers of the demand of resorting people in one manner, fashion, ceremony,
gesture, and rite; some in another, and some in none at all, certain or unchange- 20
able.
Concerning these ceremonies, with their several contracts, and the man-
ners thereof, I will not write, partly because in this place not much mate-
rial, partly because they are difficult to detect, except by the witches’ own
free confession which happeneth very rare and seldom, partly because they 25
tend more to the satisfaction of curiosity than of use, and therefore are not
without some danger published. It hath now been manifest by the word and
mouth of God, unto the reason of man, how a witch or sorcerer may evidently
appear unto right reason. Namely by his voluntary undertaking to be inquired
at, for knowledge and revelation of such things as are hidden by God from 30
all knowledge of men, and are solely and properly in the knowledge of spir-
its.

the production of the works of witches and sorcerers 355
The revelation being found supernatural doth discover the supernatural

agent or author, the Devil, whose proper act whatsoever man doth undertake
in part, or in whole, must necessarily buy or borrow from him, and thereby be
convinced undoubtedly of contract with him. We have produced divers sorts
of noted practicers likewise of this inhibited contract, both in the holy scrip- 5
ture expressly nominated, and also by their ordinary common custom herein
observed in several kinds.
Concerning them all, we will conclude as a corollary unto all that went
before, with the testimony and confirmation of Lucius Apuleius, that famous
expert, and learned magician, in his book De Aureo Asino, from his long proof 10
and acquaintance with the Devil: Daemones praesident Auguriis, Aruspiciis,
oraculis, Magorum miraculis. That is, “The devils are chief presidents, have chief
power or authority, are chief masters, guides, or rulers over divination, or reve-
lation by the signs taken in flying of fowls, of divination by inspection of the
entrails of beasts, of oracles, and of all the miracles or miraculous works of 15
magicians.”a They that will not believe the holy scripture, nor the testimony of
so many men and ages, that the Devil is the sole author of vain miraculous rev-
elations, divinations and works, let them credit the magician his own mouth.
As we have hitherto viewed how witchcraft and witches may be, first, by
sense manifestly detected, secondly, by reason evidently convicted, so let us 20
now consider, how they may be both produced unto the bar of justice, and be
arraigned and condemned of manifest high treason against Almighty God, and
of combination with his open and professed enemy the Devil.
Concerning the first, since it chiefly consisteth in that which is manifest unto
the outward sense, if the witnesses of the manifest magical and supernatural 25
act be substantial, sufficient, able to judge, free from exception of malice, par-
tiality, distraction, folly, and if by conference and counsel with learned men,
religiously and industriously exercised in judging in those affairs, there be justly
deemed no deception of sense, mistaking of reason or imagination, I see no
true cause, why it should deserve an ignoramus,b or not be reputed a true bill, 30
a The Aureus Asinus (Golden Ass), also known as the Metamorphoses, by Lucius Apuleius does
not contain this quotation, whose source is unknown. Cotta’s translation embellishes a bit, but
is accurate, with the caveat that if the quotation is from a polytheistic pagan text, daemones does
not refer to devils, however, but to gods, and so the text may offer no authority for what Cotta
claims. Cotta may have felt justified because he shared the common view that the pagan gods had
really been devils in disguise all along. See pages 304–305 in this edition, for example. Compare
also, Milton’s Paradise Lost 1.364–375. bIgnoramus means “We do not know” in Latin. It is used
here in the legal sense that a jury or judge or other person may return the answer “Ignoramus” if
the case has insufficient evidence to go forward. The common modern sense of “ignoramus,” an
extremely ignorant person, was just coming into use at the time Cotta was writing.
356 chapter 11
worthy to be inquired, as a case fit and mature for the same due trial, which
justice, law, and equity have ordained in common unto all other rightful hear-
ings, and proceedings by witness and testimony, although it is likely to prove a
rare plea or cause, because in reason not too frequently to be found, and far less
in itself common or usual, than is vulgarly reputed.a It might notwithstanding, 5
haply be more oft detected, if more diligently according to reason inquired.
The second kind of witch by evidence of reason discovered, is far more fre-
quent than the first, as appeareth by the variety and multitude of names, which
it hath branded upon it, and the diversity of kinds and fashions which it hath
put on. It is likewise more easily detected and proved. 10
A supernatural work or revelation being first made truly manifest (lest pre-
posterously we haply call a surmised, or falsely suspected, offender into ques-
tion, before any offense be apparent or known, which is an unjust injury and
worthy of rebuke and shame with God and just men) a supernatural work or
revelation (I say) being manifest, any man’s guilty contract therein is proved, 15
by his undertaking to be inquired at therein. That undertaking, likewise, is eas-
ily known and discovered by those that have inquired. The foundation of this
way of investigation of this witch or sorcerer is the word of God, itself before
recited, and just and true reason built thereupon cannot fall or be shaken.
Thus, having brought these prisoners to the bar, I there arrest any farther 20
progress, and leave them to justice, to the decree and sentence of the reverend,
grave, and learned judge, and so proceed to the third promised way of investiga-
tion, and inquisition of witches and sorcerers, according to likely presumption,
probable, and artificial conjecture.
But before we arrive upon that point, it is necessary that first a material 25
objection be satisfied. That is, in the forementioned judgment of supernatu-
ral works of sorcery manifest to sense, how can any true testimony or witness
be required or expected, since doubt is made, whether really or truly, or delu-
sorily and in seeming only, many or most things of that kind are seen or heard?
Hereto is answered: as a true substance is seen not of itself simply, but in and 30
by the outward true figure, shape, proportion, colors, and dimension inherent
therein, and inseparable therefrom, so the true likeness, resemblance and por-
traiture of that substance, when separated from that substance, is as truly and
as really seen. Therefore, experience doth show us that the same eye which saw
a Modern historian Stuart Clark cites Cotta as one of the seventeenth-century Protestant physi-
cians who raised “questions concerning the efficacy of demonic operations and the nature of
magical actions.” Clark, “Protestant Demonology,” 185. He does not cite any specific passages from
Trial, but this passage is presumably the sort of thing he has in mind. Despite the existence of
writers such as Cotta, Clark argues that the discourse was dominated by the clergy. Ibid., 190.
the shape, proportion, and figure, together with the true substance, doth as per-
fectly both see and know it, when it is separated from the substance by the art
of the painter.
As in the true miracles of God wrought by the hand of his servant Moses,
the true and undoubted substance of a truly created serpent was seen when 5
it was changed from a rod by the outward proper and inherent shape.a So as
truly was an outward portraiture and likeness of serpents seen, in the false
miracle of the seeming transmutation of the sorcerer’s rods.b For how could
religion or reason condemn those miracles of the Devil for illusions, if the lively
resemblance of miracles appearing manifestly unto the eye had not thereby 10
made them known? For an example, or illustration, how is a juggling deceit
known but by the eye? The sight is said to be deceived therein. Therefore,
it doth see that which doth deceive. Reason likewise comparing that which
was seen with that which is not seen—that is, the counterfeit with the true
substance—doth prove the counterfeit the present object of the sight. The 15
same eyes therefore that saw, in the true miracles of Moses, the substance of
a serpent by the true inseparable inherent shape, saw likewise the true image
and picture of a serpent, in the false and seeming miracles of the enchanters
of Egypt. The testimony of the presentation of both unto the eye, is as true
as truth itself, because the word of truth hath said it. That the Devil is as 20
powerful as the most excellent painter to represent any the most true and
lively likeness of any creature is in reason clear, and hath been also before
proved. Therefore, a true testimony may be truly given and justly accepted
or taken of a lively shape, figure, likeness, or proportion, really presented (by
the art of the Devil) unto the eye. All the doubt then remaining is to put 25
a true difference between that which our imagination doth represent unto
us from within the brain, and that which we see without by the outward
sense.
This difference will best appear by an example. *Fernelius in his De Abditis
Rerum Causis doth make mention of a man who, by the force of charms, would 30
conjure into a looking glass certain shapes or visions, which there would either
a “And the Lord said unto him, ‘What is that in thine hand?’ And he answered, ‘A rod.’ ‘Then,’
said he, ‘cast it on the ground.’ So he cast it on the ground, and it was turned into a serpent, and
Moses fled from it. Again the Lord said unto Moses, ‘Put forth thine hand and take it by the tail.’
Then he put forth his hand and caught it, and it was turned into a rod in his hand” (Exod. 4:2–4).
b “Then went Moses and Aaron unto Pharoah and did even as the Lord had commanded. And
Aaron cast forth his rod before Pharoah and before his servants, and it was turned into a serpent.
Then Pharoah called also for the wise men and sorcerers and those charmers also of Egypt did
in like manner with their enchantments” (Exod. 7:10–11).
358 chapter 11
by writing, or by lively presentations so perfectly express and satisfy whatso-

ever he did demand or command unto them, that easily and readily it might
be distinguished and known by standers by.a This Fernelius doth report that
he saw himself. What shall we say herein? Was this devilish practice a thing
doubtful? Was it not manifest to many eyes, diversity of beholders, and the judi- 5
cious view of a learned and discerning sight? It therefore could not be a mere
imagination, but was a true outward object. Those things which are merely in
imagination (with those men who diseases deprive not of their sense or rea-
son) are by right reason and true sense, after a short time of their prevalence,
easily detected to be imaginary. But those things which are truly, really, and cer- 10
tainly seen, remain the same for ever after in their due reception of sense, with
undoubted and unchanged allowance of reason.
Hence it is, that a man in a sleep or dream, though for a short space, he
doth ofttimes verily, really, and very feelingly (as it were) think himself in many
actions and employments. Yet when he awaketh from sleep, his sense and rea- 15
son do tell him he was but in a dream. Many sick persons likewise usually,
though waking, dream of things falsely imagined, but the disease being gone,
and their sense and reason therefrom recovered, they then know and laugh at
the fallacies of their imaginations. By these short instances it is apparent, that it
is not a thing impossible, but usual and familiar unto all kind of men that want 20
not their common wits, to distinguish between those things which are only in
imagination, and those which are real and indeed.
From hence we may then truly conclude, that against the acts of sorcery and
witchcraft manifest to sense, the due testimonies of understanding, discreet,
and just men ought to be no less equivalent than against any other open acts, 25
or crime whatsoever, whereof the Witch of Endor may serve to shut up and
conclude all doubt forever herein, for an unanswerable instance and proof. She
acknowledgeth her guilt and crime might be made manifest unto Saul in these
words: “Wherefore seekest thou to take me in a snare, to cause me to die?” Saul
likewise himself doth grant unto her the sufficiency of this testimony to cause 30
her to die, in these words: “As the Lord liveth, no harm shall come unto thee
for this thing,” meaning, by his testimony of her fact, no harm should come
a Cotta is translating the following from the De Abditis Rerum Causis, Book I, Chapter XI: Vidi
quendam vi verborum spectra varia in speculum derivare, quae illic quaecumque imperaret, mox
aut scripto, aut veris imaginibus ita dilucide exprimerent, ut prompte et facile ab assidentibus omnia
internoscerentur (“I saw a certain man by the force of words conjure into a looking glass diverse
shapes, which there would so clearly express either by writing or by accurate presentations what-
ever he commanded, that bystanders could easily distinguish it all quickly and easily.”)
unto her.a But here may be objected, that it was not his testimony of her fact
of raising the vision of Saul which the witch did fear,b but his testimony of her
confession of herself to be a witch, by promising to undertake it. The contrary
is manifest by the text: “See, thy handmaid hath obeyed thy voice, and I have
put my soul in thy hand, and have obeyed the word which thou saidest unto 5
me.”c
And thus is the doubt concerning the sufficiency of testimonies and wit-
ness in case of witchcraft satisfied. It now remaineth as was promised and
intended, that we next view that light unto the discovery of witchcraft, which
artificial conjecture, probable reason, and likely presumption do afford, since 10
what sense and reason have made manifest is already declared.
a “And the woman said unto him, ‘Behold, thou knowest not what Saul hath done, how he hath
destroyed the sorcerers and the soothsayers out of the land. Wherefore then seekest though to
take me in a snare to cause me to die?’ And Saul sware to her by the Lord, saying, ‘As the Lord
liveth, no harm shall come to thee for this thing’” (1Sam. 28:9–10). b The “vision of Saul” is the
vision granted to Saul, of the ghost of Samuel. c Exod. 28:21.
chapter 12
That witches and witchcraft may be discovered by

probable reason and presumption
As from things evident to sense and manifest to reason, there issueth a certainty
of undoubted knowledge. So, in things that carry only probability, diligence
doth beget and produce verity and truth of opinion.1 Hence it cometh to pass,
that he who truly knoweth, and knowingly can distinguish and discern the
validity, nature, difference, and right use of probabilities, doth most seldom in 5
his opinions mistake or err.
Hence also it cometh to pass, that according to several measures, and degrees
of diligence, study, practice, and exercise of judging in probabilities, men do
diversely differ, some excelling other in the merited styles and attributes of sub-
tlety, policy, sagacity, exquisiteness. It is true that in probability is no perpetual 10
certainty;2 notwithstanding, he that warily and wisely weigheth it, cannot in
the uncertainty thereof but find more certainty than in blind and unlikely casu-
alty, than in rash attempts and prosecutions, void of counsel, or likely reason.
For although sometimes those things which seem most likely and probable
do happen to prove false, yet doth nature and reason teach and enjoin us rather 15
to give credit thereto, and experience doth manifest that the cause of decep-
tion therein, for the most part, doth consist in the weakness of man’s judging
thereof aright. For in judging of probabilities are great odds: some things only
seem probable to such as are wise, learned, expert, subtle;3 some unto the most
2 Probability: believability, plausibility—seeming likelihood.
1 Opinio vera est habitus circa conclusiones ex Dialecticis pronunciatis, Arist. in lib. Analyt. [True
opinion is a disposition concerning conclusions for dialectic statements. Aristotle in Analytics.]
Opinion is the topic of *Arist. APo 2.33.
2 Certum est, quod nunquam aliter fiat, probabile, quod plerunque ita fiat, Cicero. [A certain thing
is that which never occurs otherwise: a probable thing is that which often occurs thus. Cicero.]
The exact quotation never occurs in *Cicero, but at Cic. Part. 34, we find the strikingly
similar: Sed appellemus docendi gratia verisimile quod plerumque ita fiat, ut adolescentiam
procliviorem esse ad libidinem; propriae autem notae argumentum quod numquam aliter fit
certumque declarat, ut fumus ignem (“For the sake of instruction, let us call likely that which
often happens in a certain way, such as that the young are more prone to lust: the sure indi-
cation, however, of an identifying mark is that which never happens otherwise and declares
a thing for certain, such as smoke does fire.”)
3 Probabilia sunt, quae probantur aut omnibus, aut plurimis, aut certe sapientibus, & iis si non

that witches and witchcraft may be discovered by reason 361
exquisite judges alone; some to every vulgar; some to the choice and best sort of
vulgars, and not unto all, and in these differences, doth necessarily breed much
error and mistaking. Notwithstanding, the virtue and force of probability itself
simply doth not deceive, or usually fail, but as it is diversely and differently
conceived by men, that oft proveth false, which seemed likely. Vatem hunc per- 5
hibemus optimum, sayeth *Cicero, qui bene coniiciet, that is, “We avouch and
affirm that man to be the best prophet, or prognosticator of issues to come or
happen, who hath the power and skill of right and true conjecture,”a which ever
consisteth in the exquisite perpension of probable inducements.
What is among men more admired, or more worthy to be admired, than this 10
art, this skill, this power? Who doth not know what use, also what benefit doth
arise thereby, both unto the true warrant and allowance of action, and also unto
the maintenance and justification of right opinion, in counsels and delibera-
tion? As in all other faculties and sciences, the excellency and necessity thereof
doth brightly shine. So most apertly unto common observation, it doth prove 15
and manifest itself in the two several professions of the logician and the orator.
The logician, in his discrepations and questions, concerning doubts and
ambiguities, by the diligence of subtle dispute, from the light of probability, rec-
tifieth the unstable fluctuation of unconstant opinion and produceth through
mature disquisition and ratiocination what is most safe, most consonant with 20
truth, to hold, affirm, or be persuaded.
The orator, in his conjectural state or questions, in his pleas of doubtful
and controversed facts or rights, wherein ofttimes probability and likelihood
seem to stand equal and unpartial unto both parts, notwithstanding by mature,
acute, and seasonable pressing and urging that which is most like, most reason- 25
able, and consonant with right, with law and equity, in the end doth bring into
light and discover what is most equal, upright, and worthy to be credited, or
respected. What evictions of truth and right, what convictions of guilt and error
do daily issue from hence, common experience doth prove and demonstrate.
17 Discrepations: here probably meant in the sense of drawing careful distinctions.
a From De Divinatione (On Divination) II.V: Est quidam Graecus vulgaris in hanc sententiam versus:
“Bene qui coniciet, vatem hunc perhibebo optumum.” (“There is a certain common Greek saying
translated into this saying: ‘I call whoever prognosticates well the best prophet.’ ”)
plurimis, at maxime probatis, quorum est spectata sapientia, Aristot. [Likely things are those
which are held true by either all people or most people or at least the wise and if not by most of
those, by those who are most approved whose wisdom is tried and tested. Aristotle.]
This claim, although plausibly Aristotelian, has not been found in *Aristotle.
362 chapter 12
Thus much briefly prefixed in general, concerning the necessity, light and
truth of probabilities. It now remaineth to consider the use and power thereof
likewise, in our particular proposed subject of witchcraft which common sense
doth not only justify (as in all other subjects) but the word of undoubted truth.
Almighty God, in case of idolatry, doth not only publish and proclaim his 5
detection of that great sin itself, but therewith doth include whatsoever hath
any probability of respect, or reference thereto, whether in affection and incli-
nation, or in ceremony or superstitious show. This is evident where he first
forbiddeth his people so much as to imitate, or do after the manners of the
gentiles, and afterward particularizeth their making their sons and daughters 10
to pass through the fire.a Likewise where he forbiddeth as much as the cut-
ting of his peoples’ heads, or the corners of their heads round, or marring the
tufts of their beards, or marking or cutting of their flesh, as was the manner of
infidels and gentiles in their mourning and lamenting of the dead.b Likewise
where he forbiddeth so much as the planting of any groves of trees near his 15
altar because it was the custom, invention, manner, and resemblance of idol-
aters.c
As in case of idolatry, so in case of witchcraft—which is likewise a kind
of idolatry, because the worship of devils—Almighty God in those places of
holy writ where he publisheth and proclaimeth his high displeasure against 20
witches and sorcerers with that abominable first sin itself, doth also condemn
as abominable. First, in general, all kind of show of affection, liking, inclination,
or respect thereof. Secondly, any customs, fashions, rites, ceremonies, supersti-
tions, or gestures from thence derived, or belonging thereto.
The first is manifest in Leviticus. There, the prophet, from their God Jehovah, 25
doth charge his people that they do not so much as turn toward, or decline
toward sorcerers or soothsayers, vouchsafe to ask any question, or to respect
them, and he giveth judgment and sentence of death against that soul that
doth but turn or look toward them.d The second is likewise manifest, where
Almighty God noteth the superstitious peepings, whisperings, and mutterings 30
of sorcerers, and according to those gestures, doth with reproach term them
whisperers, mutterers, and peepers. And he rehearseth their mumblings and
a Deut. 18:10. See note b on page 329 of this edition. b “Ye shall not cut round the corners of your
heads, neither shalt thou mar the tufts of thy beard. Ye shall not cut your flesh for the dead, nor
make any print of a mark upon you. I am the Lord” (Lev. 19:27–28). c “Thou shalt plant thee no
grove of any trees near unto the Altar of the Lord thy God, which thou shalt make thee” (Deut.
16:21). d “Ye shall not regard them that work with spirits, neither soothsayers. Ye shall not seek
to them to be defiled by them. I am the Lord your God” (Lev. 19:31).
charmings, and their superstitious marking the flying of fowls, and he noteth
their vain and ceremonious observing of times.a
If then Almighty God be so strict that he will not endure or tolerate so much
as a friendly looking toward sorcerers, the least respect given unto them, or so
much as demand of a question at their hands, any inclination toward them, 5
any of their ceremonies, rites or superstitions, yea, so small a matter as their
very outward gestures, how can religious zeal, or the duty of man toward God
his creator, esteem any of these, or the like, or the least of them, less than suffi-
cient matter of probable doubt, presumption, religious jealousy, and suspicion
against such men, as do, or dare presume to imitate, to practice or use them? 10
As the holy scripture hath pointed out, some few gestures, manners, and rites
of sorcerers, for an example and light unto all other of the same kind, so hath
the daily observations of succeeding times added infinite more, which have,
do, and still may increase, multiply, and be added, and newly invented, and put
on new different shapes and fashions, according to the fancy of the contractors 15
therein (which are the Devil, and man possessed by him, in whose powers and
will, according to the nature, quality, and conditions of their contract, depen-
deth and consisteth the variation, or innovation of ceremonious rites).
For this cause, among authors and records both of elder and later times, we
read of such diversities and numbers of superstitious litations, dedications, 20
performances, and diabolical solemnities. As therefore we have manifested
such superstitious rites, ceremonies, and gestures of sorcerers, as the holy scrip-
ture hath noted and deciphered, so let us propound some other by aftertimes,
and other authors observed. Some have used in their intention or execution
of their diabolical works, or in the way of prelusion one kind of ceremonious 25
homage, and some another.4 Some do never attempt or enterprise a diaboli-
cal execution, but with mumblings, whisperings, and secret sounds and words
heard grumbling in their mouths, as *Theophrastus in his book of herbs and
plants doth witness, concerning certain magicians in gathering helleborus and
20 Litations: sacrifices.
a Isa 8:19. See note a on page 320. Deut. 18:10. See note b on page 329. “Ye shall not eat the flesh
with the blood, ye shall not use witchcraft, nor observe times” (Lev. 19:26).
4 See Mister *Perkin’s Discovery of Witchcraft, chap.2.pag.48

Cotta may be thinking of the following passage: “As God hath his word and sacaments, the
seals of his covenant unto believers, so the Devil hath his words and certain outward signs
to ratify the same to his instruments, as, namely, his figures, characters, gestures, and other
Satanical ceremonies for the confirmation of the truth of his league unto them.” Perkins, Dis-
course of Witchcraft, Mmmm1r.
364 chapter 12
mandragora,a and as is likewise undoubtedly discovered, by the great attributes

that are by many famous writers ascribed unto the cabal of the Jews, and unto
letters, characters, words, syllables and sentences superstitiously pronounced.
*Galen writeth that a certain sorcerer by uttering and muttering but one
word, immediately killed, or caused to die, a serpent or scorpion.b *Benivenius, 5
in his book De Abditis Morborum Causis, affirmeth that some kind of people
have been observed to do hurt and to surprise others, by using only certain
sacred and holy words.c It is apparent likewise, that others have accomplished
their devilish ends by apparitions, shapes, or figures, raised or conjured into
glasses, as *Fernelius, an eyewitness, in his book De Abditis Rerum Causis doth 10
publish.
Some receive power and virtue from the Devil unto their diabolical prepa-
rations, by certain enchanted herbs or medicines which they mix and gather,
sometimes with brass hooks, sometimes by moonshine in the night, sometimes
with their feet bare and naked, and their bodies clothed with white surplices, as 15
*Pliny reporteth.d Some are reported to obtain of the Devil their desired ends
or works by delivering unto the Devil bonds or covenants, written with their
own hands.
This *de Serres, the French chronicler, doth report, confessed by certain
witches, in the reign of Henry IV. And Mr. Foxe, in the life of Martin Luther, doth 20
a This most likely refers to Enquiry into Plants IX.VIII.8: *Theophrastus mentions that standing
toward the east, drawing a circle around the plant, saying prayers, and watching out for eagles
while harvesting hellebore are all pointless. Overall, Theophrastus is skeptical about such magic,
incantations and the like. b *Galen De Simplicium Medicamentorum Temperamentis ac Fac-
ultatibus Libri xi X.16 (12.289 K.) reports that three times someone spat on a scorpion and said
an incantation, and the scorpion died. In the next sentence, however, he reports that he saw a
scorpion die simply from being spat upon (with no incantation) and also that saliva of hungy or
thirsty people works better. c Nothing particularly apt is found in this work; perhaps it is in
another work by *Benivenius. d *Pliny the Elder, Natural History, contains all manner of inter-
esting superstitions, many involving the Moon, some involving bronze or brass, and one cure
involving a naked maid and incantations (XXVI.LX), but none involving brass hooks. In all, it is
not clear to what Cotta can refer here. Perhaps it is to XVI.XCV, where a druid garbed in white
while verbally hailing the Moon cuts mistletoe from an oak with a golden blade, which mistle-
toe is then used against poison and for fertility. Pliny considers this evidence for the claim that
strong superstition about insignificant things is prevalent in the human race. Or perhaps Cotta
refers to XVII.XLVII where a maiden just beginning menstruation is to walk around trees with
her girdle undone to prevent caterpillars (Pliny makes no comment on its efficacy). Or perhaps
to XXIV.LXII, where selago (perhaps a juniper, perhaps a kind of moss) is harvested without iron,
by one clad in white with bare feet, and is good against fatalities and eye diseases (again Pliny
makes no comment). Overall, Pliny claims to be skeptical of magic (see beginning of XXX), but
nonetheless takes a great deal of care constantly to report myriad things that we would consider
magical or superstitious, many much more incredible than the above examples, most without
skeptical comment.
make mention of a young man, who delivered a bond unto the Devil, upon cer-
tain conditions, which bond was written with the young man’s own blood, and
upon his repentance, and the earnest zealous prayer of the people unto God
in his behalf, was redelivered, and cast into the church in the view and sight of
the whole assembly there and then being.a 5
Some derive an effectual virtue unto their decreed devilish works, by hang-
ing characters or papers about the neck, as *Pliny reporteth.b Some practice
to bring their devilish ends unto issue, by conjured images and pictures of wax,
gold, earth, or other matter, as Thomas Aquinas in his book De Occultis Naturae
witnesseth.c 10
Holinshed doth chronicle the execution of certain traitors, for conspiring the
King of England’s death by sorcerous and magical pictures of wax. The same
author doth report, that in the twentieth year of Queen Elizabeth, a figure-
flinger (as he termeth him) being suspected as a conjurer or witch, suddenly
dying, there was found about him (besides books of conjuration, and other sor- 15
cerous papers or characters) the picture of a man wrought out of tin.d Some late
writers have observed, that divers witches by such pictures, have caused the
persons thereby represented secretly to languish and consume, as was lately
proved against some late famous witches of Yorkshire and Lancaster, by the
testimonies beyond exception of witnesses, not only present, but presidents in 20
their trial and arraignment.e
a Compare a similar story from Foxe on page 304 of this edition. b *Pliny reports Greek writing
hung around the neck as an apotropaic by a prominent Roman to prevent ophthalmia at Natural
History XXVIII.V. c Probably refers to De Occultibus Operationibus Naturae ad Quendam Militem
Ultramontanum (“On Occult Actions of Nature: a Letter to a Soldier Beyond the Mountains”), in
which Aquinas makes no mention, however, of wax, gold, earthen or other images in particular,
nor of conjured images in general. d Raphael Holinshed (d. ca. 1580) was the author of Chroni-
cles of England, Scotland and Ireland, published in 1577 and again in 1587, edited and expanded by
John Vowell. Holinshed’s Chronicle was a standard reference for early modern English men and
women, including Shakespeare who drew on it for many of his plays. Holinshed mentions sor-
cery in several places, but the case of the wax pictures certainly refers to the section entitled “A
complaint made to King Henry VI, By the Duke of Gloucester, upon the Cardinall of Winchester.”
Eleanor Cobham (AD 1400–1452), wife to the Duke of Gloucester, was, along with other conspir-
ators “accused of treason, for that she by sorcery and enchantment intended to destroy the King,
to the intent to advance her husband unto the crown … The matter laid against them, was, for
that they (at the request of the said Duchess) had devised an image of wax representing the King,
which by their sorcery, by little and little consumed, intending thereby in conclusion to waste and
destroy the King’s person.” Cobham was found guilty and sentenced to life in prison (for more
see EW, sv “Cobham, Eleanor”). e “These images of lead, or, as they were more frequently made,
of wax, figured conspicuously in the witch superstitions. The image was held before a slow fire,
and, as it melted, so the person whom it was intended to represent was supposed to waste away.”
Brief History of Witchcraft, 4–5.
366 chapter 12
Some execute their hellish intentions by infernal compositions, drawn out

of the bowels of dead and murdered infants; as Johannes Baptista *Porta in his
book De Magi Naturali, doth from his own knowledge affirm,a and thereto the
Malleus Maleficarum with others do assent.b
Some practice also sorcery by tying knots, as St. Jerome testifieth in Vita 5
Hilary,c concerning a priest of Aesculapius at Memphis. Some practice witch-
craft by touching with the hand or finger only as *Benivenius sayeth.d Some in
their sorcerous acts or conjurations, use parchment made of the skin of infants,
or children born before their time, as *de Serres reporteth from the confessions
of witches, in the time and reign of Henry IV detected. Some for the promoting 10
of their devilish devices, use the ministry of living creatures, or of devils and
spirits in their likeness,5 as histories report, and Theocritus in his Pharmacen-
tria, seemeth to credit, inducing there a sorcerer, who by the power of her bird,
did draw and force her lover to come unto her.e
This seemeth not impossible unto a witch, by the multitude of living shapes, 15
which the Devil in former ages hath usually assumed, termed fauns, satyrs,
nymphs,f and the like, familiarly conversing with men. Some bring their cursed
a Murdered infants, much less ones with compositions in their bowels, are not found in De Magia
Naturali, but 16.6 reports that one can get a dog to eat a letter by wrapping it in meat, then use the
dog as a secret messenger: the recipient kills the dog and finds the message. b On the Malleus
Maleficarum, see note b on page 333. Part I Questions VIII, XI, and XVI, as well as Part II Ques-
tions II, III, and XIII report that witches kill (and sometimes that they eat) infants. The book
also refers to concoctions made out of the flesh of infants, which may be what “infernal compo-
sitions, drawn out of the bowels” refers to. c Jerome’s Vita Hilarionis 21 reports that Hilarion
freed a virgin from binding love charms which a young man schooled in Memphis by a priest of
Aesculapius had taught him, but there is no explicit mention of knots there or anywhere else in
the Vita Hilarionis. d Antonius *Benivenius, Libellus de Abditis Nonnullis ac Mirandis Morborum
& Sanationum Causis (“Booklet about Numerous Hidden and Wondrous Cases of Diseases and
their Cures”), Basel 1529. Cotta may refer to some of the following (although Benivenius wrote
several other works in which the claim could perhaps be found). In case XIX, a Dominican healed
a man’s knee by applying his hands and saying words. In case XXVI, Sagitta Carminibus Evulsa
“an arrow removed by incantations” recounts the story of a man with an arrow in his shoulder; a
magician (hariolus) put his two fingers on the wound and uttered some incantations, the arrow
came out, and the man recovered. In case XLV, the same Dominican from case XIX put his hand
on a lady’s head, uttered some prayer, and she was cured of an ailment which doctors could not
heal. e Theocritus’ second Idyll is called Φαρμακεύτριαi, (Pharmakeutria, “Sorceress”); in it, in
the course of a love-charm that calls upon a bird, there is mention of a puppet that melts. f On
fauns, satyrs, and nymphs, see note a on page 305.
5 Perkins discourse of witchcraft chap.2.pag 43

*Perkins contends that the Witch of Endor, “being a weak woman,” could not have actually
raised the ghost of Samuel and that what Saul beheld was Satan disguised as Samuel. Perkins,
Discourse of Witchcraft, Mmmm1r.
sorcery unto their wished end, by sacrificing unto the Devil some living crea-
tures, as *de Serres likewise witnesseth, from the confession of witches in
Henry IV of France deprehended; among whom, one confessed to have offered
unto his devil or spirit a beetle.
This seemeth not improbable, by the diabolical litations and bloody sac- 5
rifices, not only of other creatures, but even of men, wherewith in ancient
time the heathen pleased their gods, which were no other than devils. And
rather than the Devil will altogether want worship, he is sometimes contented
to accept the parings of nails; as *de Serres from the confession of certain
French witches doth report. Some authors write that some sorts of sorcerers 10
are observed to fasten upon men their magical mischievous effects, and works,
by conveying or delivering unto the persons, whom they mean to assault, meats,
or drinks, or other such like, as is evident by the generally known power of the
magic cups of the enchanted philter or love draughts.a And, as seemeth justified
by St. *Augustine in his book De Civitate Dei, making mention of a woman who 15
bewitched others, by delivering only a piece of cheese.b Some of our late coun-
trymen have observed, some witches to mischief or surprise such as they intend
maliciously to destroy, by obtaining some part or parcel of their garments, or
any excrements belonging unto them, as their hair or the like.
It is not to be doubted that the Devil, that old Proteus,c is able to change and 20
metamorphize his rites, ceremonies, and superstitions, into what new shapes
or forms are best suitable to his pleasure and his fellow contractors most com-
modious uses, and purposes. Concerning all the former mentioned, although it
be exceeding difficult, nay, an impossible thing for any man to avouch every of
them true in his own knowledge or experience, yet for that some kinds of them 25
we may assuredly know and believe from God himself, who hath in his sacred
word nominated both apparitions of the Devil, as also, incantations, charms,
spells, and familiarity with spirits. As also for that reason doth demonstrate,
that there may be many more kinds, besides those named of the same likeness,
nature abused, and devilish use. And for that unto other some, the credit, worth 30
and merit of those writers by whom they have been observed and published,
doth give weight and estimation, it may be approved as an infallible conclusion,
that wheresoever any of them or the like, being diligently inquired after, are
either really found, or in appearance or show resembling, that there (with the
concurrence of circumstances, and approved precedence of manifest work of 35
a Cotta’s text has “filtra” which we take to be a misprint for “filtre,” a variant of “philtre” or, as we
read, “philter” (see OED 1). b On the drugged-cheese-dispensing woman, see note c on page 310.
c Proteus, also known as an “Old Man of the Sea,” had the power of changing his shape at will.
368 chapter 12
sorcery consenting) that there, I say, it ought to be sufficient and uncontrolled

matter, or occasion of just suspicion and presumption against the particular,
in whom they are by just witnesses free from exception, detected and palpably
known, practiced and exercised.
As we have now briefly recited and called to mind some sorts of such cere- 5
monies, rites, superstitions, manners, instruments and gestures as are annexed
unto that kind of sorcery or witchcraft which consisteth in action, so let us also
recite some other sorts of ceremonies, rites, and superstitions, which belong
unto that kind of sorcery which is conversant in divinations, revelations of
things hidden, predictions, and prophecies. 10
Divinations according to nature or art, as *Cicero distinguisheth in his book
De Divinatione, we do not intend or purpose, but that divination which the
same author in the same place doth refer into a power above man, which he
there termeth the power of the gods, between whom and divination, the Sto-
ics make this reciprocation, si sit divinatio, dii sunt, si dii sint, est divinatio, that 15
is, “If there be right divination or prediction of things to come not contained
in art or nature, certainly that divination is of the gods, as reciprocally where
there are the gods, there is divination.”6 Here we see plainly, not only the antiq-
uity, but the direct original of divinations, and that they do manifestly derive
themselves from idol gods, from infidels, from idolaters. 20
This is further evident likewise, by the general current and report of all his-
tories, even from the first beginning and foundation of Rome by Romulus,a as
through all ancient writings and writers, the frequent mention of augury, harus-
picy, extispicy, and the like, doth plentifully witness.b The holy scripture also
and word of God doth testify the same, where divination by the flying of fowls, 25
a Romulus (sometimes along with his brother Remus) is the legendary founder of Rome. There
are variants to some details of the story and many primary sources. The two brothers disagreed on
the site of their new city and agreed to decide the issue by augury. Then Romulus killed Remus in
a dispute over the augury. b Augury, in its strict sense, involves observing the flight of birds (per-
haps from Latin meaning “bird speaker”), whereas “extispicy” and “haruspicy” involve observing
the entrails of sacrificial animals, all to foretell the future, and practiced extensively in ancient
Rome.
6 De Divinatione I.VI “Arcem tu quidem Stoicorum,” inquam, “Quinte, defendis, siquidem ista sic
reciprocantur, ut et, si divinatio sit, di sint et, si di sint, sit divinatio.” [De Divinatione I.VI “ ‘You
are upholding the citadel of the Stoics,’ I said, ‘Quintus, if these claims of yours are reciprocal,
namely both if there is divination there are gods and if there are gods there is divination.’”]
From *Cic. Div. 1.6.
The Stoics were members a major school of ancient philosophy found by Zeno of Citium
and named for the porch (stoa) where the first members met. The Roman *Seneca, whom
Cotta cites frequently, was one prominent Stoic thinker.
by the observation of times, and the like, are reckoned among the abomina-
tions of the nations, or gentiles.a
The original, then, of divinations issuing from devils (because from false
gods, the gods of the heathen and idolaters) let us for the better noting of the
abomination itself, observe and point out some of their ceremonies, manners, 5
and superstitions also.
Some in old time used to divine, as by the flying of fowls, so by viewing of
lightning, by monsters, by lots, by inspection of the stars, by dreams—per mon-
stra, et portenta, fulgura, sortes, insomnia, per astra, as *Cicero testifieth at large
in his book De Divinatione.b Some did use to draw their divinations out of tubs, 10
or vessels of water,c whereinto were cast certain thin plates of silver and gold,
and other precious jewels, by which the devils (which infidels ignorantly called
their gods) were allured to answer unto demands, doubts, and questions, as
is by Psellus described, and was usual among the Assyrian conjectors.d Some
derived their divinations from looking glasses, wherein the devil satisfied unto 15
demands and questions, by figures and shapes there appearing. This kind of
divination was called κατοπτρομαντεία whereunto came very near and was like
κρυσταλλομαντεία.e Some fetch their divinations by lots, taken from points, let-
ters, characters, figures, words, syllables, sentences, which kind of divination
a Another reference to Deut. 18:10ff. See note b on page 329. b Instances exist passim in the
short work De Divinatione. c The name of this form of divination is “hydromancy,” which is a
general term for prophecy using water as a material medium: “lecanomancy” more specifically
involves a basin or dish of some sort that the water is in. *Augustine, City of God VII.35 reports that
*Pythagoras used it and Numa also used it in early Rome, and that it came from “Persians.” Strabo
(64/63 BC–AD 24) says that hydromancers and lecanomancers are of Persian origin, while the
Chaldeans are the ones who prophesy among the Assyrians. Delatte, Catoptromancie, 9. Some,
however, have claimed that whereas prophecies of this sort derived from visual phenomena do
originate in the Assyro-Babylonian realm, prophecies derived from auditive phenomena do not,
but were attributed to the Assyro-Babylonians (and Persians) by credulous ancient Greeks and
Romans. Ibid., 9. d Michael Psellos (AD 1017/18–1078) was a prolific Byzantine philosopher and
historian and a Church Father. Cotta’s source here is Psellos’ τίνα περί δαιμόνων δοξάζουσιν Ἔλλη-
νες (What the Greeks Think About Demons), also known as De Daemonibus (On Demons), found
in Patrologia Graeca Tome 122, page 881. There Psellus says that lecanomancy comes from the
Assyrians. Cotta also refers to Psellus’ On the Properties of Precious Stones, which discusses their
healing properties. e The words κατοπτρομαντεία (“divination by mirror”), and κρυσταλλομαν-
τεία, (“divination by crystals”) are not found in any Greek sources up to Byzantine times: they
are coinages made up of κάτοπτρον “mirror” and κρύσταλλος “crystal” plus the ending –μαντεια
(whence English –mancy). The earliest explicit mention of a vision foretelling the future via a
mirror is perhaps in the Latin Historia Augusta (Didius Julianus VII.9: probably fourth century
AD). DeLatte, claims that crystallomancy does not really appear until the Middle Ages. The OED
lists “catoptromancy” and “crystallomancy” in English as first occurring in 1613. Delatte, Catop-
tromancie, 11.
370 chapter 12
is distinguished by the name of κληρομαντεία.a If we should number up every

particular kind of shape, wherein divination doth shroud itself, it would prove
a long and tedious voyage, not only through fire, water, air, earth, and other far
distant and divided parts of the wide and spacious world, but through sieves,
riddles, the guts and bowels of the dead, and many other secret haunts and 5
holes, wherein as the invincible labyrinths of intricate illusions, the Devil doth
shadow and hide his subtle insidiation of silly deceived man.
He that desireth more curiously to read other particulars herein, I refer him
unto St. *Augustine, De Natura Daemonum,b and to *Camerarius, De Divina-
tionum Generibus. It is sufficient that the truth and possibility of these kinds 10
of divinations and the like, with their ceremonies, rites, customs, and supersti-
tions, as also their detested original, end, use, and abomination, is esteemed
devilish by the word of God, and his most sacred voice, wherein under those
kinds of divinations, by the flying of fowls, observation of times, and vain gaz-
ing and beholding the stars, he displayeth and judgeth the nature and quality of 15
all other the like, covered by what styles or names so ever.c The enumeration of
any more sorts, might increase in number, and advance curiosity, but can add
nothing in substance or material use.
We have summarily (wherein for our information is sufficient competence)
produced some few sorts of ceremonies, rites, and superstitious gestures in 20
both kinds, that is, both such as belong to that kind of sorcery, which consisteth
in act and working, as also that which is exercised in divination, prediction, and
revelation. The general rule and reason is the same, and extendeth itself equally
against both.
Let us then in the conclusion thus conjoin them both together. What man 25
is he among men so blind, who beholding in any man the former ceremonies,
7 Insidiation: plotting (i.e. against humanity).
a κληρομαντεία (“divination by lots”) is another word that does not occur in the Greek corpus
up to Byzantine times. It consists of κλῆρος “lot” + –μαντεια (whence English –mancy). The
first occurrence of English “cleromancy” in OED is in 1610. b Probably refers to *Augustine’s
De Divinatione Daemonum. The works called De Natura Daemonum are not by or attributed to
Augustine. c Here Cotta again cites Deut. 18 (note b on page 329) as well as “Isaiah 47.19.” There
is no Isaiah 47:19, so it is likely that Cotta means Chapters 47 and 19 of that book, which have some
relevant verses: “Thou art wearied in the multitude of thy counsels. Let now the astrologers, the
stargazers, and prognosticators stand up, and save thee from these things that shall come upon
thee. Behold, they shall be as stubble: the fire shall burn them; they shall not deliver their own
lives from the power of the flame; there shall be no coals to warm at, nor light to sit by” (Isa.
47:13–14). “And the spirit of Egypt shall fail in the midst of her, and I will destroy their counsel,
and they shall seek at their idols, and at the sorcerers, and at them that have spirits of divination,
and at the soothsayers” (Isa. 19:3).
rites, prelusions, or gestures, being suspicious notes, marks, cognizances, and

badges of sorcerers and witches, in either kind, and doth not think that he
may with good reason doubt the ordinary correspondence of fruits, and works
answerable thereto? Unto the former presumption, if circumstances of time,
place, instruments and means, fitting such devilish acts, opportunity and the 5
like do add their force, doth not just occasion of doubt increase?
For illustration and example, let us suppose a person of a curious and inquis-
itive disposition in things hidden or inhibited,7 a man void of the fear and
knowledge of God, a searcher after sorcerers and their devilish arts, educate
among them, by kindred, affinity, or neighborhood, with them having gen- 10
eral opportunity unto inchoation into that diabolical mystery, a man likely
and prone to become a receptacle of devils, expressed by his long observed or
known flying from or hating all occasions or places where the name, mention,
worship, or adoration of Almighty God is in any kind used, a man out of whose
cursed lips hath at any time been heard, the renouncing of God,8 or voluntary 15
profession of love and friendship unto the Devil (all which with horror some-
times my own ears did hear, in a woman at an open assize, being there indicted
upon suspicion of witchcraft).9 Let us yet further consider in the same man,
an extraordinary alienation of himself, from all society and company with men
(for that familiar conversation with devils, begetteth a hatred and detestation, 20
1 Prelusions: preludes or introductions. Here, perhaps, meant as the preparatory rituals for mag-
ical incantations. 11 Inchoation: introduction. 17 Assize: legal inquest.
7 Mast. Perkins in his discourse of witchcraft, chap. 1 page 11.

*Perkins’s book begins with a general discussion of the origins and nature of witchcraft. On
the question of how men come to be connected with the Devil, for example, Perkins writes:
“For he being naturally possessed with a love of himself, and a high conceit of his own deserv-
ing, when he lives in base and low estate, whether in regard of poverty, or want of honor and
reputation, which he thinks by right is due unto him, he then grows to some measure of grief
and sorrow within himself. Hereupon he is moved to yield himself to the Devil, to be his vas-
sal and scholar in this wicked art, supposing that by the working of some wonders, he may
be able in time to relieve his poverty, to purchase to himself credit and countenance amongst
men” Perkins, Discourse of Witchcraft, Llll3v.
8 Perkins, chap. 2 page 48. Discourse of witchcraft.
*Perkins writes: “The Witch, for his part, as a slave of the Devil, binds himself unto him
by solemn vow and promise to renounce the true God, his holy word, the covenant he made
in baptism, and his redemption by Christ, and withal to believe in the Devil, to expect and
receive aid and help from him, and, at the end of his life, to give him either body, or soul, or
both.” Perkins, Discourse of Witchcraft, Mmmm1r.
9 She was easy and ready to profess that she renounced God and all his works, but being required
to say that she renounced the Devil and all his works, she did refuse it with this addition of the
reason, (videlicet) for that the Devil had never done her any hurt.
372 chapter 12
both of the remembrance of God or sight of men) likewise a frequentation or

solemn haunting of desert places,10 forsaken and unaccustomed of men, the
habitations of Zim and Jim,a graves and sepulchers. This seemeth, in the pos-
sessed, true.b
The possessed and the witch, are both the habitacles of devils; with this only 5
difference, that the witch doth willingly entertain them. His custom of haunt-
ing tombs and sepulchers, in the one doth make it probable, and credible in
the other. Likewise, a solitary solacing himself or accustoming abroad oft, and
usually alone, and unaccompanied at times and hours unusual and uncouth
to men, as the most dark seasons of the night, fitting the dark works and the 10
workmen of the Prince of Darkness.
Let us yet more particularly observe this man branded with the former note,
seeming or professing to practice works above the power and possibility of
man, to threaten or promise to perform, beyond the custom of men, whether
in general, or toward any particular. In a devilish intended action bent against 15
any particular, likewise we may diligently examine any manifest special provo-
cation, first given. Secondly, an apparent apprehension thereof expressed by
words, gestures, or deeds. Thirdly, intention, or expectation, succeeding the
provocation starting out ofttimes or intimated by any rash, unadvised, or sud-
den project of heady and unbridled passion. Fourthly, the opportunity suitable 20
unto such an intended design, as time and place competent for access, speech,
sight, or receiving from, or giving unto the particular, against whom such devil-
ish thoughts are set, anything wherein any enchanted power or virtue is usually
hid and conveyed.
After a sorcerous deed is thus certainly observed to proceed, we may then 25
further with vigilant circumspection view whether ought may be detected,
5 Habiticles: habitations.
a A reference to Isaiah: “It shall not be inhabited forever, neither shall it be dwelled in from gen-
eration to generation. Neither shall the Arabian pitch his tents there. Neither shall the shepherds
make their folds there. But Zim shall lodge there and their houses shall be full of Ohim. Ostriches
shall dwell there, and the satyrs shall dance there. And Jim shall cry in their palaces, and dragons
in the pleasant palaces, and the time thereof is ready to come, and the days, therefore, shall not
be prolonged” (13:20–22). Thomas Ady, writing in A Perfect Discovery of Witches (1661) rejects the
notion that Zim and Jim are the proper names of devils and maintains the more common read-
ing that they are words for various wild beasts. Ady, Perfect Discovery, V3r. b Here again, Cotta
cites the man possessed by many devils who are ultimately cast into swine (see Matt. 8, Luke 8,
and Mark 5). See note c on page 301 and note b on page 348.
10 *De Serres, from the confession of witches detected and censured in the reign of Henry IV of
France.
justly arguing his rejoicing pride, or boasting therein, that standeth justly sus-
pected, or ought that may prove or express his doubt, or fear of discovery: his
guilty looks, cunning evasions, shifting, lying, or contradictory answers, and
apologies unto particulars urged.
These circumstances and the like, though each alone and single, may seem 5
of no moment or weight, yet concurring together, or aptly conferred, they
oft produce a worth from whence doth issue full and complete satisfaction.
Veri similia singula suo pondere mouent, coaceruata multum proficient, sayeth
*Cicero, that is, “Every single circumstance hath his weight and use, but con-
senting and concurring together, they do much advantage.”a Since then what 10
virtue or power so ever, circumstances and presumptions, do usually and gen-
erally unfold in all other subjects or matters whatsoever, the same equally and
as largely, reason doth here display and offer in this of witchcraft. Why should
not the like practice thereof herein also be urged and found, as likely and suc-
cessful? 15
I do not commend or allow the usual rash, foolish, and fanatical abuse of cir-
cumstances, nor their wresting and forging, nor the conjuration or raising up of
their likeness and shadows, without any substance or truth (as is too common
and vulgar) out of mere fancy or defect of true judgment, without the due man-
ifestation of a certain crime first in this kind assured. But where all the former 20
circumstances do truly and really occur, or most of them, or the most mate-
rial amongst them with an apparent uncontrolled precedent evidence of an
undoubted act of sorcery, and are not indirectly wrested or guilefully extorted,
but directly proved, and fairly produced and urged, what man enjoying his com-
mon sense or reason can be ignorant what a large scope and fair field they do 25
yield to, sent to trace and chase the most hidden and secret guilt of witches
whatsoever, out of their utmost shifting, most close coverts and subtle conceal-
ments?
I do not affirm circumstances and presumptions, simply in themselves, suffi-
cient to prove or condemn a witch, but what reasonable man will or can doubt 30
or deny, where first a manifest work of sorcery is with true judgment discerned,
and known certainly perpetrate, that the former circumstances and presump-
a From *Cicero’s De Partitione Oratoriae 40. Cotta has left out one clause from the sentence:
Verisimilia autem partim singula movent suo pondere, partim etiamsi videntur esse exigua per
se, multum tamen cum sunt coacervata proficiunt. (“Individual things that impart likelihood [or
‘probability’] partly move [the audience] with the proper individual weight of each, and partly,
even if they seem to be minute in their own right, they nonetheless have great success when they
are piled up together.”)
374 chapter 12
tions pointing unto a particular, do give sufficient warrant, reason, and matter
of calling that particular into question, and of enjoining and urging him unto
his purgation and justification from those evil appearances, whereby through
the differencies, jars, contrarieties, and contradictionsa of the false faces and
wizards of seeming truth (because identity and unity is properly and solely 5
found with truth itself inviolable and the same) guiltiness is oft unable to find
a covert to hide itself, but rubbed or galled unto the quick, doth break out and
issue forth in his own perfect and undeceiving likeness.
It may be objected, that it doth commonly fall out, and is so oft seen, that
the hearts of witches are by the Devil so possessed, so hardened and sealed up 10
against all touch, either of any conscience, or the least spark of the affections of
men left in them, that there is no possibility or hope of any prevalence, by the
pressing of any presumptions or circumstances, which they for the most part
will answer with willful and perverse silence.
This is and may be sometimes true, yet is no sufficient reason why due proof 15
and trial should not always diligently be made herein, since first experience
itself doth witness a manifest benefit thereby. Secondly, the like reasonable
course and practice is known both usual, fruitful, and effectual in all other dis-
quisitions, and inquisitions whatsoever. Thirdly, the Devil himself, the witches’
and sorcerers’ great and grand master, though of far fewer words than witches, 20
as seldom speaking at all, and abounding with far more subtlety and cunning,
yet is he not able by all his art or cunning always to hide his own works, but by
presumptions and circumstances, wise and understanding hearts do oft dis-
cern and discover them, as is by daily experience seen and testified, and is
confirmed by the proof which all holy and godly men have ever had thereof. 25
And to this purpose, and for this cause the holy scripture doth require God’s
chosen children to sift and try the spirits, whether they be of God or no, that is,
whether they be of his holy spirit, or of the evil spirit which is the Devil.
Although, therefore, God, for his own secret decree, or purpose, do permit
the Devil sometimes to hide and shadow the guilt of his associates, witches 30
and sorcerers, from the sight or deprehension of man, and thereby, sometimes,
frustrate man’s just endeavor and duty of their discovery, yet doth he not totally
or altogether herein subject, or captivate, or abridge man’s power or possibility
of prevalence, even against all the power and force of devils, as ofttimes our
dullest senses cannot choose but witness. 35
Could the Devil, or their own craft whatsoever, deliver the sorcerers from
destruction out of the hands of Saul, who justly destroyed them all out of the
a All terms suggesting opposition, inconsistency, or disagreement.

land of Israel,a or out of the hands of Joshua, who according to law, took away
or abolished all that had familiar spirits and soothsayers?b The extirpation of
these soothsayers by those princes was commended of God, and by his law
commanded.c The same law of God commandeth that no man be judged or
put to death, but by the mouth of two witnesses, from whence it is necessar- 5
ily collected that the works of sorcery are not always hidden, but ofttimes so
open that they may be manifestly noted. Otherwise, how could they be testified,
which unto their condemnation the law doth ever presuppose and necessarily
command?
Neither is this law of God anything discrepant from the common equity of all 10
laws, or from reason itself. First, for that many works of sorcery do immediately
in their first view, manifest themselves to the sense, as is evident by the mirac-
ulous works of the enchanters of Egypt, practiced in the sight of Pharaoh, King
of Egypt.d Secondly, for that many works are apparent manifestly to reason, in
which, though the senses cannot immediately discern or take notice of their 15
quality and author, yet by necessary inference and evidence of reason, they
are certainly and demonstratively proved to issue from the power and force
of spirits and devils as hath been formerly declared, concerning both works
and also divinations, prophecies, and revelations hidden from all curiosity and
possibility of man. Thirdly, for that circumstances and presumptions do with 20
good and likely reason call into question, and justly charge with suspicion (as
hath been instanced concerning the performers and practicers of ceremoni-
ous rites, superstitious gestures, actions and manners usual unto witches and
sorcerers).
Since then, as is before proved, Almighty God doth enjoin a necessity of 25
testimonies, unto all condemnations and judgments of death whatsoever, and
testimony doth always necessarily include a manifestation of whatsoever is tes-
tified, either to sense, or reason, or both, it followeth as a necessary conclusion
unto all that hath been said, that from things either manifest to sense, or evi-
dent to reason, issueth wholly and solely, not only the reasonable and likely 30
way of detection of witches, but the very true way by God himself, in all true
a 1Sam. 28:9. See note a on page 359. b “Josiah also took away them that had familiar spirits,
and the soothsayers, and the images, and the idols, and all the abominations that were espied in
the land of Judah and in Jerusalem, to perform the words of the law, which were written in the
book that Hilkiah the priest found in the house of the Lord” (2 Kings 23:24). c “And if a man or
woman have a spirit of divination, or soothsaying in them, they shall die the death. They shall
stone them to death; their blood shall be upon them” (Lev. 20:27). d In Exod. See note b on
page 306 and pages 42–43 in the Introduction to this edition.
376 chapter 12
reason intended and commanded. And from this way it is, both by multitudes
of examples, by experience and reason manifest, that neither witches, nor the
Devil himself is altogether able to hide or defend their guilt. Diligence therefore
herein duly and carefully exercising itself certainly, shall not, nor can prove the
law of God vain, nor the own endeavor frustrate or void, although haply dif- 5
ficulties and impediments may sometimes interrupt, as in all other cases and
affairs is usual.
Thus hath been made manifest how witchcraft is discoverable by sense, and
evident by reason. Likewise, that it is no more inscrutable or hidden from detec-
tion in the inquisition thereof by signs of presumption, probable and likely con- 10
jecture or suspicion, than all other intricate or hidden subjects, or objects of the
understanding whatsoever. For, although presumptions are alone not sufficient
proof, yet do they yield matter and occasion of diligent and judicious inqui-
sition, which is the reasonable way and due method of upright proceeding,
and the common, hopeful and warranted path unto all detections, in all other 15
cases of doubt and difficulty whatsoever; wherein I see no cause or reason, why
judicious, wary, and wise practice and proof, weighing and pressing circum-
stances into the bone and marrow, should not equally, in case of witchcraft, as
in all other cases of judgment and inquisitions (though not ever because that
exceeds the nature of presumption) equally, I say, and as oft should not con- 20
found the guilty, and chase and wind out as fair an issue.
Certainly, if men would more industriously exercise their sharper wits, ex-
quisite sense, and awakened judgments, according unto the former reasonable,
religious, and judicious ways, exempt from the burden and encumbrances of
blind superstitions, traditionary and imaginary inventions and customs, no 25
doubt, but experience would yield and bring forth in short time a much more
rich increase of satisfaction, and more happy detection in judicial proceedings.
It is true that in the case of witchcraft many things are very difficult, hidden,
and enfolded in mists and clouds, overshadowing our reason and best under-
standing. Notwithstanding, why should men be more impatient or dejected 30
that in matters of witchcraft, many things are oft hidden from our knowledge
and discovery when the same darkness, obscurity, difficulty, and doubtfulness
is a thing ordinary in many other subjects besides, as necessary unto us, and
concerning which, it may be no less truly said, that in this life of mortality much
more is that which is unknown than that which is known and revealed unto 35
us?
Hence is that ancient saying of the philosopher: Hoc tantum scio, quod nihil
scio, that is, “So few are those things, which are demonstratively, truly and
certainly known, that they are nothing in comparison of the infinite number
and multitude of such things as are either yet only probable, or obscure, or 40
inscrutable.”a For to deny that God hath given unto man a great measure of
knowledge in many things, were not only gross darkness and blindness, but
great ingratitude, yea impiety. Nevertheless, it were also as great fatuity not to
see or acknowledge that God hath mixed this knowledge with much intricate
difficulty and ambiguity, which notwithstanding he doth in his wisdom more 5
or less reveal, distribute, and dispense, in several measures unto several men,
according to their several cares, studies, indefatigable pains, and more indus-
trious endeavor, in seeking and inquiring it, in defect whereof more commonly
then either in God’s decreed restraint, or nature’s abnuence, men’s desires and
labors are so often annihilate. 10
9 Abnuence: apparently Cotta’s own coinage, probably meaning refusal or denial (from Latin
abnuere ‘to decline or refuse’; see OED s.v. “abnutive”).
a In *Plato’s Apology, at 21d, Socrates says, “This man supposes that he knows something, while
not knowing, but for my part, just as I don’t know, I don’t even suppose [that I do],” which has
frequently been interpreted as the more paradoxical “I only know that I do not know,” which
occurs in Latin in Cicero (Academica I.4, 12) and became a commonplace in later Latin thinkers.
Cotta’s interpretation here takes the claim to be comparative: what I know is nothing compared
to what I do not.
chapter 13
The confutation of divers erroneous ways unto the

discovery of witches, vulgarly received and
approved
As true religion doth truly teach the true worship of God in that true manner
which he requireth and commandeth, so superstition in an unapt measure or
manner doth offer up and sacrifice her vain and foolish zeal or fear. Unto her
therefore and her sacrifice, thus doth Almighty God reply: “Who required this
at your hands? I hate and abhor your sabbaths and your new moons.”a The 5
heathen orator could say, Religio continetur cultu pio deorum: “True religion
consisteth in the holy and true worship of God.”b Unto the advancing of the
worship of the true God, the extirpation of witches and witchcraft (because it
is the most abominable kind of idolatry) is a special service, and acceptable
duty unto God, expressly commanded by himself.c 10
In the performance therefore of this worship, as it is solely and truly reli-
gious, to seek their extermination by those means, and in that manner which
Almighty God doth approve and allow, so with misgoverned zeal or fear, in the
ignorance, or neglect, of the right manner or way, inconsiderately to follow
unwarranted paths thereto, is plain superstition. Julius *Scaliger, in his third 15
book of poetry, thus describeth very lively the nature of superstition: Superstitio
satisfacit ad notandum eum habitum, quo metuimus, aut Deum sine ratione, aut
ei opera attribuimus [ad nostrum incommodum] quae opera ne cognitavit qui-
dem unquam ille. That is, “This word ‘superstition’ doth serve to set forth such
a habit or disposition of mind, wherein we worship or so fear God, as is void 20
a “When ye come to appear before me, who required this of your hands to read in my courts? Bring
no more oblations in vain; incense is an abomination unto me; I cannot suffer your new moons,
nor Sabbaths, nor solemn days (it is iniquity), nor solemn assemblies” (Isa. 1:13). b *Cicero De
Natura Deorum I.117: … religionem, quae deorum cultu pio continetur (“religion, which consists in
the pious worship of gods.”) c “If there be found among you in any of thy cities which the Lord
thy God giveth thee, man or woman that hath wrought wickedness in the sight of the Lord thy
God in transgressing this covenant and hath gone and served other gods, and worshipped them,
as the Sun, or the Moon, or any of the host of heaven, which I have not commanded, and it be
told unto thee, and thou hast heard it, then shalt thou inquire diligently; and if it be true, and the
thing certain, that such abomination is wrought in Israel, then shalt thou bring forth that man
or that woman (which have committed that wicked thing) unto thy gates, whether it be man or
woman, and shalt stone them with stones till they die” (Deut 17:3–5).

the confutation of divers erroneous ways 379
of cause or reason, or unto our own hurt or damage, we attribute unto God, as
of God those works or things, which Almighty God himself never thought or
intended.”a
The word which the Greeks use for superstition is δεισιδαιμονία,b inconsulta
& absurda divinae potentiae formido, that is, an absurd, and ill-advised fear or 5
worship of God,c which certainly is there, where he neither requireth it, nor is
true cause or reason either of such worship, or in such sort or manner. In this
special part therefore of the worship and fear of God, namely, in the discov-
ery of witchcraft and sorcery, as we have before labored to find out those ways
which are lawful, justifiable, and allowed, so let us now briefly display the folly 10
and vanity of erroneous and blind paths, pointing deceitfully thereto, that we
seek not superstitiously to serve God in our enjoined and commanded duties
of the discovery of witches, with our own vanities or follies, rash inventions,
or devices, but in reasonable, just, discreet, and religious proceeding, which is
only and solely acceptable with God. 15
In former ages and times have been published by divers writers, many ridicu-
lous traditions, herein so vain, and so far unworthy any serious confutation,
that they scarce deserve so much as bare mention. Of this sort are the imag-
ined profligations of the fits of the bewitched by beholding the face of a priest,
by being touched by hallowed ointments or liniments, by the virtue of exor- 20
cization, of incense, of odors, of certain mumbled sacred or mystical words. I
will therefore omit these, as by time itself worn exolete, found worthless, and
almost of later writers left nameless, and will only oppose and examine such
later experiments, as do in our time and country most prevail in esteem.
22 Exolete: outdated, insipid.
a Julius Caesar *Scaliger, Poetices Libri Septem (Poetics in Seven Books), 1561. The words ad nos-
trum incommodum are found in Scaliger’s original Latin and is translated by Cotta, but was left
out of Cotta’s quotation. A more literal translation would be: “Superstition works as a reference
to that condition in which we either fear God without reason or we, to our detriment, attribute
to him works which he has not ever even considered.” b Unlike English “superstition,” which
is and always was negative, δεισιδαιμονία is also used in a positive sense for appropriate fear or
awe of divine beings. c This definition reappears verbatim in Noltenius’s 1743 Lexicon Latinae
Linguae Quadripartitum. Cotta likely took this definition from an earlier dictionary which was
Noltenius’s source.
chapter 14
The casting of witches into the water, scratching,

beating, pinching, and drawing of blood of witches
It is vulgarly credited that the casting of supposed witches bound into the
water, and the water refusing or not suffering them to sink within her bosom
or bowels, is an infallible detection that such are witches.a If this experiment
be true, then must it necessarily so be, either as a thing ordinary, or as a thing
extraordinary, because nothing can happen or fall out, that is not limited within 5
this circuit or compass. That which is ordinary is natural, as likewise that which
is natural is ordinary.b *Aristotle in his Ethics, sayeth of that which is natural,
quod aliter non assurscit, that is, “Ordinarily it is not otherwise, then ever the
same.”c From whence it doth follow by good consequent, that whatsoever is
ordinary must be natural, because it keepeth the same course and order which 10
is the property of nature. For this cause *Scaliger in his book De Subtilitate
sayeth, Natura est ordinaria Dei potestas, that is, “Nature is the ordinary power
of God, in the ordinary course and government of all things.”d
If then this experiment in the trial of witches be as a thing ordinary (as it
is vulgarly esteemed) it must be found likewise natural. If it cannot be found 15
natural, it cannot be ordinary. That it is not, nor cannot be natural, is mani-
fest. First, for that the ordinary nature of things senseless and void of reason,
a Throwing suspects into water was a popular method of detecting witches in the middle ages and
the early modern era. As Cotta implies, some imagined that a true witch would be rejected by
the pure water—though the reasons why this should happen varied. The test, though common,
was often practiced illegally. France outlawed it in 1601; the Spanish Netherlands did likewise in
1595, and many individual bishoprics followed suit around the same time. Modern historian Orna
Darr cites Cotta here, noting that Cotta’s view is part of “the emerging empiricist logic” around
witchcraft. Darr, Absolute Witch, 164–165. For more, see Davies, Witchcraft, Magic and Culture, 86–
100. EW, s.v. “Swimming Test.” See also pages 30–31 in the Introduction to this edition. b Cotta’s
use of the word “ordinary” here is somewhat idiosyncratic. His point seems to be that the ordi-
nary is that which is predictable and expected under normal circumstances (from Latin ordin-
“order,” as in “the natural order.”) He then wants to argue that all such ordinary things must either
be natural—and thus not supernatural, magical, or miraculous—or they could not be repeated
and would have no predictive value. c There is no Latin word assurscit. The passage may be
EN 1103a19–20: οὐθὲν γὰρ τῶν φύσει ὄντων ἄλλως ἐθίζεται (“For none of those things which exist by
nature become otherwise [than their nature] by habituation”) which was translated into Latin by
Grosseteste as nullum enim natura existencium aliter assuefit, which is somewhat close to Cotta’s
Latin if assurscit was erroneously printed for assuefit or the like. d This definition of nature
occurs in De Subtilitate 77.5, 188, and 365.8.

the casting of witches into the water 381
doth not distinguish one person from another, virtue from vice, a good man
from an evil man. This our Savior himself doth confirm: “God maketh his Sun
to arise on the evil, and the good, and sendeth rain on the just and unjust.”a Nay,
we may further observe in the book of God, and also read in the book of nature
and common experience, that the common benefit of nature is not only vouch- 5
safed unto all wicked men indifferently, but even unto devils themselves, who
do not only participate in nature the common essence, faculties, and powers
proper unto the substance and nature of all other spirits, but also do exercise
these powers and spiritual forces usually upon other inferior natures, subject
unto their supernatural nature, reach, and efficacy, as is oft seen in their works 10
even upon the bodies and goods of the blessed saints and sons of God. Hereby
then is evident that nature cannot take notice, or distinguish a wicked man, no
not a devil, and therefore much less a witch.
But here may be objected that divers herbs and other simplesb produce many
strange and wondered effects, by a hidden, secret and occult quality and prop- 15
erty in nature, though there appear no manifest quality ofttimes in them, by
which in reason or probability they should or can be effectual thereto. This
physicians do daily witness and prove true. Why then may there not be likewise
yielded the like hidden power, or antipathetical virtue in the nature of the ele-
ment of water, and thereby a witch be detected as well without known cause or 20
reason thereof in nature, notwithstanding naturally the evils or diseases both
of body and mind, are both detected and cured by elementary substances or
compositions in which there is no manifest known proportion therewith?
It is truly answered that although in this supposed experiment of the dispo-
sition of the element of water towards witches, casualty may haply sometimes 25
seem to justify it true, yet is not this sufficient to evince it a thing natural. Those
things which are natural necessarily and ever produce their effect, except some
manifest or extraordinary interception or impediments hinder. Thus, fire doth
necessarily, ordinarily, and always burn and consume any combustible matter
or fuel being added thereto, except either some manifest or extraordinary hin- 30
drance oppose it. The like may be said of all other elements for their natural
effects in their proper objects. Natural medicines likewise, if rightly accommo-
dated with prudence, art, and discretion unto the right disease, do never fail
their usual productions or effects.
19 Antipathetical: tending to resist.
a “That ye may be the children of your father that is in heaven: for he maketh his Sun to arise
on the evil and the good, and sendeth rain on the just and unjust” (Matt. 5:45). b Simples are
medicines with a single ingredient, as opposed to compounds.
382 chapter 14
This, Almighty God in his holy writ doth confirm, and long and aged expe-
rience of many hundreds of years hath successively witnessed, wherein the
ancient records of all learned writers have ever testified innumerable medic-
inal herbs and drugs certainly and truly to be ever the same. Present times do
likewise see and witness it, and no man doth or can doubt it in the right proof. 5
Concerning any such nature or custom in the element of water, in the refraga-
tion of witches, who was as yet ever able to write and fully resolve, or prove it
ordinary, necessary, certain, ever or for the most part, not failing as is in course
of nature most infallible and never doubted?
What former ages have successively vouchsafed the mention of truth or cer- 10
tainty therein? Hath Almighty God, at all, so much as approved any opinion or
thought thereof? Is it not rather to be justly doubted, that it may be esteemed
among the abominations of the gentiles which God in his people doth detest?a
Do all men in our time, or good and just men avouch their own proof in the trial
thereof? Or contrariwise, do not many wise, religious, learned and equal minds 15
with reason reject and condemn it? Doth law as yet establish it, or reason prove
it? How can it then be proposed as equivalent with those reasonable means or
ways of just proceedings or trials, which God, his divine law, his law of nature,
judgment, reason, experience, and the laws of men have ever witnessed, per-
petually and only assured certain and infallible? 20
It wanteth the universal testimony of former ages and writers. In this our
age it is held in jealousy with the most judicious, sage, and wise. It hath no rea-
sonable proof, no justifiable trial hath dared to avouch it upon public record,
no law hath as yet thought it worthy of admittance, and the law of God is not
proved to prove or approve it. If it had been a thing natural, ordinary, of nec- 25
essary or of certain operation or power, and therein so evidently remarkable,
it is impossible it should have escaped authentical approbation, or the same
notable testimonies, which all other tried truths have ever obtained.
From the former premises, therefore, we conclude that it cannot be a thing
natural, necessary, or ordinary. If it be not ordinary, then it is not always the 30
same; if not always the same, then it is sometimes failing; if sometimes failing,
then it is not infallible; if not infallible, then in no true judgment or justice to
be trusted or credited. It now remaineth to inquire, whether being proved false
as ordinary, it may not be proved true as extraordinary (for to esteem or grant
it, both is an impossibility in nature, and an absurdity in reason). Let us grant, 35
6–7 Refragation: opposition in argument, apparently used metaphorically here: the water reject-
ing witches as one argument might reject or oppose another.
a Deut. 18:9. See note b on page 329.

it may be judged and deemed extraordinary; the next doubt then remaining is,
whether being extraordinary or miraculous, it be of God or of the Devil.
The reason why some men suppose it should be of God, is, for that the water
is an element which is used in baptism, and therefore by the miraculous and
extraordinary power of God, doth reject and refuse those who have renounced 5
their vow and promise thereby made unto God, of which sort are witches. If this
reason be sound and good, why should not bread and wine, being elements in
that sacrament of the eucharist, be likewise noted and observed to turn back,
or fly away from the throats, mouths, and teeth of witches? And why, if for the
former reason, the water being an element in the sacrament of covenant made 10
with God, in the first initiation into the faith, do for that cause refuse to receive
witches into her bosom, and thereby give an infallible proof of a witch? Why,
I say, should not by the same reason bread and wine, being elements in the
sacrament of confirmation and growth of faith, refuse and fly from those much
more, whose faith and promise made unto God in riper and more understand- 15
ing years, is by them renounced? And why for that cause, should not bread and
wine become as infallible marks and testimonies unto the detection of witches?
If the reason be good in the first, it must necessarily be the same in the second.
And if it fail in the second, it cannot be good or sound in the first.
Neither doth it or can it stand with any good reason at all, that because so 20
small part of the element of water is set apart unto that religious service in the
sacrament. Therefore, the whole element of water, or all other waters, must
thereby obtain any general common property above the kind or nature. Neither
is it as yet agreed or concluded generally among the most learned and reverend
divines, whether that small part of water which in particular is set apart, or 25
used in the sacrament, doth thereby receive any manifest alteration at all in
substance, essence, nature, or quality. If then that part of the element of water
itself, which is hallowed into that holy use be not manifested or apparently
proved to be thereby endowed with any virtue, much less can it communicate
any virtue unto other waters, which did not participate therewith in the same 30
religious service.
Except then there may be proved by this religious use of water some more
endowment of sense or religion therein than is in other elements, why should
it more fly from a witch than the fire, than the air, than the earth? The fire doth
warm them; the air flieth not from them, but giveth them breathing; the earth 35
refuseth not to bear them, to feed them, to bury them. Why then should the
water alone run away or fly from them?
It may be answered that it is a miracle whereof therefore there neither can
nor ought reason in nature to be demanded or given. If it be a miracle, it is
either a true miracle, which only and solely doth exceed the power of any 40
384 chapter 14
created nature,1 or is a seeming miracle by the power of the Devil, working

effects in respect of man’s reason, nature, and power supernatural and impossi-
ble, notwithstanding confined and limited within the general rule, reason, and
power of universal nature, which he cannot exceed or transcend, being a finite
creature, and no infinite creator.2 5
Miracles of the first kind are raising from the dead the son of the widow
of Sarepta, by Elias, the dividing of the water of Jordan with Elias’s cloak,
the curing of the sick by St. Paul’s handkercher, the raising of Lazarus by our
blessed Savior and the like.a Miracles of the second kind are all the works of
a “And after these things, the son of the wife of the house fell sick, and his sickness was so sore, that
there was no breath left in him. And she said unto Elijah, ‘What have I to do with thee, O thou man
of God? Art thou come unto me to call my sin to remembrance, and to slay my son?’ And he said
unto her, ‘Give me thy son.’ And he took him out of her bosom, and carried him up into a chamber
where he abode and laid him upon his own bed. Then he called unto the Lord, and said, ‘O Lord
my God, hast thou punished also this widow, with whom I sojourn, by killing her son?’ And he
stretched himself upon the child three times and called upon the Lord, and said, ‘O Lord my God,
I pray thee, let this child’s soul come into him again.’ Then the Lord heard the voice of Elijah, and
the soul of the child came into him again, and he revived” (1 Kings 17:17–22). “Then Elijah took his
1 Non est creator, nisi qui principaliter format; nec quisquam hoc potest, nisi unus Creator Deus,
Aug.3.de Trin.
Abbreviation of *Augustine, De Trinitate (On the Trinity) 3.9, which reads: Sed non est cre-
ator, nisi qui principaliter ista format. Nec quisquam hoc potest, nisi ille penes quem primitus
sunt omnium quae sunt mensurae, numeri, et pondera: et ipse est unus creator Deus … (“But
there is no creator except the one who chiefly forms these things. Nor is anyone able to do this
except he to whom originally belonged all things which are measures, numbers, and weights:
and that is the one creator God himself …”)
2 Augustinus 3 de Trin. Alia potest si non prohibetur, Daemon: Alia non Potest, etsi permittatur,
quemadmodum homo potest, ambulare si non prohibeatur, volare non potest, etsi permittatur.
[Augustine, Book 3 of De Trinitate: The Devil can do some things, if he is not forbidden from them:
other things he cannot do, even if he is permitted to do them.]
*Augustine De Trinitate (On the Trinity) 3.9 reads: Quid autem possint per naturam, nec
possint per prohibitionem, et quid per ipsius naturae suae conditionem facere non sinantur;
homini explorare difficile est, imo vero impossibile, nisi per illud donum Dei, quod Apostolus
commemorat dicens, “Alii dijudicatio spiritum” (I Cor. XII, 10). Novimus enim hominem posse
ambulare, et neque hoc posse si non permittatur, volare autem non posse etiamsi permittatur.
(“What they [certain angels] could do by nature and yet are not able to do because of a prohi-
bition, and what by the constitution of their own nature they are not allowed to do is difficult,
no truly impossible, for a human to determine, except through the gift of God, which the
apostle mentions when he says ‘to another the distinction of spirits’ [1 Cor. 12:10] we know
that a human can walk but cannot do so if not permitted, but a human is unable to fly even
if permitted.”)
the enchanters of Egypt, which were only devilish sleights, cunning imitations,3
counterfeits, and diabolical resemblances and shadows of the true miracles,
wrought by Almighty God, in the hand of his servant Moses.a
If this miracle, or this miraculous detection of witches by water, be of this
later kind, it is of the Devil, and is not to be esteemed or named where the name 5
of God is feared or called upon. For although the cunning fraud of the Devil,
above and beyond all capacity of the weak sense and understanding of man, do
so lively ofttimes cast before our eyes the outward shape and similitude of the
miracles of God that man is not able easily to distinguish them, or at first sight
to put a true difference, yet must men studiously and circumspectly be advised 10
herein, lest rashly they confound or equal the vile and abject illusions of that
damned creature the Devil (though never so wonderful in our eyes) unto the
infinite power of the almighty Creator, in his true and truly created miracles,
which is a high dishonor unto our God, and accursed impiety.
For this cause, the holy scripture hath admonished and warned the weak- 15
ness of human understanding, not to be transported by signs and wonders, nor
to trust or give credit to every miracle. And our Savior himself doth furnish his
disciples with careful warning herein.b And St. John, in his revelation, foretel-
leth that in the later days and times, the Devil and the great whore of Babylon
shall with great signs, wonders, and miracles seduce and deceive the last ages, 20
and people of the world.c For this cause, sayeth St. *Augustine, upon the Gospel
cloak and wrapped it together and smote the waters and they were divided hither and thither
and they twain went over the dry land” (2Kings 2:8). “And God wrought no small miracles by the
hands of Paul, so that from his body were brought unto the sick, kerchiefs or handkerchiefs, and
the diseases departed from them, and the evil spirits went out of them” (Acts 19:11–12). “Then
they took away the stone from the place where the dead was laid. And Jesus lift up his eyes, and
said, ‘Father, I thank thee, because thou hast heard me. I know that thou hearest me always, but
because of the people that stand by, I said it, that they may believe, that thou hast sent me.’ As
he had spoken these things, he cried with a loud voice, ‘Lazarus, come forth!’ Then he that was
dead came forth, bound hand and foot with bands, and his face was bound with a napkin. Jesus
said unto them, ‘Loose him, and let him go’” (John 11:41–44). a See note b on page 306. b “For
there shall arise false Christs, and false prophets, and shall shew great signs and wonders, so that
if it were possible, they should deceive the very elect” (Matt. 24:24). c “Then there came one
of the seven angels which had the seven vials, and talked with me, saying unto me, ‘Come: I will
show thee the damnation of the great whore that sitteth upon many waters, with whom have
committed fornication the kings of the earth, and the inhabitants of the earth are drunken with
the wine of her fornication’” (Rev. 17:1–2).
3 Petr. Lomb. Sent. lib. 2. Dist. 7.

Peter Lombard’s Four Books of the Sentences. Book II, Distinction 7, Chapter 40 specifically
discusses the “miracles” wrought by agents other than God.
386 chapter 14
of St. John, Miraculis decipi non debemus, that is, “he that doth miracles is noth-
ing, if they be not done in unity and truth.”a
Since then miracles are of no validity, except certainly and truly known to
be of God, and since also it is not easy for every spirit to discern therein, let us
duly examine and sift this our supposed and proposed miracle in the trial and 5
detection of witches. Petrus Gregorius *Tholosanus in his Syntagma Iuris, in a
tractate concerning the relics and monuments of saints,b together with mira-
cles doth give very honest, sound, and substantial direction.
First, that all credited miracles be found and allowed by religious laws and
authority. Secondly, that the persons by whom they are first revealed or known, 10
or by whom they are avouched, be testes idonei, omnique exceptione maiores,
that is, “that they be worthy witnesses of undoubted and unstained credit
and worth,” free from all just exception, of holy life, and unstained conversa-
tion. Without these cautions, sayeth he, no miracles ought to be esteemed, or
received as of truth.c 15
How far our vulgar trial of witches by the supposed miraculous indication
and detection of them by the water is different from this care or respect, this
equity, religion, or humanity, common practice doth openly declare, when
without allowance of any law, or respect of common civility, every private,
rash, and turbulent person, upon his own surmise of a witch, dare barbarously 20
undertake by uncivil force, and lawless violence, to cast poor people bound into
the water, and there detain them for their own vain and foolish lusts, without
sense or care of the shameful wrong or injury which my befall ofttimes inno-
cents thereby. Though this kind of trial of a witch might haply prove in itself
worthy to be allowed, yet is it not in every private person justifiable or tolerable, 25
a Cotta’s translation of *Augustine’s words (from Tractate on the Gospel of John, Tractate 13.17) is
quite different in literal meaning from that of Miraculis decipi non debemus, which means more
simply “we ought not to be deceived by miracles.” b Book II, Chapter 12 of *Tholosanus’s Syn-
tagma Iuris Universi Atque Legum Pene Omnium Gentium et Rerum Publicarum Praecipuarum,
Lyon 1582, is titled De Sacris Lipsanis (Concerning Sacred Relics) and discusses miracles, false
claims, impostors, etc. all having to do with saintly remains. c Book II, Chapter 12, §1 of
*Tholosanus’s Syntagma Iuris Universi Atque Legum Pene Omnium Gentium et Rerum Publicarum
Praecipuarum contains Cotta’s quotation within the following sentence: Sed prius oportet per-
scrutari authoritate apostolica, per testes idoneos, omnique exceptione maiores, de vita eius, cuius
reliquiae venerandae sunt … neque sola miracula, quae dicuntur fieri, inibi sufficiunt ad compro-
bandum, vel admittendam publicam venerationem nisi et quae diximus accedant (“But first it is
necessary that the life of that person whose relics are to be venerated be examined thoroughly
by the apostolic authority through appropriate witnesses who are above all objection … nor in
that connection are the miracles which are said to occur alone sufficient for approving or admit-
ting [the relics] to public worship unless [the necessary examination] which I have described be
added to them.”)
or without warrant of authority in any sort excusable. The manner therefore

of this vulgar trial must needs with just and honest minds uncontroversedly
and undoubtedly be rustical, barbarous, and rude. Now to return again into the
truth of the miracle itself in this trial.
First, let us inquire with Petrus *Gregorius, what religious laws or authority 5
have admitted it as true. Secondly, what religious, reverend, judicious, grave, or
holy spectators, or eyewitnesses do avouch it? Let us yet farther proceed with
the same author, in the fore-named Syntagma, and by some other rules, farther
examine this miracle, if it be well and duly avouched and credited, concern-
ing the being thereof, whether that being be not a being of the Devil, and of his 10
miracles. Conatus omnis Daemonum (sayeth the author) unum habet generalem
scopum, operibus Dei se obiicere, ei debitum honorem subfurari, pios hominum
animos sibi lucri facere, & a vero Deo retrahere. That is, “The works of the Devil
have one general scope: namely, to oppose themselves against the works of
God, to rob God of his honor, to draw the hearts of men from God, and to 15
gain them unto himself.”a Let us now consider the fore-named miracle by these
rules.
Concerning the approbation thereof by any religious laws or authority, I have
never read myself, nor have heard by others, of any authentic suffrage from clas-
sical author, and with good reason, I may conceive and judge a nullity therein. 20
Concerning any religious, learned, and judicious spectators and avouchers of
this miracle, whose faith and credit may be wholly free from all just excep-
tion, it hath ever been a difficult and hard task to furnish any true sufficiency
or competency in this kind, though multitudes of swarms of deceived vulgars,
continually and violently obtrude their fantastical somniations. Since then as 25
yet there doth no manifest law stand up to patronage this miracle, and the
learned, religious, and holy man able to discern and judge, and free from excep-
tion, is not at all, or hardly to be produced or found to avouch or countenance it
true. It may be with good reason suspected, and that reason may justly dissuade
all sudden, rash, or hasty credit or trust thereof. 30
Now let us examine if it were undoubtedly to be assumed as true, whether
being true, it be not as truly of the Devil. And first let us consider, whether
it do not oppose the works of God, which was the first direction of *Grego-
rius. It is herein truly convicted, because the novelty and supposed miraculous
25 Somniations: dreams.
a This quotation is found in Book 34, Chapter 21, §6 of *Tholosanus’s Syntagma Iuris Universi
Atque Legum Pene Omnium Gentium et Rerum Publicarum Praecipuarum. Chapter 21 concerns
demons and the wonders they produce. Cotta’s translation is accurate and does not embellish.
“To rob God of the honor due to him” would be clearer than “to rob God of his honor.”
388 chapter 14
force and might thereof doth first usually and easily entice unsettled brains
rashly to forsake the ways of judgment and judicious legal proceeding, which
is the ordinance and work of God. Secondly, it doth embolden staggering and
unresolved minds presumptuously without warrant to expect, to ask or seek a
sign or miracle, which ordinarily or unnecessarily required, our blessed Savior 5
apertly condemneth.a An adulterous and unbelieving generation doth seek a
sign or miracle. And as herein it directly opposeth against the decree and work
of God. So likewise, by giving occasion and way, that supposed miracles may
become vulgarly common and ordinary, whereby the true miracles and mirac-
ulous works of God also may grow with undiscerning men of less esteem, vile, 10
and of no accompt. Nam miracula Dei assiduitate viluerunt, sayeth St. *Augus-
tine: “The miracles and miraculous works of God being oft seen become of
small or no reputation.”b
The second trial of a false miracle was the robbing of God of his due honor
and praise, which in this proposed miracle is partly proved by making the 15
extraordinary work or use of miracles ordinary, and thereby derogating from
the power, worth, and nature of God’s true miracles (as is before said), partly
by unthankful undervaluing, omitting, or relinquishing the ordinary means of
trials and detections of doubtful truths which God hath made and given in his
good grace. And therefore, their contempt and neglect is a manifest robbing of 20
God of his due praise and glory therein.
The third trial of the Devil’s property in miracles was the seducing of men’s
hearts from God unto himself, which in our supposed miracle may be neces-
sarily concluded. For if the miracle itself be upon good grounds before alleged,
rightful deemed to be of the Devil, it must necessarily follow that whatsoever 25
esteem or reputation is given thereto is a secret sacrifice of ignorance or super-
stition unto the Devil, and a hidden and covert seduction from God.
And thus hath been proved, or at least, with good reason alleged, first, that
the trial of witches by water is not natural or according to any reason in nature.
Secondly, if it be extraordinary and a miracle, that it is in greater likelihood and 30
6 Adulterous: debased, impure.
a “Then came the Pharisees and Sadducees, and did tempt him, desiring him to show them a sign
from Heaven. But he answered, and said unto them, ‘When it is evening, ye say, “Fair weather,
for the sky is red.” And in the morning, ye say, “Today shall be a tempest, for the sky is red and
lowering.” O hypocrites, ye can discern the face of the sky, and can ye not discern the signs of the
times? The wicked generation, and adulterous seeketh a sign, and there shall no sign be given it,
but the sign of the prophet Jonah.’ So he left them, and departed” (Matt. 16:1–4). b *Augustine,
Homilies on St. John, 24 §1: “For God’s miracles are considered of little account because of their
frequency.”
probability a miracle of the Devil to ensnare than any manifest miracle of God
to glorify his name, which is the true end of right miracles.
Concerning the other imagined trials of witches, as by beating, scratching,
drawing blood from supposed or suspected witches, whereby it is said that the
fits or diseases of the bewitched do cease miraculously, as also concerning the 5
burning of bewitched cattle, whereby it is said that the witch is miraculously
compelled to present herself—these, and the like, I think it vain and need-
less, particularly or singly, to confute because it doth directly appear by their
examination, according to the former rules produced, against the naturalizing
of the detection of witches by casting them into the water. That, first, they are 10
excluded out of the number of things natural. Secondly, that being reputed as
miracles, they will also be rather justly judged miracles of the Devil than of God
by the former reasons which have stripped the supposed miraculous detection
of witches by the water of any hopeful opinion that they can be of God.
chapter 15
The exploration of witches, by supernatural

revelations in the bewitched, by signs and secret
marks, declared by the bewitched to be in the body
of the suspected witch, by the touch of the witch
curing the touched bewitched
There remain as yet other miraculous explorations of a witch, carrying in their

first view a far more wondered representation than any or all the former explo-
rations. One is when persons bewitched shall in the time of their strange fits or
trances nominate or accuse a witch and for a true testimony against him or her
thus nominated, shall reveal secret marks in his or her body, never before seen 5
or known by any creature. Nay, the very words or works, which the supposed,
or thus nominated witch shall be acting or speaking in far distant places, even
in the very moment and point of time, while they are in acting or speaking, all
which I have sometimes myself heard and seen proved true. This is reputed a
certain conviction of a witch. 10
Another miraculous trial of a witch and like unto this, wonderful is when
a supposed witch required by the bewitched, doth touch him or her (though
when unknown or unperceived by the bewitched themselves), yet according to
the prediction of that issue by the bewitched, he or she immediately are deliv-
ered from the present fit or agony that then was upon him or her, which I have 15
also myself seen. For the better discovery of truth in these so wondered diffi-
culties, let us first recall to mind these few observations in our former treatise
determined and proved.
First, that the Devil doth many miraculous and supernatural things merely
simply and alone of himself, for his own ends, and without the instigation or 20
association of a witch. This was made manifest by his conference, disputation,
and speech with Eve after a miraculous manner, out of the body of the serpent,
when as yet neither witch, nor witchcraft were come into the world.a Secondly,
that the Devil is able to obtrude or impose his supernatural or miraculous works
upon men, against their knowledge, liking, will, or affection, and being unre- 25
a See Gen. 3:1–6.

the exploration of witches 391
quired. This is clear by his transvection of the body of our blessed Savior, as
also by his violent casting of the bodies of the possessed, amongst the people
mentioned in the gospel. Thirdly, let us not here forget specially, that he is able
to transmit and send unto, or into men unrequired, and without their desire or
assent, secret powers, force, knowledge, illuminations, and supernatural rev- 5
elations. This was proved by the possessed in the gospel, who, from a secret
and hidden revelation and power, above and beyond themselves, were able to
utter that high mystery, as yet hidden from the world, that Jesus was the Son
of the living God. This could not be known unto them, by their own reason or
nature, being above and beyond all reason or nature, and by grace only then 10
begun to be revealed unto the blessed disciples themselves. To think that the
possessed could have that knowledge equally with the disciples by the same
grace were impious derogation from their apostolical privilege and prerogative
therein, unto whom did properly belong the first fruits thereof alone.
This supernatural revelation, therefore, was transfused into the possessed by 15
the Devil, who could not be ignorant of the Lion of Judah,a the mighty destroyer
of his spiritual kingdom, long before the disciples were born, or capable of
knowledge. And thus having recalled these observations, from them do issue
these necessary inferences.
First, that all supernatural acts or works in men are not to be imputed unto 20
those men. Secondly, that for this cause those supernatural works are only to be
imputed unto men which the Devil, according unto contract or covenant which
those men doth practice and produce. And for this cause, in the inquisition
of witchcraft, when we have truly first detected an act done by a spiritual and
supernatural force (because it is in all laws injurious to accuse of any act before 25
it be certainly known the act hath been committed) then, and not before, we
ought endeavor directly and necessarily to prove the contract, consent, and
affection of the person suspected, unto, or in that supernatural act, that being
no less essential, to detect and discover the true and undoubted witch, then the
supernatural act, being certainly apparent, doth undoubtedly prove the Devil 30
and his power therein.
This equal regard in case of witchcraft ought to be carefully balanced, with-
out which vain and unstable men shall ever at their lust and pleasure, upon
1 Transvection: Carrying from one place to another; transportation.
a “And one of the elders said unto me, ‘Weep not: behold, the Lion which is of the tribe of Judah,
the root of David, that obtained to open the book, and to loose the seven seals therof’ ” (Rev. 5:5).
The Lion represents Christ, the Son of David.
392 chapter 15
affections and passions, be privileged with impunity, to lay unjust imputations,

and use wrongful violence and oppression, beyond all equity or reason. When,
therefore, men that are prudent, judicious, and able to discern, do first advis-
edly, upon good ground and reason, adjudge a supernatural act evidently done,
or at least worthy to be suspected. Secondly, shall by just and reasonable proof, 5
or at least lively and fair presumption, detect the contract, affection, or consent
of any man in that act, then and not before, is the accusation, inquisition, and
indictment of witchcraft against any man equal and just.
For since a supernatural work can be truly and simply no act of a natural
man, and is the immediate hand and power of a devil (as is formerly proved), 10
it is the man’s consent, contract, and covenant alone, in the act with the Devil,
that being detected and discovered, doth infallibly and essentially prove him a
witch, and not the act itself. These observations and considerations first nec-
essarily prefixed, let us now proceed unto the two former propounded experi-
ments of the miraculous detection of witches. 15
It is necessarily true that it can solely proceed from a supernatural power,
that the bewitched are enabled in their trances to foretell the sequel of the
supposed witches’ touch; likewise, that the nominated witch shall accordingly
by her touch immediately free and dispossess the sick or the bewitched of
their agonies. It is as necessarily true also, that it can solely proceed from a 20
supernatural power, that the bewitched are able in their trances to nominate
the most secret and hidden marks in the bodies of the suspected witch, her
present speech and actions in far distant places and the like,1 but whether these
miraculous revelations, with their answerable events, ought to be esteemed just
convictions of the persons thus by a supernatural finger pointed out and noted, 25
as also whether they proceed of God or of the Devil is very material to examine
and consider.
If they proceed from God, their end, their extraordinary necessity and use,
bent solely unto the immediate special glory or extraordinary glorification
of God therein, will evidently declare. What more extraordinary glorification 30
of God can be pretended in the needfulness of a miraculous detection of
1 Herein the Devil affected to imitate the power of God in his holy prophet, who was able by his
divine revelation to make known what the king spake in his priory chamber. He herein also coun-
terfeiteth the divinity of our saviour, seeing Nathaniel, when he was under the fig tree.
“Then one of his servants said, ‘None, my Lord, O King, but Elisha the prophet that is in
Israel telleth the king of Israel even the words that thou speakest in they privy chamber’ ”
(2Kings 6:12). “Nathaniel said unto him, ‘Whence knewest thou me?’ Jesus answered, and
said unto him, ‘Before that Philip called thee. When thou wast under the fig tree I saw thee’”
(John 1:48).
witchcraft than of any other sin committed as immediately against God, and
with as high a hand? Witchcraft is indeed one kind of horrid renunciation and
forsaking of God, but there are many more kinds much more hellish than this
secret and concealed defection, as the open cursings, willful blasphemings, and
spiteful railings upon God, even, unto his face, professed hatred and contempt 5
of God.
Among many offenders in these kinds, after their own long provoking con-
tinuance therein, and Almighty God his unspeakable long suffering and pa-
tience, some few sometimes have been made hideous spectacles and examples
unto the rest, of the infinite power and justice of God, his unsufferable displea- 10
sure, indignation, and direful revenging wrath. In this number was, for some
time, Nebuchadnezzar,a and Pharaoh, King of Egypt,b and in later times *Julian
the Apostate, and others the like. Many other as high blasphemers, and despis-
ers of God, notwithstanding have been permitted to escape any such miracu-
lous punishments, or fearful notorious exposings unto the world’s view. 15
Rabshakeh, railing on the living God, in the open view and hearing of the
men of Israel, and Holofernes denying the God of Heaven, were not miracu-
lously or by any immediate hand of God smitten, but were suffered to grow
on, until their harvest of confusion was ripe.c That high degree of blasphemy
against the Son of the living God, hanging upon the cross for the sins of 20
mankind, committed by the cruel and hard-hearted Jews, in scorning, scoffing,
and spiteful derision both of God in Heaven,d and also of the eternal Savior
of the world, descended from Heaven, was not by God then extraordinarily
revenged (as the incomparable greatness of the sin might seem to require), but
was in Almighty God his just judgment suffered until in the due time their own 25
execrations and cursings of themselves, and their posterity, thereby to hasten
and purchase the effusion of that holy innocent blood, did fall upon them so
heavily that their whole nation, people, and kingdom became extirpate, vile,
and vagabond forever upon the face of the earth.
a Nebuchadnezzar II (sometimes Nebuchadrezzar) was King of Babylon who oversaw a revival

of the Babylonian empire and the destruction of Jerusalem in 597 BC. b It is not clear which
Pharoah Cotta has in mind here. Probably he means the so-called “Pharoah of Exodus,” since
Cotta refers frequently to Exodus in his discussion. Some have identified this Pharoah with the
historical Rameses II. c Rabshakeh and Holofernes were officers of the Assyrians during their
attack on Jerusalem. Holofernes, enchanted by the beautiful Judith, invited her to a feast where
he passed out drunk, allowing Judith to murder him. The Assyrians were dispirited and broke off
their attack on the city. Elements of the story are recounted in the Biblical books 2 Kings, Isa.,
and Jth. d “He that trusteth in God, let him deliver him now, if he will have him. For he said, ‘I
am the Son of God’” (Matt. 27:43).
394 chapter 15
It is recorded in the Revelation, concerning the Beast, that he opened his

mouth unto blasphemy against God,a his tabernacle, and the saints, that he
spake great mighty blasphemies, yet power was given unto him to continue,
and prevail therein many years, and a large space of time.
By these few examples, it is evident that neither the height, the nature, the 5
quantity, nor the quality of the most abominable or provoking sin, most odious
unto God and men, doth usually or always draw down from Heaven upon itself
a miraculous immediate hand of God’s wrath. We may easily instance the like
concerning the sin of witchcraft, which is our particular subject.
Although by the hand of his holy servant St. Paul, Almighty God did mirac- 10
ulously smite the sorcerer Elymas,b and, as writers report, Simon Magus,c by
the hand of St. Peter, multitudes and societies of other sorcerers, soothsayers
among the Chaldeans, escaped not only the hands of Nebuchadnezzar, in his
wrath, but as it seemeth in the prophecy of Daniel, they lived many years in
high esteem, fame, and renown, both in their own nation, and also in foreign 15
countries, yea through the world.d
There is no doubt that Egypt likewise did abound with swarms of sorcerers,
as the holy scripture and all times and writers report. Among the people of God
also, the Israelites, it is manifest that divers sorcerers and witches did shroud
themselves and lived with impunity, as appeareth by the Witch of Endor,e 20
which King Saul’s severity, in their general extirpation through the whole king-
a “And there was given unto him a mouth, that spake great things and blasphemies, and power
was given unto him, to do two and forty months. And he opened his mouth unto blasphemy
against God, to blaspheme his name, and his tabernacle, and them that dwell in Heaven. And it
was given unto him to make war with the saints, and to overcome them, and power was given
him over every kindred, and tongue, and nation” (Rev. 13:5–7). b “But Elymas the sorcerer, (for
so is his name by interpretation) withstood them, and sought to turn away the Deputy from the
faith. Then Saul (which also is called Paul) being full of the holy Ghost, set his eyes on him, and
said, ‘O full of all subtlety and all mischief, the child of the Devil, and enemy of all righteousness,
wilt thou not cease to pervert the straight ways of the Lord? Now, therefore, behold: the hand
of the Lord is upon thee, and thou shalt be blind, and not see the Sun for a season.’ And imme-
diately there fell on him a mist and a darkness, and he went about, seeking some to lead him
by the hand” (Acts 13:8–11). c “And there was before in the city, a certain man called Simon,
which used witchcraft, and bewitched the people of Samaria, saying that he himself was some
great man. To whom they gave heed from the least to the greatest, saying, ‘This man is the great
power of God.’ And they gave heed unto him, because that of long time he had bewitched them
with sorceries. But as soon as they believed Philip, which preached the things that concerned
the kingdom of God, and the name of Jesus Christ, they were baptized, both men and women.
Then Simon himself believed also, and was baptized, and continued with Philip, and wondered
when he saw the signs and great miracles which were done” (Acts 8:9–13). d Regarding the
Chaldeans, see note b on page 331 of this edition. e See note a on page 306 and pages 39–42 in
the Introduction to this edition.
dom, had notwithstanding passed by, and left unspied, as also by that special
note and commendations, from God’s own mouth and word of Joshua, that is,
that he had taken away from amidst his people all the enchanters and sorcerers,
by which it is likely and cannot be denied that through the lenity or careless-
ness of former princes, they formerly had long securely there breathed. 5
That God doth not use by miracles to detect all, or most enchanters, magi-
cians, or witches is farther made undoubted because it should follow then and
thence necessarily that he hath both in the first ages of the world ordained laws,
and ordinary legal courses of proceeding against them in vain; as also for that
he doth, in the holy records of his sacred word, make known his decree, that 10
they shall be permitted to live and continue upon the face of the earth among
other and as other unrepentant sinners, until his second coming, and the last
day of eternal doom, without shall be enchanters.a If his justice and severe judg-
ment should by his miraculous power make so narrow search amongst them, as
ordinarily to root them out, it were impossible any one of them should escape 15
his all-seeing revengeful hand to survive unto his general decreed day of sen-
tence and dreadful doom of all kind of sins and sinners, which both in justice
unto some, and mercy unto other some, his infinite goodness and wisdom hath
decreed shall not be frustrate.
Although therefore Almighty God doth sometimes stretch forth his mighty 20
hand miraculously to smite, or bring unto light some horrid sins and sinners,
his extraordinary power therein, sometimes only extended at his own good
will and pleasure, doth not justify the presumptuous expectation of the dis-
pensation thereof in any particular. God, who is the god of order, and not of
confusion, doth not ordinarily dispense his extraordinary works, nor usually 25
confound indifferently, so different natures in their end and use, and his own
decree. Nature itself doth also teach an impossibility in that which is extraor-
dinary to become or be expected ordinary. In that way which is ordinary, the
industrious, the diligent, the provident man therefore doth with careful per-
severance uprightly walk. The slothful, only the intemperate, the improvident 30
man, either by folly or ignorance loseth, or by idle sloth forgetteth, or omitteth,
his ordinary way or opportunity, and ridiculously hopeth or trusteth unto the
redemption thereof, by extraordinary contingents or events.
Thus it hath appeared that in regard of any more special or extraordinary
glorification of God in the detection of witches, rather than of other as great 35
and as abominable sinners, there is no needful or necessary use of miracles.
a “For without shall be dogs and enchanters, and whoremongers, and murderers, and idolaters,
and whosoever loveth or maketh lies” (Rev. 22:15).
396 chapter 15
The second consideration was, whether they are not rather of the Devil than of
God; as also, how they may be any just convictions of the supposed or suspected
guilty.
We will first herein examine the touch of the supposed witch, immediately
commanding the cessation of the supposed fits of the bewitched. That this is a 5
false or diabolical miracle and not of God may be justly doubted.a First, because
the holy and blessed power of working miracles (among which, the healing the
sick or the possessed was not the least) was never of God dispensed to haunt
or follow the touch of wicked men, or sorcerers, or witches. Secondly, for that
the true miracles of God (which were ever dispensed, either for the common 10
good of his church or the declaration of his glorious truth, or for the extraordi-
nary punishment and destruction of evil men) did never obscurely or indirectly
prove themselves or their ends, but in their manifestation were enabled to over-
shine clearly all the fogs and mists of doubt or question.
The contrary hereunto in this our suspected miracle is manifest, wherein 15
is ridiculously imagined that the blessed gift and virtue of healing the sick
descended from God above may be reputed in the hands of witch, a sign or
testimony of his or her guilt and impiety, which ever hath been, and is, in itself,
a special grace and favor of God, and was ever used rather as a confirmation of
the truth of God’s ministers and servants. 20
Let us now consider how this miraculous touch and the efficacy thereof may
be any just conviction of a witch. No man can doubt that the virtue wherewith
this touch was endued was supernatural. If it be supernatural, how can man,
unto whom nothing simply is possible that is not natural, be justly reputed any
proper agent therein? If he cannot be esteemed in himself any possible or true 25
agent, then it remaineth that he can only be interested therein, as an acces-
sory in consent, as a solicitor or tenant unto a superior power. If that superior
power (as is before proved in the falsehood of his miracle) be the Devil, the
least reasonable doubt remaining whether the Devil alone, or with the consent
or contract of the suspected person hath produced that wonderful effect. With 30
what religion or reason can any man rather incline to credit the Devil’s infor-
mation in the mouth of the bewitched (who is the common accuser of God to
men and of men to God) then in requisite pity, piety, and humane respect unto
his kind to tender the weakness of frail man against the subtlety of the deceit-
ful Devil? Shall man with man find less favor than the Devil with man against 35
man?
a That is, suspected.

That the Devil is able by the permission of God to annex or hang this mir-
acle upon this or that particular is manifest by the possessed in the gospel,
upon whom and their natural actions and motions he cast supernatural conse-
quences or concomitances. Was not their speech attended with supernatural
revelation, their hands with supernatural force, to rend and tear in pieces iron 5
chains and bonds? If the Devil be able to transfuse or cast these miraculous
concomitances or consequences alone, and without allowance of any man or
person where God doth permit, how is it in any equity or reason just, that these
impositions of the Devil should be imputed unto any man? God forbid, that in
the Devil’s signs and wonders, nay his truths, should become any legal allega- 10
tions or evidences in law.
We may therefore conclude it unjust that the forenamed miraculous effect
by the Devil, wrought and imputed by the bewitched, should be esteemed a
sign or infallible mark against any man, as therefore convinced a witch, for that
the Devil and the bewitched have so deciphered him. These like miraculous 15
stratagems may be exercised upon any man, or unto any man’s actions may
be deceitfully or fraudulently by the Devil conjoined or apted. This, therefore,
doth not infer any man’s guilt therein. It ought be a man’s own proper con-
tract therein with the Devil, necessarily and directly proved, that shall justly
condemn him. This contract may be and is plainly detected by sifting and 20
considering that man’s voluntary assisting or promoting, promising, or under-
taking such supernatural works, with answerable performance thereof, as hath
been said, concerning the miraculous consequence of the touch of a suspected
witch.
So may be determined concerning the supernatural revelations of secret 25
marks or signs in her body, according unto the prediction of the bewitched, as
also of the discovery of the present actions, gestures, and speeches of supposed
witches in far distant places. Divers examples I myself have seen in these kinds.
I must necessarily acknowledge a more than natural power therein, because
far beyond the nature, reason, or power of man. But there is notwithstanding 30
sufficient matter of doubt, whether such revelations, secret signs and marks,
though found in the named persons or parts true, as also the right portrai-
tures and shapes of the supposed or accused witches, though never of the
bewitched before seen, and yet by the bewitched truly described. There is,
I say, notwithstanding, sufficient matter of doubt whether they are not very 35
insufficient to charge or accuse any particular thus pointed out or marked. The
17 Apted: prepared.
398 chapter 15
law and express commandment of God doth allow of no revelation from any
other spirit, but from himself.a
Whether these revelations are immediately of God, if their due examination
by the rule of his word do not clearly determine, rash or hasty perturbation or
passion ought not presume it.2 The laws of men also admit no supernatural 5
illuminations or revelations, as any grounds of just trials or decisions of right
or truth. It followeth therefore necessarily that they are void, and ought to be of
no force or credit in upright judgment with just and righteous men. It may be
objected that truth is found in these revelations, and truth ought be of regard. It
may hereto again be replied that although truth in itself be great, and ought and 10
will prevail, yet in the abuse, evil use, or corrupted, or depraved end thereof, it
ought not deceive nor is of force.
The Devil, as all other cunning liars and deceivers and imitators of that his
art, usually mixes truths with lies, that those truths giving credit unto lies, men
may believe both and so be deceived. It was ever the only safe way of lying, to 15
face and guard it with some plausible truths. In the former revelations there-
fore, representations and true descriptions in the bewitched, of persons of
secret marks and signs, of speeches, gestures, and the like, although the Devil
be found true, or speaking truth, yet may he notwithstanding haply be therein
also a liar, while truly describing their persons, shapes, marks, manners, and 20
gestures, speeches and the like, he falsely and lyingly addeth thereby a seeming
or deceiving necessity of their guilt, as if therein or thereby necessarily inferred.
We may boldly yet further affirm that if it were possible for the Devil to speak
the truth, truly, wholly, impartially, so as it might appear plain, evident, mani-
fest, yet ought we not from him believe it or receive it. This is in our blessed 25
Savior made undoubted, who in the gospel oft rebuked him even speaking
truth, as also in St. Paul rebuking the pythoness, truly affirming and acknowl-
edging him the servant and minister of God.b
a Isa. 8:19. See note a on page 320. b “And it came to pass that as we went to prayer, a certain
maid having a spirit of divination met us, which got her masters much vantage with divining.
She followed Paul and us, and cried, saying, ‘These men are the servants of the most high God,
which shew unto you the way of salvation.’ And this did she many days. But Paul being grieved,
turned about, and said to the spirit, ‘I command thee in the name of Jesus Christ, that thou come
out of her.’ And he came out the same hour” (Acts 16:16–18).
2 ESTIN AMARTIA ANOMIA. Quicquid non congruit cum lege, peccatum est. [Sin is unlawfulness.
Whatever does not conform to the law is a sin.]
Although the capital letters are Roman, they transliterate the Greek for “Sin is unlawful-
ness.” Surely derived ultimately from the New Testament Epistula Ioannis I.3.4 ἡ ἁμαρτία ἐστὶν
ἡ ἀνομία, “sin is unlawfulness” which is found in some catechisms.
If the Devil, then, speaking truth may not be allowed or credited, how shall
revelations, miracles or oracles proceeding from him, be they never so true, or
approved with any show of true religion or reason, become any just probations
or allegations in law, equity or justice? It may be objected, that many times men
have been by dreams and visions admonished of secret and concealed hideous 5
murders and other evil facts committed privily, whereby the malefactors and
their guilt have been admirably produced unto due punishment. This truth is
even by heathen authors witnessed, and in our time the like hath happened,
and is testified by witnesses whose faith and credit is free from all exception.
Although this be true and cannot be denied, some reasons notwithstanding 10
do persuade that it is more safe to incline, to suspect that these like visions or
dreams are rather of the Devil, than rashly to determine or decree that they are
immediately of God.
First, for that though haply they might be sometimes so granted, yet ought
we not too swiftly or suddenly so believe, for that by the lively counterfeit of 15
the true visions, dreams, and revelations of God, the Devil hath ever usually
practiced to be taken and esteemed as God, the allowance whereof by men is
high blasphemy against God, and ignorant and occult adoration of devils. Sec-
ondly, for that no visions, dreams, or revelations ought to be esteemed of God,
originally or immediately, which do respect or answer curiosity of knowledge 20
or desire, as most of the forementioned kinds usually are wont. Thirdly, for that
the visions of God, as they are ever bent into an extraordinary divine end, and
a universal good, so are they ever dispensed by the ministry of men, who have
manifest commission, or warrant from God, either mediate, or immediate. The
mediate is proved by the manifestation of the means; the immediate, by the 25
evident reflection of a manifest divinity in the power and authority thereof.
For as it is said of the word of God,a so must it necessarily be concluded of all
the true miracles, visions, or revelations of God, that they are lively, and mighty
in operation.
This is seen in the miracles wrought by Moses, which the sorcerers them- 30
selves could not deny to be the finger of God.b This is likewise seen in Simon
Magus, who could not but acknowledge the miraculous power of the Holy
Ghost, by the laying on of the apostles’ hands, so far forth that in the consider-
a “For the word of God is lively, and mighty in operation, and sharper than any two-edged sword,
and entereth through, even unto the dividing asunder of the soul and the spirit, and of the
joints, and the marrow, and is a discerner of the thoughts, and the intents of the heart” (Heb.
4:12). b “Then said the enchanters unto Pharaoh, ‘This is the finger of God.’ But Pharaoh’s heart
remained obstinate, and he hearkened not unto them, as the Lord had said” (Exod. 8:19).
400 chapter 15
ation of his own guilt, and of a convincing power or deity therein, he desired
them to pray for him.
The same is also witnessed in the servants of the high priests who, being sent
with wicked malice and cursed prejudice to entrap and betray our Savior, were
by the miraculous power of his word and works compelled to proclaim and 5
confess: “No man ever spake like this man.”a All these notes or marks, of the
true visions, dreams, or revelations of God, are ever generally, or for the most
part, wanting in the forementioned kinds, which being never free from some
suspicious note of godly jealousy, therefore ought not but with much doubt and
difficulty be at any time admitted. 10
It may be as yet further objected: how can it otherwise be deemed than that
God himself is the author of the former revelations, since they tend unto his
glory in the detecting and punishing of so hideous sins? It is hereto answered
that Almighty God is able to use and command evil instruments unto good
ends. He hath ordained the Devil himself to be the common accuser of all 15
sins and sinners. It is therefore no inconvenience nor repugnant unto reli-
gion or reason to affirm that the Devil himself, in the forementioned visions
or dreams, by the commandment or permission of God, is the producer of
the fore-mentioned murders, evil facts, unto light and judgment. God for his
own glory permitteth the Devil by these his wonderful revelations to detect 20
the named sins and sinners. The Devil also for his own end and desire of their
destruction doth execute the decree of God for their just punishment.
But here may be objected again that the Devil in his revelations (as is before
mentioned) is not to be believed or credited, although he spake truth. How then
may men be allowed to admit or make use of these his visions or dreams in this 25
kind?
It is hereto replied, Almighty God himself doth both permit and hear the
Devil when he accuseth, as is manifest by holy scriptures. Therefore, among
men, and by men also, his accusations may be heard and considered. Notwith-
standing, since he is oft a false accuser, and the enemy of God and truth, he 30
may not be credited in himself; no, nor truth itself simply as in his mouth. Upon
his accusation therefore, if truth and certainty do declare itself, the force and
virtue thereof, and not the accusation doth conduct upright men and minds,
unto proceeding and judgment. It is not the Devil’s accusation, but the truth
itself, unto which haply that accusation did point inquisition, that by itself 35
made manifest, is therefore credited.
a “Then came the officers to the high Priests and Pharisees, and they said unto them, ‘Why have
ye not brought him?’ The officers answered, ‘Never man spake like this man.’ ” (John 7:40–46).
Conclusiona
And thus, with brevity hath the vanity both of all superstitions, and also of
all miraculous ways of the detection of witches and witchcraft, been in some
few of their particulars generally unmasked. There are, and may be many more
besides these, which in these, and with these will likewise perish and vanish,
being by the same rule and reason compelled unto the golden trial of sincere 5
religion and affection.
The sole, true and warranted way, wherein uprightly men may walk herein
before God and men, hath been in this treatise formerly disquired and dis-
coursed. Therein (intelligent reader) thou mayest observe two sorts of manifest
witches. The one is offered unto the outward sense, in his apparent and palpa- 10
ble sorcerous works. The other is made evident by plain demonstration out of
the sacred word of truth. It hath ever prevailed with vulgar custom (because
most sensible of the most gross harms more open to sense) to cast chiefly, or
for the most part, the eye and common jealousy upon the first kind. The other
kind (because usually left noted of sense, and therefore esteemed least harmful 15
to men) is both in the just protraction or production thereof unto the bar of jus-
tice much more rare and seldom, and also in common and vulgar observation
is little or not at all considered.
Hence it proceedeth that most men do doubtfully resolve thereof. Yea, some
men admire a worth therein, others esteem it of reasonable and commend- 20
able use, unto the satisfaction of their curiosities, in things secret and hidden
from the knowledge of man. But since Almighty God hath more specially (as
is in the former treatise proved) both given most certain and plain indication,
and information of this kind, by the expressed fruits thereof, and the necessary
inference of familiarity and consultation with other spirits than himself,b and 25
hath also so oft in so divers places iterated the great abomination, and his high
detestation thereof, it is not only the saving duty of all private men to take more
diligent and wary notice thereof, thereby to eschew and fly from it, accord-
ing unto God’s express charge and command, but it is the charge of princes
and magistrates also, to fulfill thereby the commanded execution of God’s holy 30
wrath and vengeance upon it.
8 Disquired: Inquired diligently.
a In the original text, this section is included without a new heading in Chapter 15. bIsa. 8:19.
See note a on page 320 of this edition.

402 conclusion
For which pleasing service and sacrifice unto him, Almighty God hath upon
the everlasting records of his holy word fixed forever the so memorable praise
and commendation of those famous princes, who have dedicated themselves
unto his will therein. As it hath been declared by what means witches and
sorcerers in two kinds severally may be manifestly charged, challenged, and 5
proved as certain and undoubted offenders; so also how far presumption, prob-
abilities, or matter of just suspicion, in both may blamelessly guide and conduct
upright and equal inquisition, hath been briefly instanced.
From all which it is evident: first, that God in nature hath not shut up in this
subject the common entrance and door of judging, trying or deciding as equally 10
as in other cases. Secondly, that beside and beyond that way, which God hath
left open unto sensible and reasonable progress, herein it must necessarily be
preposterous presumption to break out, or overreach, as also instead of that
plain approved and authentic walk for the trials of truth, the judgment and
condemnation of others, and the establishment of men’s own thoughts, and 15
minds, to seek irreligious footing, in the labyrinth of amazing wonderments,
and reasonless traditions and experiments.
To walk in these ways is no better than to run away from God, in whom to
trust, though with some restraint, and coercion of our longing vain desires, and
satisfactions, is truly far more happy than out of the conduct of his allowance, 20
therein to enjoy the fullest measure or overflow of all the most obsequious
influences of human bliss. If true religion and piety could settle this considera-
tion, the common folly of misgoverned, petulant, inordinate, and intemperate
expatiations in this kind would not only in private men more usually blush and
be ashamed, but a more even, straight, and uninterrupted way, being prepared 25
thereby unto justice, would usually bring forth a much more happy issue, then
now is ordinary. Thus far the love of truth, which I have ever carefully sought
and studied, hath offered violence unto my private thoughts and meditations,
exposing them unto the hazard of public view.
As my labor is not lost unto myself, and my own more confirmed satisfac- 30
tion thereby so if there be therein any good unto the common good, I know,
good men will not for the thorn refuse the fruit, for defect of elegance in style,
or obscurity of worth in the author, quarrel with the matter itself.
appendix 1
Textual Notes
Short Discovery: Variants
The Short Discovery was reprinted in 1617 and 1619. The titles are are the only significant
variants.
Title page] A True Discovery of the Empiric with the Fugitive Physican and Quacksalver,
who display their banners upon posts, whereby his Majesty’s subjects are not only deceived,
but greatly endangered in the health of their bodies. Being very profitable as well for the
ignorant as for the learned. 1617.
Title Page] A Short Discovery of Several Sorts of Ignorant and Unconsiderate Practicers of
Physic in England. With direction for the saftest election of a physician in necessity. 1619.
Trial of Witchcraft: Variants
Cotta revised Trial in 1624. The second edition generally follows the first quite closely
except for the addition of certain passages meant to elaborate, often with additional
examples. We have used the first edition as our copy text, partly for the sake of brevity,
partly because the first edition is closer in time to the golden age of English renaissance
writing, and partly because the additions in the second edition generally extend posi-
tions already clearly and repeatedly made evident in the first edition, or, in some cases,
in The Short Discovery. Indeed, in some instances, the additions may obscure as much
as they elucidate.
For the interest of the textually-minded reader and scholar, we list significant vari-
ants and additions from 1624 edition (which we refer to as AW, for Assured Witch, [see
below]). Greek and Latin text is not annotated, but is reported letter by letter as in AW,
with the exception that the diacritics on the Greek follow modern conventions rather
than the erratic diacritics of AW.
As in the main text, spelling and punctuation are modernized, though with fewer
emendations. Other light annotations are provided for the aid of the reader.
Title Page: The Trial of Witchcraft] The Infallible, True and Assured Witch, or, the Second
Edition of the Trial of Witchcraft. Showing the Right and True Method of the Discovery:
With a Confutation of Erroneous Ways, Carefully reviewed, and more fully cleared and
augmented.

404 appendix 1
Dedication] AW includes an additional dedication as follows:

To the Right Honorable Sir James Ley, Knight and Baronet, Lord Chief Justice of Eng-
land, and to the rest of the honorable, right, reverend, and worthy judges.1
Right honorable Lords, I formerly dedicated a small treatise unto the honorable soci-
ety of the reverend judges, who then filled the awful seats of law and justice. I adventure
the second time to present it, reviewed, augmented, and cleared from some part of
that darkness which haply hath hitherto clouded it from bright acceptance. Informa-
tion tending unto truth’s discovery, though from the meanest wit or person unto your
Lordships, cannot be unacceptable, who law doth make the sentences of truth, which
is the soul and sentence of the law. The matter and subject pronounced is not trifling
or unworthy, nor can be any disdain unto noble greatness. Nor is unto any honorable
order more proper than to your Lordships. Indeed, the difficulty of the matter pres-
seth a studious consideration, an orderly, continual linking and holding together of all
material circumstances unto the main scope, a faithful and strong memory, quickness
of apprehension, and solid judgment. But, in the end, unto such as are industrious and
desirous of truth, will yield a delightful and thankworthy compensation thereof. I pre-
sume not to direct or prescribe, nor do purposely oppose any other different opinion,
but inoffensively tend my own unto the public good, and having merely devoted it unto
truth, do humbly submit it unto your Lordships, the vowed patrons of right and truth.
Your Lordships’ in all humble duty and desire, John Cotta.
296, all other knowledge whatsoever.] AW adds: And that this also is the same way and
direction which the holy scripture itself doth intend for the discovery of witches and
their sentencing is manifest. Num 29–30, Deut 17:6 and 19:15, Math 18:16, John 8:17, 2nd
Corinth 13:1, Hebr 10:28—in these named places it is required that no man be judged in
matter of weight or death, but by the testimony of two witnesses at the least. Witchcraft,
therefore, being a matter, both of weight and death, cannot, according unto God’s word,
be judged but by testimony of witnesses. Whatsoever is witnessed must necessarily be
subject to sense. From hence, then, it is inevitably concluded that the works of witches
are no other way to be discerned or judged but by the common way of discovery, by
deeds and works apparent to sense and the testimony thereof.
1 The second edition of Trial was published when Coke’s fortunes had declined, and so in this
edition, the dedication to Coke is preceded by a dedication to Sir James Ley, another long-time
parliamentarian, created Earl of Marlborough in 1626. Ley held a number of prominent posi-
tions during his career, including Lord Chief Justice. He had a reputation for seriousness and
probity. The poet John Milton, for instance, in a sonnet to Ley’s daughter Margaret, praised
the man for his integrity, declaring that throughout his career he had been “unstained with
gold or fee.” Milton, Sonnet 10, line 3. For more on Milton and the Ley family, see Blanchard,
“Lyrical Legacies,” 1–3.
textual notes 405
296, raised from both.] AW adds: Before I do proceed farther, for his more facile under-
standing, I do admonish the reader that he distinguish what is meant by the supernat-
ural works, namely, whatsoever is effected in, upon, or by any corporeal substances or
sublunary bodies, which is above the nature and power of those bodies, or sublunary
substances. They are not supernatural in regard of those spiritual substances, which
are the proper agents, and unto whom such works are no more than natural, but in
regard to those bodily substances, upon which, in which, or by which, those spiritual
substances to work, as merely their patients, and being in themselves or own nature,
deprived of any such possibility.
303, likewise are many testimonies] AW adds: Of his appearance in divers other forms
likewise are many testimonies. Neither do philosophers differ or doubt herein. *Aris-
totle in his Metaphysics hath these words Οὐσία λέγεται τά τε ἁπλᾶ σώματα, οἷον γῆ καὶ
πῦρ καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα καὶ τὰ ἐκ τούτων συνεστῶτα ζῷά τε καὶ δαιμόνια. That is,
“Substances are called simple bodies as water, earth, fire and the like, and things com-
pounded thereof, as living creatures and spirits,” which is so far forth to be understood
of spirits, as they were in assumed shapes visible. Orpheus doth number six kinds of
these visible devils or spirits: Δαίμονας οὐρανίους καὶ ἠερίους καὶ ἐνύδρους καὶ χθονίους καὶ
ὑποχθονίους πυριφοίτους. That is, “Spirits inhabiting the heavenly regions, spirits ruling
in the air, in the water, in the fire, in the earth, and under the earth.” The spirits in the
air, *Plato sayeth, are presidents of divination, of miracles, and of Chaldaic magic. The
spirits in the earth and under the earth are such as appear in the shape of dogs and goats
and the like, moving men unto foul and unlawful lusts as Janus Jacobus *Boissardus in
his Tractatus de Magia et Geniis doth testify. The same author unto this purpose citeth
St. *Augustine, Book 2, Super Genesim ad Literam confirming that spirits do use the
help of airy bodies or substances that may appear unto men. Unto this opinion of the
apparitions of spirits, variety of story likewise doth bring forth faith and credit. I will not
mention the apparition which happened unto Athenodorus the Philosopher reported
by *Pliny, nor Brutus his genius after the death of Julius Caesar, appearing and speak-
ing unto him, nor those representations, which, in the shape of men appeared unto
Lucius Domitius, returning toward Rome as *Suetonius reporteth, adding for confirma-
tion of truth in the History, that the apparition, touching his beard, it instantly changed
from the former perfect black unto a lively yellow, and thereupon he was afterward sur-
named Oenobarbus. I will not further cite ancient times herein. Let us come unto later
days and writers.
307, undoubtedly sorcery and witchcraft.] AW adds: To this purpose sayeth *Binsfeldius
Explicat. in praelud. 5. Re quiritur in maleficio hominis libera voluntas quam Diabolus
non potest cogere, sed persuadere tantum aut terrere. That is, “In witchcraft, necessar-
ily the will or consent of man must concur with the Devil’s work, for the Devil cannot
406 appendix 1
force or compel the will of man, but persuadeth it only, or affrighteth it.” And again, he
sayeth, that whosoever doth pretend to do those things which are above the power and
reach of man by any natural causes, which causes are allowed not such effects, either
in nature or in God’s word, or by any ordinance of his church, that man doth closely or
tacitly invocate the Devil. Quotiens (inquit) quis contendit illud facere, per causas natu-
rales, quae nec virtute sua naturali, neque ex divina aut Ecclesiastica possunt illud facere,
Tacite invocatur Daemon.
307, to stay] AW adds: The like is reported by Janus Jacobus *Boissardus concerning a
German Count in his book De Divinatione. It is related upon good record that Decius
Actius, the augur, was able to report unto Tarquinius the Roman King, the very par-
ticular which he intended and prepared in his most secret designs. It is written of the
Enthusiasts, or prophetesses of Diana in Castabala, a town of Cilicia, that they should
walk usually and voluntarily with naked and bare feet upon hot burning coals without
any hurt or alteration by the fire. It is recorded concerning *Pythagoras that he would
by certain secret words compel a feeding ox, bullock, or the like to immediately stand
still, and forbear his wheat. Others report of him that he would command wild beasts,
and birds, bears, and eagles to come unto him, to grow tame, to follow him.
307, credibly written of *Pythagoras] AW: credibly reported of the same Pythagoras
308, no reason can doubt.] AW adds: And for this cause, *Binsfeldius termeth it a tacit
contract, as is aforesaid.
320 (Chapter title), of reason] AW: of reason, and how detected
322, some particulars therein.] AW adds: It is said of Apollonius that he foretold the
day, the hour of the day, the moment of the hour wherein Coccius Nerra, the Emperor,
should die, long before the time and being in far distant places removed from him. It
is reported of the same Apollonius, that being consulted by one who for that purpose
came unto him, how he might grow rich, Appollonius appointed him to buy a certain
field or ground, and to be careful in tilling and plowing thereof, which after he had
done awhile, he found in the end a great treasure and so became rich. It is written of
this same Apollonius also, he made known unto Titus Vespatian, the time and man-
ner of his death, enquiring it at his hands. These things with many other the like Janus
Jacobus *Boissardius relateth in the life of Apollonius.
323, then true wonder] AW: true wonder, as sayeth *de Serres, although some others
have judged her an impostress only.
textual notes 407
325, came truly to pass] AW adds: These things, as I said before, do necessarily infer a
power far superior unto the power of man, and therefore prove their voluntary under-
takers, witches or sorcerers. This doth *Binsfeldius in his Tract, De Malef. Confessionis,
confidently affirm in these words referri non possunt ad causas naturales, sed ad Dea-
mones hi effectus, nempe response dare de occultis ferri, per aerem, per loca remotissima.
That is, “These things can have no relation unto natural causes, namely, to give answer
unto things hidden from man, to fly in the air and the like, but are to be attributed unto
the power of the Devil or devils.”
328, infallibly point out a witch or a sorcerer] AW adds: by what way so ever he do prac-
tice with the Devil, whether by conjuration, spells, or other magic rites, or by vulgar
trading with him, by familiar speech and express contract, as is most usual with vulgar
and unlearned witches. It is not the different manner of contracting, or covenanting
with the Devil that maketh a new or a different species of a witch, for by what name so
ever, in what manner so ever, any man doth contract with the Devil, he is a witch or a
sorcerer, sayeth *Binsfeldius, and invocateth the Devil.
328, conditions or agreement] AW adds: That we may make this point yet more clear, let
us yet farther examine and consider what witchcraft is. These are the express words of
*Binsfeldius, a Papist divine, in his tract De Confessionibus Sagarum et Veneficorum. Ut
fiat maleficium haec tria concurrant necesse est inquit, Deus permittens, secundo Diaboli
potestas, tertio hominis malefici voluntas libere consentiens. That is, “Unto witchcraft,
three things necessarily concur. First, God permitting; secondly the Devil working;
thirdly, man thereto consenting or yielding his free will.” Unto the very same pur-
pose, sayeth a learned Protestant divine, or countryman, *Perkins, in his description
of witchcraft, including the work or assistance of the Devil, the permission of God, and
a wicked art freely practiced by man, and Chapter 5 of his Discourse he pronounceth
also him a witch whosoever wittingly or willingly consenteth to use the aid or assis-
tance of the Devil, in the working of wonders above the ordinary course of nature. I
name these two divines only, because in this particular they seem to me to have best
satisfied and by the common consent both of Papist and Protestant divines, the truth
doth more uncontroversedly appear catholic and firm, most other learned men that I
have seen on both parts having generally or for the most part comparatively been defec-
tive. *Scaliger in his book De Subtilitate, consenteth with them both, exercit. 347 where
speaking of the impossibility of one man hurting another merely by bare words, he
hath these words: “There is a greater power than words,” sayeth he, “namely, the Devil
doth the mischief upon the uttering of such words; and the foolish, sottish man that
pronounceth them or uttereth them supposeth that by virtue of his words it is done.”
Ipse igitur agit Daemon (inquit) stultus et vecors putat suis se verbis agere; unto the same
effect are the words of St. *Augustine: “By magic art,” sayeth he, “miracles and things
408 appendix 1
above nature are brought to pass.” Miracula Magicis artibus fiunt. lib. 3. De Trinitate.
The word “magic” doth insinuate, or employ, or include both a devil and a supernatural
effect or miracle, as in the former words of Scaliger, also the supernatural effect and
consequent of mumbling, argued a power in them above the power of a mere voice or
speech, which therefore, sayeth Scaliger, was the Devil. In both likewise, the will and
consent of man was apparent. In the first, where St. Augustine calleth magic an art that
employeth a man’s consent for that arts are willingly, and wittingly studied by man. In
the second, where Scaliger, in the mumbling of words of supernatural effect, affirmeth
that the foolish man who uttered them, supposed the effects to proceed from his words;
his uttering therefore, such words with that expectance, pruned his liking and con-
sent unto such effects. And thus it is undoubtedly apparent, by these authors in their
descriptions of magic and witchcraft, that necessarily by consent of reason, though
not always in express words, is understood and included, both something supernatural
and the will and consent of man thereto. And this may yet be made apparent by the
words of the same Scaliger Exercit 327 Magi (inquit) suas effectiones violentias appellant:
propterea quod vires suas supra eas, quae naturae ordine fieri videntur exercent. That is,
“Magicians term their works violences, because they exercise violent force, or power,
above the course or order of human nature.” The magicians, giving names unto their
works above human power or nature, and boasting of them as their own, doth prove
their free will and consent. Those their works being supernatural do prove them to be
of the Devil, as the very usual understanding of the word “magician,” whereby they are
ordinarily termed, doth testify. And thus, it is manifest: first that in witchcraft the effect
or work done is supernatural, above the reach and power of man; secondly, that in that
work the magician, or witch, hath a willing interest. And hence now is manifest also,
what witchcraft is, namely, a work of effect, above the nature or power of man, wherein
notwithstanding is the will, consent, and assent of man. This no man can deny, the
demonstration being so evident.
It now followeth to inquire how this witchcraft shall be detected or discovered. Sec-
ondly, how shall man’s free will, or consent therein be discovered? Unto the first, is
easily answered, videlicet, the supernatural work or effect doth appear by itself when it
is manifest and apparent above the nature, reach, and power of man, such as are diverse
effects and works formerly mentioned. Unto the second I answer that man’s free will,
good will, consent, assent, or allowance therein is discovered by the same true acts
or means, whereby any man his consent or assent is usually discovered, indicted, and
arraigned, in the case of treason, murder, felony. In case of treason, murder, felony, con-
sent is discovered in usual course and practice of the law, either by some manifest act
promoting the furthering those wicked intents or by connivance therein, by willfully
not seeing, or by silence, or not revealing. As therefore in those crimes justly, so in this
high treason against God, and adherence unto his enemy the Devil in like manner any
man his wicked assent, consent or good liking is to be traced and discovered by any act
textual notes 409
tending unto the promoting thereof by his conniving, willingly concealing or silence.
For as in the case of treason, murder, felony, whosoever permitteth or admitteth any
of those crimes, whosoever only consenteth thereto, conniveth, keepeth counsel, or
concealeth, is justly by the law held, judged, and condemned as a traitor, murderer, or
felon himself. So, by the same equity and reason in high treason against God (such as
is witchcraft and adhering unto the Devil his enemy) whosoever shall consent thereto,
connive, or give allowance is certainly a witch himself and guilty of witchcraft. This is
the reason why all writers, with one consent do as well hold and condemn for witchcraft
the tacit contract as the express.
Wherein in express terms vocally any man covenanteth with the Devil or con-
tracteth. A tacit contract is, when any man taketh upon him to do that by natural causes
which causes are allowed no such effects in course of nature, nor yet are allowed unto
any such effects beside the course of nature, either by God, his word or by the ordi-
nances of his church. To this effect expressly sayeth *Binsfeldius Lib. de Confess. Malefic.
et Sagarum: Tacite (inquit) invocatur Daemon quotiens quis contendit illud, facere per
causas naturales, quae nec virtute sua naturali, neque ex Divina, aut Ecclesiastica possunt
illud facere. To the same purpose sayeth *Perkins cap. 5 of his discourse of witchcraft,
“Giving allowance,” sayeth he, “unto means not allowed by God maketh a witch.” That
there are such effects, the same author doth instance in another place in these words,
Referri (inquit) non possunt ad causas naturales sed ad Daemonas hi effectus, ferri per
aerem dare responsa de occultis. That is, “These effects cannot be referred unto any nat-
ural causes, but unto the power of devils, namely, to fly in the air, to reveal things hidden
from man.” For this cause, also sayeth Perkins, divining of things to come peremptorily
convinceth the author a witch.
To conclude therefore, whosoever taketh upon him to do these things, or the like,
and cannot justify them done according unto the virtue or power of natural causes,
or (if besides course of nature) cannot prove or warrant them to be of God, neither
by his word, nor ordinance of his church, that man is a magician, a witch, or sorcerer.
But here it is requisite and fit that men do distinguish between things unwarrantably
done beside the course of nature—and therefore necessary to be tried and judged by
those rules of God’s word and church—and between those things which are likewise
unwarrantably done, but are above the course of nature, yet are likewise to be tried by
the same rules and limits of God’s word and church. For as besides course of nature
are many things, as sacraments, rites, ceremonies which are to have allowance of their
being from the same limitations, or else are to be condemned. So, there are things above
nature as miracles which also are to have their allowance and appropriation by the for-
mer rules.
It followeth therefore necessarily from hence that whatsoever supernatural effect
or above the power or nature of man doth happen, and is not warranted or allowed
by God, his word, or church, that certainly is of the Devil. If it be of the Devil, then
410 appendix 1
whosoever doth allow, yield his good will, consent, or by any way or means or art, doth
promote further, it is a witch, as he who in treason or murder conviveth or consenteth is
a traitor or murderer as is aforesaid. That a supernatural work or an effect above nature
is to be held diabolical is not only proved by examination and trial of God, his word,
and church, but reason itself doth also demonstrate it. Every supernatural cause is God
or the Devil, there being no mean between, but one or the other. Good angels or spirits
do work their supernatural effects also or above nature, but those their supernatural
works are always directed and commanded by God, and therefore are of God and carry
with them evidence immediate from God. All supernatural works that are of God are
warranted from God.
Therefore, whatsoever supernatural work cannot be warranted to be of God will
appear easily by the former limitations and rules. If, therefore, a supernatural work
appear not to be of God by the former limitations and examinations, then it is certainly
of the Devil. By necessary consequence therefore of reason it followeth that whosoever
unto any such effect or work thus demonstratively discovered to be of the Devil doth
give any allowance or consent, though never so tacitly or closely yea though ignorant
of the quality of the sin, yet in his rash and unadvised and inconsiderate yielding or
conviving therein, he is guilty, accessory, and a very witch himself, as is aforesaid in the
case of treason and the like grievous offences against a prince or state. For the igno-
rance of the law excuseth no man, yea, and in this particular so many fair directions
and learned writers given doth leave men inexcusable and maketh ignorance willful
and resolute and excludeth easy pardon. Neither can the most simple ignorance justify
any man, although it may qualify the degree or grievousness of punishment.
If this law seem strict and hard, let men consider the greatness and grievousness
of the sin and the pernicious consequence thereof which justly doth urge and impose
the necessary, fearful rigor and strictness of the law. The necessity and equity hereof
is apparent in case of high treason aforesaid against a prince, or state, wherein usually
they who are simply or ignorantly drawn or used or are instruments in any sort, to fur-
ther or promote the mischief are as well liable unto the severe inquisition and terrible
censure of the law, as are they who were the main plotters and contrivers. Witchcraft is
high treason against God himself, a combining and adhering unto his enemy the Devil,
a desperate renouncing of God and all goodness, and a worship of devils. In this abom-
inable sin therefore, in any kind or sort, in any manner or action, to befriend, aid, or
convince is no less than high treason against God also, wherein as well the accessory
as the principle are both guilty. Whosoever therefore shall in matter of this high nature
or danger, dare or hazard to do anything that may be questioned or justly suspected in
that kind, or tend thereto, cannot be by his ignorance excused.
328, All objections therefore, doubts, and impediments removed] AW: Thus, I objec-
tions, doubts, and impediments removed
textual notes 411
337, I may here likewise very pertinently] AW: I am here likewise very pertinently
342, doth over-abound in his Discovery] AW adds: I have myself noted and known
some men (I could say some men of the clergy) who to draw wonder and custom unto
their practice in physic (wherein sacrilegiously they spend their best and chief time
and hours with open neglect of God and his service), I know some I say who are not
ashamed profanely and most irreligiously to affect among vulgars, to gain the opinion
of skill in conjuration, magic, and devil-charming. By this impostrous act or device,
many years together (not among men religious, orthodox, or judiciously learned, but
among vulgars, and sometimes also among some great and mighty men) they have
become unworthily magnified physicians above other far more worthy and performing
sometimes some things praiseworthy (as is ofttimes contingent unto the meanest prac-
titioners) they still gain countenance and time to rob God of the first fruits of their time,
strength, and labors, and the church of their more requisite main study and employ-
ment.
342, It is not unknown unto my own proof] AW: It is not unknown how common it is
among these men to profess the erecting of figures, the giving of answers as wizards,
the revealing of things hidden as magicians unto the great dishonor of God, the shame
of the church, the laws of the kingdom. How usual …
342, how usual it is with many] AW: How usual it is with many other jugglers and moun-
tebanks
342, by the reputation of a witch only] AW: by the reputation of witches
342, diseases and their issues] AW: their issues, is not unknown unto any common
observer.
343, kind worthy notice.] AW gives the specific references to Short Discovery in the main
text.
346, never to be denied.] AW adds: The demonstration hereof is evident. A proper cause
is certainly known where is detected his proper effect. Ergo, where is effected ought
supernatural, there is infallibly discovered a supernatural cause.
350, in sublunary nature] AW adds: For illustration hereof, I will give one material
instance fitting our present time, that shall apertly without exception manifest the dis-
tinction of both these kinds, therewith declaring the great odds and difference between
true knowledge and understanding in the learned physician and the amazed wonder-
ments of vulgars and ignorant men.
412 appendix 1
There are vulgarly reported among our English vulgars to be in the bodies of many
witches, certain marks or excrescences which are usually deemed the rendezvous of
the Devil, where by covenant he doth suck the blood of witches. These excrescencies
are usually described to bear sometimes the shape of warts and teats or some other
such like tumors. They are most commonly found in the privy parts. They are found
suddenly after their appearance, sometimes to vanish. They do often bleed, and there-
fore are vulgarly deemed, the remaining dropping of the Devil’s sucking. There are
diseases, likewise, like unto these by physicians many hundreds of years published,
and both by ancient physicians and chirurgeons, as also by those of later times oft
cured. That this be not esteemed a wonder, or a fable, I will produce some of their sev-
eral shapes, described by several authors, and will cite them according to their usual
names which are these: Thymion, Nymphe, Cleitoris, Cercosis, Morum, Alhasce, Ficus,
Mariscae.
Of the first thus sayeth Paulus Aegineta in his sixth book, and 71st chapter.2 It is
an excrescence or eminence, standing out from the rest of the flesh, sometimes red,
sometimes white, for the most part without pain, the bigness of an Egyptian bean and
of the colors of the flowers of thyme. They are found, sayeth he, in the privy parts of
women and are cured by cutting them away. Johannes Hucherus of the city of Beau-
vais in France, sometimes one of the King’s council and physician unto his person, in
his second book concerning barrenness doth testify that the former excrescence doth
sometimes grow in some length, sometimes in the hands, sometimes in the thighs,
sometimes in the face, but sayeth that they are most troublesome in the privy parts
both of man and woman.
*Celsus sayeth in his first book, chap. 28 that these excrescencies do sometimes
open and bleed and send out blood. Thymion facile finditur et cruentatur, nonnumquam
aliquantum sanguinis fundit. Antonius Musa upon the 26th Aphorism of Hippocrates
the third book testifieth by his observation in diverse particulars, that the former
disease or excrescence doth ofttimes wear and vanish away without help or rem-
edy.
The second disease or excrescence called nymphe, Paulus Aegineta in his 6th book
8th chap. doth describe to be a swelling or growing out of a piece of flesh in the secret
part of a woman rising ofttimes unto an undecent fashion and great bigness. *Avicenna
delivereth the same description. Tom 1. Fen. 21. Tract 4 and Albucasis Chirurg. Part 2.
Chap. 72, 73, 74.
2 Paulus Aegineta (Paul of Aegina, ca. AD 625–ca. 690) was the author of the encyclopedia
Epitomae Medicae Libri Septem (“Medical Compendium in Seven Books”), an extensive and
detailed compilation of Western medical knowledge. The sixth book, on surgery, was espe-
cially influential. Translated into Arabic in the ninth century, the book was widely employed
by Islamic physicians.
textual notes 413
The third excrescence called cleitoris is little different from the former by description
of the same authors. Avicen lib. 3 Fen 28. Paulus Aegineta in the fore-mentioned place.
The fourth excrescence called cerrosis the same author in the same place compareth
unto a long tail and sayeth that it hangeth down and issueth out of the part before men-
tioned in women, and is cured by being cut away.
The fifth excrescence called morum hath that name from his likeness unto a mul-
berry. The sixth, called alhasce from his likeness unto a bramble leaf. Avicen Tom. 1 lib.
3. Fen 21. Tract 4. cap. 20. As for the seventh and eighth excrescences, growing likewise
as the rest about the secret parts, they have been so commonly in ancient times known,
that *Martial the poet out of his own acquaintance with them, hath made sport thereof
in this witty verse:
Dicemus ficus quas scimus in arbore nasci,

Dicemus ficus Caeciliane tuos.
Of the mariscae, thus also writeth Juvenal:
Coeduntur tumide medico ridente, Mariscae
Of these mariscae, thus sayeth Antonius Musa upon the Aphorism 30, lib. 3. We call
them, sayeth he, crests or combs from their likeness unto the comb of a cock, which,
sayeth he, if they be not in time cut away and cured by actual cauteries, they are never
cured at all.
Thus much concerning these diseases out of learned authors. Let us now consider
these natural diseases which are called wonders in nature (because not ordinarily or
vulgarly seen) with those marks of witches or diseases and excrescencies effected and
caused by the Devil in witches which therefore must needs be wonders above nature.
Let us, I say, compare them together, the one with the other. Their exceeding near neigh-
borhood and likeness no common understanding—as they are described truly and
lively—can choose but acknowledge. To confound or mistake the one for the other
is very easy, but yet dangerous and pernicious. I will not deny against due testimonies
and the free confessions of the witches themselves that such marks may be by the Devil
upon covenant made, in way of a hellish sacrament between the Devil and the witch.
But where the confession of the witch herself, being free from just exception doth not
appear, nor the Devil to any spectators, doth show himself in the act of sucking which
he never doth (as my incredulous thoughts persuade myself) where I say, these appear
to be manifest without fraud, there it is requisite and necessary that either we discharge
the Devil and acquit him of the slander or else discover it by some other sign or note,
which may justly be appropriated unto the Devil, that his finger or guilt hath been
therein.
414 appendix 1
This is the reason, without which ought be no persuasion. “Every tree is to be known
by his own fruit,” sayeth our Savior. Therefore, the Devil is known by the works and
fruits of a devil, proper and belonging unto him. “Try and discern the spirits,” “whether
they be of God or no.” And how can they be discerned if there were not some notes
or properties known unto holy discerning minds whereby they might be discerned?
It is madness therefore to suppose it possible to know that which is done by a spirit
wherein is no evidence, impression, sign, show or property of a spirit. For as a natu-
ral cause cannot be known but by his natural effect, so is it impossible that a spiritual
cause should be known but by some supernatural effect. For this cause, in all places of
scripture, where are set forth the outward works or actions of the Devil, they do there
likewise all appear to be his, in some extraordinary and supernatural note or manner.
The casting of bodies of the possessed in the Gospel, into the midst of the people
was a thing extraordinary, impossible, and unusual unto the voluntary motion of men
alone. The bringing of fire from heaven to devour so many of Job’s sheep was in the
manner beyond the nature usual and ordinary force or custom of fire. The carriage
of the herds of swine headlong into the sea was manifestly beyond the nature of their
natural motion, yea, against their nature. Here may be objected that the Devil doth ordi-
narily work and produce things of seeming wonder and strange consequence, wherein
notwithstanding doth not appear any sign or impression of any supernatural cause or
author as is seen in many things produced in men and issuing from his usual tempta-
tions of men.
The answer is that the Devil doth work upon man two ways. The first is immediately
by the temptings and soliciting only of man unto works which properly are affected
by man himself in the usual course and power of man’s nature. The second is imme-
diately by his own proper action as he is a spirit and immediately worketh to himself
the work of a spirit. In the first, the Devil is not properly said to work in himself, but
rather to give and offer occasion unto the disposition and affections of man, thereby
exciting and tempting man unto that work which therefore only carrieth the stamp of
a work proper unto a man. In the second, the Devil worketh immediately himself as he
is a spirit and in that work therefore must necessarily likewise be seen and appear the
stamp of a spirit, since in the course and order of all things created whatsoever, the true
and immediate cause, his immediate true and proper effect, is the sole true infallible
stamp, evidence, and proof thereof.
The works, therefore, which are called or esteemed the Devil’s, in regard of his temp-
tations and incitations of man, unto foolish, wicked, and oft-wondered mischievous
actions, are only and truly called devilish as proceeding from the Devil’s instigation
only, but are not truly or properly, or immediately, any works of the Devil and therefore
it is not requisite that in such works of the Devil, unproperly called his, there should
appear any signs, proper unto the works of a spirit or devil. Since then it is infallible
that there can be no possible discovery of any cause whatsoever, natural or supernat-
textual notes 415
ural, but by such accidents, effects, or properties as properly belong or issue from that
cause, and since proper effects appearing do only discover their causes more clearly
where they appear more clear, and more obscurely, where they do appear more obscure
and nothing at all, where they appear not at all. Since I say this is true and never to be
infringed, those supposed witch’s marks, before they can be justly and truly be judged
to be by the Devil effected or used, must by some stamp or sign proper to himself or
to his works or to his use and property therein be so determined and convinced to
be.
The wonder indeed of their strange shapes, form and manner, is sufficient to amaze
such as are not judiciously read or are unlearned. But the physician who knoweth such
diseases to be in nature, by that knowledge of their nature, knowing likewise that they
do not exceed nature, doth justly stand apart and divide himself from the vulgar error
and opinion, that they are any marks to be appropriate to the Devil.
And hence appeareth the necessity of convincing the forementioned witch’s marks
to be supernatural, before upon their shape or appearance only, it can be esteemed
just, either to impute unto the Devil or to call any man into question. Before they can
be truly judged or determined whether supernatural or no, the necessity of consulting
with the learned physician is likewise demonstrated. Of which we may yet again give
another demonstration within the same instance.
It hath been sometimes by oath confirmed and deposed that these forementioned
marks of witches have (immediately after they have been seen) suddenly vanished
to be no more seen. The question may be whether their sudden disappearance after
their manifest appearance be in nature possible unto such like diseases or no. It is
known unto the physician that many diseases do insensibly grow and insensibly also
wear and vanish away without any knowledge or notice thereof taken by the diseased.
This, therefore, solely can be no note of a supernatural mark whatsoever passionate
ignorants fondly dispute to maintain their own wills and prejudicate resolutions. I do
grant, if those material excrescencies do in a moment vanish away without any prece-
dent preparation or alteration rending thereto, or do in an instant appear and in the
same moment, without any mutation or proportion of time instantly vanish, then must
this be granted supernatural. Quia nihil fit in momento, that is, “No natural being hath
desinence or being without proportioned time,” beyond which nothing can be really
or indeed in sublunary nature, whether there be in the vanishing of former marks pro-
portion of time or no, and the due antecedent mutations and alterations in nature
requisite, who can truly judge, but he who doth know the general course of nature in
all things and also the particular course in the nature of diseases, which is the learned
physician alone.
It may be objected that many common men, in the former marks, may as easily see
and discern that which is supernatural ofttimes as the greatest clerks. For example, it
hath been published by authors of great note that oracles have been uttered and artic-
416 appendix 1
ulate sounds heard distinctly issuing from the privy parts of a pythoness. Any man that
doth know or hear such sounds out of that place can as directly and as truly as the physi-
cian avouch this to be supernatural. It was sometime openly objected against a witch
in Northamptonshire at the public assize that a rat was oft observed to resort into her
privy part and with her liking and sufferance there to suck. This was by oath and tes-
timony urged against her and she confessed it to be true. If the oath and testimony of
sufficient witnesses confirm the history to be true, there is no man unto whom this is
not apparent, as well unto the physician, to be more than natural. Hereto we do answer
that although it cannot be denied that many things may evidently declare themselves
unto every vulgar as unto the learned physician to be supernatural—yet doth not this
truth in some cases evince it true in all cases. Because some things are not denied unto
a vulgar eye or judgment it doth not thence follow necessarily that all things are thereto
evident.
It is further objected that in those cases physicians are oft found deceived as well
as other men. It is answered that among physicians, as among all sorts of other men,
there are many vulgars who are and may be ordinarily deceived, yea amongst the judi-
cious and learned also who cannot so ordinarily or easily be deceived, yet there must
be some wants and imperfections since no man in this mortal life can be in all par-
ticular points perfect. Notwithstanding, this doth not excuse those who are unlearned
and have many more gross wants and imperfections for not consulting with those that
have less, since unperfect perfection of knowledge is far better guide than imperfec-
tion, gross ignorance, and privation of art and knowledge.
It may be yet demanded, what if the physician or learned man cannot detect the
Devil in these named marks since the Devil is able to have a finger haply in them where
no note or sign thereof shall at all appear?
Answer hereto is, where God doth give unto men no means, no way or possibility
unto their desired satisfaction, there they ought to rest contented since the contrary
is precipitation and impatience with God his good will and pleasure and unbridled
curiosity. For as in other cases, namely felony, murder, all law both divine and human
doth forbid to accuse the murderer or felon where God hath not discovered his guilt
by any sign, evidence, or proof thereof. So, in case of witchcraft where God hath not
revealed it by any reasonable proof unto the learned and judicious there hath no
man warrant to accuse or challenge upon superstitious grounds or surmises only. And
though this moderation be just and fit to be held where God hath inhibited the contrary,
yet it is no apology or excuse for negligence, contempt, and want of diligent inquisi-
tion at any other time whensoever God doth permit or offer means, hope or possibility
thereto.
There may here a question be pertinently moved, namely, whether these marks
before mentioned which proved supernatural do therefore necessarily convince the
party upon who they are found a witch, yes or no. Answer hereto is that simply and
textual notes 417
alone such marks do not prove a witch at all, but with some limitations and consider-
ations they do absolutely and infallibly demonstrate a witch.
Those limitations are these: first, that those marks certainly detected to be super-
natural, be by circumstances, presumptions on necessary inference, or reason proved
to be known by the party in whim they are found, that they are of the Devil or by the
Devil there placed. Secondly that they are there continued, maintained or preserved
with the liking and allowance of that party. The reason of these limitations is mani-
fest, for that the Devil is able to impose diverse diseases as also such like supernatural
marks or excrescencies, as are before mentioned upon men without their liking or con-
sent, where God doth so permit him. This is evident by the history of Job upon whom
the Devil brought extraordinary and more than usual botches, biles, and sores beyond
the common course and nature of those diseases, and this he did full sore against the
will and liking of righteous Job. No man can justly be accused or suspected in that act
wherein he is no agent, but an unwilling patient, nor can be accessory unto concurrence
or consent with any author in his act if that author be not known unto him, or not con-
ceived by him to be the author. Indeed, if any man be found with such marks, who may
be convinced to know them to be of the Devil and then to like or to be contented with
them, assuredly by manifest demonstration that man is a witch, if not by express and
open, yet by an occult allowance of the Devil’s possession and power of that part or
portion in him. Whosoever giveth any possession of himself unto the Devil, either in
part or in whole, doth thereby renounce his Creator and by this combination with the
Devil is a witch or sorcerer.
There remaineth as yet a doubt or question, whether simply the affirmation of a
supposed witch (which is vulgarly but not properly called and deemed her confession)
that the Devil doth suck him or her as also whether the affirmation of a supposed witch,
affirming herself to be a witch do infallibly convince that supposed witch to be a witch
indeed, and whether that affirmation be sufficient (as commonly deemed her own
confession) to condemn her. The answer is negative. The reason is, for that man affir-
mations in themselves, and at first view, do seem true, serious, and sufficient, which,
better and more considerately examined, are ofttimes even senseless and ridiculous
and therefore justly denied credit. And for this cause, no accusations, whether against
any man himself or against another, wherein is no probability or likelihood, no color or
possibility of being, either are or ought to be admitted or heard in justice any courts of
justice. And for this cause the testimonies, accusations, or confessions which by fools
or madmen are avouched, are by all nations through the world in law not valued or
rejected. The same regard is had of the affirmations and testimonies of children and
melancholy people, and, likewise, of men with years and age doting, or by diseases or
cares manifestly decrepit in their wits and senses. That such decrepits there are usually
walking among men not noted nor known unto most or many, except sometimes upon
special occasion or trial of them made is no wonder.
418 appendix 1
I did myself know some lately living who formerly have been very understanding, yet
divers years before their end were with age in their inward senses so worn and wasted
that although as reasonable creatures unto the common view, they talked, conversed,
conferred, spake many times, and in many things with very good reason and sensibly.
Yet ofttimes by sudden interchanges, they neither knew reason nor themselves, nor
their own names nor children. I now know a man near a hundred year old who, having
in my late remembrance been an excellent penman, doth neither now know a word
nor can write nor name so much as one letter among the four and twenty. Yet, hath he
sight good, as by his discerning and upon his view thereof, giving right name and title
unto other as small forms and characters is apparent. His memory sometimes even of
the same things is altogether gone by fits, and by fits sometimes returneth in many
things, but not in all, nor in any always or certainly. Other some I have known in their
memory and fancy by age so worn that they could not hold or retain in the one so
much as that which very lately was in their eye; in the other so much as that which was
in the same instant almost conceived, affirming things in this confusion which never
were nor ever could be, and denying their sight of those things which from their sight
thereof they had truly before named of their own accord, one while constantly believ-
ing and avouching whatsoever was said or informed them, though never so dissonant
from sense or reason. Another while as confidently denying whatsoever truth was said
or urged though never so manifest unto their sight or sense. This is not strange in age,
since in diseases it is usual for men sometimes for a time to lose their memory alone,
sometimes their reason, sometimes imagination, sometimes all, sometimes perfectly
none, and yet imperfect in every one. It sometimes also is seen (as *Galen sayeth) that
a man enjoying absolutely and accurately all his inwards senses of right reason, mem-
ory, and imagination in all other things beside. Yet in some particular alone and in no
other whatsoever is ever constantly and without change void of sense or reason, and
as a very madman or fool.
Thus much is also written by others of many wise and learned who, notwithstanding
in some one particular alone have discovered themselves to be very fools or madmen
constantly affirming themselves to be dogs, horses, glasses, and for that one folly never
reclaimed in all other things being judicious, learned, discreet, and solid. Neither is
every vulgar man, nor every man vulgarly learned, not accurately judging able to dis-
cern these defects at first, or always, much less where they are hardly and difficulty
espied, or by fits only do show themselves. How possible is it for these sorts of people
either to be persuaded by others or form their own guide and unstable conceit to affirm
anything whatsoever concerning themselves or others?
And for that cause how necessary is it in matter of weight and judgments, espe-
cially of life, to take heed of their rash admittance unto accusations or testimonies
concerning themselves or any others. Unto a confession so properly and truly called,
do necessarily concur three things. First, in a confession is properly implied and under-
textual notes 419
stood the party confessing to be capable of reason, because without reason he can
neither know nor judge of himself nor his guilt. Secondly, in a confession is requisite
and necessary that a party confessing himself doth truly know what the law doth take
and define that offence to be which he doth assume unto himself. For by ignorance
of the law sometimes silly men suppose themselves and others to have incurred the
danger of the law where he that truly understandeth the law is able to inform him the
contrary, and for this cause the law itself doth give leave to consult with the lawyer, and
with such as profess and are skillful in the law.
Divines likewise generally acknowledge and grant that there is a mistaking, an igno-
rantly and falsely accusing conscience or guilt, as well as a conscience justly judging
and accusing. And for this cause many a man may take himself to be a thief, a witch,
or other offender, who doth truly or rightly know what theft in his own case or some
other points is or what witchcraft or some other offences either truly in themselves are,
or by the law are understood, being in some cases not known or agreed among lawyers
themselves. It is therefore senseless that a man can accuse himself justly of an offence
which he doth not know, and therefore also is it as unjust to admit such an accusation
against himself.
Thirdly, in a confession is implied and presupposed a precedent manifest offence or
guilt either by fair evidence likely to be proved, or at least by due circumstances and
presumptions justly suspected or questioned.
I do hence conclude demonstratively that if a supposed witch be not first found
capable of reason and free from dotage with age or years or sickness, and do not also
know what witchcraft or a witch is, and thirdly if the witchcraft or sin itself be not
upon sufficient grounds either proved or at least questioned, the mere accusation of
such a supposed witch against herself without the former considerations is not simply
or alone sufficient to convince or condemn her. Neither is such an accusation truly or
properly to be termed a confession.
And thus we have made evident by this instance of the supposed witch’s marks how
the learned physician possessing true art and learning, is not so commonly as the vulgar
sort transported into the maze of vain wonder and ignorant admiration, but duly and
truly weighing reason doth apart distinguish and put true difference between the won-
ders in nature, and the wonders above nature. The wonders in nature are such diseases,
as in their strange shape and likeness do counterfeit such maladies as are induced by
the Devil or by witchcraft. Wonders above nature are such diseases wherein the finger
of the Devil is indeed and really discovered.
Concerning the first kind (as here) so formerly in a former manual, I have briefly
delivered both some of their …
353, salvation in him.] AW: salvation in him, without extraordinary repentance.

420 appendix 1
354, knowledge of spirits.] AW: knowledge of spirits, as hath been by learned authors
and reason declared.
356, a supernatural work or revelation] AW substitutes in both instances: a supernatural

revelation
358, learned and discerning sight?] AW adds: The like Franciscus Picus Mirandula
reporteth, videlicet, that a famous magician of Italy in his time did keep the skull of
a dead man out of which the Devil did deliver answers unto men inquiring when the
wizard had first uttered certain words and had turned the skull toward the sun.3
358, It therefore could not be a mere imagination] AW: These things being palpably
seen could not be mere imagination
370, or material use.] AW adds: The reason that the Devil requireth these rites and cer-
emonies, St. *Augustine doth declare lib. 21 cap.6 De Civitate Dei, alliciuntur Daemones
(sayeth he) per varia genera lapidum, herbarum, lignorum, animalium, carminum, rit-
uum, non ut animalia cibis sed ut spiritus signis, in quantum scilicet haec iis adhibentur
in signum divini honoris cuius ipsi sunt cupidi. That is, “Devils are drawn or conjured by
divers kinds of stones, herbs, woods, creatures, words, rhymes, rites, or ceremonies, not
as living creatures desire food, but as spirits rejoice or delight in signs, because those
signs argue respect, worship, and honor, whereof they are very ambitious and desirous,
as affecting divine worship in malice of God himself and his divine worship.” To the
same purpose sayeth *Binsfeldius Comment. vel Explicat. in praelud. 9. Delectantur Dae-
mones signis cum imitari Deum studeant in Sacramentis suis. That is, “Devils delight in
signs, rites, and ceremonies, as desiring to imitate or to be like God in his sacraments.”
385, people of the world.] AW omits the sentence that follows.
3 Mirandula (now often known as Giovannia Pico Della Mirandola, AD 1463–1494) was an Ital-
ian thinker known both for his great mind and tremendous physical beauty. His philosophy
centered on Neoplatonism and included an extensive attempt to reconcile the work of *Plato
with Christian thought. This effort drew praise from other philosophers, but also attacks from
the Church. Thomas More translated a biography of Mirandula in 1510. His works appeared
occasionally in English translation in the sixteenth and early seventeenth century, including
a list of his “Rules of a Christian Life,” appended to a 1615 edition of The Following of Christ
by Thomas a Kempis. There, we find the following advice: “Take heed moreover, that not only
thou be not vanquished of the Devil that tempteth thee, but also that thou vanquish and over-
come him. And that is not only when thou dost not sin, but also when of that thing wherein
he tempted thee, thou takest occasion for to do good” (T8r).
textual notes 421
387, rustical, barbarous, and rude.] AW adds: Now to return again into the true of the
miracle itself in this trial.
389, opinion that they can be of God.] AW adds: Nor doth our law in force, differ her
from rejecting such like miraculous trials. See the trial by ordeal abolished by parlia-
ment the third year of Henry III Coke 9 Re. Case Abbot de Strata Mercella Fol. 33.
397, in the Devil’s signs and wonders, nay his truths, should become legal allegations or
evidences in law] AW: of the Devil should be imputed unto any man? God forbid that
the Devil’s signs and wonders, nay his truths, should become any legal allegations or
evidences in law.
398, or thereby necessarily inferred.] AW adds: The fallacy, illusion, and lyingly true rev-
elations of the Devil may by many examples be manifested. Janus Jacobus *Boissardus
in his tract De Divinatione Chap. 5 reporteth an admirable story of a noble gentleman,
his familiar friend and known unto himself. This man flying his own native country for
fear of punishment for a murder by him committed, and living in far distant coasts,
desired curiously to enquire what his wife was in his absence doing, who he had (being
very fair, young, and beautiful) married two months only before his departure or vol-
untary exile. For this purpose he came unto a magician living in the place of exile, who
lively described unto him the true fashion, building and ornaments of his house where
his wife, in his absence, lived; her apparel, countenance, and the like, as they were per-
fectly known unto himself. He farther expecting to learn what she was at that present
instant doing. The magician made known there was then in her company a beautiful
young man with his hose or breeches about his heels standing near or close unto her.
Upon the known truth of the magician his first description of his house and wife, the
gentleman assuring of the truth of the second description of seeming manifest adul-
tery in her, secretly stealeth home with an absolute resolution by murdering of her to
be revenged. And coming home by stealth near unto the place where his house and her
dwelling was, by a ring (which as an infallible testimony of her true love she had deliv-
ered unto him at his departure), he immediately caused her to come unto him. Her kind
and loving entertainment so qualified and mollified his intended rage and fury that he
had patience first to confer with her, which, before the sight of her, he did not intend.
After her conference, he demanded whether such a day (naming the certain day), she
did not wear apparel of such a color and fashion. She answered with wonder that is was
true. He again demanded what that was which she smoothed and handled in her hand,
and who that young man was which stood near her with his hose about his heels.
She hereat amazed and perceiving the sudden change of a fierce and cruel look in
her husband desired him to be better pacified and better informed. The young man was
his own brother who could witness the truth thereof, and that which she smoothed or
422 appendix 1
stroked in her hand was a plaster which she did smooth for him and applied unto his
hip where he had a very grievous and painful ulcer. This being found true, the husband
sorrowed for his bloody intention and detested the execrable and damnable art of the
magician and the sole lying truth of the Devil.
How solely likewise many other men by these dark and double-dealing truths, equiv-
ocations, and amphibologies have been deceived,4 consulting with the Devil and his
oracles may be by many other examples testified.
The same author mentioneth the oraculous revelation by dream presented unto the
daughter of Polycrates of Samos.5 It was revealed unto her that her father should be
taken up to Heaven, be washed by Jupiter and anointed by the Sun. This afterward
proved true but in a dreaming sense. For Polycrates, being surprised by Orantes, was
hanged up toward heaven upon a high cross where Jupiter (that is, the air) with his
moisture, did wash him and the Sun melting his grease and the substance of his flesh
did anoint him as was left imagined or suspected. *Plutarch, in the life of Hannibal,
reporteth that Hannibal consulted with the oracle concerning his own reserved destiny
or end. The oracle answered that Libissa land should bury his corpse. Hereupon he pre-
sumed that he should return to his own country and there in his old age die. He grew
therefore secure and careless. But shortly afterward being taken by the Romans in a lit-
tle obscure village by the sea coast called by the name of Libissa, he there grew weary
of his life and poisoned himself in the Devil’s truth. Behold untruth and deceit: Libissa
buried Hannibal but not Libissa by Hannibal either known or possible to be imagined.
These examples are sufficient whereby is plainly seen the dangerous deceitful fallacy of
the Devil by the mouth of the bewitching concerning the cure of the bewitched upon
the supposed witch. We may boldly yet affirm that in this case or any other, if it were
possible for the Devil.
4 Amphibologies: ambiguous utterances.

5 Polycrates (ca. 535–522BC) ruled the island of Samos in the Aegean Sea. Though a patron of
the arts and sciences, his fleets were notorious for piracy and he eventually made enemies at
home and abroad who sought his overthrow. His island stronghold kept him safe, however,
until 522, when lured away from Samos by the promise of much-needed money, he was cap-
tured by Oroestes of Sardis who had him crucified. His daughter’s vision is sometimes seen
as a clear warning from the outset, though Cotta suggests its dire truth became apparent only
after the fact.
appendix 2
A Biographical Glossary of Figures Important in

Cotta’s Major Works
Names in this edition marked with an asterisk appear below.
Agrippa, Henricus Cornelius, von Nettesheim (1486–1535) was born in Cologne, trav-
eled widely, and was admired for his knowledge in a variety of areas, including medi-
cine. Among his best-known works is De Occulta Philosophia (1510, revised in 1530).
Several of Agrippa’s works were translated into English during the sixteenth cen-
tury, including his De Incertitudine et Vanitate Scientarum, or Of the Vanity and Uncer-
tainty of Arts and Sciences, a work that came out of Agrippa’s intellectual crisis of
1526.
Aristotle (384–322 BC) was a Greek philosopher and among the most influential
thinkers in all of human history. He was born in Stagira, then part of Macedonia, and
became a student of *Plato in Athens, where he eventually founded his own school, the
Lyceum. His followers, called “Peripatetics,” continued his work after his death. In a sys-
tematic fashion that was the unprecedented, Aristotle considered a vast range of topics
including areas of study we would now consider scientific (such as physics, biology,
meteorology, psychology, and anatomy), as well as topics as diverse as poetry, poli-
tics, economics, metaphysics, and ethics. He singlehandedly invented the fields of logic
and metalogic. His numerous surviving treatises were not his intentionally-published
works (none of which survive intact), but something more akin to lecture notes. His
subsequent influence on Arabic and Jewish philosophers, and on the medieval and
renaissance periods of Europe can hardly be overstated. So great is his authority and
reputation, that in many places and eras, writers, including Cotta, have identified him
simply as “The Philosopher.”
Augustine (AD 354–430) was an early and important Christian theologian and philoso-
pher, usually credited with putting philosophy on a solid footing in Christian thought.
Made Bishop of Hippo in 395, his writings deeply influenced later philosophy, partic-
ularly his treatment of the nature of evil, which Augustine argued had no existence in
itself, but was, rather, a deficiency of goodness. His writings, including his Confessions,
and The City of God, are among the most important works of the Fathers of the Church.
Cotta cites the latter work frequently.

424 appendix 2
Avicenna (Abū Alī al-Husayn ibn Abd Allāh ibn Sīnā, AD 980–1037), was a prolific and
important physician, mathematician, scientist, and philosopher, active in an astonish-
ing number of fields. His medical works, the Canon of Medicine, in particular, became
and remained standard texts in the European medical curriculum until the seven-
teenth century.
Basil of Caesarea (St Basil the Great, ca. AD 329–379) was Bishop of Caesarea in Cap-
padocia, and an early father of the church. Renowned for his pious fervor and his con-
cern for the poor, Basil was a central figure in the establishment of the eastern church.
Many of his writings, including hundreds of letters and a series of lectures called the
Hexameron survive.
Benivenius, (Antonio Benivieni, 1443–1502) was a Florentine who introduced the prac-
tice of autopsy and wrote De Abditis Morborum Causis (On the Hidden Causes of Dis-
eases), an extensive handbook of medical cases with post-mortem examinations.
Benivieni, Antonio. See Benivenius, above.
Binsfeld, Peter. See Binsfeldius, below.
Binsfeldius (Peter Binsfeld, 1546–1598) was the Bishop of Trier and an authority on
witchcraft. He was notable for his zealous belief in the reality of demonic magic, urg-
ing Christians to suspect witchcraft whenever natural explanations for evils were not
evident, and accepting a low standard for evidence, since witchcraft was so difficult to
prove. His 1589 Tractatus de Confessionibus Maleficorum et Sagarum (Treatise on Con-
fessions of Sorcerers and Witches) was particularly influential, appearing subsequently
in various revisions, versions, and translations. Cotta seems to have become interested
in Binsfeldius later in his career: he does not cite the divine at all in the first edition of
Trial (1616), but does so several times in the second edition (1624).
Boissard, Jean-Jacques. See Boissardus, below.
Boissardus, Janus Jacobus (Jean-Jacques Boissard, 1528–1602) was a French Calvinist

who traveled widely, collected antiquities enthusiastically, and wrote on many topics.
He eventually settled in Metz, a French region relatively tolerant of Protestantism, and
published several works. His De Divinatione et Magicis Praestigiis (On Divination and
Magic Tricks), cited by Cotta, appeared posthumously in 1615.
Brasavolus (Antonio Musa Brassavola, 1500–1555) was an esteemed physician and pro-
fessor who wrote several medical tracts including his noted commentaries on Hip-
pocrates. He is remembered for introducing a range of new drugs into use.
a biographical glossary of figures important in cotta’s works 425
Calvin, Jean (1509–1564) was a Protestant reformer and among the most influential
religious thinkers of the early modern era. He studied a variety of subjects in his youth,
gradually becoming discontented with traditional theology until a rapid conversion to
the cause of the Reformation in the 1530s. His Institutes of the Christian Religion (1536
and later revisions), a text Cotta cites multiple times, sets out his theology, including
the doctrine of predestination. Calvin did much of his work in Geneva, writing widely
and engaging in numerous disputes, even with other Protestants. His thought, includ-
ing his emphasis on thrift and hard work, had a deep impact on the Puritans of England
and New England.
Camden, William (1551–1623) was born in London, educated at Oxford, and taught at
Westminster school in London from 1575. Considered the founder of English antiquar-
ian studies as well as an important chronicler of his own day, Camden published his
enormously influential Britannia in Latin in 1586, and in English in 1610.
Camerarius the Elder, Joachim (1500–1574) was an avid astrologer. In addition to being
a tremendously industrious classical scholar with many translations to his name, he
wrote De Generibus Divinationum (On the Kinds of Divination).
Celsus, Aulus Cornelius (AD first century) was a Roman physician best known for a
large encyclopedic work, only part of which is extant, the De Medicina.
Cicero, Marcus Tullius (106–43BC) was perhaps the most famous of Roman orators.
He was a politician and thinker whose Latin style and precise exposition have been
admired for millennia. Cicero was a champion of Roman society and culture, seeing it
as the practical embodiment of the ideals conceived of, but unrealized by, the Greeks.
He studied in Athens and, at various periods in life when he found himself with leisure
time, he wrote philosophical works. His published work includes many legal and other
orations as well as a personal collection of letters to and from friends and acquain-
tances. His work De Re Publica (On the Republic) is particularly important, though for
Cotta’s purposes, his treatise De Divinatione (On Divination) is particularly germane. He
was executed by Octavian at the urging of his enemy Mark Antony.
Codronchius (Johannes Baptista Codronchius of Imola) wrote De Morbis Veneficis (On

Diseases from Sorcerers) in 1595, as well as a book about important historical years.
della Porta, Giambattista, see Porta, Johannes Baptista, below.
De Serres, John (Jean) (1540–1598) was a French historian. As well as being an early
modern translator of, and commentator on, Plato, de Serres is remembered for works
426 appendix 2
such as his Commentaries on the State of Religion (1572) and the General Inventory of the
History of France (1597) which Cotta cites several times.
Dioscorides Pedanius (ca. AD 20–70) was born in Anazarbus in Cilicia, now in mod-
ern Turkey. He became a physician and served in the Roman army during the reign of
Nero. He is primarily remembered as the author of De Materia Medica (On Medicine
or On Medical Material), a dictionary of mostly plant-based curative resources, their
properties, and their use in remedies. The book was a standard medical reference for
centuries.
Euripides (ca. 485–406 BC) was among the greatest of classical tragedians. His work is
of particular interest because more of his plays survive than is typical for playwrights of
the era. In Cotta’s time, the plays Hecuba (which Cotta cites twice), Iphigenia in Aulis,
Medea, and Alcestis were Euripides’s most widely read works.
Fernel, Jean. See Fernelius, below.
Fernelius (Jean Francois Fernel, 1497–1558), was a French physician, astronomer, and
mathematician, particularly remembered as the author of Universa Medicina, pub-
lished in 1567. The son of an innkeeper, Fernelius studied at the University of Paris,
where he eventually became a professor. Regarded by Montaigne as an unparalleled
teacher, Fernelius was among the most distinguished and widely cited physicians
of his time. Contemporaries praised him for his insistence on rigorous observation
and experiment. Cotta makes ample use of his 1548 work De Abditis Rerum Cau-
sis (On the Hidden Causes of Things). Cotta’s contemporary William Harvey specif-
ically challenged many of Fernelius’s views, particularly the existence of vital spir-
its.
Galen (Claudius Galenus, AD 130–230) was a physician and writer, among the most
influential medical authors in all of Western medicine. He was born in Pergamum
in Asia Minor (now Bergama in Turkey), but he settled in Rome where he found
great success, eventually becoming physician to the elite of Roman society, includ-
ing Emperor Marcus Aurelius and his son Commodus. Galen’s studies of traditional
authors were, like his own researches into the human body and human health, exten-
sive, and he wrote widely on medical subjects. He followed *Hippocrates in his adher-
ence to the humoral system and to the notion that humoral balance was necessary
for good health. His belief in a single divine creator who created humanity made
him especially apt for assimilation by later Christian and Muslim writers, and he
remained a medical authority until the renaissance, after which his writings were
slowly superseded in one area after another. The corpus of writings attributed to
him comprises a very large portion of the extant works in Ancient Greek, but there are
many spurious (Pseudo-Galenic) works in the corpus.
Gellius, Aulus (AD 125–180) was born in Rome and was educated in Athens. He prac-
ticed law but is remembered mainly as the author of Noctes Atticae (Attic Nights), a
wide-ranging collection cited several times by Cotta that Gellius began while living in
Greece and continued over many years, in part to entertain his children. The collec-
tion was popular, and thus preserved, in the medieval period; it also appealed to many
renaissance writers including Petrarch and Thomas More.
Gregoire, Pierre, see Tholosanus, below.
Gregorius, Petrus. See Tholosanus, below.
Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus, 65–68 BC) was the greatest of Roman lyric poets,
whose output includes Satires, Odes, Epodes, and Epistles, the most famous of which is
titled The Art of Poetry. Born in Venusia, in southern Italy, he has been widely read and
studied since antiquity, and few authors of any period can be said to rival his influence.
Hippocrates of Cos (460–377BC) was a revered physician and perhaps the single most
influential medical authority in Western history. His contention that illness was a result
of physical not spiritual causes laid the groundwork for scientific medicine. His belief
that bodily health consisted of the relative balance of four fluids termed “humors”
would be the basis for European medical theory and practice for centuries. Many sur-
viving texts are attributed to him, and his Aphorisms were particularly influential in
Cotta’s time. Indeed, an edition of The Whole Aphorisms of Great Hippocrates, Prince of
Physicians, appeared in 1610, just two years before The Short Discovery. The famous oath
named for him was a foundational definition of right therapeutic practice, and many
of the principles first elucidated there remain central to modern medical ethics.
Hollerius (Jacques Houllier, 1498–1562) was a French medical practitioner, teacher and
author, and leader of the Parisian followers of Hippocrates. He was praised in his own
time for his commentaries on Hippocrates, his most important works being the Magni
Hippocratis Coaca Præsagia (1576).
Houllier, Jacques. See Hollerius, above.
Julian the Apostate (AD 331–363, Roman Emperor from 361–363) rejected Christianity
in favor of Neo-Platonisim, and, as such, was the last non-Christian Emperor of Rome.
He died on campaign against Persia.
428 appendix 2
Martial (Marcus Valerius Martialis, ca. AD 40–104), was a Roman poet born in Bilbilis
in Spain. He is especially remembered for his satirical Epigrams.
Maximianus (fl. AD sixth century) was an elegiac poet. Pomponius Gauricus (1481–
1530) mistakenly took his work to be that of the much earlier poet Gallus, whose works
do not survive.
Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso, 43 BC–AD 17), was a Roman poet born in Sulmo, in cen-
tral Italy. His most famous work is the Metamorphoses, but many other of his writings
survive and were popular in the early modern period. His Amores was widely read by
Cotta’s contemporaries.
Paracelsus (Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, 1493–1541) was a Swiss alche-

mist and physician. He was a controversial figure among medical writers in Cotta’s time,
particularly because of his radical theories of medical treatment, which included the
use of mercury. By the early seventeenth century, his ideas were gaining some currency
in England; the London Pharmacopia of 1618, for instance, included Paracelsian reme-
dies.
Perkins, William (1558–1602), was a leading English Protestant theologian and was the
author of A Discourse of the Damned Art of Witchcraft, published six years after his
death and based primarily on his sermons. He would influence several English demo-
nologists of the seventeenth century through the aid of Cambridge University. Perkins
would subsequently become one of the primary influences of New England’s Cotton
Mather. He concentrated primarily on the demonic pact and took a hard stance against
“cunning folk,” of whose herbal remedies he was suspect.
Plato (428–347 BC) was a Greek philosopher who stands, along with Socrates and
*Aristotle, as one of the most influential of all Western philosophers. He founded the
Academy, a school of philosophy that lasted for centuries in Athens. All of his known
works survive, including The Republic and many other dialogues; they continue to be
debated by modern thinkers.
Pliny (Pliny the Elder, Gaius Plinius Secundus, AD 23–79) was a Roman natural philoso-
pher, writer, and military officer. His last and only surviving work is the Natural History,
a model for later encyclopedias, which includes not only all the general knowledge and
scientific wisdom he could gather, but also its application in practical areas, from paint-
ing to mining to agriculture.
Plutarch (AD 46–120) was a Greek historian and thinker of broad interests. He is best
known for his Parallel Lives which provided biographies of Greeks and Romans juxta-
posed and then compared. This text was widely read in early modern England as Lives
of the Noble Greeks and Romans, in a translation by Thomas North. Plutarch also wrote
many other works, collectively known as the Moralia, which run the gamut from prac-
tical topics to philosophical matters to humorous pieces.
Porta, Johannes Baptista (Giambattista della Porta, 1535–1615) was an Italian who
worked in a wide variety of scientific and artistic fields from optics to playwriting, and
bore a lifelong fascination with magic. After an extensive period of travel, he returned
to Naples, his birthplace, and published his De Magia Naturalis (Natural Magic) in
1558. The book rejected sorcery and focused instead on seemingly inexplicable natu-
ral phenomena such as magnetism. It was a widely read and brought della Porta to the
attention of the Inquisition, but since he said little about theology, he escaped serious
harm.
Ptolemy of Alexandria (Claudius Ptolemaeus, AD 90–168) formalized centuries of

thought on astronomy and cosmology. He was the best known of the classical astrono-
mers and was the standard authority until the work of Copernicus, De Revolutionibus
Orbium Coelestium (On the Revolutions of the Celestial Spheres, 1543) reimagined the
subject. Although he drew on and codified the works of his many predecessors, includ-
ing *Aristotle and the earlier astronomer Hipparchos, his standard model of the uni-
verse became known as the Ptolemaic System. This system imagined the Earth in the
center of the universe with other heavenly bodies turning around it and held in place
by invisible concentric spheres.
Pythagoras (sixth century BC) was one of the early founders of Greek philosophy. Pre-
cise details about his life are difficult to determine since, even in ancient times, much
of his life story was apparently myth and legend—one story recounts that he had a
thigh made of gold, proof that he had survived a journey to the underworld. He was
born in Samos but established his school in Croton, in what is now southern Italy,
around 530 BC. His philosophy emphasized the central place of number in understand-
ing the world, from the ratios in musical harmony to the shape of the Earth and the
surrounding universe. In early modern England, he was often associated with the idea
of metempsychosis, or reincarnation.
Rhases, (Muhammad ibn Zakariyā Rāzī, AD 865–925), was a noted philosopher and
physician. He was born in Ravy, practiced medicine there, and later moved to Bagh-
dad. He is remembered for The Comprehensive Book, a wide-ranging survey of medical
knowledge together with his own ideas.
Riolan, Jean. See Riolanus, below.

430 appendix 2
Riolanus, Johannes (Jean Riolan the Elder, 1538–1605) was a prominent French physi-
cian and medical authority. Cota frequently cites, among other his other works, Gen-
eralis Methodi Medendi (General Method for Cures). His son, Jean Riolan the Younger
(1580–1657) who was also a physician, and who also used the name Riolanus, was a
noted critic of William Harvey’s theories about the circulation of the blood.
Rondelet, Guillaume. See Rondeletius, below.
Rondeletius (Guillaume Rondelet, 1507–1566) was Professor of Medicine in Montpe-

lier. His main legacy may have been his students, who went on to become renowned
scientists in many fields. In addition to an authoritative work on marine biology, he
wrote De Urinis (On Urine), which Cotta cites frequently.
Scaliger, Julius Caesar (1481–1558) may have been born Benedetto Bordone in Venice,
the son of a sign painter. He seems to have changed his name to reflect his claimed
descent from the noble della Scalla family, a claim that was generally accepted during
his lifetime. Scaliger’s youth was spent largely as a soldier, but he eventually went to
study medicine in Padua, before settling in France and becoming a French citizen in
1528. There he produced a wide variety of works both literary and philosophical. His
work on Aristotle was particularly influential. He strongly influenced the atomists of
the sixteenth and seventeenth century, and his Poetices (1561) did much to acquaint
French thinkers with Aristotle’s views on tragedy. His great work, Exotericæ Exerci-
tationes de Subtilitate ad Cardanum, sometimes known simply as De Subtilitate, was
widely read in England and frequently cited, for instance, by Francis Bacon who may
have learned from Scaliger that light takes time to travel. Scaliger’s son, Joseph Justus
Scaliger (1540–1609) who was educated largely by his father, would go on to be one of
the great classical scholars of his age.
Scot, Reginald (ca. 1538–1599) a member of Parliament and the author of a landmark
treatise, The Discovery of Witchcraft (1584). His skeptical positions earned him con-
tempt among many who believed it indicated that Scot did not accept the existence
of supernatural spirits at all. King James I once ordered The Discovery burned.
Seneca, Lucius Annaeus (4 BC to AD 65) was a philosopher, playwright, and statesman.

Seneca was a tutor of the Emperor Nero, but later ran afoul of him and was ordered to
commit suicide. One of the few Stoic philosophers for whom extensive writings sur-
vive, Seneca has influenced philosophy and psychology down to the present day. His
prose style served as a model for various renaissance writers including *Calvin and
Montaigne. Though widely appreciated in early modern England, Seneca’s insistence
on eschewing strong emotions such as anger were often rejected as un-Christian since
God had created men with a range of emotions.
Speed, John (ca. 1552–1629) was an English historian and cartographer; though Cotta
cites him primarily as the former, it is as the latter that he has been best remembered.
His Theater of the Empire of Great Britain (1611) was one of the first works to represent
King James as the unifier of the four kingdoms of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland.
Suetonius (AD late first to early second century) was a noted Roman biographer. His
Lives include histories of the early Roman emperors including Julius Caesar, an account
of particular interest to Cotta. Generally, though, in Cotta’s time, Suetonius was over-
shadowed by his contemporary *Plutarch.
Theophrastus (370–286 BC) was a Greek philosopher who studied under both *Plato
and *Aristotle. Like Aristotle, Theophrastus studied and wrote on a wide variety of sub-
jects, and he eventually succeeded the famous philosopher as head of the Lyceum. His
Enquiry into Plants, which Cotta cites several times, provides a detailed description of
the plants in the region, including their medicinal properties. His Characters, a descrip-
tion of common negative characters types, was widely read in Cotta’s time and often
imitated in England in the seventeenth century, beginning with Joseph Hall’s Charac-
ters of Virtues and Vices (1608).
Tholosanus (Pierre Grégoire, 1540–1597) of Toulouse, was a French lawyer, legal scholar,
and philosopher. He is known today for his De Republica (On the Republic). His Syn-
tagma Iuris is particularly important to Cotta.
Tiberius (Tiberius Julius Caesar Augustus 42 BC–AD 37) was the second Emperor of
Rome, succeeding Augustus in AD 14. He was an able military leader and did much to
restore the finances of the Roman state. His fiscal restraint, however, made him unpop-
ular and his reign saw considerable unrest. Retiring to Capri, Tiberius left much of the
administration of his government to the prefect Sejanus, whom he eventually came to
suspect of disloyalty. Sejanus was executed in AD 31. He died an unpopular ruler, though
some modern historians emphasize his early achievements over his later caprice.
Ulpian (Ulpianus Domitius AD 170–223) was a Roman jurist who wrote extensively on
Roman law, emphasizing its rational character and its basis in natural law. Born in
Tyre, in Phoenicia, he rose quickly through the ranks of Roman government, eventu-
ally becoming the prefect of the Praetorian guard, a post which included enormous
military authority. Unfortunately for Ulpian, his troops hated him and murdered him
not long after his appointment. Ulpian’s systematic legal commentaries, of which there
are well over a hundred, were an important factor in allowing Roman law to retain its
influence on subsequent periods of European history.
432 appendix 2
Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro, 70–19BC), author of the Aeneid, was the greatest of the
Roman poets and among the most influential writers of the Western literary tradition.
Born in Mantua, he quickly established himself as the most popular and enduring poet
in ancient Rome and for many centuries thereafter.
Weyer, Johann. See Wierus, below.
Wierus (Johann Weyer, 1515–1588) was physician to the Duke of Cleves. He was the
first to publish a critique of the prosecution of Europe’s witches, arguing that supposed
witches were not possessed by, nor in league with, the Devil, but rather suffered from
mental illness. His work earned him attacks from demonologists who accused him of
atheism, though these very attacks drew further attention to his ideas. He is the author
of De Praestigiis Daemonum et Incantationibus ac Beneficiis, (On the Tricks of Devils,
Incantations, and Poisoners) first published in Basel in 1563.
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Index
Abortion 94, 107, 186 Aurum potabile 52–55, 58, 120, 201, 202
Act of 1604 26, 27 Avicenna 52, 78n15, 79n18, 157n42, 157n44,
Adam (Biblical character) 5n16, 14, 115, 172, 162n59, 224n24, 412, 424
205n7
Aesculapius 366 Babylon 314, 385, 393
Agrippa, Cornelius 225, 225n25, 423 Baptism 29, 371n8, 383
Albucasis 93, 412 Basil of Caesarea 175n6, 252, 424
Alexandria 229n3, 303, 429 Bath (town) 163, 164
Anatomy 4, 423 Benivenius 291, 352, 364, 366, 424
Andernach, John Winter von 95n23, 160n51, Bernard, Richard 58
163n63, 280 Bible 18, 21, 21n74, 22, 38, 39, 41, 42, 42n134,
Andrew, Euseby 55, 56 43, 64, 66, 141n6, 150, 270, 281, 297–
Angels 75, 148n9, 275, 297, 298, 298n1, 299, 299, 302, 305, 306, 314, 317, 327,
299n2, 301n1, 308, 314, 316, 321n1, 336, 329, 330, 347, 348, 355, 363, 368,
346, 347, 384n2, 410 374, 385, 386, 393, 394, 400, 404,
Anthony, Francis 53, 54 414
Apelles 313 Binsfeldius 405, 406, 407, 409, 420, 424
Apoplexy 106, 106n53, 106n54, 155n30, Bloodletting, see Phlebotomy
160n52, 163, 164n67, 165n69, 168n73, Boissardus 405, 406, 421, 424
184, 185 Bolton, William 341
Apothecaries 11, 16, 17, 108, 114, 119, 134–137, Brasavolus 37, 52, 92, 92n15, 93, 96n26,
139, 140, 194 184n13, 185n15, 185n17, 186n17, 424
Appollonius 307, 406 Burton, Robert 58, 58n194, 59, 61
Aquinas, Thomas 365
Aristotle 4, 31–35, 37, 75n2, 76n8, 77n10, Caius, John 4, 92n13
80n20, 80n21, 91n12, 98n33, 100n39, Calvin, Jean 148n2, 205n7, 305n4, 425, 430
109n1, 127n11, 129n18, 130n21, 138n6, Cambridge University 4, 62, 428
143n12, 148n10, 149n13, 161n55, 164n68, Camden, William 322, 346, 425
168n74, 174n4, 180n5, 181n7, 204n4, Camerarius 149n14, 213n28, 217n2, 307,
204n5, 205n6, 207n13, 228n1, 233n3, 307n1, 370, 425
234n4, 235n11, 235n12, 236n13, 239n25, Cardano, Girolamo 44
239n26, 241n31, 241n34, 244n38, Cassia 84, 84n29
247n1, 248, 248n6, 249n6, 253n22, Celsus 36, 111n6, 187n24, 237n19, 412, 425
256n41, 259n2, 264n14, 275n1, 275n2, Chaldeans 182, 331, 394
276n3, 276n4, 277n5, 279, 279n6, 312, Charity 11, 12, 195, 243
360n1, 361n3, 380, 405, 423, 428– Charles VII, King of France 323, 339
431 Chaucer, Geoffrey 52
Astrology 10, 193, 203, 203n1, 203n2, 205n8, Children 2, 4, 13, 14, 23, 29, 47, 80, 84, 92,
206n8, 208n14, 211, 213, 213n28, 214, 93, 97, 105, 107, 115, 117, 118, 123, 150,
214n29, 225, 262, 281, 330–332, 341, 370 154n28, 171, 172, 184, 186, 186n20, 187,
Astronomy 14, 213, 213n27, 215, 277, 279, 217, 222, 290, 298, 312, 336, 352n1,
280, 304n3, 331, 429 366, 374, 381, 384, 394, 417, 418,
Augustine 31, 32, 34, 141n6, 148n8, 148n9, 427
299, 310, 341, 367, 369, 370, 384n1, Christ 152, 308, 393
384n2, 385, 386, 388, 405, 407, 420, Christianity 45, 93, 273, 302n2, 305n4, 331,
423 420n3, 423, 426, 427, 430
index 445
Cicero 25, 31, 32, 75n3, 214n29, 236n15, 299, 299n2, 302, 302n2, 304, 305n4,
250n15, 251n18, 253n25, 257n43, 265n21, 306, 307, 310, 312–315, 319, 322, 324,
280, 322, 341, 360n2, 361, 368, 369, 373, 325, 327, 329–331, 332n3, 332n4, 333,
377, 378, 425 334, 336, 336n1, 338–341, 343n9, 347,
Circe 311, 312, 314, 315, 334 348, 355, 356, 358, 363n4, 364, 366, 367,
Clarence, George, Duke of 325, 339 369, 370, 372, 373, 377, 379, 380, 386,
Clever, William 15 387, 393, 403, 404, 423–426, 428, 430,
Clowes, William 15, 15n56, 83 431
Codronchius 37, 151n22, 166n70, 352, 425 Cotta, Peter(father) 3
Coke, Edward 269, 404n1, 421 Coventry 3–5, 154n28
College of Physicians of London 5, 11, 17
Communion (sacrament) 29, 281 da Monte, Giovanni Battista 37, 247n1
Confession (of witchcraft) 19, 22, 152, 169, de Serres, John 31, 303, 323, 338, 339, 364,
313, 354, 359, 366, 367, 413, 417–419 366, 367, 406, 425
Cotta, John 1, 2, 2n1, 2n3, 3, 4, 4n10, 5, 5n16, Death 1, 14, 26, 29, 49, 55, 56, 59, 60, 69n1,
5n17, 6–8, 10–13, 13n47, 14, 14n52, 15– 75, 87, 94, 99–101, 105, 106, 109, 110,
18, 18n60, 20, 20n70, 21–24, 24n85, 112, 115, 116, 116n13, 117, 118, 121, 146n4,
25–28, 28n97, 29–37, 37n120, 38–48, 160, 169, 186, 190, 193, 201n21, 202,
48n161, 49–54, 54n181, 55, 55n185, 56, 226, 227, 230, 234, 243, 265, 288, 290,
56n185, 56n186, 57, 57n189, 58, 58n192, 297, 303, 312, 323, 324, 339, 340, 344,
59–65, 69n1, 70, 72, 75n4, 78n15, 81, 346, 362, 365, 375, 404–406, 423,
82n22, 83, 83n26, 84, 84n29, 85n33, 428
87n37, 90n9, 92n13, 93, 95, 95n23, Demosthenes 270, 271
96n24, 98n30, 102n43, 103n47, 105, Devil 18n60, 19–21, 21n75, 22, 23, 30, 38–
106n52, 107n61, 109n1, 111, 112n6, 114n9, 43, 46, 59, 63, 121, 143, 144, 145n3, 147,
114n10, 116n13, 120, 120n1, 123n2, 124, 148n8, 151, 151n20, 152, 153, 153n24,
126, 127n12, 128n14, 129n17, 129n18, 153n25, 158n46, 169, 295, 298, 299,
130n19, 130n20, 130n22, 131, 132, 132n29, 301, 301n1, 302–305, 305n4, 306, 308–
132n30, 134n35, 137, 140n2, 141n5, 142n7, 315, 317–322, 326, 327, 327n2, 328–331,
142n10, 143n13, 147, 148, 148n8, 149n13, 331n1, 334–336, 339, 344–350, 353–355,
150, 150n16, 152, 154, 155n34, 156n40, 357, 363, 363n4, 364–366, 366n5, 367,
157, 158n46, 159, 162n60, 163, 163n62, 370, 371, 371n7, 371n8, 371n9, 372, 374,
166n70, 169, 171, 171n1, 171n2, 172, 172n2, 376, 383–385, 387–392, 394, 396–400,
173, 173n1, 174, 180n4, 182, 182n9, 184, 405, 407–410, 412–417, 419, 420, 420n3,
184n13, 186, 186n19, 187n23, 189n26, 421, 422, 432
189n27, 194, 194n3, 196, 197n8, 197n9, Devils 19, 26, 39n126, 123, 144, 151, 157, 164,
198n11, 199n13, 200, 200n16, 200n18, 171, 297–301, 305, 310, 313, 315, 318, 321,
203n2, 204n3, 206, 206n8, 207n10, 322, 332n3, 335, 346–348, 353–355, 362,
207n12, 207n13, 208n15, 210, 211n21, 366, 367, 369, 371, 372, 374, 375, 381,
212n22, 212n23, 213, 213n27, 215n31, 399, 405, 407, 409, 410, 420
218, 218n4, 219n7, 221n17, 224n24, 225, Diocletian 323, 324
225n25, 226n26, 234n7, 236n14, 236n15, Dioscorides 37, 332, 332n3, 333, 426
237n18, 237n19, 238n21, 238n22, 239n25, Disease 1, 2, 2n3, 7, 8, 10, 13, 22, 23, 25, 27, 39,
241n32, 241n34, 244n38, 244n40, 245, 45n150, 49–51, 54–56, 56n185, 57, 58,
247, 248, 248n5, 248n6, 249n10, 250n14, 76, 77, 77n10, 78, 78n12, 78n13, 78n15,
250n15, 251n18, 252n19, 253n22, 253n23, 79, 79n17, 79n18, 80, 81, 81n22, 82,
256n38, 257n42, 257n43, 260n4, 261n6, 82n22, 83–85, 87, 89, 91, 91n11, 92n13,
264n15, 269, 270, 272, 274, 275n1, 276n4, 96, 96n24, 98n30, 99, 99n36, 100n36,
277, 279–282, 284, 290, 292, 294, 297, 101, 102, 102n43, 103, 103n45, 104, 105,
446 index
Disease (Cont.) 105n50, 105n51, 106, Fernelius 36, 43, 135n2, 43n140, 45, 45n150,
106n57, 107n61, 111, 116n13, 120, 124– 46, 65, 103n45, 107, 107n61, 111n6, 135n2,
127, 127n13, 128, 128n13, 131–133, 135n1, 141n5, 151n21, 151n22, 166n71, 187n22,
137, 139n10, 141n5, 142n11, 144, 151n21, 187n23, 187n24, 213n26, 218, 220n12,
153–155, 155n30, 156, 156n40, 157, 227n29, 299n2, 317n5, 334, 347, 352,
158n46, 159n50, 160n52, 161n56, 164, 357, 364, 426
164n67, 165, 166n70, 167, 168, 168n74, Fevers 56, 82n23, 99, 99n34, 106, 133n33, 157,
169–171, 171n1, 172, 185n14, 186, 193, 185, 197n9, 199n13, 199n15, 200n16
197n10, 198, 200, 200n18, 200n19, France 81, 82, 303, 323–325, 338, 339, 367,
201n22, 202, 205, 209, 211, 211n20, 372n10, 380, 412, 426, 430
212, 213n26, 214, 215n31, 218, 218n4, Frede, Michael 7, 8n23
218n5, 218n6, 219, 220, 220n13, 221,
222, 223n21, 226n26, 242n36, 243n37, Gale, Thomas 137
259, 260, 283, 284, 284n1, 285–289, Galen (see also Pseudo-Galen) 2, 8, 31, 33–
291, 297, 327, 332, 334, 335, 342, 343, 36, 65, 66, 75n1, 77n10, 78n12, 78n15,
343n9, 346–351, 358, 364, 366, 381, 81n22, 82n22, 88n1, 88n2, 88n3, 89n5,
385, 389, 411–413, 415, 417–419, 424, 90n10, 91n11, 94n17, 94n18, 97n30,
425 98n30, 98n31, 99n36, 100n36, 100n38,
Dreams 146, 149n13, 168, 168n74, 199, 203n2, 101n40, 102n43, 103n46, 103n47, 115n11,
311, 316, 320, 326, 331, 331n1, 369, 387, 115n13, 116n13, 116n14, 124n5, 127n11,
399, 400 127n12, 128n13, 129n16, 130n19, 130n22,
Druids 323 132n29, 135n1, 135n3, 136, 138, 139n10,
Dysentery 100, 325 141n6, 143n13, 154n27, 154n29, 155n30,
155n32, 155n33, 155n35, 156n36, 156n37,
Edward IV, King of England 324, 339 156n38, 157n43, 158n45, 158n47, 160n52,
Egypt 38, 42, 42n134, 43, 306, 331, 357, 370, 161n54, 161n56, 161n57, 161n58, 162n60,
375, 385, 393, 394 162n62, 164n65, 164n67, 165n69,
Elizabeth, Queen of England 120, 163, 365 168n72, 168n73, 169n75, 174n4, 174n5,
Empirics 7, 12, 15, 88, 89, 96, 98, 98n30, 179n1, 179n2, 180n4, 182n9, 183, 183n10,
98n31, 100, 101, 131, 132, 132n29, 133, 184n13, 185n14, 185n16, 186n19, 188,
173–175, 188, 259, 260 188n25, 190n29, 197n9, 198, 198n11,
England 91 198n12, 199n13, 199n14, 199n15, 200n16,
Epilepsy (falling sickness) 27, 28, 156, 200n17, 200n18, 200n19, 201n20,
156n36, 159, 343 201n21, 201n22, 202n23, 202n24,
Essex 304 210n18, 211n20, 211n21, 212n22, 212n23,
Euripides 32, 87n37, 101n40, 246n43, 212n24, 215n31, 217n4, 218n4, 218n5,
249n10, 257n43, 265n19, 426 218n7, 219n7, 219n8, 219n9, 219n10,
Eve (Biblical character) 14, 115, 172, 301, 303, 221n17, 226n26, 229, 229n3, 229n4,
390 230n6, 230n7, 236n16, 237n18, 238n21,
Experience 3, 7, 13, 18, 23n84, 45, 47, 49, 238n22, 239n27, 240n30, 243n37,
49n162, 51, 59, 62, 72, 76, 81, 84, 88, 247n1, 247n2, 249n8, 250n11, 257n42,
88n3, 89, 89n7, 90, 90n8, 91, 91n10, 258n44, 259n1, 260, 260n3, 260n4,
91n12, 94, 97, 98n30, 98n31, 100, 260n5, 261n6, 261n7, 263n12, 279,
100n39, 108, 114, 117, 128, 132n29, 174, 280, 332, 333, 333n5, 343n9, 364, 418,
175, 175n6, 176, 190, 193, 205, 213, 221, 426
222, 224, 227, 233n2, 244, 244n39, 247, Germany 16, 20, 142n7, 324, 333, 406
248, 253, 259, 264, 271, 273, 279, 293, God 14, 18n60, 24, 29, 38–44, 53–55, 75,
312, 330, 332–335, 356, 360, 361, 367, 75n1, 83, 102, 103, 108–110, 113, 113n9,
374, 376, 381, 382 121, 125, 140, 147, 149n13, 151, 152, 162,
index 447
162n61, 163, 164, 166, 172, 195, 195n4, 198n11, 199n15, 200n18, 200n19, 201n22,
196, 198, 201, 202, 204, 204n2, 204n3, 202n23, 202n24, 210n18, 211n21, 215n31,
205, 207, 211, 240, 241, 241n31, 243, 244, 216n34, 218n4, 218n5, 238n21, 243n37,
252, 263, 264, 270, 272, 273, 275, 281– 248, 251n16, 261n6, 263n13, 264n17, 332,
283, 292–299, 299n2, 301, 302, 305, 332n2, 343n9, 349, 412, 424, 426, 427
305n4, 306, 308–310, 312, 314, 316– Hippocratic Oath 138, 138n8, 427
327, 327n2, 328–332, 334, 335, 335n6, Holinshed, Raphael 365
336, 339, 342, 344, 346, 348, 349, 351, Hollerius 43, 47, 91n13, 92, 92n13, 95n20,
353–357, 362, 363, 363n4, 365, 367–371, 95n23, 105n50, 105n51, 105n52, 106n52,
371n8, 371n9, 374, 375, 377–384, 384n1, 107n61, 136n4, 156n40, 157n41, 157n44,
385–389, 391, 392, 392n1, 393–402, 404, 185n14, 189n27, 224n24, 289, 290,
406–411, 414, 416, 417, 420, 421, 423, 427
430 Homer 312, 333n5, 334
Greek (language) 8, 30–36, 60, 64, 65, Horace 31, 113n7, 120, 129n17, 131n26, 176n10,
78n12, 95, 109n1, 110n3, 114n9, 127n12, 195n6, 229n3, 254n28, 256n40, 427
129n15, 132n29, 133n33, 138n7, 151n22, Humors 8–10, 78, 79n17, 85, 85n32, 92n13,
154, 155n32, 158n46, 171n1, 173n1, 99, 104, 106n58, 107n58, 116n13,
180n5, 182, 184, 185, 189, 197n9, 204n4, 127n13, 142n11, 145n3, 168n73, 199n13,
205n6, 215n30, 217n1, 217n2, 224n24, 200, 201, 208–210, 212, 217, 218n6,
236n13, 236n14, 241n34, 248n6, 250n15, 220n12, 220n14, 221, 240, 290, 349, 426,
251n18, 253n23, 256n37, 257n43, 270, 427
303, 305, 307n1, 333n5, 347, 361, 365, Hydra 154
369, 370, 398n2, 403, 423, 427–429,
431 Illness 2, 3, 6, 9, 10, 19, 20n70, 21, 22, 22n78,
Gregorius, Petrus 102n43, 250n11, 303, 386, 23, 23n82, 28, 38, 39, 47, 49, 54, 56, 57,
387, 427 59, 83, 88, 100n36, 104, 115n13, 126, 154,
Grimeston, Edward 338 169n75, 197, 197n8, 197n10, 198, 277, 284,
333, 427, 432
Halle, John 13, 13n48, 13n50, 14 Impostors 3, 224n24, 335, 336, 336n1, 337,
Heaven 27n96, 39, 40, 69n1, 115, 240, 299, 338, 343–346, 353, 386
301, 388, 393, 394, 414, 422 Inkhorn terms 48
Henry IV, King of England 304, 322 Islam 4, 338
Henry IV, King of France 303 Italy 3, 4, 91, 250n15, 336n1, 338n3, 420,
Henry V, King of England 325 420n3, 427–429
Henry VI, King of England 325
Henry VII, King of England 338 James I, King of England 2n3, 19, 20, 20n68,
Henry VIII, King of England 340, 341 22, 28, 29, 29n100, 29n102, 38, 50,
Herbs 9, 13, 94, 102, 117, 118, 137, 171, 240, 58n191, 196, 269, 404, 404n1, 430, 431
332n3, 363, 364, 381, 382, 420 Jaundice 94, 95, 284
Herodotus 32, 250n13, 334 Jerome 32, 256n38, 257n41, 324, 366
Herring, Francis 15, 16, 16n57, 127n12 Jesus Christ 38, 113n8, 147, 273, 298, 299,
Heydon, Christopher 331 301–303, 308, 314, 325, 327, 348, 349,
Hippocrates 2, 8, 31, 34, 35, 37, 76n9, 81n22, 381, 384, 385, 388, 391, 392n1, 393, 394,
82n22, 83n27, 92n15, 96n26, 99n36, 398, 400, 414
100n38, 105n52, 106n52, 107, 107n60, Jews 16, 316, 364, 393
128n14, 133n32, 133n33, 135n1, 138, Joan of Arc 323
138n8, 139n10, 155, 155n34, 158n45, Job (Biblical character) 38, 38n123, 39, 42,
158n47, 159n49, 159n50, 165n69, 175n8, 147, 151, 298, 299, 301, 314, 334, 335, 414,
180n4, 183, 184, 184n12, 184n13, 185, 417
448 index
John (apostle) 385, 388 270, 272, 280, 281, 291, 293, 294, 315,
John, King of England 322 319, 324, 331, 356, 361, 375, 376, 382,
Joshua (Biblical character) 150, 375, 395 386, 387, 391, 395, 397, 398, 398n2,
Julian (Emperor) 257n43, 339, 393, 427 399, 404, 408–411, 416, 417, 419, 421,
Julius Caesar 324, 405, 431 431
Justice 356 Lazarus (Biblical figure) 384, 385
Justinian 281 Livy 32, 306, 307, 341
Juvenal 31, 179n1, 413 Lombard, Peter 298n1, 321n1, 385n3
Lowe, Peter 8
Kent 13, 340 Lucan 31, 131n27
Kett, Robert 340, 341 Lucius Apuleius 355
Kidneys (reins) 99, 104, 124, 214, 220, 284 Luther, Martin 304
Knowledge 6, 7, 14, 18, 19n67, 24, 24n85, 26,
27, 30, 31, 33, 35, 44, 46–49, 51, 56n185, Madness 22, 46, 58, 86, 102, 151, 153, 307,
75–77, 86, 88–90, 98n31, 100n39, 101, 347, 414
102n41, 102n43, 103, 108–110, 114, 120, Magic 1, 3, 6, 18–23, 26, 27, 32, 37, 40–42,
123, 126, 130, 130n21, 130n22, 135–137, 44, 46, 81, 141n5, 141n6, 149n14, 158n46,
146, 152, 166, 174, 175, 180–182, 183n11, 217n3, 225, 315, 321n1, 330–332, 332n2,
184n11, 187, 188, 190, 191, 203, 206, 332n3, 332n4, 333, 333n5, 342, 349, 355,
211n20, 212n22, 214, 218, 224n24, 226, 356, 364, 365, 367, 371, 380, 405, 407,
228–230, 233–235, 236n16, 238, 239n25, 408, 411, 424, 429
241–244, 247, 247n2, 248, 251, 252, Mahomet (Muhammad) 337
252n21, 253–257, 258n44, 262n9, 264, Maid of Kent 340
274–276, 278, 279, 281–283, 288–298, Malleus Maleficarum 333, 366
300, 301, 316, 320–322, 327, 329, 330, Martial 31, 71n2, 121n3, 123n2, 125n6, 132n30,
334, 335, 347, 348, 351, 352, 354, 360, 193n1, 250n15, 413, 428
366, 367, 371, 376, 377, 390, 391, 399, Mary, Queen of England 338
401, 404, 411, 415, 416, 420, 423, 428, Mathematicians 281, 331
429 Medea 311, 314, 315, 426
Medicine 1, 3, 4, 6–11, 13, 13n47, 16, 17, 30, 33,
Lancaster 365 45, 47, 49n162, 50–55, 57n189, 75, 75n1,
Latin 6n19, 14, 30, 31, 33–36, 48, 60, 63– 79, 80, 83n26, 84–88, 98n33, 100–105,
65, 75n1, 75n4, 78n15, 81, 86n36, 93, 108, 113n9, 114, 114n9, 115, 117, 119, 125,
95n23, 98n30, 101n40, 102n43, 103n46, 127, 128, 131, 134, 134n34, 135–137, 138n7,
103n47, 114n9, 123, 127n12, 128n14, 146n4, 154, 158n46, 162, 164n66, 165,
130n19, 130n21, 132n29, 142, 142n7, 173n1, 188, 194, 196, 202, 219, 225, 229,
151n22, 155n30, 155n32, 163n62, 173n1, 229n3, 237n19, 238n21, 238n22, 259n1,
180n5, 182, 184, 198n11, 199n13, 204n4, 260, 279, 332n2, 364, 381, 423, 426, 427,
212n23, 214n29, 217n2, 218n4, 223n23, 429, 430
224n24, 225n25, 236n14, 237n19, Melanchthon 141n4, 323, 324
238n22, 248n5, 250n13, 250n15, 251n18, Mercury 83, 118, 124, 125, 137
253n22, 257n43, 261n7, 262n9, 278– Merlin 322
280, 301n1, 302n2, 303, 304n3, 307n1, Methodians 7, 8, 88, 179, 179n1
317n5, 324, 333, 336n1, 337, 341, 342, Miracles 42, 43, 121, 149, 150, 306, 317–319,
347, 355, 368, 369, 377, 379, 380, 403, 326, 337, 338, 355, 357, 385, 385n3, 386–
425 389, 394–396, 399, 405, 407, 409
Laws 4, 5n16, 18n60, 26, 85, 89n7, 102, Mohamet (Muhammad) 338
104, 109, 135n2, 153, 169, 193, 195, 196, Moses 42, 42n134, 43, 282, 306, 357, 385,
205n8, 207, 236, 262n10, 265, 269, 399
index 449
Nature 2n3, 7, 9, 17, 18n60, 19, 21–23, 26, 27, Patavinus, Nicolaus 33, 103n46
39, 42, 44, 45, 47, 49–51, 53, 54, 56, 58, Paul (apostle) 194, 254n32, 294, 317, 318, 323,
79, 79n19, 81, 83, 85, 87n37, 88n3, 90, 384, 385, 394, 398
91, 92n13, 95, 97, 99, 101, 103, 106n57, Perkins, William 29n102, 327n2, 366n5,
109, 109n1, 111, 113, 117, 118, 121, 126, 129, 371n7, 371n8, 407, 409, 428
131, 131n24, 132, 133, 133n32, 135, 139n10, Peter (apostle) 316, 394
141n4, 142, 144, 146, 148, 148n9, 149, Philosopher’s Stone 120
149n13, 150, 150n19, 151, 151n21, 152n23, Phlebotomy (bloodletting) 8, 9, 15, 47, 84,
153n24, 154, 156n38, 158n46, 162, 164, 93, 95, 103, 104–106, 105n50, 105n51,
165, 169–172, 175, 175n8, 176, 176n11, 179, 1105n52, 106n54, 107, 107n61, 110–112,
180, 183n10, 187, 196, 198, 198n11, 198n12, 116n13, 126, 186, 187, 190, 191, 197, 197n10,
202, 202n23, 203n2, 205, 205n7, 207n11, 199, 240, 284
209, 211, 212n23, 214, 215, 220, 223, Physicians 1, 2, 2n3, 3, 5, 5n17, 6–11, 11n37,
230n7, 233–235, 235n10, 236, 236n13, 12, 14, 14n52, 15–18, 20, 21, 24, 25, 30,
236n15, 237, 237n18, 238, 238n23, 239, 44, 45, 47, 48n161, 50, 51, 53, 55, 55n185,
239n27, 240, 240n29, 240n30, 241, 56n185, 58, 59, 67, 71, 86–88, 90n8,
241n32, 242, 242n36, 243, 243n37, 244, 94, 94n18, 94n19, 98, 101, 106, 110–113,
247, 248, 248n6, 249, 249n6, 251, 252, 113n8, 113n9, 114, 115, 118, 123, 127n13, 132,
252n19, 253, 253n26, 254, 255, 255n33, 134, 135, 137, 139, 140, 144, 145, 145n3,
259n2, 261n6, 262, 264, 265, 270, 273, 152n23, 154, 159, 163, 169n75, 173, 173n1,
275, 279, 279n6, 287, 291, 293, 295– 174, 187, 188, 191, 193, 197, 200–203,
300, 305, 307–310, 316, 317, 325, 326, 210, 211, 215, 215n31, 216, 218, 220, 221,
330, 332–335, 337, 344–346, 348–351, 226, 227, 227n29, 228–230, 237–245,
354, 356, 360, 363, 367, 368, 370, 371n7, 254, 260, 263, 269, 273, 279, 283, 287–
376–378, 380–384, 384n2, 388, 391, 394, 291, 332–334, 339, 346–353, 356, 381,
397, 402, 405–411, 413–415, 417, 419, 403, 411, 412, 415, 416, 419, 424–430,
423 432
Nebuchadnezzar 393, 394 Plague 106, 106n55, 106n56, 125, 126, 158n45,
Necromancy 39, 40, 42, 280, 311, 312 206, 306
Nicot, Jean 81 Plato 32, 33, 37, 75n4, 76n5, 77n10, 175n7,
Norfolk 20, 269, 340, 341 206, 247n1, 250n12, 250n14, 256n39,
Northampton 1, 4, 5n17, 54n179, 69n1, 95, 261n8, 304n3, 312, 377, 405, 420n3, 423,
97, 111n4, 155n31, 226 425, 428, 431
Northamptonshire 1, 4, 5, 5n13, 25, 27, Pliny 32, 52, 120, 307, 364, 365, 405, 428
27n96, 28n97, 28n98, 29, 29n101, Plutarch 31, 75n1, 126n8, 146n5, 148n11,
29n104, 30, 42n134, 53, 58, 69, 69n1, 182n9, 234n5, 253n26, 254n32, 255n34,
93n16, 94, 95n21, 96n27, 97, 97n28, 255n35, 422, 428, 431
97n29, 116, 123, 125, 131, 144, 163n64, 171, Poison 17, 33, 55–57, 75n1, 82, 83, 107n58,
214, 352, 416 108, 115, 117n15, 118, 119, 128, 132, 137, 182,
188, 206, 364, 422
Oberndorff, John 14n52, 16, 16n58 Porta, Johannes Baptista 310, 366
Oracles 146, 203n2, 221, 302n2, 303, 322, Pregnancy 1, 21, 107n60, 107n61, 187n24,
339, 355, 399, 415, 422 223n23, 224n24, 347
Ovid 31, 102n42, 115n12, 117n15, 117n16, 147n7, Prestidigitation 44, 337
181n6, 255n36, 307, 322, 428 Priests 19, 86, 400
Oxford University 4, 55, 62, 425 Prophecy 166, 322, 324–328, 337, 339–342,
342n7, 368, 369, 375, 394
Pain 223, 287 Protestantism 18, 18n61, 19, 19n63, 29n102,
Paracelsus 10, 11n36, 52, 120n1, 124, 428 332, 342, 356, 407, 428
450 index
Proteus 367 Rondeletius 65, 130n22, 134n34, 219n10,

Proverbs 86, 250n13, 255n36 224n24, 430
Pseudo-Demosthenes 32, 270 Ruland, Martin 92, 92n14
Pseudo-Galen 127n12, 129n16, 130n19,
236n16, 237n18, 238n22, 260n4, 279, Satan, see Devil
280, 427 Saturn 210
Ptolemy 32, 127n12, 205n8, 210n19, 211, Saul (Biblical figure) 39n126, 40, 40n129,
213n27, 215, 279, 429 41, 204n3, 306, 311, 320, 329, 358, 359,
Pulse (vital sign) 8, 56, 93, 94, 94n17, 94n18, 366n5, 374, 394
96, 97, 111, 155, 160, 196, 199, 218, 219n7, Saxo Grammaticus 330
285, 288 Scaliger 43, 44, 44n141, 44n143, 69n2, 89n4,
Purgation 84, 106, 107, 118, 186n19, 197n8, 89n7, 90n8, 90n9, 110n2, 139n9, 140n2,
200n18, 240n29 142n10, 149n12, 150n15, 150n16, 150n19,
Puritanism 5, 269 152n23, 180n3, 180n4, 183n11, 189n26,
Pythagoras 41, 307, 308, 311, 344, 369, 406, 189n28, 191n30, 192n31, 204n3, 207n11,
429 208n15, 209n16, 234n6, 234n7, 235n8,
235n9, 240n28, 241n32, 241n33, 244n39,
Reason 6, 7, 22, 24, 25, 28, 30, 49–51, 53, 244n40, 248n3, 248n4, 249n9, 249n11,
58, 59, 71, 72, 75, 81, 82n24, 84–86, 88, 264n18, 275n1, 280, 294, 309n2, 309n3,
88n1, 88n2, 89, 90, 90n8, 94, 100, 101, 335n6, 336n1, 378–380, 407, 430
106n57, 108–110, 112, 115, 117, 118, 121, 122, Schillincus, Christopher 290
125, 128–130, 130n19, 133, 136, 136n4, Scot, Reginald 18, 18n61, 19, 20, 21n74,
140, 140n1, 141, 142, 144, 145, 145n3, 146– 29n102, 40n129, 337n2, 342, 430
149, 149n12, 150, 150n19, 151, 151n21, 152, Scurvy (scorbut) 91, 202
153, 158, 161, 161n56, 165–170, 172–174, Securis, John 14, 14n52, 14n53, 15, 51, 51n168
174n6, 175, 175n6, 183n11, 184, 184n11, Seneca 32, 84n1, 86n36, 126n7, 235n10,
187, 190, 191, 193, 195, 197n8, 200n16, 241n32, 430
202, 204–206, 208, 211, 213–215, 217, Shakespeare, William 10n32, 19, 308, 325,
221, 224, 227, 229, 234, 234n5, 234n7, 368n6
235, 235n8, 235n10, 236n16, 237n17, 241, Simon Magus 326, 394, 399
241n32, 243, 244, 245n41, 247, 247n1, Skepticism 18, 19, 40, 430
249, 253, 253n26, 257, 258n44, 260, 261, Sleep 11, 23n82, 28, 71n1, 100, 124, 124n5,
261n6, 262n10, 263n11, 263n13, 270, 271, 125, 155, 157n44, 160, 160n51, 162n59,
275, 277–281, 283–285, 287–289, 291, 164n67, 167, 168, 183, 184, 285, 310, 322,
293–297, 299–302, 308, 312, 314–316, 331, 358
320–325, 327–329, 332, 334–337, 343, Smallpox 105, 105n50, 284
344, 346–349, 351–360, 367, 370, 371, Socrates 76n5, 206, 377, 428
371n9, 373–376, 379–384, 387, 388, 391, Solomon 136, 137, 206, 213
392, 396, 397, 399–401, 406, 408–410, Spanish Armada of 1588 342
414, 417–420 Speed, John 304, 322, 324, 339n4, 340n5,
Rhases 36, 111n6, 187n23, 429 341n6, 431
Rhubarb 84 Spells 3, 19, 42, 59, 96, 140, 141, 141n6, 142,
Richard III, King of England 324 143, 153n25, 171, 315, 332, 334, 367,
Riolanus 33, 35, 43, 43n140, 75n1, 75n4, 407
77n10, 96n24, 102n44, 103n47, 107n61, Stafford 340, 340n5
123n1, 124, 131n28, 134n35, 161n56, Stone (illness) 104, 133n33, 134, 134n34,
211n20, 219n7, 242n36, 429, 430 134n35, 138, 138n8, 220n14, 289, 291
Roberts, Alexander 20–22 Suetonius 32, 281, 324, 405, 431
Romulus 368 Sun 100, 150, 209, 210, 278, 422
index 451
Surgeons 4, 8, 12, 13, 15, 17, 23, 83, 92n13, 119, Witchcraft 5, 5n16, 6, 18–21, 21n72, 21n75,
123–126, 131, 132, 137, 138n7, 140, 146n4, 22, 22n77, 23n81, 23n84, 24, 24n85, 25,
187n22, 199, 343n8, 412 25n91, 26–28, 28n97, 29, 29n102, 30,
Surgery 15, 55, 63, 93, 138, 138n8, 412n2 30n107, 30n108, 39–42, 43n136, 44–47,
Syphilis (French disease) 82, 91, 120, 126, 132 56n185, 57, 58, 58n192, 59, 61, 62, 81, 144,
146–148, 151–153, 153n24, 153n25, 165–
Terence 31, 214n29, 233n2, 251n17, 264n16 167, 169–171, 203n2, 267, 269–271, 273,
Tertullian 307 293, 295–297, 300, 307, 312, 315, 321–
Theocritus 32, 366 323, 325, 326, 327n2, 328–331, 332n4,
Theophilactus 318 333, 336, 337, 337n2, 341, 345, 352, 355,
Theophrastus 32, 37, 141n6, 332, 332n4, 333, 358–360, 362, 363, 363n4, 365, 366,
363, 364, 428, 431 366n5, 368, 371, 371n7, 371n8, 373, 376,
Tholosanus 303, 386, 387, 427, 431 378–380, 390–394, 401, 403–405, 407–
Tiberius 281, 303, 331, 431 410, 416, 419, 424, 428, 430
Tobacco 49, 50, 56, 80–82 Witches 18, 19, 19n63, 20, 21, 21n74, 22–
Torture 19, 40n129, 156n40 25, 27, 28n97, 29, 30, 38, 39n126, 40,
Tuccia 307 40n129, 41, 41n132, 42, 42n134, 45,
Tumors 93, 144, 144n2, 152, 284, 290 56n185, 58, 81, 86, 121, 146–148, 152,
153, 153n24, 153n25, 154, 157, 164, 169,
Ulpian 281, 336n1, 431 169n76, 171, 171n2, 270, 292, 295, 297,
Universities 1, 3, 4, 6, 11, 180 300–302, 305–308, 310, 311, 313–315,
Urine 1, 2, 2n3, 3, 92n15, 94, 95, 124, 134, 318–322, 324, 326, 327, 327n2, 328–330,
134n34, 147, 193, 199, 200, 200n19, 332n3, 333–335, 337, 342–347, 350, 351,
217, 217n1, 217n4, 218, 218n4, 218n5, 352n1, 353–356, 359, 360, 362, 364–367,
219, 219n7, 219n9, 219n10, 220, 220n12, 371, 372, 372n10, 373–376, 378–383, 385,
220n15, 220n16, 221–224, 224n24, 226, 386, 388–392, 394–397, 401, 402, 404,
285, 430 407–413, 415–417, 419, 422, 432
Wizards 25, 27, 28n97, 60, 171, 172, 322–324,
Valleriola 137 330, 331, 336, 340, 343, 374, 411, 420
Virgil 31, 32, 92n13, 141n4, 147n7, 251n17, Women 2, 5n16, 6, 10n32, 11–14, 16, 21, 22,
264n15, 338n3, 340, 341, 432 27, 28, 28n97, 30, 47, 49, 58–60, 63, 81,
Vomit 56, 84, 85, 103, 104, 106, 107, 126, 185, 84, 93–97, 100, 102n42, 104, 105n52,
199, 199n14, 286, 351, 352 107, 107n60, 107n61, 109, 110, 110n2,
111, 117, 118, 124n4, 125, 132, 136n4, 144–
War of the Roses 5 146, 146n5, 147, 152n23, 153, 155n31, 161,
Warbeck, Perkin 338 163n64, 164–166, 166n70, 167–171, 171n2,
Warwickshire 137, 159 172, 186, 186n17, 186n20, 187n23, 187n24,
Water 28, 29, 29n100, 42, 45, 47, 120, 147, 197n8, 217, 221, 222, 223n23, 224n24,
150, 172, 200n16, 217n2, 227, 234, 281, 269, 290, 291, 303, 306, 322, 323, 329,
289, 306, 307, 317, 348, 352, 369, 370, 332n3, 333, 335, 339, 343, 344, 352, 359,
380–386, 388, 389, 405 365–367, 371, 375, 378, 384, 394, 412,
Wierus 18, 19, 19n66, 19n67, 20, 20n70, 21, 413, 421
142n7, 166n70, 169, 352, 432 Worms 95, 97, 100, 117, 172, 184, 290, 291
Winthrop family 5, 5n16
Witch of Endor 21, 38, 39, 40n128, 40n129, Yarmouth 23
41, 42, 306, 329, 358 Yorkshire 365
Witch’s mark 29, 152, 153, 412, 413, 415, 416

Todd H.J. Pettigrew, Stephanie M. Pettigrew and Jacques A. Bailly - The Major Works of John Cotta - The Short Discovery (1612) and The Trial of Witchcraft (1616) - BRILL (2018)

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The Major Works of John Cotta

The Renaissance Society of America

Ingrid De Smet (University of Warwick)

Anne Coldiron (Florida State University)

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/rsa

Todd H.J. Pettigrew

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Copyright 2019 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

A Short Discovery of the Unobserved Dangers of Several Sorts of

To the right honorable, right worshipful, and worthy gentlemen, my

The First Book

3 Women, their custom and practice about the sick, common-visiting

4 Fugitives, workers of juggling wonders, quacksalvers 120

7 Of Practicers by Spells 140

8 The explication of the true discovery of witchcraft in the sick,

10 Servants of Physician, Ministering Helpers 173

The Second Book

1 The Methodian Learned Deceiver or Heretic Physician 179

2 Of Beneficed Practicers 193

3 Of Astrologers, Ephemerides-masters 203

4 Of Conjectors by Urine 217

The Third Book

1 The True Artist, His Right Description and Election 233

2 Of the Physician’s Education 247

The Trial of Witchcraft, Showing the True and Right Method of

To the Reader 273

1 Of natural knowledge and how it is solely acquired, either by sense or

3 Whether witchcraft have any other ways or means of investigation

4 Of the works of witches and devils 297

5 The works of the Devil by himself, solely wrought without the

7 The works of the Devil or witches manifest to reason, or consequence

8 Of divers kinds and manners, wherein sorcerers and witches receive

9 Of wizards and impostors, how they differ from witches 336

10 How men may by reason and nature be satisfied, concerning such as

12 That witches and witchcraft may be discovered by probable reason

13 The confutation of divers erroneous ways unto the discovery of

14 The casting of witches into the water, scratching, beating, pinching,

15 The exploration of witches, by supernatural revelations in the

Appendix 1: Textual Notes 403

Around the year AD 1600, in the English county of Northamptonshire, there

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004372849_002

It is a common practice in these days, by colorable derivation of sup-

1 For Cotta’s account, see pages 226–227 of this volume.

contained the ample understanding of all things necessary to inform a

“Common simplicity” would become Cotta’s archenemy. It is the tendency of

1 An Early Modern English Physician

4 See pages 217–218 in this edition.

Oxford or Cambridge, though by the seventeenth century this process seems

7 Allen, “Medical Education,” 116.

century Northamptonshire had seen the rise of a new, wealthy aristocratic

13 Greenall, Northamptonshire, 60–63.

2 Cotta and the Medical Landscape

2.1 Experience and Method

the substantial corpus of classical medical knowledge could a physician hope

It is difficult to see … how the mere knowledge of a disease by itself could

22 See pages 88–89 in this edition.

Reading Cotta, we come to see why a methodian approach would be vexing to